Dhul Qarnain

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On The Sources Of The Qur'anic Dhul-Qarnayn Islamic Awareness © Islamic Awareness, All Rights Reserved.

First Composed: 1st September 1999 Last Updated: 5th March 2006

Assalamu-`alaykum wa rahamatullahi wa barakatuhu: 1. Introduction Among Western scholars, the issue of Dhul-Qarnayn (the two-horned one) in Qur'an 18:82 had been a source of great debate. The debate surrounds not only the identity of Dhul-Qarnayn but also the sources of the Qur'anic story. Who was he? Was he really Alexander the Great?

Hammer-Purgstall held that Dhul-Qarnayn was one of the old kings of Yemen.[1] Graf took exception to this view and cited the passages from Ephippus and Clement that referred to the representations of Alexander as son of Ammon with horns. He concluded that the identity of Dhul-Qarnayn is that of Alexander.[2] Graf's conclusions provoked the dissent of Redslob.

Redslob, citing the prophecy of Daniel in which the king of the Medes and Persians is interpreted as the two-horned ram, proposed that Dhul-Qarnayn was Cyrus the Persian.[3] Beer held that the Dhul-Qarnayn in the Qur'an had adopted the form of the long awaited Jewish redeemer or messiah.[4] And others like Geiger have attempted to link Dhul-Qarnayn to Moses.[5] In the Western scholarhip, the issue of Dhul-Qarnayn's identity was finally brought to a close by Nöldeke who established that Dhul-Qarnayn was none other than Alexander and the source of the Qur'anic narrations was the Syrian Christian Legend ascribed to Jacob of Serugh (d. 521 CE).

Nöldeke dated the Christian Legend to 514-515 CE.[6] A similar claim that identifies DhulQarnayn with Alexander was made by Newton and other Christian missionaries/apologists.[7] Nöldeke's position was accept by many scholars[8] until it was discovered that the internal evidence of the Christian Legend suggested a post-Islamic date.

2. Dating The Christian Legend Attributed To Jacob Of Serug

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The dating of the Christian Legend was based on the study of its internal evidence. At the end of the text there is a mention that on the passing of 826 years, the Huns will break forth and will subjugate peoples: And king Alexander fetched [an engraver] and inscribed upon the gate: "The Huns shall go forth and conquer the countries of the Romans and of the Persians, and shall cast arrows with...., and shall return and enter their won land. Also I have written that, at the conclusion of eight hundred and twenty six years, the Huns shall go forth by the narrow way which goes forth opposite Halôrâs, where the Tigris goes forth like the stream which turns a mill, and they shall take captives the nations, and shall cut off the roads, and shall make the earth tremble by their going forth. And again I have written and made known and prophesied that it shall come to pass, at the conclusion of nine hundred and forty years,.... another king, when the world shall come to an end by the command of God the ruler of creation.[9] This passage is considered by all students to be of fundamental chronological importance. If we compute according to the Era of the Seleucids, the successors of Alexander (i.e., from 311), then 826-311 yields a year of 515 CE; which was the date of the great Sabir invasion.[10] This vaticinatio ex eventu (i.e. a prophesy or predication after the event) is prophesied in the Christian Legend. Considering this vaticination (prediction or prophesy), Nöldeke held the view that the Christian Legend was composed about 515 CE. What about the second prediction or prophesy of the inscription: the 940th year? The year 629 CE (i.e., 940-311) corresponds to the Greek Era of 940. Nöldeke held it to be a genuine vaticination (prediction or prophesy). He even admits that the Khazars, the allies of Emperor Herakleios, invaded Armenia through the Caucasus in 627 CE. This date however, argues Nöldeke, did not refer to the beginning of the campaign (as the Legend would have us suppose), but rather to the conclusion of a protracted Byzantine-Persian war. Therefore, in Nöldeke's opinion, the date 940 of the Greek Era (= 629 CE) is purely arbitrary, as it should naturally be in the case of a genuine vaticination.

