All Rights E-Magazine

Volume : 01, Issue : 04, May-2013

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A Bilingual Monthly

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1984 Uncovering the truth

COVER STORY

Feel the blue in Marathwada!

A Bilingual Monthly VOLUME : 01, ISSUE : 04, MAY - 2013

In the playground of Videocon, Bajaj, Audi, Skoda, Garware and the likes, survival lies in knowing and identifying where the water is. Where there is water, there is money.

Money could buy more water, if not then beer! And where there is none, still the drum beats for "Jai Bheem". Some serious blue sky thinking needed!

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ADB’s New Found Mantra for Resource Exploitation

54 Kejriwal’s Political Pursuit

26 MORE CONTENTS

Erasing Own Footprints

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India buckles before European Union

Beneath the haze of Development

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Editor : Gopal Chandra Agarwal Executive Editor : Pankaj Shukla Spl Correspondent : Subodh Kumar Copy Editors : Yogesh Pandey & Subodh Kumar Contributers : Amlendu Upadhyay , Political Analyst Ragnath Singh, Independent Journalist Abhishek Srivastava, Independent Journalist Kumar Sundaram, Editor dianuke.org Jerry Z. Muller, Professor, Catholic University of America Arvind Shesh, Journalist, Jansatta Devinder Sharma, Agriculture and Food Policy Analyst Anjani Kumar, Social Activist Badri Raina, Noted Political Commentator Manoj Mitta, Senior Journalist HS Phoolka, Senior Advocate, Supreme Court of India Abhinav Tripathi, TV Journalist Jonathan Shainin, Journalist, The New Yorker Praveen Kumar (Graphic Designer)

Book Review : The rape of Berlin 03

18 42

Owner, Editor, Printer & Publisher : Gopal Chandra Agarwal Published At : 17, Maurya Complex B-28, Subhash Chowk, Laxmi Nagar Delhi-110092, Phone : 011-42147246, 22045586, 22046586 Printed At : Neeta Press, Shed No. 19, D.S.I.D.C. Indl. Complex Dakshinpuri, New Delhi- 110062 Associates : PP Singh, Vishal Varshney, Omender Singh Yadav

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The views expressed by authors are personal and do not necessarily reflect views of All Rights. The magazine is protected under copyright laws, all Content, unless stated, is owned by All Rights and its content providers and may not be used in any form without prior consent. The jurisdiction for all disputes concerning sale, subscription and published matter will be settled in courts/forum/tribunals at Delhi.

RNI NO. DELBIL/2013/48560

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

ALL RIGHTS

LETTERS

Protect The Rights Of The Indigenous People Of India To, Sri Pranab Mukherjee, President of India, Dear Sir, It is extremely painful to state that I come from an Adivasi (tribal) family, who was displaced by an irrigation project without rehabilitation in 1980 and my parents were brutally murdered in 1990. However, I was managed to survive. On 30th April, 2013, you have inaugurated a power project of the Jindal Steel & Power Ltd at Sundarpahari comes under Godda district of Jharkhand.

However, it seems that the tribal people were not allowed to put their concerns in front of you. The tribal people of 11 villages had gathered near Sundarpahari to raise their voices against the power project as some of them had already been displaced during the construction of ‘Sundar Dam’ and now they’ll again be displaced by the Jindal’s power project. However, these tribals were detained in Sundarpahari police station instead of hearing their plea. The question here is do they have right to freedom of expression under Article 19 of the Indian Constitution? The police have regularly been coercing the tribals who don’t want to surrender their land to the Jindal Company. According to the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949, the land is non-transferable and non-saleable, whether owned by tribals or non-tribals. But how the tribals land is being bought by the Jindal Company? Is the Jindal Company allowed to violet the rule of law? The Hon’ble Supreme Court of India through a writ petition (CIVIL) NO. 180 OF 2011 (Orissa Mining Corporation Vs Ministry of Environment & Forest & Others) has said that the Section 4(d) of the PESA Act 1996 says that every Gram Sabha shall be competent to safeguard and preserve the traditions, customs of the people, their cultural identity, community resources and community mode of dispute resolution. Therefore, Grama Sabha functioning under the Forest Rights Act read with Section 4(d) of PESA Act has an obligation to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the STs and other forest dwellers, their cultural identity, community resources. The Court has ordered the State Government to settle the matter with the Gram Sabha. But is the case of Jindal Company, where is the role of Gram Sabha?

Why it has been undermined or put aside? Why did PESA Act 1996 not enforced in this case? Is it because the head of the Jindal Steel & Power Limited is one of the powerful leaders of the Congress Party? The tribal people have already lost more than 23 lakh acres of land in Jharkhand in two ways - i) The major part of tribals’ land were taken away from them in the name of growth and development and ii) the non-tribals who came into the 5th Scheduled Area of Jharkhand for jobs also grabbed a huge portion of the tribal land illegally after earning huge money from the development projects and mining.

Though the Article 19 (d) & (e) allows the all citizens to move freely throughout the territory of India and to reside and settle in any part of the territory of India but subclause (5) also emphasizes that the state can impose reasonable restrictions on the exercise of any of the rights conferred by the said sub-clauses (d & e) for the protecALL RIGHTS

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tion of the interests of any Scheduled Tribe. However, nothing has been done in this regard to protect the tribal people. Consequently, the population of the non-tribals is multiplying in the Scheduled areas and the tribal population is rapidly declining.

4. The Jharkhand Government has signed more than 100 MoUs with National and multi-National companies, who are grabbing the trabals land illegally and the government is facilitating it instead of protection the land rights of tribals. The Jharkhand Government has also proposed for two industrial corridors under the Jharkhand Industrial policy 2012. According to JIP-14 (a) State Govt. will initiate necessary steps to promote / develop two industrial corridors, namely Koderma – Bahragora and Ranchi-Patratu- Ramgarh Road, where the efforts will be made to develop the corridor with 25 KM each side of 4 laning, which means, major part of the land will be handed over to the corporate houses. If that happens then where will the tribal people go? Do they have right to a dignified life?

Since, you are the custodian of the tribal people of India, therefore, I demand for following actions: 1. To order for investigation on detention of tribals and land grab by the Jindal Steel & Power Limited in Sundar Pahari and also cancel the Jindal’s power project as it is a severe threat to the existence of the tribal people especially the Primitive tribes (Paharia) of Sundar Pahari.

2. To investigate and cancel all the MoUs signed since 2000 without consent of the Gram Sabha under PESA Act 1996 and also order for withdrawal of the Industrial Police 2012 and order the state administration to return the illegally acquired land of the tribals by the corporate houses.

3. To order for a judicial inquiry in all the cases of illegal land grabbed by the non Adivasis in the Scheduled areas.

4. To order to stop the corporate to buy land by themselves and order the Government to acquire land under the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949 and Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908 for development projects with the consent of the Gram Sabha under PESA Act 1996.

5. To order the Government to enforce the rule of law i.e. Constitutional provisions, 5th Schedule Area, PESA Act 1996, CNT Act 1908, SPT Act 1949, the Forest Rights Act 2006, etc. Indeed, it’s necessary to take the above said steps to protect the constitutional, legal and traditional rights of the tribal people. However, if you are unable to protect us, I would humbly request you to gather all the tribal people at a place and shoot them so that you’ll get rid of us and could build this nation on the graveyards of the tribal as per your dream.

The architect of the Modern India Pt. Jwaharlal Nehru’s Temples of Modern India has turned into graveyards of the tribals (Indigenous People of India). Therefore, in the next time whenever and wherever you inaugurate such development project proposed on the tribals’ land, please remembers that you are building this nation on the graveyards of the Indigenous People of India. n Yours sincerely, Gladson Dungdung General Secretary, JHRM, Ranchi.

EDITORIAL

I

Expanse between ‘left’ and ‘right’ called centre

ndia is a nation which has its own way of defining and redefining theories. It is a nation with its uncanny character of evolving as a synthesis to a well-established thesis and its anti-thesis. Whichever idea, product or thought enters its arena gets Indianized, if it has to survive in a long run. Be it a case with Mc Donalds burgers or chicken from KFC; it has to carry Indian flavour to sustain itself in the aspiring Indian market. Same applies to politics of this vastly diversified country of ours. Be it the ideology of ‘Left’ borrowed from Marx and his companions or the ideology of ‘Right’ borrowed from predominant west. The thumb rule to rule at Centre in Delhi will always be that, it can be ruled only from centre. A minister in the same government may sympathise with left or tilt towards right but the head of government i.e. Prime Minister must have flexibility to adopt both version of truth and take the right decision to opt for the idea which offers pragmatic solution. One classic example of this centrist avatar of Prime Ministership was the government of Atal Bihari Bajpayee. Being head of a government of the party touted as right winger, it was only his ability to accommodate views of all the allies (many of them were not natural ally except Shiv Sena and Akali Dal) enabled him to successfully run the first coalition government in the political history of India and complete its term. We have seen JD (U) leader and Bihar's feted chief minister Nitish Kumar asking the NDA to announce its prime ministerial candidate by the year end coupled with a clause that the candidate must have impeccable secular credentials. Nitish’s rhetoric of no question of compromise with principles in the recently concluded JD (U) national executive sounds like Abraham Lincoln’s dictum- "Important principles may, and must, be inflexible." But the irony is that Lincoln was further challenged by comedian Groucho Marx's who said that, "Those are my principles, and if you don't like them…well, I have others”. Groucho Marx's assertion here is more apt for political parties in India. Nitish is no more a novice in politics. He is a by-product of what is called total revolution spearheaded by Jai Prakash Narayan. He was and is perfectly aware that a party which holds the building of the Ram Mandir dear to its chest cannot be secular in the true sense of the word. Same is the case with the allies who jumped onto the UPA bandwagon. It was astounding by the effrontery of the Left in UPA 1 on its sudden rediscovery of principles to prevent the nuclear deal and take a stand against US hegemony. Undoubtedly Left's leaders were driven by a desire for power when they threw in their weight behind the Congress led UPA government. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh neither gave even an iota of indication that he is a socialist of the same bent like comrades and nor did he claimed that he is averse to better ties with the US. Yet, when he leaped forward with his nuclear and economic policies, the Left acted in such a manner that their camaraderie will make them victor of Raisina Hills from AKG Bhavan. Finally, the result is that they had to exit into near oblivion.

Both Left and Right are borrowed concepts from 05

Europe with no comparable reverberation in Indian economic or political belief. They entered into Indian political discourse in 1920s when inspired by socialism of erstwhile USSR and communist countries, Congressmen like Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhash Chandra Bose ushered in to dominate the discourse. By and large Mahatma Gandhi was outside or above such categorisation.

Prior to Gandhi there was no ruler, emperor or leader who went on to show such deeper commitment to eradicate poverty and the hateful curse of caste oppression.

Was Gandhi a leftist? The answer is not by the logic of Marxists or his fellows, who were influenced by the idea of ‘ends justify means’ rather than the other way. While Gandhi personified that the legitimacy of end can only be justified if it is achieved by pious means. Whereas Indian right, unbridled by either doctrine or morality, placed its faith around of greed driven endeavours.

They were rather naive to the land diseased by acute poverty, but they never hesitated in giving sermons to the poor. Every morning their money whispered in the ears of poverty ridden populace of this nation with an echo that they are always right. Don’t forget here that money is an intellectual laxative. On the other hand Gandhi, wrapped in loincloth like an alchemist authored an essential but partially acknowledged, philosophy for India: that the economic emancipation for the poor had to be accompanied with social revolution.

Leaders like Gandhi and Ambedkar realised that the venomous ruts of this country did not run along merely the deep divides of wealth or class. Oppression also had a cruel cultural sanction of castes which makes human beings with a right to equality, touchable or untouchable. This is what Marxists who were so enamoured in the debate of class, failed to understand the nuances of caste system in India, and that is why Indians never really understood Marxism. However Indian Marxists did eventually accept the virtues of pragmatism. Just like in a manner Hinduism became elastic enough to absorb the threat from Buddhism. Indian Marxism broadened its horizon to accommodate religion and therefore as theist a community as Muslims began to vote for an officially atheist party like CPM. As swadeshi saffron and communist red march shoulder to shoulder against FDI, and defining their competing views on secularism. The competition looks creative. With BJP inconspicuously shifting its base towards the social centre, Congress is trying to shift the centre away from an encroaching BJP. A radical move in this bidding war has been made by Narendra Modi, through the Gujarat government’s appeal for harsher punishment for those convicted in Gujarat pogrom. This is rather unprecedented. And Modi will doubtlessly compare this in his public speeches with the upward mobility within Congress ranks of Jagdish Tytler and acquittal of Sajjan Kumar, both an instigator during the anti-Sikh riots of 1984. So in a political fray to rule the centre, affiliation to ideology has no more ground to sit, and between the two extremes ‘left’ and ‘right’ there lies a vast expanse, in which a majority of population can live without being either. n (editorallrights@gmail.com) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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Kejriwal’s Political Pursuit

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26

SPECIAL STORY

by Yogesh Pandey

Kejriwal’s game-plan is not very hard to decipher: He acts local to gain national recognition through a debut at the national theatre of country’s capital which apparently is the most media sensitive region. Somewhat the AAP has been able to create enough national buzz, though its little impact can only be seen at the regional level—Delhi, from where kejriwal has already announced that he would contest the assembly elections going to be held in November this year.

A

sense of enthusiasm could be felt in bustling Sunder Nagri area in New Delhi. A white kurta-clad 44-year old man sporting a Gandhi cap with ‘Mai hu Aam Aadmi’ emblazoned on it, was exhorting people on variety of issues currently discussed in the mainstream media. He is neither a billionaire, nor a curse of hereditary politics, talking endlessly of Gandhism to bring about a change and that too at a time when around half of the world’s quest of change is engulfed in a bloodbath. His talks have substance which instill a sense of confidence in people donning the Gandhian cap to conquer the sky. The silent commotion at Sunder Nagri was clearly speaking itself the emergence of an ex-IRS official striving to cleanse the existing system by diving into the mud of politics. The day was 6th April, 2013 and the man was Aam Aadmi Party convener Arvind Kejriwal who ended his 15-day old fast against the capital’s ‘inflated’ power and water bills.

Ever since Kejriwal parted ways with his mentor Anna Hazare who initially spearheaded the nationwide agitation for an independent Lokpal, to float his own political outfit, he has been trying to champion the cause of common man by frequently raking up the last man’s problems at the national level. His recently concluded fast was aimed at striking a chord with the people living in Delhi slums and other poor residents, who according to him has been bearing the brunt of ‘corruption’ in Delhi’s water and power sector.

Kejriwal’s game-plan is not very hard to decipher: He acts local to gain national recognition through a debut at the national theatre of country’s capital which apparently is the most media sensitive region.

Somewhat the AAP has been able to create enough national buzz, though its little impact can only be seen at the regional level—Delhi, from where kejri27

wal has already announced that he would contest the assembly elections going to be held in November this year.

