Ad Astra Issue Ten

University College Roosevelt’s undergraduate research journal offers the very best that its students have to offer. The articles cover the whole range of disciplines that make up the Liberal Arts and Sciences, from philosophy to mathematics. They are also a testimony to the values that underpin our bachelor program, and the reason why it has often been labelled as excellent; an appreciation of true curiosity, and of critical mind; an emphasis on rigorous scholarly research, be it qualitative or quantitative and a focus on clear, attractive writing. Out of the dozens of papers that every UCR student writes during their studies, those presented here have been selected by the editorial board to offer a sample of the most interesting work done by a wide range of students. They offer a wide range of readers insight into the questions asked within the Artes Liberales today, and the answers to them.

Prof. Dr. Barbara Oomen – Dean University College Roosevelt

University College Roosevelt Undergraduate Journal • June 2016

Ad Astra

Ad Astra University College Roosevelt Undergraduate Journal • June 2016

Ad Astra

From Curacao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community: Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics • Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine • Gold Nanoparticles in Chemical Sensors for In Vitro and In Vivo Sensing of Tumors • Investment-linked Products: Customer Protection and Regulation of Markets • The Survival of Communism in the Czech Republic

Colophon Ad Astra, Issue 10, June 2016 Editorial Board Pauliene van Eldik (Editor-in-Chief ) Anna de Bruyn (Sub-Editor/Secretary) Anke Keulen (Sub-Editor) Marije Sluiskes (Sub-Editor) Marjolein Becker Tobias Begeer Hilde van den Berg ZoĂŤ Goldsborough Lara Hofmann Marline Jaspers Faijer Savannah van Nugteren Lisanne Ophoff Bram van Overdijk Anna Roodhof Cheyenne van der Zanden Noga Amiri (Proofreader) Laura Schackmann (Proofreader) Hitanshi Shah (Proofreader) Louise Siere-Nieman (Proofreader) Issie Smith (Proofreader) Laura Vo Ngoc (Proofreader) Contributors to Ad Astra issue 10 Prof. Dr. Arjan van Dixhoorn Dr. Herman Lelieveldt Dr. Hans Krabbendam Dr. Ger Rijkers Karolien Walravens, MA Copy Editing Pauliene van Eldik Typesetting and Design De Drvkkery, Karelien van IJsseldijk Printed by Drukkerij Zoeteweij, Yerseke Ad Astra is published once a year by University College Roosevelt.

For submission procedures, please consult our webpage: www.ucr.nl/adastra Postal Address University College Roosevelt, Ad Astra P.O. Box 94, NL-4330 AB Middelburg, The Netherlands, E-mail: adastra@ucr.nl

Ad Astra University College Roosevelt Undergraduate Journal • June 2016

Ad Astra • June 2016

Foreword The Ad Astra Board is very proud to present to you the 10th edition of Ad Astra! A 10th edition calls to look back on what has been achieved so far. In these 10 years Ad Astra changed from being Roosevelt Academy’s undergraduate journal to University College Roosevelt’s undergraduate journal. The editorial boards have changed every year, with some members contributing their full UCR career. But what hasn’t changed is that each year, the editorial board strives to provide a journal with papers representing what UCR stands for: a broad and varied academic foundation. Hopefully you will feel at home in the field of one of the papers we present you with in this issue and can challenge yourself to read those you don’t know a lot about – yet!

We would like to thank all students who have sent in their papers for this issue: without them it would not have been possible to present you with this issue.

Also, we would like to thank the instructors who have advised us with expertise from their respective fields. A special thanks goes out to Professor Burke, who was always there to guide us whenever necessary.

Moreover, we would like to thank De Drvkkery for designing and printing another wonderful issue.

Lastly, we want to thank all readers of Ad Astra, whether you are inside or outside the UCR community. Without your interest

we would not be able to celebrate 10 issues of Ad Astra. We hope this year’s papers will interest and inspire you.

On to the next 10 issues!

