(un)making the public house: a story of design justice.
Introduction
Architectural spaces, much like the human experience, carry the echoes of history and at times, the weight of unresolved trauma. Originally intended to serve as a space of refuge, the public house1 is a significant aspect of British social fabric that mirrored community values, however, has yet to embrace inclusivity, both architecturally and culturally. This proposal builds on existing scholarship on postcolonial spaces and practices, by offering a nuanced understanding of how speculative design can challenge historical stereotypes and promote cultural inclusivity. Beginning with architectural and historical analyses of pubs in London through observing spatial layouts and interior design, such as those from the Prince Alfred in Maida Vale, and sourcing material from archives such as the Dyche Collection at Birmingham Central Library, and the National Archives in Richmond, I aim to utilize the findings where the proposed output is a speculative design of a pub conceived as a result cross-cultural interaction, better known as hybridity, a nod to Homi K. Bhabha’s postcolonial theory of the Third Space, where hybridity refers to the creation of new transcultural forms within the contact zone produced by colonization (Mambrol, 2016). Directed towards architects, policymakers, and researchers, interested in the decolonization of the built environment, the main aim of the research is to reconceptualize pubs as postcolonial spaces that actively engage communities and challenge existing stereotypes.
Fig i. An illustrstion of hybridity
1 Pub Fig i sourced from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=t6tH6mkmYIA
Subject area, aims and objectives
One of Britain’s most important cultural components, there are now around 20,829 pubs across the country, with 3.1 pubs per 10,000 people2, despite a decline in recent years. An everyday establishment for the born Brit, the public house is not always a house for all the public. They reflect societal divisions, both good and bad, sometimes adopting names and signages with racial connotations or historical figures associated with slavery, racism, or colonialism (Wilkinson, 2016). Take the Black Boy Inn for instance, or the unapologetic wave of the Union Jack, that conjures up images of English nationalism or far -right movements such as the National Front. Such social dynamics are highlighted by Clarke in his book The Poor Man’s Club: The Middle Classes, the Public House, and the Idea of Community in the Nineteen -Thirties, stating that there were specific social functions and spaces for prosperous drinkers particularly in London, however, were typically working-class establishments that served as social hubs, for they were central to their lifestyle in a way that wasn’t to the middle-class.
According to several middle-class writers and intellectuals such as George Orwell, and those who worked for the radical social research organization, Mass-Observation3, the pub preserved elements of “community” that the more prosperous had lost. It was a site of relationships sustained through communal practices such as singing or the buying of rounds that further solidified togetherness (Clarke, 2012). Its colonial roots, however, have conceived problematic associations and negative stereotypes of ethnic minorities, which persist today, and without change will carry into the future (Akinfenwa, 2019). This demonstrates a call for a new architecture that addresses societal damage through rethinking the architectural canon, and in this research, I explore the role of architects as political mediators. Drawing upon Bhabha’s Third Space theory, my proposal suggests a passive approach – the postcolonial pub, a speculative typology that adopts a bottom-up model where community involvement plays a vital role in its realization, championing individual values to foster hybridization.
3 A British social research project documenting everyday life in Britain
Fig ii sourced from: https://www.theartnewspaper.com/2022/07/29/controversial -black-boy-signs-on-britishpubs-explored-in-exhibition-at-turner-contemporary
Fig ii. Black Boy inn
In her book, Christina Sharpe’s concept of the wake4 provides a theoretical lens which allows us to examine the afterlife of historical trauma within an architectural context. She explores the idea of spatiotemporal dimension, where rather than perceiving history as a linear series of events, she emphasize s specific ones and discusses their cyclical nature throughout the afterlife (Sharpe, 2016). Through this concept, we discover ways in which architecture represents repositories of history. The built environment is made up of reflections of our institutions, acting as physical manifestations of the ideologies they serve (Lambert, 2016) and the practice of constructing inhabitable spaces has been weaponized to serve as a tool for control, domination, and oppression. The architecture of the slave ship5 is a fine example, a vile manifestation of the colonist that actively sought to confine slaves to inhumane conditions and placed them at the very heart of disease, cruelty, and death.
Over 14 million West African men, women and children were captured and force d onto ships to be auctioned and used in the Americas, between the 15th and 19th century, however, it was its architecture that truly demonstrated evil. The ship’s design centred around the body’s minimum size, while trying to accommodate the maximum number of passengers, with specific areas designated for men, women, and the children. Nets were also placed around the ship to prevent suicide, along with plans to barricade the crew in the case of a riot (Elwerfalli, 2022). The architecture of the public hous e follows similar principles. While architecture does not invent racism per se, it creates the spatial conditions for racism to manifest and is oh-so commonplace for ethnic minorities. This, however, isn’t to say that architecture can’t also function as an advocate for a just society, that we need not accept the evil among us or demonize the practice. So, what happens when it is ousted out?