As Kejriwal has been leaving no stone unturned to appear as a viable alternative for the people ‘tired’ of ‘corrupt’ politics of BJP and Congress, a question resonating in every mind is whether the failure of Lokpal movement prompted him to come up with a party or he already knew about the fate of his protest and that it was all pre-planned to earn enough media blitzkrieg before carving out his own party. In other words was Team Anna’s Jan Lokpal movement meant to prepare ground for AAP? If that was the case then critics accuse Kejriwal of using Anna Hazare as a ladder to climb to public prominence. This is something which has been broadly discussed in media by veteran journalists and columnist.

Anna himself once called Kejriwal that he may have greed of power. “It may be possible that he is greedy of power, but he has no other greed.” Anna said in an interview to a Television network.

Though, Kejriwal denies these claims saying, “Anna is not a toy to be used,” “No one in this country uses anyone. We are not in selfish politics; we are here for the country.”

These talks have now been put to rest as Kejriwal is not in mood to look back. Since he announced to form a political party, he has used several occasions to flay political parties by embarking on expose spree against both BJP and Congress even not leaving the untouched malaise in corporate world. He challenged RIL chairman Mukesh Ambani while ‘exposing’ the alleged anomalies committed by company in K-G basin project. This was something very blunt by a politician taking on one of the largest business conglomerates of the world. He is the man who if not wholly but partially can be attributed in BJP’s denying Nitin Gadkari second term as party’s chief.

His role in unearthing Vadra’s alleged land scam may not have cut much ice, but the ‘exposure’ sent shockwaves in Delhi’s power corridors. His back to

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קü-2013

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These exposures brought to light business-politics nexus, vices of dynastical political culture and corruption in the garb of serving people. However, these issues were earlier too in the domain of media discussion but this time it was brought with a new vigour and made headlines. In doing so Kejriwal and co. also received criticism for not pursuing a single case at a time and leaving it mid way. This was may be because of compulsion of a struggling politician to hog the media limelight in order to sustain his connect with the supporters, after all expose makes enough news than its follow-ups. But why no mention of those exposes now? Was flinging allegations aimed at gaining media hype? Have those cases met dead end?

"He wants popularity and is using the media for this. He does not know what democracy, parliamentary procedures are," an angry union minister said in response to Kejriwal’s series of exposes. These are the some genuine queries and opposition that Kejriwal had to deal with, but unfazed he went on and on ‘exposing’ businessmen and politicians based on what he believes is substantial proof.

Political Plunge But now as he has officially launched his political party, he is eyeing on an electoral mandate to“change the current corrupt and self-serving system of politics forever,” as Aam Aadmi Party’s official website reads.

The activist-turned politician has made Delhi his political Karmabhoomi for now. Of his few ‘scam revelations’, the disclosure about the alleged tainted nexus between Delhi government and discoms and corruption in Delhi Jal Board have come handy for his current line of politics. His civil disobedience movement which asked state residents not to pay ‘inflated’ power and water bills has been claimed to have got over “10 lakh signatures where people have agreed that the government is ALL RIGHTS

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fleecing them.” Party’s website shows 97% of the total vote polled online has extended their support.

Riding on this ‘support’, AAP is set to contest Delhi assembly polls on ‘Bijli-Paani’ plank, which its members contend will dent poll prospects of the BJP and ruling Congress. Although that may be not easy seeing decades old entrenched cadre base of both the parties in every constituency.

However, there’s every possibility of AAP splitting anti-Congress votes, giving a jolt to BJP’s dream of resurgence in the capital. The main opposition party has been out of power since 1998, and AAP’s emergence under the leadership of rising Arvind Kejriwal can further enfeeble its hopes to regain lost ground. The fear of AAP eating into its votes is giving the saffron party nightmares. To make matters worse, the party has been already reeling under leadership issues and internal schism.

“We failed to make an impact that Kejriwal is making among people even though we have been raising the power issue for the past many years. It’s time the BJP devised a strategy to counter his growing clout,” former BJP state chief said.

It is not only the BJP, the ruling Congress too is wary of Kejriwal’s rising popularity.

“Many people have approached me and said that if the 28

Congress did not field a candidate of their choice, they would definitely vote for Kejriwal’s party.

We cannot afford to be complacent now. The rising popularity of AAP can harm us. While some believe that AAP would ultimately end up benefiting the Congress as it would divide the anti-incumbency vote, it should be remembered that a negative vote always harms the ruling dispensation more than the others,” said a senior Delhi Congress leader.

However, not many agree with the likelihood of the AAP preventing Sheila Dikshit’s from achieving the feat of becoming India’s first woman chief minister to have served consecutive four terms.

“The Congress would retain its core jhuggi and unauthorised colony votes while the BJP would also retain its dedicated votes. In the last Assembly elections the difference in the votes of the two parties was just about 3.5 per cent.

So if AAP were to take even 2 per cent votes, it would actually be beneficial for the Congress, which would be seeking a record fourth term in the Assembly,” a senior Congress legislator said, reiterating that AAP would only harm the interests of the BJP. "It is nothing but tamasha.

There is a vast difference between staging dharnas and getting votes.

You wait and watch. Their

SPECIAL STORY deposits will be forfeited when they fight elections in Delhi,” said Delhi Congress president JP Agrawal while talking to Economic Times.

The recently concluded AAP’s Gandhi-styled civil disobedience movement may not have impressed the media but it has certainly conveyed to voters in Delhi that a new player has emerged in the political theatre. The AAP has convincingly registered their presence to the electorates in the national capital who would be soon exercising their franchise to elect a rightful claimant of power.

"Though the media attention was less this time, we succeeded in our protest because our volunteers were working at the ground level. Kejriwal's fast, combined with our door-to-door campaigning and the help desks we set up in 272 wards across the capital, helped to make our movement a success," Gopal Rai, a senior member of AAP, told a news agency.

The rising popularity of Arvind Kejriwal can be gauged from the fact that the parents of 5-year old girl who battled for her life after being brutally raped, called Arvind Kejriwal’s AAP when Delhi Police was trying to ‘hushup’ the case. As a result, hundreds of AAP activists rushed to the Gandhi Nagar Police station and marched through the Delhi streets from Delhi Police headquarters to Prime Minister’s residence, 7 Race Course Road, helping the victim’s family in difficult processes of dealing with the Delhi Police and hospital staff.

AAP Strategists:

A former journalist with Zee News, Sisodiya, 41, joined social service and formed NGO Parivartana with Kejriwal in 2000 to push demand for Right-To-Information Act. He now plays role of AAP’s Chief Spokesman and amember of National Executive of the party.

He was awarded ‘S R Jindal Prize – 2011’ for ‘Crusade against Corruption’. The AAP slogan ‘Mai hun Aam Aadmi (I’m a common man)’ was coined by him.

Prashant Bhushan : An eminent Supreme Court lawyer, Prashant Bhushan, 56, is the legal eagle and one of the close aides of Kejriwal. Son of former Law Minister Shanti Bhushan, he has been constantly vociferous for civil liberties and used Public Interest Litigation (PIL) for greater accountability in public life. He is associated with various organisations including the Centre for Public Interest Litigation, People's Union for Civil Liberties, Committee on Judicial Accountability and Transparency International (India). He was instrumental in gathering and testing documents which led to the ‘expose’ of several scams by Team Kejriwal. He had been associated with Jan Lokpal movement from the beginning. Bhushan is one of the 23

members of AAP National Executive.

Yogendra Yadav : An alumini of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Yogendra Yadav, 49, is noted political scientist and psephologist currently associated with New Delhi's Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) as a senior fellow. He was also appointed as member of National Advisory Council for the implementation of Right To Education Act. He has also done many exit polls and opinion polls for different media groups. His role is expanding the party’s reach by acting as a bridge between the anti-corruption movement and pre-existing people’s movements.

Yadav has been trying to bring on board different apolitical movements running across the country.

He has drafted the constitution of AAP. We can see him representing the party on leading news networks.

AAP’s Strengths: Kejriwal’s recently concluded 15-day long fast held in Sundar Nagri, a slum redevelopment colony in northeast Delhi has showed that the party is focusing to appear as a savior for the urban slum dwellers. Kejriwal has been

Kejriwal is not alone. Under his tutelage, it is the constellation of intellectuals doing everything to take AAP forward. These people no doubt are the bedrock of the party and it would be interesting to see how they sail the organization through teething troubles and cope with the numerous challenges ahead.

Manish Sisodia : This man can be seen with Kejriwal by his side almost every time, often exchanging ideas during Press Conferences, rallies and protest venues.

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SPECIAL STORY putting in all the efforts to find a place in their hearts, to make them party’s core constituency. As a result, if one travels across Delhi’s slums and colonies, he will find AAP’s posters and hoardings in every nook and corner. The party if not entirely is also getting pan Indian acknowledgment by the media. The main energy the AAP has is the support of youths, who donning the party’s cap could be seen reaching out to the people to muster the support for its Civil Disobedience Movement. Though one cannot deny that the youngsters had been disillusioned with India Against Corruption (IAC) and Team Anna soon after Kejriwal’s decision to give the anti-corruption movement a political shape.

The Weaknesses : Aam Aadmi Party’s basic weakness lies in the fact that its members including those party founders have no political experience. Including Kejriwal, the AAP fully lacks politically skilled leaders. No rural reach is the sole reason why the party is focusing heavily on Delhi’s urban population, apparently to cash in on people’s anti-corruption sentiments stirred by Anna’s movement. Many who left the party in its nascent stage feel that Kejriwal is an adamant leader and has an authoritative style of functioning. They say that members cannot even question his decision let alone vetoing it and that the party doesn’t follow the basic principles of democracy. This if fully believed implies that Kejriwal is somewhat devoid of leadership abilities which demands for taking everyone along.

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Challenges Ahead : The main challenge before Kejriwal’s AAP is to at least garner enough electorate support to maintain its relevance in the capital’s political turf. The party has to prove that the ‘massive people’s support’ which it claims to have got during the Civil Disobedience Movement has translated into votes, as dismal performance in the polls will render their claims hollow. Moreover, Kejriwal will have to be circumspect during ticket distribution, making sure that no person with criminal background or tainted image gets party ticket as any such case will be blown in the media inviting four-pronged attack from rival parties which will tarnish party’s image. Also, Kejriwal has to ensure that his leadership mantle doesn’t get questioned by other members in party’s national executive as this can lead to discontent and factional division. It will be damn interesting to witness how the AAP with all its inexperience take on political giants like the Congress and the BJP. One the one hand there is a party led by bunch of former activists and on the other, political heavyweights of BJP and Congress will try every trick to tame Kejriwal’s impact. Though Kejriwal and Co has nothing to lose, but it will be an onerous task for the party to sustain its relevance in the political scene, even if it comes from the loss in the upcoming election. In a nutshell, the fate of AAP and Kejriwal will be decided in the next winter season. n (Yogesh@allrights.co.in) With additional inputs from Kumar Sahil

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Feel the blue in Marathwada!

"I remember the Manipal meeting most of all for a talk on the last day by the Mysore-based writer Devanur Mahadeva. Mahedeva began by reading out a short poem in Kannada, written not by him but by a Dalit woman of his acquaintance. The poem spoke reverentially of the great Dalit leader B. R. Ambedkar (1889–1956), and, especially, of the dark blue suit that Ambedkar invariably wore in the last three decades of his life. Why did the Dalit lady focus on Ambedkar’s suit, asked Mahadeva? If Ambedkar had worn a dhoti, went on Mahadeva, that would not occasion wonder or surprise. He is a Dalit, we would say—what else should he wear? Millions of his caste fellows wear nothing else. It is the fact that he escaped their fate that is symbolized in that suit." Ramchandra Guha, "The Darling of the dispossessed" (The Hindu, 08.12.2002)

I

by Abhishek Srivastava in Aurangabad

was in a fix. Since last two hours on the way to Paithan, I was witnessing a phenomenon, simply blue drums! Lined on the state highway for filling water from tankers, visibly put outside each and every home, installed on rooftops in line hotels, hanging dejectedly from bicycles and bullock carts, the same blue plastic drums. I asked our Dalit driver Kailash, "Why only blue drums here?" He smiles unknowingly with his typical dark Marathi face on

windscreen, "I don't know... but yes, it's true!" Welcome to Marathwada, the world of unending blues.

This is 14th day of April and 122nd birthday of "Vishwaratan" Babasaheb Ambedkar, as the infinite blue banners and hoardings speak of him everywhere and anywhere amidst what is being told as the greatest famine after 1972 affecting 3905 villages in 12 districts of Marathwada.

It's an interesting analogy although somewhat misplaced, if at all. If Ambedkar had "escaped the fate of Dalits that is symbolized in his blue suit", so the people with blue drums who have escaped the fangs Photos by Abhishek Srivastava

Blue empty drums ALL RIGHTS

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Jayakwadi Reservoir

of death at least till now. So blue rescues from the blues! Isn't it? Kailash may not be well versed with all this metaphor, yet he gives a clue, "Last week when people had gathered in city (Aurangabad) from nearby villages for monthly haat (market), someeight buffaloes died of thirst... all due to the inaction of Ajit Pawar and likes." "So who will you vote for in the upcoming elections?" There comes the prompt reply, "Shiv Sena". And this is not just Kailash, it represents 20 percent of this area's Dalit voice of whom almost 85 percent are agricultural labors seen nowhere nowadays in the ochre barren fields.

As we head towards Jayakwadi, the largest earthen dam of this region, we come across a leaking water tanker just waiting outside the gate of Garware Polyester. Milind, another Dalit from Piparwadi village tells us that industries here do get regular supply of water from the dam directly and government tankers are only meant for the people. So what this tanker is waiting for? Obviously not for the people at least. Thre are three filling points on the way to Paithan (taluka where Jayakwadi is situated) from Aurangabad all run by Aurangabad Municipal Corporation. An average 25-30 tankers are filled daily at each point, each having a capacity of 12000 litres.

Every village gets two tankers daily irrespective of its size and populace leaving people like Milind sitting on the boundary wall of filling stations waiting for something to leak out accidentally and fill their blue drums.

As if this is not enough, a small locality named Lasur on Manmad-Aurangabad rail route just 20 minutes back gets a tanker twice a week. Jayanti has appeared in B.Com final year exams this month and she is on the way to "city" (Aurangabad) by ShirdiSecunderabad Express with her mother, father, small sister, grandpa and leaning grandma, who needs to be admitted to a hospital having regular water supply. Lasur has some small nursing homes with almost all non-functional due to water shortage. She 35

tells us that water has never been at the mark of "development" in this area although this year has brought handful of woes. They store whatever they could get from the twice a week tanker and rest is the story of loot and greed. Kailash opens the case, "Each village is supposed to get four tankers but the government officials only send two and the rest are blackmarketed." Now, if we could make out the simple mathematics: if 100 municipal tankers are filled daily at three municipal filling points between Aurangabad and Paithan, 50 are blackmarketed, then the total water being sold illegally in just 50 kilometres stretch (Aurangabad to Paithan is 53 kilometres) comes out to be six lakh litres! The tanker waiting outside Garware Polyester is obviously no mystery.