The Ad Astra Editorial Board Daily Board Pauliene van Eldik (Editor-in-Chief ) Anna de Bruyn (Sub-Editor/Secretary) Anke Keulen (Sub-Editor) Marije Sluiskes (Sub-Editor)

Editors Marjolein Becker Tobias Begeer Hilde van den Berg Zoë Goldsborough Lara Hofmann Marline Jaspers Faijer Savannah van Nugteren Lisanne Ophoff Bram van Overdijk Anna Roodhof Cheyenne van der Zanden

Proofreaders Noga Amiri Laura Schackmann Hitanshi Shah Louise Sire-Nieman Isobel Smith Doan Trang Vo Ngoc

Contents 9

From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic

Correspondence and the Early Modern Information

Society

Douwe Schipper

In the late twentieth century, the concept of an “information society” emerged among many scholars as, in their eyes, an appropriate name for contemporary society. One of these scholars, Wolfgang Krohn, argues that information societies are characterized by four specific phenomena. This paper uses a case study of global correspondence in the 18th century in order to demonstrate that Krohn’s characteristics of the information society were also present in the early modern world.

25

Feeding the Soul of the African American Community:

Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics

Between 1954 and 1975 Debby Esmeé de Vlugt

Our traditions, habits, and customs regarding food and eating can tell us a lot about our identity and ethnic history. This paper demonstrates that the consumption of African American cuisine in the late twentieth century can provide insight into the political beliefs and ideals of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements. It discusses the origins and development of African American foodways, as well as

55

Gold Nanoparticles in Chemical Sensors for In Vitro and

In Vivo Sensing of Tumors Kevin Venrooij

This review uses evidence from experiments to examine the possibilities of gold nanoparticles in terms of sensors for tumor detection. Gold nanoparticles are between 0-100 nm in diameter and consist of gold cores with ligands attached to them. They have important applications, explained further in the paper, which allow for improved and far less invasive detection methods.

65

Investment-linked Products: Customer Protection and

Regulation of Markets

Jeffrey Sprong

In recent decades the financial industry has become increasingly complex. Uneducated customers are confronted with this complexity on a daily basis, which eventually culminated in the introduction of highly sophisticated investment-linked products. An analysis of two of these instances, the Dutch ‘Woekerpolisaffaire’ and Lehmann Brothers’ ‘Minibonds’, is conducted to evaluate the standing of customer protection and market regulation both with regard to the Dutch financial sector and in a global spectrum.

75

The Survival of Communism in the Czech Republic:

The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia as a

Successor Party

Amandeus van Rossum

different attitudes towards this ‘soul food’ cuisine that were present during this period.

41

Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency

Medicine: Perception and Presentation

Kirsten Dubbeldam

The topic of the paper is the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic. Within this paper, I will argue for the survival of communist ideology in Czech national politics to be a logical phenomenon in the post-Soviet era. The communist party has remained to be influential due to its communist past, its political supporters and its ideological evolution. Currently, the party holds seats in parliament and is active on a European level.

This research aims to investigate the characteristics of patients suffering from Medically Unexplained Physical Symptoms (MUS). Although these patients are a frequent occurrence in the hospital population, they received little attention thus far. Additionally, the ability of the physician to predict the medical outcome and the satisfaction amongst patients and general practitioners is investigated. The outcome of this research may serve as a stepping stone to more research regarding this topic.

84

Biographies of the Authors

Ad Astra • June 2016

From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society Douwe Schipper | University College Roosevelt In partial fulfilment of the requirements for A&H 374 Zeeland in the Early Modern World taught

by Prof. Dr. Arjan van Dixhoorn

Abstract Scholars, including historians, try to label or name the age in which they live. In the late twentieth century, the concept of an “information society” emerged among many scholars as, in their eyes, an appropriate name for contemporary society. One of these scholars is Wolfgang Krohn, who argues that the information society is characterized by four phenomena: the globalization of information, the globalization of communication, the globalization of control technologies, and the collecting and using of information about all aspects of collective and individual life, which in turn penetrates and shapes that life. In this paper, it is argued that Krohn’s definition of an information society is also applicable to the early modern world; therefore, the concept is insufficient in distinguishing our age from other ages. The thesis will be demonstrated using the case study of the correspondence between board of directors of the Middelburgse Commercie Compagnie (MCC) and their agent in Curaçao, Juan Schuurman, in the year 1730.