4 The wake refers to the traces of history that linger in the present
5 The slave ship (15th – 19th century) is an exemplar in oppressive design Fig iii sourced from: https://ageofrevolution.org/200 -object/description-of-a-slave-ship/
Fig iii. A schematic diagram of the slave ship
That being said, my research questions are:
How can architects effectively translate cultural values of diverse communities into architectural forms in a way that represents them authentically while challenging existing stereotypes?
In what ways does community engagement of the postcolonial pub differ from traditional pubs, particularly in addressing historical issues?
Can the research findings encourage new policy recommendations in the integration of inclusive design principles?
My first aim is to reconceptualize the public house by:
Firstly, interrogating its colonial roots and societal damage by conducting thorough historical and architectural analyses of historically problematic pubs, examining their cultural significance and spatial logic.
Secondly, analysing the lived experiences of the local ethnic demographic through drawing upon stories.
Lastly, organizing speculative design sessions with the community, including scenario building6 workshops, artefact prototyping, and roleplay.
My second aim will be to package this information through an immersive exhibition, to educate the public on historical contexts , including an installation to serve as a testing ground for the postcolonial pub design, by:
Developing presentation boards, including architectural drawings, visualizations and physical models showcasing the postcolonial pub.
Setting up physical displays, including problematic artefacts found across various pubs, incorporating multimedia elements, such as audio recordings and videos to convey experiences of different communities, to provide visitors a first -hand sense of challenges faced by ethnic minorities.
Assembling an installation with the community-made artefacts within a pub context.
6 The creation of probable, possible, plausible or preferred narratives that explore potential futures through adopting new or different social changes
Historical context
It is difficult to imagine the social fabric of Britain without the instit ution of the drink, namely, the public house, where as of 2023, around 37% of British adults visit once a fortnight.7 Originally an Italian import for community life in villages, towns, and cities, the public house dates back almost two thousand years during the Roman Empire, when an invading army brought wine bars, known as tabernae, built alongside roads in towns to quench the thirst of legionary troops. Ale, however, was the native brew and the tabernae naturally adapted to provide locals with it, with the word eventually being corrupted to tavern. Not only did the tavern survive, but continued to adapt to an ever -changing clientele, witnessing the invasion of Angles, Saxons, Jutes and Vikings, until eventually they, alongside inns, were collectively established as public houses, or pubs, for short. (Johnson, 2015).
Pubs, however, have long been an issue among the authorities following the drop of duty on spirits in 1825, which many showed concern over the effect it had on the working-class. This led to the development of plate glass frontages and gas lights in shop design, resulting in the conception of the Gin Palace, grandiose buildings that were popular in slums. According to renowned historian Mark Girouard, one of the major marketing discoveries of the 19th century was that if turnover was big enough, there was money to be made from the poor, and they could be provided with something approaching the amenities of the rich, which the rich found upsetting (Wilkinson, 2016). Nonetheless, the government was dependent on tax receipts from the sale of alcohol, which during the Napoleonic Wars, constituted for half its revenue. As such, prohibition wasn’t an option, however, licensing hours were restricted. Undoubtedly, this had led to riots in 1855 as pubs eventually became an almost exclusively working-class sanctuary, much to the dismay of the rich.
Fig iv sourced from: https://www.mylondon.news/whats -on/whats-on-news/maida-vale-prince-alfred-pub24281603
Fig iv. The Prince Alfred, Maida Vale
Writers had attempted to challenge the image of the pub as spaces of hostility, but ultimately represented them as communal spaces, that provided an inclusive environment. In practice, however, it wasn’t this simple, as texts such as Michael A. Smith’s Social Usages of the Public Drinking House and Patrick Hamilton’s Hangover Square reveal that although forms of community were valuable, few welcomed “outsiders”, constituting as those who weren’t part of their class, gender, regional background and even sexu ality (Clarke, 2012). In centuries past, public drunkenness was perceived as a blight on society, with pubs the culprit, due to the increased production of cheap English gin as a result of heavy duty on imported brandy, meaning the wealthy upper-class resorted to drinking privately in their homes. Some, however, still wished to be able to drink at pubs without the feeling of embarrassment of mixing with commoners, and so divisions were indicated not only through price disparities, but spatial logic too, through snob screens8, which perpetuated oppressive class distinctions. Typically found in Victorian pubs, such physical dividers dissipated in the mid 20th century, however, remnants remain in just eight pubs across the UK.