So Milind's blue drum may see an endless wait today, although he is not ready to spare time after 5.00 p.m. as he has to go for a march and function with his family. He says, "Babasaheb ko jaante hain aap? Kitaab mein padha hoga? Bahut mahaan aadmi the, aaj unka jayanti hai." Kailash is also eager to return before six in the evening so he drives us fast to Jayakwadi Dam, walls of which are painted with the name Nath Sagar, popular name of the reservoir. It's a huge expanse of water at the first sight with people bathing and diving on its banks. A newcomer may not be able to make the sense out of Ajit Pawar "urine" statement as there is much water visible to challenge the Pawar clan's urinating capacity and legitimacy. Although visibility is one thing that may not reflect the real intentions, as with the case of Pawar's day long repentance fast. We ask one Mr. Namdeo to explain the situation who has been here at the dam for last 25 years. He tells us that the visible part of a huge green pasture amidst reservoir waters is the unique scene witnessed otherwise water was always more or less up to mark. "This is due to shortage of rainfall", he says.

Interestingly no commoner referred to water diversion that is being talked of in media nowadays. ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קü-2013

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Good Time recipe

On the contrary, some seemed to justify regular water supply to industries like Mr. Bisht, who had left his home district Pithauragarh in Kumaon, Uttarakhand way back in 1978 and is now settled in Aurangabad as a caterer. Bisht says, "There was nothing in Aurangabad thirty years back. Whatever you have heard of this city, like Mercedez order etc. is the result of industrialisation only. Just forget who owns these industries, but if you don't give water to them, it will be blunder." He is referring to the single largest order of 150 cars worth Rs 65 crore to Mercedez Benz in 2010, that brought global media attention to Aurangabad. The historic moment was claimed in the following words, "Aurangabad has everything and is an economic powerhouse, but investors are still scared of coming here due to its perceived negative image, which we decided to change forever," said Sachin Mulay, president of the Chamber of Marath-

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wada Industries and Agriculture in 2010. However, this "economic powerhouse" is now running on a pittance from the freshly dug up borewells in barren cotton fields and whatever has been left in the Jayakwadi dam.

On the darker side however, people have something to cheer up about. No water, not much problem. You can have a juicy mid-sized watermelon in just ten rupee or cucumbers in Jayakwadi weekly haat. You can see heaps of empty beer bottles at the back of a roadside "permit room and beer bar" in Shegaon and farmers busy in chat over a drink when the mercury is touching 40 degree celsius! Back to city,women dressed in bright red-green sarisand men in their white shirts line up outside the Indian Hotel in Peer Bazaar, a predominant muslim locality of Aurangabad. They are celebrating their hero's birthday, children pouncing up on balloons and women licking ice-creams sticks. It's just 9.00 p.m. and the famous Hyderabadi Biryani is out of stock. So is the charitably distributed free water on a police run stall. So what? You have much options nowadays. From Aurangabad to Ahmednagar, one could see variety of mineral water bottles hanging by thread outside small shanty shops. Kailash says, "Nahin latkayenge to pata kaise chalega ki paani hai".

He is right. In the playground of Videocon, Bajaj, Audi, Skoda, Garware and the likes, survival lies in knowing and identifying where the water is. Where there is water, there is money. Money could buy more water, if not then beer! And where there is none, still the drum beats for "Jai Bheem". Some serious blue sky thinking needed! n

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Where the work is play for mortal stakes!

by Abhishek Srivastava from Parli/Gangakhed/Parbhani

T

his year January 14 was one of the most exciting day for farmer Vikram Kale when he travelled from his small village Mardesgaon in Gangakhed block of Parbhani district to far off

Haryana's Kala Amb, a memorial built in memory of the Maratha soldiers who died in the battlefield of Panipat (1761). It is said that blood of the dead soldiers was mixed with the soil and the fruit of a mango tree became black in color due to that and hence the name "Kala Amb" (Black Mango).

Whatever be its significance 251 years hence and that too 1600 kilometres away from Marathwada, but Kale's sense of identity is unrelentingly sweeping when he says, "All Marathas go there every year. It's a place of pride in our warrior legacy".

Although on the eve of elections, this pride and legacy never stops at a single "Maratha representative" party. In 2004 general elections Kale had voted for Shiv Sena but in assembly elections he chose to vote NCP candidate at Gangakhed seat. As if this was not enough, his "Maratha" constituency elected not only a nonMaratha but a Dalit MLA and that too independent! Now what will Marathas do? "No problem! If we are included in OBC, already we are Kunbi Marathas (farming community). At least we will get reser37

vation in jobs and higher studies then...", he tells us, referring to the Maratha reservation issue put forward by Sambhaji Raje, 13th descendant of Shivaji. This is a generous mix of identity, sops, moneypower and opportunism at its best. Welcome to the drought hit district of Parbhani in Marathwada, where "power flows from the water canals". n Nothing official In the last one year, this district has witnessed 74 farm suicides, 40 cases among which have been compensated officially. In the last ten years or so, at least 250 farmers have been killed by lightening itself which is a major natural problem in this belt. This year's drought has officially engulfed 123 talukas in Maharashtra, but ironically Parbhani has just a single drought affected taluka named Jintur and all 30 affected villages lie in this only. Rest 822 villages are officially drought free, thanks to colonial mathematics of calculating average crop yield (of Rabi and Khareef both) called Paisewari/Annewari/Girdawari that treats only those villages as drought hit where yield is less ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קü-2013

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COVER STORY than 50 Paisewari.

We are told by local activists that officially Jintur and unofficially Gangakhed taluka is the most severely affected one. So we decide to move on to a "drought free" village of this block curiously named Daampuri amidst Balaghat hill range 60 kilometres south of Tehsil office. A seemingly unending hilly terrain leads us to this small village that is ready to break the stereotype perception of distressed homes and expressionless people that we had been witnessing in Jalna, Beed and Aurangabad since last four days. Children on the streets, water flowing through drains, almost every home with a Dish TV antenna and refrigerator inside and young men inebriated by home made liquor from Mahua. And this is 41 degree celsius with winds at more than 50 kilometres per hour! At the village entrance one could see the wall writing, "Nagargoje parivaar aapka swagat karta hai". Nagargoje is a Maratha community which has majority of its members in this village of 2,400 population. One young man working as rozgaar sewak (employement assistant) in MNREGS tells us, "We don't have water crisis here, rather we have no work".

He takes out a long register in which just 121 people have been named as labourers in MNREGS, although all job cards are with the gram sewak and none has been issued till date!

At Daampuri Gram Panchayat office, an inebriated man is high on spirits. There are many more like him including sarpanch rubbing raw tobacco and intervening in between. Everyone has a single complaint here, "we need job". It's an irony that the village which has sufficient water supply has no work for its residents. People here can't do farming as the terrain is hilly and rainwater does not stop. Usually these people go out for cutting sugercane in neighbouring districts and states, specially Tamilnadu where wages are higher. This year although, drought hit sugercane yield is down from 8.5 lakh to just 4.5 lakh tonne following which water scarce sugar industries have winded up from their usual six months tenure to just around four months. Otherwise, there is a usual pattern of sugercane workers returning home on Akshay Tritiya (which falls on coming May 13th this year) each year. These workers are paid in advance by the muqaddam (contractors) so that they work in lieu of the amount for six months starting from mid-October. This year almost every worker is in debt because there was not much work and the advance has been consumed last year only. So in Daampuri, people need work, not water.

Now, as far as work is concerned, there are problems at both the ends. Comrade Rajan of CPI who is working since last 20 years among agriculture labourers keeps on convincing people to fill Form-4 (of job registration in MNREGS) and agitating them to demand work. He says, "MNREGS is being sabotaged here. Builder-contractor, sand mafia and sugar baron nexus is behind this". On the darker side however, Beed based journalist Atul Kulkarni openly admits, "It's a matter of Maratha pride... they will starve to death but never ask for work in MNREGA". Truth lies somewhere in between these two statements, but ALL RIGHTS

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List of watershed schemes/programmes Sr. No.

Name of Schemes/Programmes Centrally Sponsored Schemes

01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08

River Valley Project (RVP) National Watershed Development Programme (NWDP) National Agriculture Development Programme (NADP) Drought Prone Area Programme (DPAP) Integrated Watershed Management Programme (IWMP) Integrated Watershed Development Programme (IWDP) Hariyali Western Ghat Development Programme (WGDP)

State Sponsored Schemes 09 10 11 12 13 14

Marathwada Watershed Development Mission (MWDM) Vidarbha Watershed Development Mission (VWDM) Accelerated Watershed Development Programme (AWDP) Rural Infrastructure Development Fund (RIDF) Integrated Wasteland Area Development Programme (IWADP) Ideal Village (Adarsha Gaon) Scheme (IVS)

a village like Daampuri confirms the claims that compared to 1972, this time people are both grainless and waterless. n Follow the money

What about political leaders whom people have voted last time? Why don't people explicitly express their dissatisfaction? Will they change their votes next time? And if this drought is only quantitatively different just due to one single rainless season, then why don't they stop casting votes and raise voice for a radical change? Why don't they take some lesson from what is ongoing since last many years? Many questions strike at a time, answer just being the classical one: Follow the money! Yes, Kale says so, "Jahan fayda hoga janta wahan jayegi...sabko paisa chahiye" (People will follow the money route...everyone needs money). And this is confirmed by the same constituency that had voted for sitting MLA of Gangakhed Sitaram Gandhat, chairman of Abhyudaya Co-operative Bank Limited acclaimed for a whopping 65 crore election expenditure, each and every voter pocketying anything between 2000-3000 for a vote! The bank's website lists under its profile: " As on 31st March, 2012 the bank has 1.46 lakh members and more than 16.38 lakh depositors. During the F.Y. 2011-12, Bank has achieved a substantial growth in all perspectives reflecting an overall growth of 25.05 % in business mix and total business mix of the bank has reached over Rs. 10,896 Crore. As on 31st March, 2012 Bank's Deposits increased by 23.91% to Rs. 6518.85 Crore and Advances increased by 26.79% to Rs. 4377.53 Crore." Still any doubts?

Water theft with black pipeline running to sugar factory

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Masoli dam with Gangakhed sugar factory in background

This money trail could be felt everywhere in Parbhani right from its drunken villages to Masoli Dam in Gangakhed built on Masoli river, which comes as a curious exception in the times of despair. This dam was 100 percent full this year and is currently having usage capacity of 37 percent, still just serving three out of eight villages in its command area. One could see a thick black pipeline coming out of reservoir, going towards a small farm pond and then back to Gangakhed Sugar factory few kilometres away from site. This sugar factory officially takes 2 TMC water from dam and the rest is a story of theft, loot and acute water mismanagement.

Gangakhed is a single block where one could see a full dam making a mockery of drought and itself, as it is of no use to nearby villages with each and every canal gate dry and silted. So mocks the "ritual" of washing feets in Eesad village close to Masoli project where a rich Maratha farmer Satpute has every single amenity available with a den shaped personal room too that is naturally airconditioned by black basalt built walls. Satpute's son is doing MBA from a private institute in Delhi. He is concerned about big peasants gradually turning landless here. He knows the root of problem very well and speaks politically versed language, "reservation aarthik adhaar par hona chahiye." Vikram Kale, his good friend meets the logical end, "lekin aisa ho nahin sakta." Perhaps Maharashtra's political masters know these facts very well and hence they have emerged at the top of the money trail that followed a huge irrigation scam in Maharashtra. This has now been confirmed in the CAG Audit Report (Civil), Maharashtra***(refer to Box 2 and onwards) for the year 2010-2011.

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n A note from National Alliance of People's Movements released on April 18th, 2013 says: "Assessment report based on documents, diary and papers seized from the residences of its Director, Dhirendra Anant Bhat, show fine details of money paid during the pre-tendering process for garnering the contracts. Some of the beneficiaries are Deputy Minister Mr. Ajit Pawar, Former BJP President Mr. Nitin Gadkari, Gopinath Munde, Sunil Deshmukh, MLA, Mr. Vijay Vadettiwar and their associates...

Nitin Gadkari and Gopinath Munde were also paid about Rs 50 Lakh and Rs 20 Lakh respectively...Officials of MoEF as well as Darda family also seem to have received their share."

The very next Day NAPM releases one more note: "After disclosure of the Income Tax Assessment Order by Deputy Commissioner –Kolhapur, the assessor Irrigation Contractor, Mahalakshmi Infraprojects Pvt. Ltd, (MIL) with details of speed money paid to the politicians- bureaucrats in the case of Ghodziri Branch Canal of Gosikhurd Project, Vidarbha, there was a ‘reflex rejection’ of the accusation by Ajit Pawar, the Irrigation Minister, Mr. Nitin Gadkari, Mr. Munde, the BJP leaders as well as Mr. Sunil Deshmukh, former Congress Minister. The bureaucrats, some of whom are even named, however kept mum.

All this is as expected. No Scam/ Scandal, even a small bribe ever admitted by the politicians-bureacrats till they are booked. What is surprising is that none of the four took any time to look into the documents produced by us, which are those of IT department. Have the eladers commented without taking any charge and documentary proof seriously or

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Provision of funds and expenditure (in crore) Year

Budget

Expenditure

do they have full knowledge of the IT Assessment Orders which they have decided to refute? A four line superficial comments by these politicians across party lines, speaks a lot about their ‘confidence’ with no ‘concern’ but callousness about massive corruption!"

The note raises a valid question at the end: "After all exposure of Irrigation Scam/s and also CAG’s scanner – Reports of 2011 and 2012 which analysed projects including Ghodziri/Gosikhurd and criticised illegalities and irregularities including cost overruns, bringing out much scandalous situation with regard to Water Projects, does Ajit Pawar have courage to say that contractors don’t pay politicians, don’t bribe bureaucrats in decisive positions and these is no ‘Seed Money’ routed in the sector he is supposed to be leading as ‘Dada’?"

It’s also revealing that neither the BJP which is raising hue and cry about Irrigation Scam as a whole, demanding enquiry is sharing any interest in getting this particular “assessment” investigated nor the congress CM who has tried to play neutral and promote enquiries! The SIT, under the chairman Mr. Madhav Chitale, everyone by now knows can’t dig out and investigate the financial burgling and deals, given its limited TOR and restricted modus operandi. Income Tax department itself could but did not forward the case to either CVC or CBI.

Short fall

NADP 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 Total

80.00 136.52 124.00 100.00 440.52

80.00 136.48 124.00 78.07 418.55

00 0.04 00 21.93 21.97

RVP 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 Total

38.00 43.34 34.62 29.62 32.87 178.45

31.98 43.24 34.60 24.57 32.87 167.26

6.02 0.10 0.02 5.05 00 11.19

NWDP 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 Total

29.41 18.95 18.70 14.39 20.75 102.20

29.37 18.60 18.67 14.39 20.75 101.78

0.04 0.35 0.03 00 00 0.42

n A Punjabi Joke

In such a situation, the final question must be asked: Who will bell the cat? That's a distant question indeed, if we trust what Comrade Rajan is say-

MWDM 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 Total

25.00 37.00 40.00 35.00 0.00 137.00

2.07 24.67 32.03 37.01 35.65 131.43

22.93 12.33 7.97 (-) 2.01 (-) 35.65 5.57

VWDM 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 Total

95.00 125.00 72.00 72.00 0.00 364.00

95.00 100.52 71.91 58.11 13.36 338.90

00 24.48 0.09 13.89 (-)13.36 25.10

AWDP 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 Total

28.00 87.82 7.13 62.13 185.08

28.00 87.78 6.82 61.96 184.56

Grand Total

1407.17

1342.48

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0 0.04 0.31 0.17 0.52

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COVER STORY

AUDIT OBSERVATIONS

ing, "In last forty years after 1972, farmers have learnt just a single lesson out of their miseries: Run away from agriculture!" And facts are there to convince: Out of an estimated total five lakh migration from whole Marathwada, 50,000 is just from Gangakhed block! And it hasn't stopped. On our way to Tehsil headquarters, we come across a tempo full of people and plastic buckets. At least ten women, some bearded men and half a dozen children cover each and every part of the tempo traveller that is heading towards Gangakhed. "What for they are going to city? For work?" The driver smiles, "No... no, just business. They will sell old buckets, utensils and plastic articles in city to earn." I can only guess from where have they got old plastic articles to sell.