Hunnius has convincingly argued against Nöldeke's sixth century dating of Christian Legend. He showed that certain parts point to the Khazar invasion of 629 CE - i.e., seventh century.[11] Czeglédy, using Kmoskó's thesis, also argued that the Christian Legend and metrical discourse of Jacob of Serugh came into its final form after 628 CE and that this argument is conclusive: ... it is all the more regrettable that Kmoskó's expositions, which settle the dispute, were not published earlier than a few years ago, and even then only in extracts. Kmoskó has a whole series of arguments to prove that both the metrical Legend and the prose text of the same contain unmistakable references to the war of Khosrav II and Herakleios. Hence both variants, in their present forms, contain variant of the Legend that came into being as an adaption definitely after 628. Kmoskó's arguments are surely conclusive. An adaption of this kind is a natural phenomenon in apocalyptic literature: after the passing of the date foretold in the latest vaticination, the subsequent adapters inserts new prophecies into the text.[12]

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This identification only gives us the date 628 CE as terminus a quo (a point of origin or a first limiting point in time). The text gives no date by which to fix the terminus ad quem (a final limiting point in time). Similarly Gero says: Several features of the text [i.e., the Christian Legend] also occur in the Koranic narrative - the famous horns of Alexander, the journey to the west and then to the east, and of course the central theme of the gate, which will be opened at an apocalyptic Endzeit by divine command. But although this has been proposed by Nöldeke and often repeated since, the work also does not qualify as a direct source for the 'two-horned' Alexander of the Koran, at least not in its present form; recent investigations indicate an ex eventu knowledge of the Khazar invasion of Armenia in A.D. 629.

The prose legend (neshânâ) was then in turn the literary source of the Syriac metrical homily discourse attributed to Jacob of Sarug (sixth century) in the manuscripts. The poem, however, was actually written in the seventh century, shortly before the Muslim conquest of Mesopotamia and Palestine.[13] Sir Wallis Budge indicated a long time ago that the Christian Legend had been re-worked and is burdened with additions, and that this work is that of Jacob of Serugh is improbable: This composition appears to be an abbreviated form of which known to us is that given in the metrical discourse on Alexander attributed to Jacob of Serugh; both these works, in turn are based upon chapters xxxvii-xxxix of the second book of Pseudo-Callisthenes according to Muller's greek MS. C. The Christian Legend has been burdened with many additions, evidently the work of the Christian redactor, which have no connexion whatever with the story. On the other hand many passages, as, for example, the account of his descent into the sea in a glass cage, have been entirely omitted. The names of the places which are given us freely in this legend seem to indicate that it was drawn up at a very late period; that it is the work of Jacob of Serugh is improbable.[14] Recent extensive studies on the influence by Syriac Pseudo-Callisthenes on Qur'an 18:60-102 (which includes the story of Dhul-Qarnayn) by Wheeler have shown that it was the Qur'anic commentaries and not the Qur'an that adopted the Alexander stories among other near eastern stories to explain the verses 18:60-102. Wheeler's conclusion can be shown in the following form:[15]

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3. Conclusions It has been claimed by Nöldeke and subsequent scholarship that the Qur'anic story of DhulQarnayn was borrowed from the Christian Legend attributed to Jacob of Serugh. Internal evidence however shows that it was composed after 628 CE. Investigations by Hunnius, Kmoskó and Czeglédy have conclusively shown that the writer had ex eventu (i.e., a prophesy or predication after the event) knowledge of Khazar invasion of Armenia. The text provides no date by which the terminus ad quem (a final limiting point in time) can be fixed.

It is not only important to know the dates of composition of the individual works that are used to establish the theories of borrowing, but to also understand the difference between the Qur'an and the Qur'anic commentaries.

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References & Notes [1] F. v. Hammer-Purgstall, "Auszüge Aus Saalebi's Buche Der Stützen Des Sich Beziehenden Und Dessen Worauf Es Sich Bezieht", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1852, Volume 6, p. 506.

[2] K. H. Graf, "Ueber Den "Zweihörnten" Des Koran", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1854, Volume 8, pp. 442-449.

[3] G. M. Redslob, "Ueber Den "Zweihörnigen" Des Koran", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1855, Volume 9, pp. 214-223.

[4] B. Beer, "Welchen Aufschluss Geben Jüdische Quellen Über Den "Zweihörnigen" Des Koran?", Zeitschrift Der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1855, Volume 9, pp. 785794.

[5] A. Geiger, Judaism And Islam (English Translation Of Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen?), 1970, Ktav Publishing House Inc.: New York, pp. 135-136.