Each characterization of the information society will be applied to the content of the letters. It will be concluded that the MCC was operating in a society that fits Krohn’s description of an information society. This leads to two possible conclusions. Either Krohn’s definition is insufficient and a different approach to the information society is appropriate, or the information society already existed in the early modern world and is thus not a characterization that can be used to distinguish our age from earlier ages.

Introduction

time. Central to these claims was the notion that “new social uses of information [...] are transforming social life in fundamental ways”.1 One of these scholars is Wolfgang Krohn, who defines the information society according to four

Among many social scientists and other scholars, including historians, the concept of an “information society” emerged in the late twentieth century as a characterization of what the world was evolving into at that 1

Rule, J.B., and Besen, Y. “The Once and Future Information Society”. Theory and Society, 37.4 (2008): 317.

9

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Douwe Schipper • From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society

characteristics.2 The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that Krohn’s definition is applicable to the early modern period, and to show that his definition is insufficient in distinguishing our age from other ages. The thesis is demonstrated by considering each aspect that Krohn attributes to the information society3 using a case study: the correspondence between the board of directors of the Middelburgse Commercie Compagnie (MCC) and their agent in Curaçao, Juan Schuurman, in the year 17304.

These characteristics are 1) the globalization of information, 2) the globalization of communication, 3) the globalization of control technologies, and 4) the collecting and using of information about every aspect of collective and individual life, which in turn also penetrates and shapes that collective and individual life. These characteristics are, according to Krohn, related to societies that are massively influenced by computer-

2

based networks. In this paper, it will be demonstrated, however, that these can also be characteristics of a society in which information networks are not computer-based.5 Krohn does not define or elaborate on these characteristics; he simply mentions them, assuming that their meanings are clear. For the sake of clarity, however, it is useful to consider what meanings are adopted in the construction of the arguments of this paper. Globalization of information is interpreted as the simultaneous existence of particular pieces of information in multiple places worldwide. Globalization of communication, then, is interpreted as the existence of global communication networks that make globalized information possible.6 Globalization of control technologies is interpreted as the existence of what Bruno Latour refers to as “acting at a distance”.7 The collection and use of information about every aspect of collective and

Krohn, W. “Knowledge Societies”. in: Smelser, N.J., and Baltes, P.B. (eds). The International Encyclopedia of the Social

and Behavioral Sciences. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 8139.

3

It is important to note that Krohan makes a distinction between an information society and a knowledge society; this

paper only addresses his definition of the information society. Krohn, W, “Knowledge Societies”, 8149.

4

MCC’s board of directors (31 August 1730). Letter to Juan Schuurman. De Archieven van de MCC (“Kopieboeken van

Verzonden Brieven” Inv. No. 88). Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg; Schuurman, Juan (6 February 1730). Letter to the MCC’s board of directors. De Archieven van de MCC (Correspondentie met Juan Schuurman”, Inv. No. 56.1). Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg; Schuurman, Juan (4 March 1730). Letter to the MCC’s board of directors. De Archieven van de MCC (“Correspondentie met Juan Schuurman”, Inv. No. 56.1). Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg; Schuurman, Juan (30 December 1730). Letter to the MCC’s board of directors. De Archieven van de MCC (“Correspondentie met Juan Schuurman”, Inv. No. 56.1). Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg.

5

Krohn, “Knowledge Societies”, 8139.