Less than 4% of pub interiors retain their historic value (Brandwood, 2011), which makes the Grade II* listed Prince Alfred in Maida Vale of importance. Built in 1856, the pub tells a rich history through its spatial layout. While the working-class had public bars, women had spaces that were designed around t he idea of respectability, which meant they were specifically constructed to be the least expensive room. Divided by snob screens, the pub also has five compartments with their own entrance, including a low door to allow pot boys9 through for glass collection. Pubs had also operated a colour bar as a result of snob screens, segregating Black and Asian patrons, however, strong opposition and campaigns led to its abolishment in the mid 20th century thanks to the Indian Workers Association, who attracted the attention of US civil rights leader, Malcolm X (CAMRA, n.d.). Despite their extinction, there is still a repulsive level of racism to be found through patrons. According to Sanghera (2021), this is because the colour bar and racism were an imperial import, firmly embedded in cultural DNA, and colonialists exercised segregation in colonies as the philosophy became a domestic secret policy.
8 Physical dividers made from frosted glass that hid upper -class patrons from commoners
9 Servers
Fig v sourced from: http://www.maison-destuff.net/john/pictures/LondonAugust2018/05/MVIMG_20180805_161011.jpg
Fig v. Inside the Prince Alfred compartments
Theoretical context
Through Sharpe’s concept of the wake, we embrace the idea that spaces are not neutral, they are active participants in the ongoing narratives of communities (Sharpe, 2016). Such is evident with snob screens and their sociodynamic impact. To compromise, Bhabha’s Third Space theory is introduced. A postcolonial concept that explores the dynamics of cultural identity within colonial boundaries, where the ‘Third Space’ refers to a hybrid / in-between space that emerges as a result of cultural interactions between colonizer and colonized, which Bhabha argues is a space that is not fixed, rather, a space of negotiation and cultural hybridity (Chen, n.d). While cultural diversity promotes underrepresented communities, it instigates categorization and comparison, and the Third Space according to Bhabha is a better approach for cultural expression in unlocking new dialogues, concepts, and perspectives. Such sociocultural interactions allow us to map the interrelationship between them, to understand how they communicate, develop and challenge dominant narratives to reach social harmony (Vishwakarma, 2023). Doing so creates an environment where cultural identities become prominent in a globalized society, and this theoretical framework serves as a lens through which architectural design can be reframed.
Methodology
The first stage draws on historical and architectural analyses, where I will conduct site visits and review historical documents, literature, and plans regarding problematic pubs. Analysing their spatial layouts and identifying specific features would provide an understanding of how such issues original ly arose. The second stage focuses on personal narratives, allowing me to employ ethnographic methods including interviews and storytelling sessions, which offer a deeper understanding of experiences, knowledge, and perspectives. This, however, usually involves extensive fieldwork, which can be time-consuming, and not to mention, the complicated nature of liaising for permission or access if need be (GOV.UK, 2020). Following the results, a questionnaire containing the criteria and common issues shared will be created and given to twenty participants where they would score each out of 5. The sample size is sufficient to reach theoretical saturation due to eventual repetition of themes after a few rounds of questionnaires and no literature suggests there must be a specific number for theoretical saturation to be reached (Beitin 2012), as such the decision is a judgment call on the part of the researcher. The questionnaire requires them to complete it separately to avoid social influence as this can lead to biased responses (Kelman, 1958), and is an ideal method for its quantitative outcome, which allows me to efficiently identify recurring themes or patterns.
The final stage draws on speculative methodologies, which aim to incite discussions on the future and challenge existing narratives, through provocative creations that allow people to assess potential futures, utopian or dystopian. Beginning with participatory action, scenario building workshops are ideal for the exchange of ideas, which will be analysed for commonalities and unique cultural expressions. Such a collaborative endeavour, according to Adrienne Brown, in her Emergent Strategy: Shaping Change, Changing Worlds, emphasizes the power of emergent strategies10 to foster meaningful change, which suggests the most effective solutions are those borne of collective wisdom. Next, design artefacts will be created to convey aspects of the community’s vision of the future. These diegetic prototypes11 are incremental and intend to enact the experience of living in the proposed scenario(s), through this, we are given the opportunity to inquire what problem this is the solution for. Lastly, the artefacts will be assembled, and roleplay will be conducted to examine social dynamics.
10 Emergent strategy refers to the embracing of diverse perspectives and cultivating a sense of curiosity to the unkown
11 Fictional design
Ethical dimensions
The nature of this research requires the utmost sensitivity when approaching cultural representation to avoid issues such as exoticism12 or essentialism13, therefore the foundations in which my methods are built upon follow the principles of Edward Said’s orientalism theory, where he suggests power imbalances are reinforced when western cultures attempt to recreate non-western representations (James -Chakraborty, 2021). In an architectural context, this prompts critical examination of how colonial histories have influenced visual and spatial representation of non-western cultures, so architects and I, must be aware of potential biases designs create, which involves reassessing the use of cultural symbols, architectural styles, or spatial arrangements to unintentionally perpetuate colonial narratives.
Bibliography
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12 A term that denotes a quality of something / someone, being unusual and exciting because it / they come from, or seem to be from, a faraway place
13 The belief that things have a set of attributes that are necessary to their identity
(Un)making the Public House: A Story of Design Justice
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(un)making the public house: a story of design justice.