[6] Th. Nöldeke, "Beiträge Zur Geschichte Des Alexanderroman", Denkschriften Der Kaiserlichen Akademie Der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Classe, 1890, Volume 37, pp. 31; Theodor Noldeke, "The Koran", Encyclopædia Britannica, 1893, Volume 16, Adam And Charles Black: Edinburgh, p. 600. This article was reprinted many times with slight modifications. See T. Nöldeke (J. S. Black [Trans.]), Sketches From Eastern History, 1892, Adam and Charles Black: London & Edinburgh, p. 30. This article was reprinted and edited by N. A. Newman, The Qur'an: An Introductory Essay By Theodor Nöldeke, 1992, Interdisciplinary Biblical Research Institute: Hatfield (PA), p. 9; Also see Theodor Nöldeke, "The Koran" in Ibn Warraq, The Origins Of The Koran: Classic Essays On Islam's Holy Book, 1998, Prometheus Books, p. 43; Also see Theodor Nöldeke, "The Koran" in C. Turner (Ed.), The Koran: Critical Concepts In Islamic Studies, 2004, Volume I (Provenance and Transmission), RoutledgeCurzon: London & New York, pp. 77-78.

[7] `Abdallah `Abd al-Fadi, Is The Qur'an Infallible?, 1995, Light of Life: Villach (Austria), pp.

84-86; R. F. Safa, Inside Islam: Exposing And Reaching For The World Of Islam, 1996, Creation House: Orlando (FL), p. 71; M. Elass, Understanding the Koran: A Quick Christian Guide To The Muslim Holy Book, 2004, Zondervan: Grand Rapids (MI), p. 99. Elass says that "the early linkage, however, provides an embarrassment to later Muslim scholarship, for Alexander was a pagan polytheist, and it would not do to canonize a heathen king as a true prophet of Allah." Not surprisingly, Elass did not provide the source of early "linkage" leading to "embarrassment"; R. Morey, The Islamic Invasion: Confronting The World's Fastest Growing Religion, 1992, Harvest House Publishers: Eugene (OR), pp. 144-145. Robert Morey claims "one of the greatest errors in the Quran concerns Alexander the Great, who is called Zul-qarnain."; N. A. Newman, Muhammad, The Qur'an & Islam, 1996, Interdisciplinary Biblical Research Institute: Hatfield (PA), p. 377. Quoting Nöldeke and Schwally, Newman says that the "Qur'anic narrative is based on Syriac Alexander the Great legend which appears to have been written in 515-516 AD"; Abdullah Al-Araby, Islam Unveiled, 2002 (10th Edition), The Pen Vs. The Sword: Los Angeles 5

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(CA), p. 44; D. Ali & R. Spencer, Inside Islam: A Guide To Catholics, 2003, Ascension Press: West Chester (PA), p. 73. According to Daniel Ali and Robert Spencer, the Qur'an "claims that Alexander the Great was a Muslim in the story of Zul-qarnain (Sura 18:89-98), whom Muslim exegetes both ancient and modern identify as Alexander. Such appropriation of historical figures might be understandable in the case of a figure like Abraham, but Alexander was not even a monotheist."

[8] See for example: I. Friedländer, Die Chadhirlegende Und Der Alexanderroman, 1913, Druck Und Verlag Von B. G. Teubner: Leipzig, p. 278; J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen, 1926, Walter De Gruyter: Berlin & Leipzig, p. 111; A. R. Anderson, "Alexander's Horns", Transactions And Proceedings Of The American Philological Association, 1927, Volume LVIII, pp. 110-111; A. R. Anderson, Alexander's Gate, Gog And Magog, And The Inclosed Nations, 1932, The Mediaeval Academy Of America: Cambridge, MA, pp. 29-30; C. C. Torrey, The Jewish Foundation Of Islam, 1967, Ktav Publishing House, Inc.: New York, p. 35 and 125.; A. Jeffery, The Koran: Selected Suras, 1958, The Heritage Press: New York, NY, p. 220, n. 9; J. A. Boyle, "The Alexander Romance In The East And West", Bulletin Of The John Rylands University Library Of Manchester, 1977, Volume 60, pp. 19-20.; M. S. Southgate, Iskandarnamah: A Persian Medieval Alexander Romance, 1978, Columbia University Press, New York, p. 201; Ibn Warraq, Why I Am Not A Muslim, 1995, Prometheus Books: Amherst, NY, p. 61; A. Rippin, Muslims: Their Religious Beliefs And Practices, 2003, Routledge, p. 22.

[9] E. A. W. Budge, The History Of Alexander The Great Being The Syriac Version Of The Pseudo-Callisthenes, 1889, Cambridge: At The University Press, p. 154.

[10] K. Czeglédy, "The Syriac Legend Concerning Alexander The Great", Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 1957, Volume 7, p. 246.