6

It is important to note that globalization of information and globalization of communication are not necessarily

regions or national frameworks. World history distinguishes itself from social history in that it typically sees ordinary people as victims, their experiences not worth of attention, and their agency as practically nonexistent. However, as Stearns has demonstrated, it is possible to construct a historical approach without these distinguishing factors in some sort of “collaboration” between social history and world history.12 In the tradition of world historians, the dynamics that this paper looks at are global dynamics; they are concerned with the existence of the global communication and information networks that shape collective and individual life and allow individuals and collectives to act at a distance. This paper looks at globalizations, i.e. developments that characterize a historical trajectory that is shared by all human beings; this is one of the aims of world history.

On the other hand, in the socio-historical tradition, this paper will look at dynamics “from the bottom up”. This means, rather than trying to fit an agent or company and the role of information into a larger narrative, it will focus on a particular cycle of information in the early modern period.

A particular cycle of information can contribute to the deconstruction of a master narrative, such as the idea of the information society as distinctive characteristic of our age. Furthermore, this approach allows for a focus on a limited amount of sources, thereby making the vast archives suitable for

individual life, which in turn also penetrates and shapes that collective and individual life, will simply be interpreted as the presence of two aspects, namely 1) the common habit of collecting all the possibly relevant information regarding collective and private life and 2) that habit penetrating and shaping life.

Frank Webster, who has studied the different scholarly approaches to information societies, recognizes five different ways of defining the information society that have shaped the historiography of the concept: technological, economic, occupational, spatial, and cultural. In the spatial approach, the major emphasis is on space and information networks.8 Krohn’s definition can be recognized as spatial, because globalization of information, communication, and control technologies are geographical developments; it has, in Webster’s words, “at its core the geographer’s stress on space”.9 Interestingly. in discussing the spatial approach, Webster mentions that “one could argue that information networks have been around for a very long time”; this notion will be reflected in the conclusions of this paper.10 In its methodology, this paper combines social history with world history. The most important similarity between the approaches of social history and world history is that “both [...] seek to recast traditional narratives away from the standard topics and the conventional cast of leading characters”.11 Social history distinguishes itself from world history because of its typical focus on small

coexistent; it is possible for two different cultures to have the same information without any direct or indirect

8

Webster, F. Theories of the Information Society. London: Routledge, 1995/2006. 9, 17.

communication between these cultures having taken place. For instance, a thing can be invented in two places at

9

Ibid

different times.

10

7

Webster, Theories of the Information Society, 18.

Latour, B. Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society. Cambridge: Cambridge

Stearns, P.N. “Social History and World History: Toward Greater Interaction”. World History Connected, 2.2 (2005): 43.

11

Stearns, “Social History and World History”, 44.

University Press, 1987. 220-223.

12

10

11

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Douwe Schipper • From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society

historical research.13 This type of research is also in line with Zemon Davis’ suggestion of decentralizing history, because most of the primary sources used are letters that were sent from a periphery – Curaçao – to a center – Middelburg; this is also an approach common to social historians.14 The aim is thus to contribute to world history and global narratives by starting locally and focusing on a particular cycle of information. Before the case study is applied to Krohn’s characteristics, this particular cycle of information, as well as its historical context, will be briefly introduced.

Curaçao was an important colony for the development of Dutch commodity and slave trade in the Caribbean during the early modern period. The island offered little natural resources due to irregular rainfall; it was impossible to grow sufficient food there, let alone coffee, sugar, or cacao. Therefore, the WIC designed Curaçao as a transit port. European products were brought to Curaçao and then sold to Spanish colonists in Venezuela; the Spanish paid for them with leather and cacao that were then exported to the Netherlands. Furthermore, between 1658 and 1730, approximately 100,000 slaves were brought to Curaçao and sold in Spanish America. The slave trade in Curaçao decreased during the eighteenth century, because trading in the West-Indies or Brasil became more profitable.16 The Middelburgse Commercie Compagnie (MCC) was a trading company that was founded in 1720 and liquidated in 1889.

It was situated in Middelburg, Zeeland, in the Dutch Republic. The company’s activities included slave trade and commodity trade.