But that's none of my business because I am in Marathwada where everything is either Maratha or non-Maratha, so let's postpone any talk of almost 25 percent Muslims residing here!

So is the case of share croppers, fishermen and sugarcane cutters who are absentees in any official/unofficial relief list. Everyone seems concerned with the big farmers who are getting landless very fast. As one CPI worker says, "If big peasants will understand the real issue, they will convince other rural classes!" I am immediately reminded of something like trickle down Manmohanomics, when Vikram articulates the whole thing, "Parbhani is the Punjab of Marathwada!" True! And the drought bursts out in laughter. n

Name of TAO/SDAO

Audit observation inbrief Justification given by department

Justification given by department

TAO, Shrirampur

The farm ponds constructed in March 2009 had no inlet and outlet though an entry to this effect was recorded in the measurement book. During interaction with the local beneficiaries,it was ascertained that this was very common feature and the beneficiaries normally store water by lifting it from a nearby river or well through pumps and rain water was quite insufficient to store in the farm ponds.

The inlet and outlet wereconstructed by the beneficiary earlier and pitching was also done but subsequently it was closed by the beneficiary.

SDAO Malegaon/ TAO, Nandgaon

The pitching (stone work) inside the farm pond connected to the inlet had not been carried out.

The farm ponds of these beneficiaries constructed in the year 2008-09 and 2009-10 had inlets and outlets which were verified by the taluka level committee and accordingly, the subsidy was paid to them. But subsequently, the beneficiaries closed the inlets and outlets to the farm ponds on their own.

TAO,Deola

The height of inlet to the farm pond was more than that of the ground level in watershed area. Further, length, width and the depth of inlet was also not in conformity with the provisions of guidelines. Also, pitching work was not done on the outlet as well as inlets to avoid the siltation.

The inlet was constructed by the farmer as required but subsequently, while leveling the land around the farm pond with a view to plant fruit trees, the height of the inlet rose from its original place. About non-carrying out pitching on the inlet and outlet, the department justified it by arguing that the beneficiary had an intention to wrap the tank with plastic cover and due to this reason, the pitching was done to a lesser extent.

TAO,Miraj

The water was brought into the farm pond by lifting from nearby river, well or borewell through electric pumps.

The department had issuednotices to the beneficiaries asking their explanation for lifting water for storing in the farm pond.

(Author is a noted Independent Journalist and avid Traveller. He can be contacted at guru.abhishek@gmail.com)

Visible Migration

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ECONOMY

India buckles before European Union Is ready to sign a 'no-win' free trade agreement that benefits EU mainly

by Devinder Sharma

S

ome years back, a top Indian negotiator for the Indo-Asean Free Trade Agreement (FTA) shared with me an interesting insight. As is the normal practice, the negotiating team went to meet Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, before leaving for the talks. The underlying idea being to get the final limit -- where to draw the Lakshman Rekha -- to which India can agree to on several tricky issues during the negotiations.

The Prime Minister listened to them, and finally said: "Just go and sign."

The negotiators were shocked.

But I wasn't even surprised. The little that I know of Manmohan Singh, our ever obliging Prime Minister has been too ignorant (or is it deliberate?) about the dangers of acceding India's interests at international trade negotiations. At the time of the Uruguay Round discussions of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), I recall his statement in ALL RIGHTS

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Parliament (as the country's Finance Minister) that those who are concerned about the negative fallout of WTO have actually not read the WTO documents.

I bet if Manmohan Singh had ever read the WTO papers. I doubt if he even knows what is being negotiated at the FTAs. All he knows for sure is which Head of the State has been wanting what kind of concessions from India. And he has been more than willing to oblige.

We are now in 2013, and the Doha Development Round has failed. Even now, there is so much of mistrust in what is going on at the WTO talks, where the rich industrialized countries have still not given up on the grip, that many believe the talks have reached a dead end. In any case, the United States and European Union, the two prime pushers for an unjust and unequal trade regime, have meanwhile shifted gears to focus on bilateral and regional trade agreements. Free Trade Agreements therefore are 42

part of the Plan B and are being pursued aggressively.

While India is in an undue haste in signing an FTA with European Union, reports have now started appearing that most of the signed FTAs have turned out to be a win-lose proposition -- win for the trading partner, and loss for India. The Economic Survey 2013 observes: "Trade deficit (on

ECONOMY

customs basis) reached a peak of US$ 184.6 billion in 2011-12 from US$ 118.6 billion in 2010-11 with the highest growth of 55.6 per cent since 1950-51." (Page 156 para 7.18). This itself should be a cause for greater worry.

In a report entitled: Foreign trading partners getting more out of free trade agreements (Times of India, April 15, 2013): "Experience with half-adozen pacts that India has signed since 2004-05 shows that usually, it is the trading partner that ends up being the winner. Be it Thailand, Asean, 43

South Korea, Japan, Singapore or Malaysia, in almost all cases, imports have grown at a faster pace than exports after the government agreed to slash tariffs. In case of Singapore, where the spurt did not take place in the first year, the growth in imports from the island nation in the second and third years more than made up for the absence of the trend at the start."

The EU-India free trade agreement is no exception. The trade agreement is being signed to boost employment and prosperity in both the EU and in India. But the way the negotiations are going about, with the EU making it abundantly clear that the hiking of FDI in insurance from 26 to 49 per cent is an absolute must, and with the concerns being expressed by the domestic auto industry in India, the Gujarat Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation (GCMMF) and the Indian Pharma Alliance, it is quite clear as to whose interests the EU-India FTA will serve.

In reply to a question in EU Parliament, the European Commission's response was: "A comprehensive coverage for the EU would imply a meaningful package on tariffs (industrial and agricultural goods), high level of ambition in services, public procurement, sustainable development etc. India has an average applied tariff rate of 14.1% (wines & spirits: 150% and cars: 60% to 75%) and a substantial reduction in these tariffs would be necessary. In services, India will need to take commitments in sectors of EU interest such as retail banking and insurance. Legal certainty for EU companies is invaluable as they contemplate investments in these sectors which are just opening in India. As regards public procurement and sustainable development, this is the first time India is including these issues in a Free Trade Agreement. Public procurement could be a significant opportunity as India has forecast an expenditure of 1 trillion USD in the next five years, a significant portion of which will be spent by public authorities."

The Indian Pharma industry is therefore rightly worried about the introduction of an IPR clause that leads to seizure of a generic manufacturer's bank accounts and immovable property on mere suspicion of a patent infringement. Such a step can imperil local industry. At the same time, imports of highly subsidised and cheaper dairy and poultry products from EU, the Indian dairy industry, employing 3.2 million farmers, will be hurt. India is the biggest producer and consumer of milk and dairy products.

So far India has been protecting its dairy industry.

But with pressure mounting from European Union, Australia and New Zealand for opening up the dairy sector, India is giving in. Similarly, the sharp cut in import duties for cars will impact job creation in the automobile sector. These are just broad three concerns that India cannot afford to overlook.n (Author is distinguished agriculture and food policy analyst. He can be contacted at hunger55@gmail.com) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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COLUMN

Epigraph I have no spur To prick the sides of my intent, but only Vaulting ambition, which o’erleaps itself And falls on th’other —(Macbeth, I,vii)

by Badri Raina

“I

ntent” you will see is the horse that Macbeth wishes to ride to the glory of the Scottish throne. And the only spur he has to race that horse is his “ambition. “ Wretchedly, he recognizes this to be a “vaulting” ambition, and as in gymnastics, the momentum of intent in the athelete carries the gymnast past the vault to fall on the other side.

Such Macbeth acknowledges to himself to be the force of his wanting, one inherently slated to “overleap” into disaster.

I have from very early on sought in the career of Macbeth a prescient type of the modern day fascist imagination, and sought to draw lessons from Shakespeare’s exploration for our understanding of our own NarendraModi phenomenon.

In one word, these are demonstrations of unmitigated self-regard that assumes to itself the right to trample the world to the pulpit of absolutism, sustained by a Dionysian/Nietzschean drive to the high morality of denying the powerless the right to exist at all.

And getting to that goal without being hostage to any loyalty, if ALL RIGHTS

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such loyalty thwarts the attainment. Thus, if Dionysus and Nietzsche define the goal—be thou the superman, and let women, the chosen ones, be the begetters of supermen, and eliminate all the rest—Chanakya and Machiavelli, bringing the East and West together, show the ways to the goal.

How else may one explain the stunning news now coming out of Gandhinagar, capital of Gujarat, to wit that he government there (read Modi) means to approach the courts for enhancement of the life sentences of Maya Ben Kodnani and BabuBajrangi— two of Modi’s most blindly devoted action hands (recalling the murderers who are shown in such intimacy with Macbeth?)— to death sentences.

You have to do nothing more than resurrect the Tehelka Sting Operation Report (see Tehelka online for august 29, 2012 and September, 08, 2012 for all the self-confessed details by BabuBajrangi of his intimacy with Modi through the days of the Gujarat carnage—“NarendraBhainahihote na to hum log bahar hi nahinikaltee” (had narendramodi not been behind us we could not ventured out to the killings at all, 44

referring here to the NarodaPatiya massacre of some ninety or more muslims where Bajrangi and Kodnani were found to be the chief butchers).”

Further, in translation, “it was only because of him (Modi)…otherwise who would have dared… it is all his handiwork…for if he gave instructions to police, they would have screwed our happiness.” Again “but for Modi, neither Patia nor Gulberg (where one of the victims sent to brutal wrack was a congress party member of parliament, EhsanJaffri, incidentally a fine scholar of Sanskrit literature, among other things, and whose devastated widow, ZakiaJaffri has now filed a Protest Petition in the local court contesting the conclusions drawn by the Supreme Court- appointed Special Investigation Team— SIT—headed by an erstwhile head of the country’s premier investigating agency, the CBI on the basis of new evidence of wireless messages and call details of frantic efforts by policemen on the ground on feb.,27 and 28 to persuade their superiors of the carnage that was already underway but denied by Modi’s chief law enforcement officers, barring

COLUMN some outstanding ones who later were to pay for their loyalty to their oath of duty.

It will be recalled that one of Modi’s ministerial colleagues, late HarenPandya, had testified secretly to a civil society instituted panel of enquiry comprising three outstanding judges of the higher courts to the effect that Modi had, allegedly, at a meeting on the 27th with his core team of loyalists decreed a no action and hindrance course to be followed the next day when the VHP -called and BJP- supported Bandh call was to be implemented. Pandya was found out and killed shortly after.

More recently, SanjivBhat, an IPS officer, at one time close to Modi, has testified that he was actually present at that crucial meeting, corroborating what the late Pandya had said. He was suspended, then subjected to multiple legal harassments, like some of the other upright officers, like Rahul Sharma, who had stood up for the right and proper.

Meanwhile, Bajrangi, in that Tehelka Sting confession was to go on to laud his mentor Modi for stage-managing his arrest after he had been absconding for four months, and to say how “Modi manipulated the Gujarat judiciary to get him bailed out.” (The SIT took no cognizance of these confessions. Also to underline that the Supreme Court in its remarks on the SIT closure report which thought there was no prosecutable evidence againtModi had averred trenchantly that the SIT’s findings and conclusions seemed at complete loggerheads, which is the reason that the Supreme Court ordered the separate report filed by the Court’s Amicus, a highly reputed senior advocate who opined that Modiinfact could be prosecuted on the SIT’s findings such as they were to be made part of the record and passed on to the complainant.

Maya Ben Kodnani was only a member of the state assembly when the NarodiaPatia massacre happened under her gleeful watch and direction. And ah, so dear to Modi that she was subsequently inducted into his cabinet

of ministers!

BabuBajrangi was sentenced to full life in prison, and Kodnani to 28years in the slammer, where they cool their heels as we speak.

Think of the background above, and imagine that the same Modi should now be seeking enhancement of their sentences to death. “O brave new world that hath such creatures in it.” (Tempest) A flurry of speculation is now underway, and much of it germane. That on the seeming threshold of a call to leap to the centre of India’s political control

The engineered hype around Modi—engineered chiefly by India’s corporate electronic channels on the chamber music swell of India’s new urban elites, all of whom see this now as the moment to dismantle the Weimar republic; enough of democracy, bring in the war-mongering superman—thus is now at woeful loggerheads with Modi’s increasingly rougher truck and likely upcommance with the law, and with the factually limited expanse of his acceptability among the polity at large, about eighty percent of which exists outside the worlds of the social media, and is devoted to imperatives that have little to gain from fascist consolidation. come the next hustings in 2014, this is Macbeth-Modi’s way of saying what a secularist he is after all, with justice for the minority Muslims dearest to his heart. Catch: why now? And why in relation to two of his most devoted hatchet loyalists?

Here is what seems most likely to be the motivation: the Protest Petition filed by ZakaiaJaffri , replete with damning evidence that the Gujarat government had hitherto claimed to have been destroyed, and much of which the SIT had concealed, refusing to hand over all its papers to the 45

complaining widow until directed by the Supreme Court to do so with rectitude and promptness, is due to come up in the local Gujarat court on April 24.

News of the Gujarat government’s intent to seek enhancement of sentence on Bajrangi and Kodnani came a day after the filing of the Protest Petition, long after time lawfully allowed for such revisions of sentence to be sought.

This may well be the onset of the last act of Macbeth: should the court in Gujarat, in view of the new evidence of damining complicity adduced in the Petition, take cognizance of the materials now before it, the only recourse for it may be to order the framing of charges against the 59 accused named by the complainant, ZakiaJaffri. And the first accused in that list is NarendraModi.

Time therefore to argue before the court that a chief minister who is seeking enhancement of sentence on two convicted colleagues who had been as close to him as all the background etched above suggests, regardless of being staunch Hindutva votaries and cuthroats, could hardly have been guilty of complicity in the massacre of Muslims in the first place, could he?

Desperate times, desperate remedies, decreed both Chanakya and Machiavelli as courses to undertake by the one who would be Prince.

It is a sort of throw of the dice that we see increasingly happen towards the denoument in Macbeth. Already a chorus of disapproval of Modi’s “vaulting ambition” to be prime minister, at least prime ministerial candidate of his party which he thinks little of anyway and has decimated in his own state, grows louder not only among some of BJP’s chief and oldest allies, but within the BJP itself.