[11] C. Hunnius, Das Syrische Alexanderlied, 1905, Göttingen, pp. 21-24.

[12] K. Czeglédy, "The Syriac Legend Concerning Alexander The Great", Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, op cit., pp. 246-247. Czeglédy also discusses Kmoskó's arguments concerning metrical discourse of Jacob of Serug in "Monographs On Syriac And Muhammadan Sources In The Literary Remains Of M. Kmoskó", Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 1954, Volume 4, pp. 35-36. For the discussion on the Syriac prose legend refer to pp. 31-34.

[13] S. Gero, "The Legend Of Alexander The Great In The Christian Orient", Bulletin Of The John Rylands University Library Of Manchester, 1993, Volume 75, p. 7.

[14] E. A. W. Budge, The History Of Alexander The Great Being The Syriac Version Of The Pseudo-Callisthenes, op cit., p. lxxvii.

[15] B. M. Wheeler in "Moses Or Alexander? Early Islamic Exegesis Of Qur'an 18:60-65", Journal Of Near Eastern Studies, 1998, Volume 57, p. 203.

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Story of Zulqarnain (AS) Home / Today's Paper / Opinion / Story of Zulqarnain (AS) February 13, 2012 Print : Opinion

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   In my previous column I mentioned the information available in Surah Kahf about Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS). I would now like to go into greater detail about the invaluable book written by the Saudi scholar, Mr Hamdi bin Hamza al-Suraiseri Al-Johani. The book contains more than 500 pages with useful drawings and photos, and the information given would require many columns to discuss fully. I am therefore limiting myself to the essentials.

History tells us that about 3,400 years ago (1392 BC) a child was born in the grand palace of the Pharaoh on the banks of the Nile. The father was the most powerful Pharaoh, Amunhotep III – the same Pharaoh who wanted to murder Hazrat Musa (AS) and was drowned by the Almighty when he was chasing Musa (AS) and his followers. The prince was named Amunhotep IV, but he changed his name to Akhenaten after becoming king (Pharaoh) in 1360 BC. Allah had given 8

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him the status of Prophet in 1362 BC and he was quietly following Wehdaniat (monotheism). Once he felt powerful enough he publicly announced his belief.

His mother, Tiye, also believed in one God. After some time Akhenaten built a new city, Akhetaton, in the centre of Egypt and forbade the worship of idols.

According to the Holy Quran, Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS), the name Akhenaten is known by in the Quran, was a nice, religious person and Allah had sent him as a messenger to his people, the Egyptians.

Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) lived in Akhetaton for about 12 years and then suddenly he, his mother and all the inhabitants disappeared. This remains one of the greatest secrets of Egyptian history. From 1342 BC on, Egyptian history opens a new chapter.

In about 615 AD, Allah sent revelationsto our Holy Prophet (PBUH) with Surah Kahf. Following Allah’s command, Zulqarnain and his family and followers left Egypt to visit the places of sunset and sunrise and to build the rampart between two cliffs in China to protect the inhabitants from the attacks of the cruel Mongols -the “Horse People” (discussed in Part I). The Holy Quran has not given any further information about Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS), his mother and his followers after the building of this rampart and the rest remains secrets of Egyptian and Chinese history.

Mr Hamdi bin Hamza carried out extensive research and found that Yajouj and Majouj consist of a sentence of six words in Chinese meaning “inhabitants of the Asia continent and inhabitants of the horse continent.” In Chinese, Yajouj is known as Yajouren and Majouj as Majouren. The author travelled extensively throughout China, meeting many Chinese historians. He convincingly postulates that when Musa (AS) and the Pharaoh were arguing about Allah Almighty, Pharaoh’s son AkhenatenAkhenaton (Zulqarnain) interceded and tried to convince his father and other people to believe what Musa (AS) was saying. None other than a very important and influential person could intercede in such a discussion.

Hence, it must have been the son of the Pharaoh. History or the Quran do not mention the departure or migration of Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS). It was most probably on the command of Allah that he migrated to preach that there was only one God, the All-Mighty, All-Powerful and All-Knowing.

The Quran says that Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) first went to the place where the sun sets. The author has given convincing arguments that this place is the Maldives Islands where there are hot sea currents. Anthropologists have also confirmed that it was around 3,400 years ago that the first humans came to the Maldives. This would coincide with the time when Zulqarnain (AS) reached there.