The company was active both within Europe and internationally, i.e. in West-Africa and America.17 The captains of the MCC that were active in the Caribbean were specifically instructed to avoid Curaçao as much as possible, because the WIC had a patent over Curaçao

From Curaçao to Middelburg For this paper, the correspondence between the MCC’s board of directors and their agent Juan Schuurman in Curaçao in the year 1730 has been selected as a case study. The set of sources is comprising of four letters.15 In August of 1634 the West-Indies Company (WIC) signed an agreement with the Spanish that surrendered the thenSpanish colony of Curaçao to the WIC. From 1665 onwards, the WIC imported slaves from West-Africa to Curaçao, where they would be sold. From 1674 onwards, Curaçao was a free port, i.e. a port that all private individuals and companies could have access to, provided that they paid significant recognition to the WIC.

Frost, J. “Using “Master Narratives” to Teach History: The Case of the Civil Rights Movement”. The History Teacher, 45. 3

13

(2012): 437.

Christian, D. “World History in Context”. Journal of World History, 14.4 (2003); 438; Davis, Z. “Decentering History:

14

Local Stories and Cultural Crossings in a Global World”. History and Theory, 50.2 (2011): 188.

which allowed it to generate tax income over import and export on the Island.18 Nevertheless, during the year of our case study, the MCC had an agent in Curaçao named Juan Schuurman. Nothing is further known regarding his exact position within the MCC or his personal background, other than the fact that he identifies himself as a servant (“dienaar”) of the company.

were divided into two classes. The first class, which included the west coast of Africa and Essequibo, were the areas in which the WIC had a monopoly over all trade.

In the second class, the rest of the patent areas, it was allowed for private individuals and companies to trade, provided that recognition was paid to the WIC.20 At the end of 1730, the WIC’s patent was once again about to expire and thus had to be extended by the States-General. In 1727, a group of merchants from Flushing signed a petition (“adresbeweging”) against the extension of the patent. The resolution included a proposal for open trade in all colonies, but preserved the recognition that would have to be paid to the WIC. The resolution was sent to the States of Zeeland via the city council of Flushing. At the same time, merchants in Middelburg were working on a similar resolution.

Although there is no proof for cooperation between the merchants from Flushing and Middelburg, it is unlikely that it was a coincidence. In 1729, the States of Zeeland expressed their support for exemption of the coast of Africa in the States-General. Finally, the patent was extended on 8 August 1730, but under very different conditions. The WIC kept the full monopoly in Surinam, Essequibo and Berbice, as well as a small part of the Gold Coast in Africa. The rest of the coast areas in Africa were now open to trade for private individuals and companies, although they still had to pay recognition to the WIC. In 1734, the Gold Coast became open to all people in the Dutch Republic as well, in a revision of the

Globalization of Information The first characteristic that Krohn attributes to an information society is the globalization of information. Although Krohn does not elaborate on the meaning of this notion, it can be interpreted as the presence of information regarding a certain event, place, or people that is no longer tied to a specific place; rather it can exist in multiple places around the globe simultaneously. To demonstrate that this feature already existed in the early modern world, the global circulation of information regarding the extension of the patent (“octrooi” in Dutch) of the West-Indies Company (WIC) in 1730 will be considered.

When the second WIC was established in 1674, the States-General awarded the company a patent for trading in certain areas. The patent would last 26 years, after which the States-General had, each time, the opportunity to extend it for an additional thirty years. The patent included the trade in Africa south of the tropic of cancer, America, and the islands in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans between New-Guinea and the Cape of Good Hope. The areas

MCC 56.1 (6 February 1730); MCC 56.1 (4 March 1730); MCC 56.1 (30 December 1730) MCC 88

15

Paesie, De Geschiedenis van de MCC, 80.

(31 August 1730).

18

Emmer, P.C. De Nederlandse Slavenhandel. Amsterdam: De Arbeiderspers, 2000. 57-59.

19

Krohn, “Knowledge Societies”, 8139

Paesie, Ruud. Geschiedenis van de MCC. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2014. 1.

19

Heijer, Henk den. De Geschiedenis van de WIC. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2002. 111.