The engineered hype around Modi—engineered chiefly by India’s corporate electronic channels on the chamber music swell of India’s new urban elites, all of whom see this now as the moment to dismantle the Weimar re¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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COLUMN public; enough of democracy, bring in the war-mongering superman—thus is now at woeful loggerheads with Modi’s increasingly rougher truck and likely upcommance with the law, and with the factually limited expanse of his acceptability among the polity at large, about eighty percent of which exists outside the worlds of the social media, and is devoted to imperatives that have little to gain from fascist consolidation.

Simmering, and not so simmering, speculation is also under way since this news has come of how this seeking of enhancement of sentence on Bajrangi and Kodnani may play among the hard core cadre Hindutva support for Modi, within and outside Gujarat.

It may not be anymore such a well-kept secret that Modi’s consecutive successes at the husting s n Gujarat have had little to do with claims of “development’, real or propagated—the stuffing of these claims has lately been taken out with calculated invocation of facts country wide, and Gujarat has been found to be lagging in the ranks, be it in GDP growth, per capita income, or FDI inflows, not to speak of its abysmal record on malnutrition, gender ratio, anaemia among lactating women, and now a fatal lack of water accessibility to vast stretches of the state from whence tales of horrendous suffering arrive everyday—but with the silent fact that he is credited with having achieved that which even the RSS and other strident sartraps of the Hindutva tradition never did achieve, namely, subjugating, then relegating, Gujarat’s Muslims with ruthless intent, and without fear, regret, or rethink, refusing for example to wear the Muslim skull cap offered him at his socalled “sadhbhavna” (harmony/ reconciliation meet), and generally having sought with firm resolve to turn Gujarat into the sort of Hindutva land that the RSS chief, Golwalker, had envisioned in his 1938 book, Bunch of Thoughts, in which a whole chapter is titled “Enemy number one” namely, the Muslims.

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Given that context, it is more than likely that Modi’s move to have Bajrangi and Kodnani sent to the gallows may cause the deepest shock of recognition and heartburn among his Hindutva cadres. To think now that this man could, for his “vaulting ambition” think nothing of dispatching his dear old loyalists as so often so eloquently is done by the successful individualists of the

if it be a Bajrangi or a Kodnani.

Halelujah! You show the way.

Clearly the days ahead will be full of interest. The local court in Gujarat due to begin hearing the Protest Petition on April 24 means to carry on a day to day basis.

Thus its determination of the new evidence and its decision should not take long in coming.

Whichever way that goes, there will no doubt be fresh appeals all

Shakespearean Renaissance. This will be galling indeed, and cannot but have decisive electoral fallouts.

There may also be some truth to the speculation that Modi may have inkling that Bajrangi and Kodnani may spill some further beans on their own behalf. What better course than to project them now as unbecoming of earthly existence altogether.

Among these dark happenings, though, is the sterling light that shines from the corner opposed to Modi in these legal wrangles.

They, all human rights activists at heart, have said they oppose the death penalty and, oppose it even

the way again to the apex court.

But should the lower court seek to frame charges, a sea change cannot but happen both in the Modi saga and in the larger politics of Hindutva that has been so strident since 2002, and hand-inglove, one might note with market fundamentalism and India’s affluenet diaspora in the West.

Fingers crossed. May justice not only prevail but be seen to prevail. n

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(The Author is a well-known commentator on politics, culture and society. His columns on the Znet have a global following.)

OPINION

Uncovering the

truth

The 1984 carnage and its aftermath

by Manoj Mitta & HS Phoolka

I

t was barely a fortnight since thousands of Sikhs were orphaned, widowed or rendered homeless in the wake of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination. Her son and successor, Rajiv Gandhi, likened the pogrom to the reverberations caused by the impact of a fallen tree: "But when a mighty tree falls, it is only natural that the earth around it does shake a little."

The statement created a sensation, as it was the first time Rajiv justified the conduct of the mobs which had sought to avenge his mother’s murder. The justification set the tone for the cover-up of the massacre as well as the election held a month later.

Even otherwise, the tree-shaking-the-earth metaphor caught the popular imagination because of the occasion on which Rajiv came up with it at the Boat Club near India Gate. It was the first rally addressed by him as prime minister, commemorating Indira’s first birth anniversary after her death.

While paying tributes to his mother, Rajiv desisted from condemning the horrendous reprisal to her murder, let alone promising to take any action against the guilty. The closest he came to expressing any reservations about the massacre of Sikhs was for its strategic repercussions to the nation rather than any human rights considerations.

Referring to the need to ensure peace, Rajiv cautioned, "Any action taken in anger can cause harm

to the country. Sometimes, by acting in anger, we only help those who want to break up the country."

Empathising with their krodh (intense anger), as he originally put it in Hindi, Rajiv commended the mobs for ending the bloodshed as they did in three days or so even if they had killed 3,000 Sikhs in Delhi alone by

then: "But from the way you put a stop to it, from the way India has again been brought back to the path of unity with your help and is able to stand united together again, the world can see that India has become a genuine democracy."

Thus not only did he suggest that the massacre was inevitable, he even found a silver lining to it.

At that traumatic moment in India’s history its prime minister 47

made no bones about the fact that he was only reaching out to – or harvesting, with an eye on the upcoming election – those who were "very angry" with the Sikh community. In his entire Boat Club speech, Rajiv did not say a word about the bereaved families, much less about those conscientious nonSikhs who had tried to save the Sikhs or believed that the violence had been politically engineered.

17 January 1985: President Giani Zail Singh walked into Parliament House flanked by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, who had led the Congress party to a landslide victory in the election a fortnight earlier, and parliamentary affairs minister, HKL Bhagat, whose East Delhi constituency was by far the worst affected in the 1984 carnage.

Addressing a joint sitting of the two Houses at the behest of the Rajiv Gandhi government, Zail Singh said, "Disturbances and violence in Delhi and in some other parts of the country following Indira Gandhi’s assassination resulted in loss of life and property.

Stern and effective action was taken to control the situation within the shortest possible time.

My government extends its deep-

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OPINION est sympathy to the families which suffered during the violence."

That was the furthest the Rajiv Gandhi government went while referring to the carnage, in a tone that was evocative of his tree-shaking-the-earth metaphor. After the president’s address, the two Houses separately adopted a common "resolution" the same day expressing condolence for Indira Gandhi’s death. Though it said that she "loved India and the Indian people with a passion so sublime that it will live among us for long ages", the resolution expressed no regret about a section of the same Indian people being massacred in her name.

Its omission to offer a token of condolence to bereaved families seemed all the more glaring four days later when the Parliament took due cognisance of another

ommendation to take action against the minister for overseas Indians, Jagdish Tytler. But the Congress party president, Rajiv Gandhi’s widow, Sonia Gandhi, was evidently in two minds about dropping Tytler from the government, as that was fraught with the risk of reviving allegations of complicity against her late husband.

After all, it was Rajiv Gandhi who had made Tytler a minister for the first time, that too within two months of the 1984 carnage.

Unable to come up with a convincing response to the vehement attacks in the Lok Sabha on the government’s action taken report (ATR), Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made the candid admission: "Twenty-one years have passed, more than one political party has been in power and yet the feeling persists that somehow the truth

major disaster that befell India in 1984, the Bhopal gas tragedy, and the government responded by promising to take necessary civil and criminal actions against its perpetrators.

10 August 2005: The ghosts of the 1984 carnage returned to haunt a coalition government led by the Congress party as the Parliament debated the subject for the first time in the 21 years that had elapsed. The provocation was the report of a fresh judicial inquiry tabled in the Parliament two days earlier.

Most political parties, including coalition partners and allies, reacted adversely to the government’s decision to reject the Justice GT Nanavati Commission’s rec-

has not come out and justice has not prevailed."

Conceding that "there is something called perception and there is the sentiment of the House", Manmohan Singh gave "a solemn promise and a solemn commitment" to the Lok Sabha to reconsider the ATR. He also promised "all possible steps" wherever the Nanavati Commission had "named any specific individuals as needing further examination or specific cases needing reopening and re-examination."

The message went home the same evening and Tytler finally yielded to the pressure to resign and saved further embarrassment to the government and the Congress party.

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48

Simultaneously, another Congress MP indicted by the Nanavati report, Sajjan Kumar, quit a post given to him by the local Delhi government.

11 August 2005: Emboldened by the resignations of Tytler and Sajjan Kumar, Manmohan Singh was more forthcoming in the Rajya Sabha than he was the previous day in the Lok Sabha. If he had conceded generally in the Lower House that "the feeling persists that somehow the truth has not come out", the prime minister was more categorical in the Upper House in owning up to that feeling: "There were lapses in 1984.

Several commissions have gone into this matter. We all know that we still do not know the truth and the search must go on." What he called a "feeling" one day transformed the next day into something "we all know".

Tracing the events that followed the carnage, Manmohan Singh, who is himself a Sikh, said, "It took the Sikh community a lot of time to regain its self-confidence after the tragic events of 1984." Since he did not have to be defensive any longer about having a carnagetainted person like Tytler in his council of ministers, he himself seemed to have regained self-confidence, literally overnight.

Upping the ante, Manmohan Singh mustered the courage to do the minimum that Rajiv Gandhi should have done in the immediate aftermath of the carnage, namely to apologise to the Sikhs for the 1984 carnage. "I have no hesitation in apologising not only to the Sikh community but the whole Indian nation because what took place in 1984 is the negation of the concept of nationhood as enshrined in our Constitution," Manmohan Singh said, adding, "On behalf of our government, on behalf of the entire people of this country, I bow my head in shame that such a thing took place." n (The above piece is excerpted from the first chapter of When a Tree Shook Delhi: The 1984 Carnage and its Aftermath, a book written by Manoj Mitta a well-known journalist, and HS Phoolka, a senior advocate, Supreme Court of India, and published by Roli Books in 2007.)

SPECIAL REPORT

Beneath the haze of

Development

Delhi’s battle to balance urban spaces with wild areas has been going on for centuries. Mughal kings to the British Raj, have dabbled with afforestation and deforestation, but the challenges of saving the city’s greenery has never been more under stress than now.

by Subodh Kumar & Abhinav Tripathi

U

rban growth in India has faced an unexpected pressure and urbanization has left its impact on many sphere of our environment.

Rising migration, major shifts to tertiary occupations and increasing stress on limited resources are some of the many challenges which we are witnessing.

The City of Delhi is probably the land of some of the world’s greatest historical and architectural treasure but has never been the land of agriculture.

The fast growing city of Delhi is forgetting some-

49

thing behind it. Urban villages of Delhi are thrown aside in the race. This unparalleled growth of Delhi has lost the vast agricultural land. In this process, villages lost their identity, space and value as they became dependent upon urban areas. Their presence is getting lost in the crowd of Delhi. City and villages are growing parallel trying to contrast with each other, still in the different perspective. Identity of villages has been lost and they are denied by the city as unwanted. City underestimates the

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SPECIAL REPORT Farmer showing damage section notice issued by DDA

people and culture of these areas.

Delhi’s battle to balance urban spaces with wild areas has been going on for centuries.

Mughal kings to the British Raj, have dabbled with afforestation and deforestation, but the challenges of saving the city’s greenery has never been more under stress than now.

What Delhi today is an amalgam of a large number of settlements that include planned ALL RIGHTS

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developments (group housing schemes, plotted developments DDA housing etc.) rehabilitation colonies, squatter settlements, unauthorized colonies and urban villages. Urban Villages represent an area of transition, a combination of both urban and rural. They have marginal characteristics not only with respect to the land use but also with respect to degree of acceptance of urban norms and customs.

Beneath the haze of development, local agriculture continues to grow in Delhi, fuelled by small scale farms and other farming practices, which have sustained despite the pressures this burgeoning metropolis reels under. These cultivation hubs are imperative not only because they provide quality produce on a regular basis, they also yield a solution to rising transportation costs.

With sickle in the city farmers living along the belts of Yamuna Bank are engaged in urban farming practices that are silently and steadily helping to meet the city’s growing demand.

Chhote Lal, originally from Uttar Pradesh, has been farming near what is now the Yamuna Bank Metro Station for over 20 years.

He explains that since the soil here is very fertile farmers grow every conceivable vegetable as well as flowers (such as rose, marigold, jafri), which do brisk business at the nearby Ghazipur Mandi.

Another farmer Jagdish from Burari, Delhi, feels farming in a city has its own benefits.

“We have a lot of land, here we have facilities that we cannot even imagine having there, such as running tube-wells, regular transportation, a near-by mandi, personal rapport with the mandi middlemen, “ he opines.

As for electricity, the farmers here have an ‘arrangement’ with small-time contractors who supply it for Rs 300 a month. The only thing what make farmers heartsick is the encroachment run by DDA. DDA bulldozers have razed their small hutments on at least 50

three occasions and the farmers live with a sense of volatile temporariness. But as Jagdish points out, “Goan mein fasal, fasal pe paisa dikhta hai, Yahan kam se kam do wakt ki roti mil jaati hai.”

Farms on Yamuna Beginning with Wazirpur in the north of the city rights upto Okhla, the bank of Yamuna are dotted with small farms of varying sizes. As per the Master Plan of Delhi-2001 the National Capital of Territory (NCT) of Delhi is divided into 15 zones. Out of these 8 Zones (A to H) are in

SPECIAL REPORT Urban Delhi and 6 Zones J to N & P fall in Urban Extension /Rural Area. Zone-O covers the area of River Yamuna (River Front Area).

Yamuna features in ‘O’ zone in the Delhi Master Plan 2021 that has to remain untouched by urbanization as it has been rated as eco-sensitive area. But its sanctity exists only on paper. Akshardham temple, Metro stations and loco-sheds, Delhi secretariat, Ring Road bypass — each time a structure was constructed on the riverbank, the government regularised it as the last exception.

Yet, new ones keep coming up.

This time Delhi Development Authority in collaboration with Centre for Environmental Management of Degraded Ecosystems (CEMDE), University of Delhi has come up with a plan to establish Biodiversity Park (under the aegis of Delhi

51

Map of Yamuna Biodiversity Park

Biodiversity Foundation with Lt. Governor of Delhi as its Chairman) in the Yamuna floodplain of Zone ‘O’.

Yamuna Biodiversity Park is spread over an area of 457 acres and is located along the floodplains in the upstream of river Yamuna near Wazirabad village. This project is being developed in two phases. Phase I was initiated in the year 2002 and today it has fully functional wetland ecosystems and well developed forest ecosystems characteristic of the river Yamuna basin. The wetlands of Yamuna Biodiversity Park are biologically productive and harbor luxuriant flora and fauna.

These wetlands are known as important birding area of Delhi and attract large number of bird lovers, naturalists, educationists and civil societies every year.

Bucking the trend of conservation Delhi government in the year 2009 started phase II of Yamuna Biodiversity Park plan and claimed of being implemented in the same manner as an extension of the project Yamuna Biodiversity Park: Establishment & Management. Delhi Development Authority is the funding agency of the project.

For more than five decades when DDA then known as Delhi Improvement Trust in 1960 allotted the lands (currently near the Yamuna Bank Metro Station) to farmers on lease for 90 years and since then farmers living in this belt augmenting Delhi’s daily food needs through cultivation in the floodplains.