According to the Quran, Zulqarnain and his party then left for the place where the sun rises. The author’s research convinced him that this was the Kiribati Islands in 9

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the Pacific, thousands of kilometres east of Australia. There he found the “Sun Rise Hotel” where, on Jan 1, 2000, representatives from international agencies and many tourists had gathered to see the first rays of the sun rising on the new millennium. These islands are now known as the Republic of Kiribati, with a population of 100,000. Unfortunately, the inhabitants are very poor. I wish one of the rich Arab countries would fix a yearly donation to these poor people. We know that both the Maldives and the Kiribati Islands lie on the Equator where sunrise and sunset times are more or less constant.

Mr Hamdi bin Hamza also visited the city of Zhenzhou in Henan County, China, where he found a rampart forming a barrier between two steep mountains. It was seven km long, 36 meters wide at the base, nine meters wide at the top and nine meters high. Chinese historians mention it as being the First Great Wall.

When Zulqarnain (AS) reached Zhenzhou city (now a very important industrial centre), the people there asked him to build a barrier between the mountains to keep out the marauding “Horse People” (Mongols). For this they were willing to make payment in goods. Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) politely refused to accept any compensation, saying that the Almighty had provided him with enough resources and manpower and that they should supply only the materials required. This consisted of steel pieces (probably slag and pig iron). This he used to fill up the space between the two mountains. He then asked them to heat the whole until it is red hot (probably using coal which is found abundantly in the area). When it was red hot, Zulqarnain (AS) asked them to bring earth (probably rich in metallic ore), which was then poured onto the red hot iron, turning the whole into a compact, solid mass.

Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) and his people were called “Chu People” by the Chinese, meaning alien or outsider. Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) was accepted as their leader and established a kingdom there. After about 200 years this became known as the Chu Dynasty and it lasted for almost 800 years.

Mr Hamdi bin Hamza believes that Hazrat Zulqarnain (AS) and his mother and companions are buried in or near Zhenzhou city and he hopes that some day archaeologists will find their graves in the same way as those being found in Egypt 5,000 years after their burial.

May Allah Almighty shower His blessings on Mr Hamdi bin Hamza Al-Suraiseri Al-Johani and his family for this excellent, noble work. Ameen.

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ALEXANDER THE GREAT: http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/1 120-alexander-the-great 15

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By: Isaac Broydé, Kaufmann Kohler, Israel Lévi Table of Contents

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—In Jewish Legend:

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Samaritan Intrigue.

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The Ten Questions of Alexander to the Sages of the South (Tamid, 31b et seq.):

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Alexander's Journey to the Regions of Darkness (Tamid, 32a):

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The Amazons (Tamid, ibid.; PesiḲ. ix. 74. 74a etseq.; Lev. R. xxvii.; Tan., Emor, 6; Ḥibbur Ma'asiot):

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The Gold Bread (ibid.):

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King Kaẓia and His Judgment (Yer. B. M. ii. 8c; Gen. R. xxxiii.; PesiḲ.; Lev. R.; Tan., Emor, as above):

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Alexander at the Gate of Paradise; the Eye:

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Alexander's Ascent into the Air (Yer. 'Ab. Zarah, iii. 42c; Num. R. xiii.):

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Alexander's Descent into the Sea (Ps. R. 103; compare Pseudo-Callisthenes, II. xxxviii.):

The celebrated conqueror of the East, 356-323 B.C. By introducing Hellenic culture into Syria and Egypt, he had probably more influence on the development of Judaism than any one individual not a Jew by race. Yet, curiously enough, there are no personal details which connect him with Jewish history, save that after the siege of Tyre, 332 B.C., he marched through Palestine unopposed, except in the case of Gaza, which was razed to the ground. He is mentioned by name only in the Apocryphal I Macc. (i. 1-8, vi. 2). It is supposed that the Book of Daniel alludes to Alexander when it refers to a mighty king that "shall stand up, that shall rule with great dominion," whose kingdom shall be destroyed after his death (Dan. xi. 3). The vision of the "fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly," devouring and breaking all in pieces (ibid. vii. 7), may also be an allusion to Alexander.

The only historical event connecting Alexander the Great with the Jews is his visit to Jerusalem, which is recorded by Josephus in a somewhat fantastic manner. According to "Ant." xi. 8, §§ 4-6, Alexander went to Jerusalem after having taken Gaza. Jaddua, the high priest, had a warning from God received in a dream, in which he saw himself vested in a purple robe, with his miter— that had the golden plate on which the name of God was engraved—on his head. Accordingly he went to meet Alexander at Sapha ("View" [of the Temple]). Followed by the priests, all clothed in fine linen, and by a multitude of citizens, Jaddua awaited the coming of the king. When Alexander saw the high priest, he reverenced God (Lev. R. xiii., end), and saluted Jaddua; while the Jews with one voice greeted Alexander. When Parmenio, the general, gave expression to the army's surprise at Alexander's extraordinary act—that one who ought to be adored by all as king 16

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should adore the high priest of the Jews—Alexander replied: "I did not adore him, but the God who hath honored him with this high-priesthood; for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea, promising that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians."

Alexander then gave the high priest his right hand, and went into the Temple and "offered sacrifice to God according to the high priest's direction," treating the whole priesthood magnificently. "And when the Book of Daniel was shown him [see Dan. vii. 6, viii. 5-8, 20-22, xi. 3-4], wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks [ ] should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that he was the person intended, and rejoiced thereat. The following day Alexander asked the people what favors he should grant them; and, at the high priest's request, he accorded them the right to livein full enjoyment of the laws of their forefathers. He, furthermore, exempted them from the payment of tribute in the seventh year of release. To the Jews of Babylonia and Media also he granted like privileges; and to the Jews who were willing to enlist in his army he promised the right to live in accordance with their ancestral laws. Afterward the Samaritans, having learned of the favors granted the Jews by Alexander, asked for similar privileges; but Alexander declined to accede to their request. The historical character of this account is, however, doubted by many scholars (see Pauly-Wissowa, "Realencyklopädie," i. col.

1422). Although, according to Josephus ("Contra Ap." ii. 4, quoting Hecatæus), Alexander permitted the Jews to hold the country of Samaria free from tribute as a reward for their fidelity to him, it was he who Hellenized its capital (Schürer, "Gesch." ii. 108). The Sibylline Books (iii.

383) speak of Alexander—who claimed to be the son of Zeus Amon—as "of the progeny of the Kronides, though spurious."

—In Jewish Legend:

All the accounts which the Talmud and Midrash give concerning Alexander MuḲdon (the Macedonian) are of a legendary character. Some of them pretend to be historical, as the following Baraita in Yoma, 69a (identical with Megillat Ta'anit, iii.): "When the Samaritans had obtained permission from Alexander to destroy the Temple in Jerusalem, the high priest Simon the Just, arrayed in his pontifical garments and followed by a number of distinguished Jews, went out to meet the conqueror, and joined him at Antipatris, on the northern frontier. At sight of Simon, Alexander fell prostrate at his feet, and explained to his astonished companions that the image of the Jewish high priest was always with him in battle, fighting for him and leading him to victory. Simon took the opportunity to justify the attitude of his countrymen, declaring that, far from being rebels, they offered prayers in the Temple for the welfare of the king and his dominions. So impressed was Alexander that he delivered up all the Samaritans in his train into the hands of the Jews, who tied them to the tails of horses and dragged them to the mountain of Gerizim; then the Jews plowed the mountain [demolished the Samaritan temple]."

Samaritan Intrigue.

It is evident that this account wrongly assigns to the times of Alexander an event which occurred two centuries later, in the reign of John Hyrcanus I. It must therefore have been written at a late 17

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period, when the memory of historical incidents had become confused. The legend presents a striking resemblance to the narrative of Josephus ("Ant." xi. 8, § 1 et seq.). The point of the fable is the honor conferred by Alexander upon the high priest and the cause thereof; and, furthermore, the contrast between his good-will to the Jews and his hostility to the Samaritans. Both the narrative in the Talmud and that of Josephus are derived from an "Apology" of the Jews which aimed at discrediting the members of the Samaritan sect. It is even possible that this apology, as Büchler thinks ("Rev. Ét. Juives," lxxxvi. 1), had its origin in Alexandria, where the attitude of Alexander was of decisive importance in the eyes of the Greek public: "In Gen. R. (lxi., end) the Samaritans are accused of playing a rôle equally despicable with that imputed to them in the above legend. When Alexander advanced toward Jerusalem, they informed him that the Jews would forbid his entrance to the Holy of Holies. A Jew, Gebi'ah ben Kosem [identical with Gebia ben Pesisa, a legendary character], asked the king, on the hill of the Temple, to remove his shoes and to put on the slippers ornamented with precious stones that he had brought for him, lest he should slip on the pavement of the Temple. Alexander complied with the request, and thus avoided a violation of the rabbinic law. When they arrived at the Holy of Holies, Gebi'ah said to the king, 'We are not permitted to proceed farther' (neither we nor you).