The authorities have formulated certain slab for the annual lease and charge some percentage of the total value of the property. Peasants living in this belt still paying the lease amount to DDA through Jheel Kuranja Co-Operative Milk Producers Society Ltd. (farmers’ society through which the lease agreement was made). Surprisingly in 2007 DDA has refused to accept the annual amount of lease being paid by Jheel Kureanja Society and instructed not to pay the lease amount from the next year onwards.

On 23, February, 2012 DDA issued a damaged section notice and directed the farmers to evacuate their lands inspite of the fact that the farmers are still left with over 40 years to date of expiration of the lease.

The damaged section notice exclusively accessed by All Rights reveals the fact how issuing ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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notice under sub-section (i) and clause (b) of subsection (2) of section 4 of the Public Premises Act, 1971, DDA order for the eviction of land which the authority consider “unauthorized occupants”.

DDA’s damage section notice reads “Now unauthorized occupants/encroachers of the Govt. land/Public Premises the land mentioned in the schedule below belong to union of India and is under the Management and Control of the Delhi Development Authority and why such an order of eviction should not be made.”

Remarkably, the issued notice do not entails the adequate reason that made theme to release eviction order, and what profit the authority will gain with the ejectment of farmers from the floodplains.

When Allrights asked the same question to Mool Chand Saini, a farmer of the same belt, he replied, “sarkar ke logo ne ye kaha hai ki ye pura ilaka khali kar kar ve yaha park banayenge.” (the government officials has said that they are evacuating farms to build a park (Biodiversity Park) over the same land). The question arises how DDA can order for eviction of farms in the situation especially when the lease fixed is due to expire. The ALL RIGHTS

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NCT of Delhi has minted crores of rupees with the one Biodiversity Park built in 2002 in Wajirabad.

Its true that Biodiversity Park can preserve Critically Endangered species (CES) and maintain ecological system of the city at some extent. But why the government is not recognizing the fact that what the farmers are doing in the floodplains is the same (through cultivation) what they intend to do.

It has been scientifically proved that crops (if planted in the mix cultivation pattern) grows the fertility of the soil and also help maintain the balance of ecological system of the society.

With an ENG (Electronic News Gathering) camera (as I was working with electronic media) when we approached the PRO (Public Relation Officer) and Spokesperson Neemo Dhar of the authority to take her view on the issue, at first she parried questions and then said something which was unexpected, “In the history of DDA we have not given any byte in audio-visual medium.”

“The land is only available for the cultivation not for using elsewise purpose,” she quipped.

Life is the constant struggle for these farmers.

The land is only source of livelihood for them.

Table 1: The amount released and expenditure for the Yamuna Biodiversity Park upto 31.03.2011 are given below: Year

Amount Expenditure released 59,91,389/-* 52,07,297/-

2003-2004 2004-2005

79,18,440/-

73,08,835/-

2005-2006

72,53,500/-

62,99,047/-

2006-2007

91,05,541/-

70,85,812/-

2007-2008

81,76,871/-

95,45,298/-

2008-2009

82,20,712/-

90,97,759/-

2009-2010

80,00,000/-

2010-2011

80,66,304/-

92,31,806/-

6,27,32,757/-

6,19,08,673/-

Total (A)

81,32,819/-

*including the initial grant of Rs. 5,90,000/- during 2001-2002

Table 2: Budget for Nature Interpretation Centre (NIC): Budgethead NIC

Year

Actual Amount released 38,07,700/-

2003-2004 Total (B) Grand Total (A+B)

Expenditure upto 31.03.2008 29,29,864/-

38,07,700/-

29,29,864/-

6,65,40,457/-

6,48,38,537/-

Table 3: The amount released and expenditure for the Yamuna Biodiversity Park Phase II upto 31.03.2011 are given below: Year 2009-2010

Amount Expenditure released 37,57,392/-

2010-2011 Total

Nil

--

4,21,254/-

37,57,392/-

4,21,254/-

Table 4: The amount released and expenditure for the Aravalli Biodiversity Park upto 31.03.2011 are given below: Year 2004-2005

Expenditure for the Expansion of Phase II of YBP

Amount Expenditure released 56,07,770/-* 28,68,946/-

2005-2006

40,00,000/-

54,83,537/-

2006-2007

60,00,000/-

64,67,975/-

2007-2008

73,90,996/-

76,03,957/-

2008-2009

95,00,000/-

86,89,739/-

2009-2010

80,00,000/-

81,67,607/-

2010-2011

1,16,00,000/-

98,30,984/-

Total (A)

5,20,98,766/-

4,91,12,745/-

* Rs. 20/- was shown as an excess receipt in the 1st UC & SE for the year 04-05. The amounts received by the University Rs. 40,27,750/- (vide cheque No. 071367 dated 08.02.05) inadvertently mentioned as Rs. 40,27,770/- in UC & SE for the year 04-05, which is corrected in the UC & SE for the year 2009-2010.

DDA Spokesperson Neemo Dhar

Some data available on the internet give details about the amount spend for the second phase of the DDA’s ambitious project.

Clearly, Rs. 40,27,750 has been spend to built the Yamuna Biodiversity Park of the phase II but its sanctity exists only on paper as nothing has been done which can illustrate a clear picture of the proposed Biodiversity Park. The data render the promises of the authority hollow. Its a

sheer harassment of the farmers in the name of development.

Does the fact indicate another scam in the making…?

The issue is in the lime light because newspapers and electronic channels published and aired story of its (Yamuna Biodersity Park) important but none of the medium did a single story about the rights of the grain growers, but authority should remember the fact that farmers’ rights cannot be quelled by chaos of development.

From past few years the curious case was DDA as each month farmers used to call farmers and Jheel Khuranja society head Vichitra Singh for hearing before the estate officer but nothing has come out so far.

“I have spent my half of the life fighting for the rights of the farmers, DDA attitude is unjust and we are fighting for our rights,” said Vichitra Singh head of the Jheel Khuranja society.

Few days ago he informed us that now the DDA has hushed up the case on its own level, subsequently they approached Karkardooma Court but a cording to Mr. 53

SPECIAL REPORT Singh a senior bench judge dismissed their plea and now they are planning to approach the High Court.

“I will take up the issue to High Court and for farmers’ rights I shall fight till the end of my last breath,” Vichtra Singh said.

The unfortunate story of the Yamuna keeps getting worse. Last week, the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) had put out a public notice in newspapers asking for suggestions and objections to the proposed modification in its zone ‘O’, a highly protected river precinct where no construction whatsoever is allowed.

Planning versus Reality Based on orders by the High Court of Delhi concerning illegal encroachments on the riverbed and their negative environmental impact on the Yamuna, almost all slum settlements have been demolished along the river in recent years. Simultaneously, urban (infrastructure) mega-projects like the Akshardham Temple, the Commonwealth Games Village, an IT office park and two metro depots have been developed on the floodplain regardless of their negative environmental impacts.

The most recent plans for Delhi’s riverfront, however, aim to create a biodiversity zone all along the river focusing on green and recreational spaces. The presentation will outline the inconsistency of urban planning and the role of the courts with respect to environmental protection of the Yamuna floodplain. While removing slum settlements and farmers from the banks, developing large scale transportation infrastructure, planning parks and recreational spaces, the Yamuna still suffers from an inadequate flow of water (except during monsoon) and an extremely high degree of pollution. The talk will take a holistic approach to understand the challenges of urban environmental governance in fast growing mega-cities. n (Both authors are TV Journalist they can be reached at abcsubodh@gmail.com and abhinav456@gmail.com) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â קü-2013

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OUR RESOURCES

Agriculture, Water and Climate Change Nexus :

ADB’s New Found Mantra for Resource Exploitation W

hile the world is witnessing the spectacle of emerging Asia, this comes as a tremendous stress to its cultivators and small farmers. A decrease of arable land with increasing number of stomachs depending on the produce, an exhaustion of finite natural resources, freshwater and natural disasters - all these are costs that small farmers of this continent have to pay for the growth. The projected decreases in agricultural crop yields resulting from the effects of climate change range from 2.5% to 10% in the 2020s and from 5% to 30% in the 2050s for many parts of Asia. While the fluctuating food prices makes the access to daily normal meal difficult, two-thirds of the world’s hungry people (642 million) live in this part of Asia and the Pacific. It is estimated that one hectare of productive land is lost every 7.67 seconds globally. The extreme weathers – prolonged floods and droughts have aggravated and challenged the backbone of many predominantly agrarian societies.

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pointers to an unpredictable future.

The challenges are enormous.

However, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), despite claiming to address such situations, is running clueless. The ad hoc direction of the Bank is predominantly changing the landscape through ‘invasive knowhow’ to feed the Asian population through a market driven model of growth.

WEHAB (Water-Energy-HealthAgriculture-Biodiversity) was coined at the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD, 2002) with the guiding ethos that “If WEHAB today, we will have our Tomorrow”. Within a decade, the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the ADB and World Bank followed by some bilateral agencies diminished this comprehensive concept into a mere nexus of Water-Agriculture-Climate (sometime interchangeable with water-energy-climate or waterfood-energy and so on). All these nexus talks are guided by institutional interests of ‘who grabs what’, ignoring the role of land in sustain54

ing our life system. The present capitalist model of development is only interested to commodify such natural resources. Any talk about water-food-energy nexus is utterly illogical when the IFIs are busy cajoling governments to invest in biofuel. Similarly, it is equally irrational when the ADB advocates for large hydro infrastructure to mitigate floods and droughts associated with climate change. There needs to be a holistic policy and fragmented or truncated approach can’t solve the water. These short– term ad-hoc mechanisms can satisfy the private capital hell bent on project-mongering but not the agricultural population at large.

Despite the Bank's recognition of the importance of agriculture and natural resources (ANR) and its resilience to climate change, it still lacks a comprehensive, holistic policy and strategy on sustainable agriculture and natural resource for the Asian region, by eliminating opportunities for meaningful participation, transparency and accountability.

ADB in Agriculture and Natural Resources The Bank’s first ever business undertaking began immediately after five months of its establishment through a $155,000 regional technical assistance (TA) grant to survey status of Asian agriculture in 1967. Subsequently, the Bank extended its first ever TA worth of US $80,000 as ‘Food grain Production Project’ to Indonesia. Again, in June

OUR RESOURCES 1969, Indonesia received ADB’s first loan for the Tadjum irrigation project which directly aimed at enabling farmers to plant two rice crops, instead of one, per year. The Bank entered into working arrangement in 1968 to address the agriculture concerns with Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO).

The 1970s witnessed ADB assistance to build the capacity of public sector in such a way which could complement the introduction of green revolution technology. While in the 1980s, ADB continued supporting production at a general farm level, broad-based rural development, and support services, there was also shift away from investment in state-owned agro-production and processing facilities.

During 1980-1990, the ADB lending for ANR in irrigation, rural infrastructure and green-revolution related institutions reached a peak of almost 35 percent of total ADB operations. However, the 1990s witnessed a gradual fall in ANR sector with focus on resource management, including coastal resources, water, land, forests, and user rights.

The ANR was put into backburner until the continent was hit hard by food crisis in 2008. Since then, it has shifted its strategic focus from agriculture to a comprehensive multisector food security program to address food insecurity among the poor and vulnerable.

The Bank neither has a sectoral policy on agriculture nor a strategy to follow. As country specific strategies evolve in each Country Partnership Strategy (CSP), the Bank’s engagement has been largely fragmented. Historically, ADB’s assistance to the agricultural sector can be clubbed into three broad undertakings: research and analytical work; strategy, policy and policy lending; and projects.

Research and Analytical Work Claimed as a knowledge institution, ADB has involved and produced a number of analytical products related to ANR. The scope of analytical work varies from country specific to regional, coupled with agriculture, fishery, and forestry and so on. The analytical research has seldom directed to the country’s need, but has acted as a

strategy for ADB’s possible areas of interventions in future. The reports can be described as ADB’s in house scheme to influence the country or the regions’ development paths.[1] Strategy, Policy and Policy Lending Long Term Strategic Framework (LTSF) 2020 : Agriculture as 'other sector' The Bank’s Magna Carta, the Long Term Strategic Framework (LTSF) or Strategy 2020 for poverty alleviation in Asia was adopted with much debate and opposition

from within and outside the Bank.

The strategy sets out the ADB’s long term questionable ambitions, identifies its core operational priorities and drivers of change.[2] It identifies five ‘core areas of operation’ (infrastructure, environment, regional cooperation and integration, finance sector development, and education) covering approximately 80 per cent of the ADB's operations. The remaining 20 per cent of operation will be divided into ‘other non-core areas of operation including agriculture, health, disaster and emergency assistance. Interestingly, the LTSF was released when Asia was reeling under severe food crisis in 2008. While the LTSF recognizes that poverty remains the central challenge facing Asia and the Pacific region, it assigns the profit-driven market as the solution to the problem.

Work Program and Budget Framework (WPBF) 2009-2011Short Term Intervention The year 2008 was a watershed for ADB. With Strategy 2020 on its sleeve, the Bank was about to increase its capital base threefold under the demand from G-8, G-20, UN and donor countries to address 55

the food crisis engulfing Asia-Pacific. Beside an immediate announcement by the ADB President to intervene to minimise the crisis, the Bank included several short term measures in its Work Program and Budget Framework 20092011.[3] Operational Plan for Sustainable Food Security: connecting the dots Looking to address the high risks of the region’s long term food security due to high vulnerability in the global and regional food supply, projected increases in food demand, sustainability concerns from land and water constraints, and unfolding climate change impacts, the Bank rolled out the Operational Plan (2010-2012). However, this Operational Plan not only reiterated Strategy 2020, it argued that ADB’s operations in the five core and three other areas of operations in Strategy 2020 have significant positive impacts in addressing food security concerns.[4] The Bank claims that direct and indirect contributions toward improving food supply and market system under Strategy 2020 were grossly unrecognised. However, the Bank has failed to provide any evidences to substantiate its argument.

While critics and social movements repeatedly points out the limitations of the Strategy 2020, the Bank is yet to examine its limitations of approaching problems from a long-term perspective as opposed to short term reactions. The Bank is yet to answer this fundamental question.

There are glaring gaps within Strategy 2020 in terms of addressing food security, which can be defined as follows: nThe ADB preaches that those investments in infrastructure alone can close the huge gaps between the potential and actual yield levels attained by farmers in the region. However, it does not have sufficient confidence and provide evidence. nA substantial number of poor are vulnerable to the impact of food price inflation are located in areas of rain fed agriculture having difficult access to irriga¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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OUR RESOURCES tion. The ADB doesn’t adopt a strategy and program to support them. nThe dissemination of appropriate cropping practices technology; establishment of effective input supply and their associated management institutions, systems, and capacities is missing.

Rather than being blinded to a short sighted LTSF, the Bank must provide answers to all such vital questions to overcome food crisis in Asia.

Development Policy Lending – Restructuring Agenda The Technical Assistance from ADB is guided by the provisions of the Charter establishing the Asian Development Bank, specifically Articles 2 (iii) and 2 (iv):[5] Article 2 (iii) – “to meet request from members in the region to assist them in the coordination of their development policies and plans with a view to achieving better utilization of their resources, making their economies more complementary, and promoting the orderly expansion of their foreign trade, in particular, intraregional trade.”