'When I have left the Temple,' replied the king, 'I will straighten your hump' (Gebi'ah signifies humpback). 'If you do,' answered Gebi'ah, 'you are a great physician, and deserving of high remuneration.'"

This anecdote is one of those naive inventions of which many are found in Midrash Ekah Rabbati, and which aim at exhibiting the ingenuity of the Jews in repartee. Alexander is made to play merely the part of a stage-king.

The same Gebi'ah appears in a narrative of quite a different type. Alexander is here represented as the great conqueror to whom the nations appeal for arbitration of their differences: (Sanh. 91a, Gen. R. l.c.).

"The Arabs accuse the Jews of illegally withholding the heritage of their ancestor Ishmael; the Canaanites complain of having been wrongly deprived of their territory; and the Egyptians claim indemnity for the vessels that the Israelites had taken from them on leaving their country. Gebi'ah meets all these charges with great success: against the Egyptians he proves that it is they that are indebted to the Jews, whom they had exploited without paying them for their work, and Alexander was fully satisfied with the refutation" Coin with Aramaic Inscription.

These pretended discussions, similar to those reported to have taken place between the Samaritans and the Jews before Ptolemy Philometor (Josephus, "Ant." xii. 1, § 10; xiii. 4, § 4), are the echo of the accusations against the Jews by pagan readers of the Bible at Alexandria.

These imputations were taken up later by the Gnostics, who were the pupils of the Alexandrians, and especially by the Marcionites. Tertullian replied to 18

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Marcion, who had brought the same reproach against the Bible for the "larceny" committed by the Jews, by repeating the words of Gebi'ah; he even mentions the discussions between the Jews and the Egyptians ("nam et aiunt ita actum per legatos utrinque; Ægyptiorum quidem repetentium vasa; Judeorum vero reposcentium operas suas, et tandem vasis istis renuntiaverunt sibi Ægyptii"; "Adversus Marcionem," ii. 20).

Another group of legends is of a more popular character; they have nothing specifically Jewish, and are connected with the general legendary tales of Alexander. They may be given as follows: The Ten Questions of Alexander to the Sages of the South (Tamid, 31b et seq.):

This account is written in certain parts in a classical Aramaic, proving that it was borrowed from some written record; it is quite analogous to the conversations which, according to Plutarch ("Life of Alexander"), Alexander was reported to have had with ten gymnosophists who had rebelled against him; there the account continues with ten questions, some of which are identical with those of the Talmud. This episode seems, therefore, to be the fragment of a non-Jewish narrative, parallel with that of the Greek historian.

Alexander's Journey to the Regions of Darkness (Tamid, 32a):

Alexander makes a journey into the region of darkness riding on young Libyan asses. There he stops at a fountain, which reanimates a dead fish that he has dipped into it. The same story is found in Pseudo-Callisthenes, II. chaps. xxxix.-xli. (version B). The legend as reproduced in the Talmud is the popular altered form of a later period.

The Amazons (Tamid, ibid.; PesiḲ. ix. 74. 74a etseq.; Lev. R. xxvii.; Tan., Emor, 6; Ḥibbur Ma'asiot):

Alexander comes to a place which is inhabited only by women. They say to him: "If you kill us, people will accuse you of murdering women. If we kill you, people will say: Behold a king who was overcome by women!" This is the well-known story of the Amazons, but reduced to its simplest expression. In the PesiḲta the town inhabited by the women is called ḳartagene, derived by folk-ety-mology from the Aramaic Ḳarta (town) and the Greek γυνή (woman).

The Gold Bread (ibid.):

Alexander asked the Amazons for bread, and they brought him, on a golden table, a loaf of gold bread. "Do you eat gold bread?" the king then said. "Well, if your desire be for ordinary bread, could you not get it in your own country without coming hither?" answered the Amazons. This satire on the ambition of conquerors recurs frequently in Jewish legends. It does not appear in Pseudo-Callisthenes and in the accounts derived from it; but is found in Plutarch's essay on the virtuous deeds of women. Pythes, a rich Greek in the times of Xerxes, who forces his fellow citizens to work for him in a gold-mine, is served by his wife with gold bread to demonstrate the absurdity of his greed. This moral is connected with Alexander also in another form: instead of the Amazons it was the king Kaẓia who gave the lesson to Alexander.

King Kaẓia and His Judgment (Yer. B. M. ii. 8c; Gen. R. xxxiii.; PesiḲ.; Lev. R.; Tan., Emor, as above): 19

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King Kaẓia (ruler of a country situated behind the "Dark" mountains) invited Alexander to hear a lawsuit. The plaintiff declared that he had bought a piece of land and found in it a treasure; he wanted to return the treasure to the original owner, since, he claimed, he had bought the field only. The defendant replied that he had sold the field with everything that it contained. Then the king inquired of one of them: "Have you a son?"; of the other, "Have you a daughter?" "Marry them, and let the treasure be theirs." Alexander laughed at this judgment. "Is my decision a wrong one?" inquired the king. "No; but in our country we would have put the two parties to death and confiscated the treasure." "Do you have rain in your country?" "Yes." "And have you animals also?" "Yes." "Then it is surely for their sake and not for yours that the rain falls and the sun shines upon you." This satirical account seems to be of Jewish origin, although it is, in part, based on a popular theme—marriage as the solution of a lawsuit (compare a Cambodian tale in "Revue des Traditions Populaires," xv. 133). The Jewish form of the fable was embodied in the "Dicta Philosophorum" of Abu al Wafa Mubashshir ibn FaḲih (1053-54), a work which was translated into Spanish, Latin, English, and French (see Knust, "Mittheilungen aus dem Eskurial," Tübingen, 1879). In other Arabic texts the trial takes place before David and Solomon (Weil, "Biblische Legenden," p. 215). The anecdote seems to have been brought to Europe by a priest in 1083 ("Chronique de l'Abbaye de St. Hubert"; Pertz, "Monumenta Germanica, Scriptores," viii. 599).

Alexander at the Gate of Paradise; the Eye:

The Talmud (Tamid, 32b) concludes with this narrative: Alexander arrived at the gate of paradise and asked that it be opened to him. "Only the just can enter here," came the reply. "I am a renowned king; present me with something." A little ball was given to him. He put it in a scale; and it outweighed all the gold and silver in his possession. In his astonishment he turned to the rabbis, who explained to him that it was an eyeball, which could never be satiated; but if covered with a handful of dust (buried) it would weigh nothing. This satire on greed, or the ambition to acquire wealth, seems likewise to be genuinely Jewish. This allegory, as it appears in the Talmud, is reproduced in better shape in "Alexandri Magni Iter ad Paradisum," a little work of the twelfth century, which has even preserved traces of its Jewish origin. In this it is an old Jew, of the name of Papas, who lectures the king. Both forms of the legend are evidently connected with a lost original.

Alexander's Ascent into the Air (Yer. 'Ab. Zarah, iii. 42c; Num. R. xiii.):

This appears to be a reminiscence of a narrative in Pseudo-Callisthenes (II. xli.).

Alexander's Descent into the Sea (Ps. R. 103; compare Pseudo-Callisthenes, II. xxxviii.):

In the Middle Ages the Jews confined themselves to translations of the romance of Alexander from the Arabic or the Latin, particularly in the form which it had received in the "Historia de Proeliis." A Hebrew translation of this work, made by an unknown writer after an Arabic version, was edited and published by Israel Lévi under the title "Toledot Alexander" (Life of Alexander), Paris, 1887. Another translation from a Latin text, by Immanuel ben Jacob de Tarascon, exists only in manuscript. A recension, the origin of which has not yet been clearly ascertained, was surreptitiously included in certain manuscripts of the Josippon (perhaps by Judah Mosconi).

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Another romance of Alexander, quite different from the rest, was written by a Jew in the west of Europe before the thirteenth century; it was published by Israel Lévi in Steinschneider's "Festschrift." Some portions of the legend were known to scholars by the Hebrew translation of "Sod ha-Sodot" (Secret of Secrets) and of "Musare ha-Filosofim" (Dicta of the Philosophers), containing whole chapters touching upon the legendary life of Alexander.

Bibliography:



Rev. Ét. Juives, iii. 239 et seq., iv. 279;



Steinschneider, Hebr. Uebers. pp. 894-898;



Nöldeke, Beiträge zur Gesch. des Alexander-Romans, in Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Classe, xxxviii. ch. iv., Vienna, 1890;



Fränkel, in Z. D. M. G. liv. 322;



Jew. Quart. Rev. iv. 635;



Bacher, Nizami's Lehen und Werke und der Zweite Theil des Nizamischen Alexanderbuches, pp.

63 et seq., Leipsic, 1871.

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