Article 2 (iv) – “to provide technical assistance for the preparation, financing and execution of development projects and programmes, including the formulation of specific project proposals.”

This clearly mandates the Bank to implement structural changes in the countries through TA operations. Due to severe opposition to the World Bank’s Structural Adjustment Programs, the World Bank Group as well as all IFIs including the ADB shy away to use the word and substitute it with ‘development policy lending’. The Bank has wielded tremendous influence on member countries through TA operations.

The ANR sector is one of the major recipients of TA. From 1967 and 2008, the ANR sector received 1,280 TA grants (655 advisory and 32 operational and 624 project preparatory TAs) amounting to $598 million.[6] Bangladesh, People's Republic of China, Indonesia, Nepal and the Philippines were the top five recipients, accounting for 47.8% of total ANR TA. 38 advisory TA activities were provided to supALL RIGHTS

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port 22 programs or projects for institutional capacity building critical to operations, and to improve the likelihood of sustaining policy reforms.

However these “assistances” were aimed at initiating privatization of identified agro-enterprises to developing a long-term strategy and legal framework for the privatization of plantations.

Projects Lending in ANR: unsuccessful and unsustainable Since 1967, the Bank has pro-

vided 752 numbers of projects in ANR sector amounting nearly $ 21.5 billion till date.[7] While PRC as has received the maximum number of projects (106), it is followed

by Viet Nam (54), Bangladesh (51), Indonesia (47), Pakistan (42), Cambodia and India (40 each).

Historically, the bulk of the lending for ANR goes to Irrigation and Rural Development;[8] followed by Agriculture and Support Services; Fishery; Industrial Crops and AgroIndustry; Forestry; Livestock and Fertilizer Production. Generally, ADB lending to the ANR sector targets policy and institutional reforms, natural resource management, infrastructure development particularly for irrigation, and productivity enhancement.

During 1973–2011, the evaluation of 378 ANR projects by the Bank concludes that the rate of unsuccessful projects is the highest in the ANR sector. This sector recorded the lowest success among other.[9] ADB’s Approach to Climate Change and Agriculture The climate change severely affects the livelihoods of people dependent on natural resources like farmers, fisher folks, and indigenous people as well and others. The 56

ADB-sponsored agriculture sector study, carried out by the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), uses predictions of global climate models to develop scenarios for 2050 for Asia and to derive implications for food security.[10] The study recommends cost-effective adaptation responses that could build greater climate resilience into the agriculture sector in Asia and the Pacific by prioritizing private sector led solutions.

This study seems to be the guiding strategy for the Bank to push forward privatisation of natural resources. The document propose the Bank to continue promoting strategies widely criticized for undermining sustainability of agricultural production and rendering rural livelihoods more vulnerable to the disastrous effects of climate change.

Crop breeding-using biotechnology and genetic modification-will be an essential component of adapting to key biotic and abiotic stresses related to climate change, including drought, heat, salinity, pests, and disease. The Bank seeks to ensure among other measures, developing “appropriate” regulatory and biosafety protocols for the introduction of transgenic cultivars, and reforming intellectual property rights that encouraging private investment in cropping. While several experts believe that the unsustainable chemical agricultural practices that have been promoted so far through green revolutions supported by large water infrastructures are the major cause of emissions from agriculture sector, ADB still continues with same strategies in trying to address the emissions from agriculture sector.

Managing Land Use and Forests for Carbon Sequestration Strategy 2020 advocates arresting deforestation as an approach to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The Bank’s forest management and conservation efforts, as well as agricultural land use improvements measures, to promote carbon conservation and sequestration and to achieve other local and global “benefits” include the REDD+. It aims to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest

OUR RESOURCES degradation combined with enhancement of forest carbon stocks, sustainable forest management, biodiversity conservation, and community development, by creating new financing opportunities and incentives for forest conservation and sustainable rural development.

The Bank’s operations focus on Indonesia, Lao PDR, and other countries of the Mekong Basin, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. The Bank is also coordinating funds from other multilateral and bilateral programs such as the Climate Investment Fund’s Forest Investment Program, the World Bank’s Forest Carbon Partnership Facility, the United Nations-REDD Program, and the Global Environment Facility’s Sustainable Forest Management Program.

ADB Approach to water and agriculture Nexus To rescue the implementation of the short sighted Strategy 2020, the Bank has to address the gloomy arithmetic of water status in major Asian countries such as China, India, Pakistan, Vietnam, Bangladesh, Nepal, Uzbekistan and Cambodia. It aims to do so through a set of prescriptions which seeks to overhaul the water sector by privatising it. In this context, the Bank has been profoundly engaged in countries to address the water challenges through its Water for All policy and more recently Water Operational Plan (WOP)2011-2020[11] which was approved in October 2011 after four rounds of content changes.

The Water Financing Program (WFP) established in 2006 facilitated annual over $2.0 billion investments during the period 2006-2010 or a total of $10 billion by the end of 2010. The Program has now been continued until 2020 with target investments at $2.0-$2.5 billion annually or a total of over $2025 billion by the end of 2020.

Water Operational Plan : Apathy to Agriculture ADB's Water Operational Plan 2011-2020 identifies priority actions that ADB should immediately embark on. However the basis of this priority sector is one sided. While connecting Water–Food–Energy

Nexus, the bank argues that ‘unconstrained use of free or low priced energy has led to indiscipline in irrigated agriculture’ with ‘farmers depleting groundwater aquifers unabated’. It argues that owing to such inefficient practices by farmers, the energy footprint of water use is large. While Thermal Power Plant which consumes 80 per cent of water receives a cleanchit from Bank, by virtue of being the Bank’s second largest portfolio, small producers and cultivators are unduly targeted in an attempt to deprive them of their traditional rights.

While the production of bio fuels at present level is likely to evaporate between 20% and 100% of all water currently used by world agriculture, another study predicts a 65% increase in industrial water use, 30% increase in domestic use, but only a 5% increase in agriculture use by 2030. Similarly, the food preferential demand of burgeoning middle class in urban economies will be diary and meat based which requires higher water intensities than rice and other more traditional food products.

The nexus is incomplete without considering climate change impacts by reiterating Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) findings on i) freshwater shortage by 2020 for 1.2 billion people, (ii) slump of crop yields by 30 % by 2050, (iii) water scarcity for mega cities and drought and floods for surface arable lands.

The Water Operational Plan has developed a range of operational interventions since ‘the waterfood-energy security nexus, coupled with climate change impacts, can help to drive the design of transformational water agendas across the region’. Two of the urgent challenges to be addressed in the Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM) process are (i) flood and drought mitigation (as part of disaster risk management); and (ii) the water-foodenergy security nexus. i) Water-Food-Energy Security Nexus For Bank, the water, food, and energy security intersects at all river basins. The Bank prescribes that ‘adjustments in policies for 57

food self-sufficiency and reliance on hydropower and bio fuels as sources of renewable energy will have major consequences for the IWRM process in river basins’.

“Growing more food with less water” will increasingly be a priority by changing policies and technology in agriculture. Private sector and farmer participation must increase substantially. “More crop per drop” can be achieved through the introduction of new technologies, e.g., drip and sprinkler irrigation in place of surface techniques, or through transformation of irrigation systems and on-farm management.

The Plan steps into various difficult terrains which will have large ramification in coming years.

All such mitigation plan is clearly pointing towards construction of large hydropower under IWRM. The rivers are the source of all nexus initiated by the Bank. However, the Bank has been cautiously moving ahead with hydropower since 2001 as compared to the World Bank which aggressively continues investing in at least in 67 large hydropower projects worth $8.7 billion, half of which are in Asia.

The so called agriculture-climate change-water nexus has to be condemned immediately in order to save hundreds of millions of farmers, forest and ocean dependent livelihoods. Farmers and small producers should not be alienated from the ownership of seeds and their traditional methods of cultivation. A strong resistance to the Bank’s initiatives can be forged by refusing their policies in favour of traditional cultivation and traditional food availability which has evolved over thousands of years. It is more adapted to nature, community controlled and based on geo-climatic conditions.

Such a pattern of agriculture and its developments can provide a sustainable food security and sovereignty as well as a sustainable society. n

(Above article is adopted from Peoples Front against IFIs.) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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BOOK REVIEW

The rape of Berlin

by Jonathan Shainin

T

he essence of a nation,” the French historian Ernest Renan said in 1882, is that its citizens have much in common, but “that they have forgotten many things.”

The Germans, it could be said, have forgotten things that most nations never knew. No single country has struggled so openly to reckon with its history, and the process has not been a short one.

Germany has spent decades coming to terms with the atrocities perpetuated by the Nazi regime, but the penumbra of shame around these crimes also obscured the suffering visited on German civilians, 600,000 of whom were killed by Allied firebombing of cities like Dresden and Hamburg.

The publication of “A Woman in Berlin: Eight Weeks in the Conquered City,” then, shines considerable light on a hidden history of the war. The writer, an anonymous 34-year-old journalist who recorded in her diary the events of the fall of Berlin in the spring of 1945, does not fashion herself a victim. But her diary, released by a German publisher for the first time 60 years after the war, meets the challenge that novelist W.G. Sebald put to Germans in his lectures on “Air War and Literature”: “to try recording what [they] actually saw as plainly as possible.” In unsparing prose that brooks no pity and assigns no blame, the diarist calmly describes the disintegration of the German capital. Her diary begins less than a week before the Soviets entered the city, hastily scrawled by candlelight in a basement shelter: “My fingers are shaking as I write this.”

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An anonymous diary from 1945 reminds us of the horrific crimes Soviet liberators committed against millions of German women. that accompanied the war. Sebald extols the virtue of “authentic documents, before which all fiction pales,” and what is most remarkable about “A Woman in Berlin” is what is most ordinary — or rather, the desperate measures rendered ordinary in a city under occupation. The diarist spends her days scrounging for coal, picking nettles for food, and searching out what little clean water may still be had.

Berliners queue for pathetic rations in the streets onto which the Russians fired almost 2 million shells in the last two weeks of the war; when a mortar explodes outside a local meat market, killing three, the women “use their sleeves to wipe the blood off their meat coupons” and line up all over again.

Before the Nazis came to power in 1933, Berlin had the smallest proportion of National Socialist voters of any German city. By the time the Red Army arrived, most Berliners, with the exception of the deluded Nazi faithful, appeared all too eager to shed the enthusiasm they had since developed for Adolf Hitler, whom they had taken to calling “that man” — a turn in public opinion that seems not to have begun in earnest until long after it was apparent the war would be lost. Many have repur58

posed Nazi literature into fuel; if people keep burning it, the diarist quips, “Mein Kampf will go back to being a rare book, a collector’s item.” The discarded mottos of Nazi propaganda are no more than grist for gallows humor: “For all this,” people incant, turning around a wartime mantra, “we thank the Fuhrer.”

What little strength the regime still possessed was devoted to upholding the Nazi commitment to senseless brutality: “If the war is lost, the people will also be lost,” Hitler explained to Albert Speer in March 1945. “It is not necessary to worry about their needs for elemental survival.” In Berlin, the Nazis pressed prisoners of war into constructing useless barricades instead of building water pumps; 80,000 men were sent to their deaths on the western front in the failed Ardennes offensive while the eastern front crumbled.

Concentration camps in the path of advancing troops were evacuated, with prisoners marched to their deaths or simply executed.

The Nazi program of civil defense consisted of making the meaningless declaration that a city was a “Fortress,” and then attempting to terrify its inhabitants with tales of “Asiatic” barbarity. The Nazis rushed newsreel cameras to East Prussia, the site of the earliest Soviet atrocities, solely to terrify the remaining Germans into holding their ground. “Are they supposed to spur the men of Berlin to protect and defend us women?” the diarist wonders skeptically; “their only effect is to send thousands more helpless women and children running out of town.”

The diarist and her neighbors sweat out waves of air raids, knowing all too well that the respite from American and British bombers will only come with the Soviet occupation: “Better a Russki on top,” they joke nervously, “than a Yank overhead.” “Our fate is rolling in from the east,” the diarist laments, and early reports leave little room for optimism: “Let’s be honest,” one woman in the cellar ventures, “none of us is still a virgin, right?”

In a fateful gesture of incompe-

BOOK REVIEW tence and betrayal, German military authorities left oceans of alcohol in the path of the Russian army in the hope that drunkenness might impair their fighting prowess. (It is hard to say if this decision reflects a Nazi faith in Russian stereotypes or a rank ignorance of them.) “That’s something only men could cook up for other men,” the diarest laments archly. “If they just thought about it it for two minutes they’d realize that liquor greatly intensifies the sexual urge. If the Russians hadn’t found so much alcohol all over, half as many rapes would have take place.”

The first rapes in East Prussia were an eruption of pure rage, bloody revenge for Wehrmacht atrocities on Soviet soil in the march to Stalingrad; soldiers destroyed homes, raped women — some as young as 12 — and killed children. But revenge could not have been the sole motive, for even Soviet prisoners of war and Jewish survivors were not safe; some, as young as 16, were raped by the soldiers who set them free. By the time the first libidinous Soviet wandered into the diarist’s cellar a few months later — pointing menacingly to a teenage girl and asking “How many year?” — German women appeared to the Red Army simply as rightful spoils of war.

Though the precise statistics will never be known, existing estimates are breathtaking: 2 million women were raped in Germany, many of them more than once. In Berlin alone, hospital statistics indicate between 95,000 and 130,000 rape victims. Many women killed themselves rather than “concede” — as some women put it — to the Soviets; some men killed themselves and their wives rather than suffer the indignity of rape.

The diarist, who worked before the war as a journalist and editor and traveled to “a dozen or so countries,” speaks “very basic” Russian and is quickly drawn into mediating between the Germans and their unwelcome guests. After she helps to chase two would-be rapists out of the basement the first night after the Russians arrive, she peeks outside to ensure the coast is

clear and the men, lying in wait, force her to the ground while those inside the shelter, ever the good Germans, bolt the door and abandon the diarist to her fate: “He’s simply torn off my garter, ripping it in two. When I struggle to come up, the second one throws himself on me as well, forcing me back on the ground with his fists and knees … The door opens, two, three Russians come in, the last a woman in uniform. And they laugh.”

Later that night she is raped again, with a kind of perverse consent: when four men set upon her in her apartment, she begs for only one to stay. Thus the chaos begins: having been raped once, sadly, is no guarantee against further assaults. “Every minute of life comes at a high price,” the diarist observes. The next day she is raped again, by an older man “reeking of brandy and horses,” who rips apart her underwear — “the last untorn ones I had.” She writes: “Suddenly his finger is on my mouth, stinking of horse and tobacco. I open my eyes. A stranger’s hands expertly pulling apart my jaws.Eye to eye. Then with great deliberation he drops a gob of gathered spit into my mouth.”

The proliferation of tales of individual atrocities often takes on the numb character of pornography: an endless litany of crimes against dignity, the same scenarios of cruelty replayed again and again; anyone who has pored over human rights reports soon finds that the accumulated evidence begins to dull as the brutalities mount. Yet here the opposite is true. The stories from those around her only multiply the disgust: a friend raped four times; a Jewish woman raped while her husband, shot by the Russians, bleeds to death; a woman whose three rapists smear marmalade and coffee grounds in her hair, just for kicks; the rape of “a twelveyear old girl … who was tall for her age”; the soldiers who “took the sixteen-year-old on the chaise longue in the kitchen”; one woman raped by “at least twenty men,” with “her breasts, all bruised and bitten.”

59

The diarist’s emotional register remains unfailingly calm. Her dispassionate chronicle of the disasters of war suggests a kind of stoic heroism, though she is quick to point out that her own travails have been minor by comparison: “It sounds like the absolute worst, the end of everything — but it’s not.” The diarist resolves after her third rape to take refuge with a senior officer, “a single wolf to keep away the pack.” But this gambit is not entirely successful; after her first benevolent rapist disappears, she is forced to take up with another one. Berlin’s men can do little, it seems, to protect its women.

In fact, German men are largely absent from “A Woman in Berlin,” and the ones who do pass across its pages do little to earn our esteem; those who refrain from expressing their ridiculous faith in the regime in the midst of Soviet artillery bombardments are busy surrendering their wives to marauding Russians. “I think our men must feel dirtier than we do,” the diarist observes, and goes on to recount the story of one German man who berates his neighbor as she’s about to be raped: “Well, why don’t you just go with them, you’re putting all of us in danger!”

Even before the Soviets arrive, the diarist perceives in the failure of the German Reich the irreparable decline of the male archetypes it venerated: “The Nazi world — ruled by men, glorifying the strong man — is beginning to crumble, and with it the myth of ‘Man.’ … Among the many defeats at the end of this war is the defeat of the male sex.”

Indeed, what is perhaps the book’s most chilling insult comes not at the hands of a Russian rapist but from the diarist’s partner, Gerd, who returns from the front in June, casts his eyes on the diary that our heroine has been dutifully keeping for him, declares that she and the other women have “all turned into a bunch of shameless bitches” and disappears, presumably forever.

After the war there was clearly no shortage of rape stories.

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BOOK REVIEW dismissively assures the diarist that “our men are all healthy,” the spread of sexually transmitted disease — as well as the pregnancies that resulted — forced the Germans to take action. The Nazi authorities, for all their neglect of the civilian population, were sufficiently alarmed to relax eugenicist laws prohibiting abortion as an act of “sabotage against Germany’s racial future,” although women had to submit to what was surely a humiliating police interrogation to prove they had been raped. It has been estimated that 90 percent of those women who became pregnant had abortions; many of the children who were born were put up for adoption.

The diarist at first refuses to acknowledge that she might be pregnant — “no grass grows on the well-trodden path,” she suggests hopefully. Later, when her period is two weeks late, she heads to a female doctor who has hung out a shingle among the ruins (“she’d replaced the [broken] windowpanes with old xrays of unidentified chests”).

After being reassured that she is not pregnant, the diarist ventures to ask the doctor “whether there were indeed lots of women who’d been raped by the Russians” coming in search of abortions. But the doctor wants no part of such talk: “It’s better not to speak of such things,” she replies curtly.

Though the diarist expresses her hope that women might “overcome collectively,” no such public reckoning would be possible in postwar Germany, as she anticipates ruefully: “We … will have to keep politely mum; each one of us will have to act as if she in particular was spared.”

After the war, a friend of the diarist, Kurt Marek, read the manuscript and attempted to have it published. Perhaps it should come as no surprise that “A Woman in Berlin” was first released outside Germany, when Harcourt, Brace published an English edition in 1954. The New York Times judged it “profoundly relevant,” but the reception in Germany, when a Swiss publisher released the book five years later, was precisely the opposite; the ALL RIGHTS

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prevailing sentiment among the very few notices that did appear was expressed by a critic who excoriated the author’s “shameless immorality.” Clearly the diary broached what Sebald would later describe as “a tacit agreement … that the true state of material and moral ruin in which the country found itself was not to be described.”

Though the diary at first fell on fallow ground, it enjoyed a samizdat second life, circulating among leftists and a growing women’s movement after 1968. But what was once unspeakable out of shame was now prohibited by politics: Accounts of Soviet atrocities in the east, like attention to Allied bombing in the west, had become the sole province of the German far right. Where one taboo had lifted another settled: Helke Sander, a German feminist whose 1992 film “Liberators Take Liberties: Rape, War, and Children” chronicled the rapes and their aftereffects, was pilloried in some quarters as a revisionist. The woman in Berlin, still guarding her anonymity against the disgrace of rape, would not allow her diary to see the light of day again so long as she lived. But by the time of her death in 2001, a seismic shift in German consciousness had transpired, and the book, published in 2003, quickly became a sensation and shot onto bestseller lists; last summer the film rights were sold for an undisclosed amount.

The conventional narrative holds that in the first decades after the war, Germans struggled fitfully with the Nazi years, embracing a kind of blanket guilt yet indicting no one in particular, taking psychic refuge in the triumph of West Germany’s “miraculous” economic recovery. 1945, “zero hour,” marked an irreparable boundary between present and past that few Germans cared to cross. But it is a convenient myth that Germans have only now recognized their own suffering: Instead of forgetting the war in the years that followed, Germans remembered it selectively, with great attention to certain of their own victims, particularly prison60

ers of war and expellees driven from their homes in the east.

Still, during an era when it was common to decry the Soviet “rape” of eastern Germany, the very real rape of German women remained a forbidden topic — despite the number of women who suffered. “None of the victims will be able to wear their suffering like a crown of thorns,” the diarist told Marek. “I for one am convinced that what happened to me balanced an account.” Such self-effacement testifies to our diarist’s ethical fortitude, but that German women should have endured such pain on behalf of German men should satisfy no one’s sense of justice.

Pity for the German people was in short supply after World War II, and for good reason. But the prevalent understanding of Nazi barbarities as an evil beyond human comprehension is nevertheless a cunning absolution of the rest of us, a self-exoneration that the diarist, to her credit, vehemently refuses. To see Germany’s descent into madness as an incomprehensible anomaly outside the bounds of humanity is to forget the evils of which the rest of us remain capable. “We learn nothing by blaming them,” I.F. Stone wrote in 1961 as Adolf Eichmann went to trial. “We all marched with Eichmann … whether it was the human incinerator or the Hbomb, we built it.”

The ensuing half-century of human brutality has illustrated this all too well, and those fateful place names that have joined Auschwitz in our atlas of evil — Phnom Penh, Cambodia; Halabja, Iraq; Srebrenica, Bosnia; Kigali, Rwanda — are a painful reminder that “never again” was a wish and not a binding vow on mankind. It has taken that half-century to allow the recognition that, in Germany as elsewhere, among perpetrators there are also victims; “A Woman in Berlin” reminds us that the exclusivity of these categories is little more than a fable. n (Jonathan Shainin is a journalist with the New Yorker. The review was first published on Salon.com)

TOTAL RECAP

Boston

Bombing I

n a terrifying incident, two bombs exploded near the crowded finish line of the Boston Marathon in United States of Amercia(USA) on April 15 which killed three people and injuring more than 140 others.

Two pressure cooker bombs exploded about 13 seconds and 210 yards (190 m) apart, near the finish line on Boylston Street.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) took over the investigation, and released photographs and a video of two suspects on April 18. The suspects were identified later that day as brothers Dzhokhar and Tamerlan Tsarnaev.

Shortly after the FBI released the images, the suspects allegedly killed an MIT police officer, carjacked an SUV, and initiated an exchange of gunfire with the police in Watertown, Massachusetts. During the exchange, an MBTA police officer was critically injured, Tamerlan Tsarnaev was killed, and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev was injured and escaped. An unprecedented manhunt ensued on April 19, with thousands of police searching a 20-block area of Watertown.

The bombings were denounced and condolences were offered by many international leaders as well as leading figures from international sport. Security measures were increased worldwide in the wake of the attack.

The Mujahideen of the Caucasus Emirate Province of Dagestan, the Caucasian Islamist organisation in both Chechnya and Dagestan, denied any link to the bombing or the Tsarnaev brothers and stated that it was at war with Russia, not the United States. It also said that it had sworn off violence against civilians since 2012. n

CBI COAL Sarabjit Singh Brought REPORT VETTED India Dead

U

PA government received yet another major embarrassment after the CBI director on April 26 admitted before the Supreme Court that a status report on its investigation into the coal scam was “shared” with the law minister and PMO officials.

The CBI affidavit put the UPA government in the dock, inviting sharp political reactions from opposition which demanded resignation of both Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Law minister Ashwani Kumar.

“I submit that the draft of the same (status report) was shared with the Union minister for law and justice as desired by him, prior to its submission before this court.Besides the political executive, it was also shared with one joint secretary-level officer each of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and the ministry of coal as desired by them,” Sinha stated in his two-page signed affidavit.

However, Sinha maintained that CBI is a party of the government and that the agency has committed no wrong. "I am a part of the government. I am not an autonomous body. I have not shown it to any outside person. I have shown it to the law minister of the country. I will inform the Supreme Court about any situation arising out of that. The decision of Supreme Court will be acceptable," he told reporters.

Immediately after the revelation on Friday, UPA leaders, including chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh, went into a huddle to devise ways to defuse the situation.

Coming out of the meeting, Kumar said: “I have done no wrong.

The truth will prevail.”

However, there was some cheer for the investigating agency when Justice Lodha, referring to certain paragraphs in two status reports, said "prima facie it appears that CBI is looking into the matter objectively".n 61

S

arabjit Singh, an Indian death row prisoner who died in Pakistan a week after a brutal attack by his prison inmates was accorded a state funeral in his hometown of Bhikhiwind in Punjab.

The pyre was lit by Sarabjit's sister Dalbir Kaur in the presence of his wife Sukhpreet Kaur, daughters Swapandeep and Poonam and son-in-law Sanjay before a large crowd comprising some VIPs including Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi.

Sarabjit Singh is the second prisoner who died in the Pakistan’s Kot Lakhpat Jail in Lahore this year. He was brutally attacked by around six fellow prisoners.

The Punjab government has announced a financial assistance of Rs 1 crore for the family of Sarabjit and declared a three-day state mourning.

The Centre has also announced ex-gratia payment of Rs 25 lakh for Sarabjit's family from Prime Minister's Relief Fund.

Sarabjit’s body was brought in his hometown by a special Air India flight onboard from Lahore after 23 years after he inadvertently crossed over to Pakistan.

Sarabjit in 1990 was convicted by Pakistani courts for bomb blasts in Lahore and Multan, which left 14 people dead.

Slogans like 'Pakistan Murdabad' and 'Sarabjit Amar Rahe' (Long live Sarabjit) rent the air as his body was placed in the school ground to enable people to pay their respects.

The mortal remains were later taken in a procession to the nearby village cremation ground. n ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â Uקü-2013

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Railway bribery I

n yet another crisis for the UPA government, Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) on May 3, arrested Railway Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal’s nephew Vijay Singla along with a member of the Railway Board - Mahesh Kumar in connection with alleged bribery of Rs 90 lakh for fixing a top level position in the government.

Singla was arrested in Chandigarh for allegedly accepting Rs 90 lakh in cash from Manjunath, the conduit of Mahesh Kumar, recently promoted as member (staff) and trying to get a lucrative position as member (electrical).

Kumar was arrested in Mumbai by a CBI team soon after he had flown in from Delhi. CBI has registered a case under the Prevention of Corruption Act and the IPC against him. The other person arrested by the CBI was Sandip Goyal, who allegedly assisted in brokering the deal.

Soon after the news broke, opposition began demanding the resignation of Bansal which was denied by the government.

"This government is no more a common man's government. It is a government of dealers, brokers and middlemen. All decisions of the Government of India are on sale," said BJP spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad.

"The Railways minster his given his explanation and has offered to resign. I don't think there is anything more that he can do,” said Congress leader Janardhan Dwivedi.

Meanwhile, Bansal issued statement saying he has no business links with Sangla.

"I have always observed highest standard of probity in public life and look forward to an expeditious investigation by CBI in the matter", Bansal added.

He also met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and offered his resignation. n ALL RIGHTS

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Chinese Intrusion S

ino-Indian relationship touched a new low after Chinese troops squatted nearly 19km inside Indian territory in strategically crucial northern Ladakh region across the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

The intrusion came to light when a platoon-strength contingent consisting around 30 soldiers of China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) came 10 km inside the Indian territory on April 15, erecting a tent in Burthe in DBO (Daulat Beg Oldi) sector, which is at an altitude of about 17,000 feet.

While China rebuffed India's plea to withdraw its troops, squatting 19km inside Indian territory at Raki Nala in the Depsang Bulge area, fresh imagery from Indian spy drones has shown that the People's Liberation Army has already started using trucks to replenish supplies for over 30 soldiers stationed there. The pictures, which also show that PLA is trying to convert the track there into a proper road, are transforming what the government had called a "localized problem'' into a first-rate diplomatic crisis.

According to a leading English daily, an infantry regiment of the army specialised in mountain warfare has been sent to Daulat Beg Oldi (DBO) sector in Ladakh. The IndoTibetan Border Police (ITBP) reportedly erected a tent post near the one set up by the intruding troops.

Foreign Secretary Ranjan Mathai had summoned Chinese Ambassador to South Block, Wei Wei, to discuss the need for resolving the matter, sources said. The Chinese side said they will look into the matter and respond accordingly. Meanwhile, the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi reiterated the comments made by the foreign ministry spokesperson in Beijing, Hua Chunying, on Monday. Chunying had said that the Chinese border troops always abided by the Line of Actual Control (LAC) agreed by the two neighbours. He said the Chinese troops had been patrolling on their side of the LAC and never violated the LAC. Chinese sources said Beijing was always ready to work with India to further the coordination and cooperation on the boundary issues. India's Defence Minister A K Antony said that India will take every possible step to protect its interests in the border issue.n 62

Musharraf in

Trouble

P

akistan’s former dictator Pervez Musharraf must be cursing himself for his re-appearance in the country, seeing his back to back failures in a bid to his political resurgence.

After being banned by court from contesting elections for rest of his life for abrogating constitution during the emergency in 2007, and was subsequently placed in police custody at his home following his arrest on April 19, his party, All Pakistan Muslim League (APML) on May 3 announced the boycott of the May 11 elections. Meanwhile, to make matter worse, A Pakistani anti-terrorism court has ordered former military ruler Pervez Musharraf to remain in custody for a further two weeks ahead of his trial for unlawfully sacking judges during his rule.

The arrest was an unprecedented move against a former army chief of staff ahead of key elections. He was arrested for making a decision to sack judges when he imposed emergency rule in November 2007 - a move that hastened his downfall. He also faces charges of conspiracy to murder opposition leader Benazir Bhutto in 2007 and over the death of a rebel leader during a 2006 military operation.

The retired general has been humiliated since returning in March from self-imposed exile to contest elections.

The May 11 polls for the national and regional assemblies mark the first time that a civilian government completes a full-term and hands over to another at the ballot box, in a country that has been ruled by the military for half its life. n (Compiled by Yogesh Pandey.)

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