16 17

12

13

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Douwe Schipper • From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society

would be realized, they would only be able to stay in Curaçao briefly.23 Limited duration of journeys was a rule that was included in the renewed patent.24 In Schuurman’s answer to the letter, from 30 December 1730, he stresses that the profitability of such an enterprise depends on whether the WIC would also bring slaves to Curaçao in the period of the journey. If that WIC would not bring any slaves, the enterprise could be very profitable, “especially if there are many boys and girls between 12 and 16 years old that can be sold in public”. He also explains that it depends on the origin of the slaves, e.g. slaves from Angola are less profitable. It appears that Schuurman had not read the details of the extension, because he suggests that the MCC should stay longer to ensure a good return cargo, even though this was per regulation prohibited. He also elaborates on the kinds of return cargo that can be expected.25 The correspondence demonstrates that there was a great deal of information existing globally regarding the extension of the patent, and what opportunities that created for the MCC. For instance, details regarding the content and consequences of the extension, details regarding what type of slave is most profitable, and details regarding possible return cargo. All this information is global information – it exists in Curaçao and Middelburg at the same time. Therefore, the

patent known as the Naader Reeglement (“revised regulation” in English).21 The correspondence between Juan Schuurman and the MCC’s board of directors, which took place in 1730, demonstrates the existence of knowledge about the extension. This is not very surprising, as it is obvious that merchants from Zeeland – some of whom were probably affiliated with the MCC – played an important role in the lobby against the extension of the monopoly. More interestingly, it demonstrates that this information existed not just in Middelburg; it was communicated to Curaçao. In other words, the information was globalized.

In the letter that the MCC’s board of directors sent to Juan Schuurman on 31 August 1730, a few weeks after the extension of the patent, the possibilities that the extension gives are discussed.

The board enclosed papers that included the details of the extension.22 The board explains that the MCC considers equipping a ship for a journey that would go via Africa to Curaçao. The plan was to buy 300 slaves in Africa and sell them in Curaçao. The Board asks Schuurman for advice regarding the profitability of such an enterprise; they wonder whether the slaves could be sold profitably, and they ask whether there is a good chance that they would find a profitable return cargo.

They also emphasize that, if the journey

MCC was operating in a society in which information was globalized, which is one of the characteristics that Krohn attributes to an information society.

establish a transatlantic correspondence.28 The letters between the MCC board and Juan Schuurman provide inside into these technologies, because they reveal how and by whom the letters were delivered. The first letter was written by Juan Schuurman in Curaçao to the MCC’s board of directors on 6 February 1730. It was delivered in Middelburg by the Hof van Zeeland, which was captained by Jan Ackervelt, during the return journey of the ship’s third expedition to the Caribbean. The ship arrived in Middelburg on 29 March 1730; presumably, the voyage thus took between seven and eight weeks. It contains a message from captain Pieter van der Broeke, whose ship the Jonge Jacob was stuck in Curaçao because of leakage; the ship needed to be keelhauled.

Van der Broeke expected to be able to leave Curaçao in three to four weeks.29 The second letter was also written by Juan Schuurman in Curaçao to the MCC’s board of directors. This letter was written on 4 March 1730. It contains a copy of the first letter, apparently to ensure that the information in the first letter arrived in Middelburg properly as well. The second letter was brought to Middelburg by Van der Broeke during the return journey of the Jonge Jacob’s fifth expedition to the Spanish West-Indies; apparently the ship had been restored since the first letter was sent. The date that this letter arrived in

Globalization of Communication The second characteristic of an information society is the globalization of communication.26 It is obvious that global communication existed in the early modern world. Furthermore, the MCC’s global communication network was extensive, as it corresponded with agents all over the globe.27 It is more insightful, therefore, to study the global communication technologies that the MCC made use of; these reveal the existence of a sophisticated global communication system. The four letters, sent between Juan Schuurman and the MCC, will again be considered here.

In Europe, during the eighteenth century, mail was delivered by post-riders as well as packet boats. Continental correspondence had thus been institutionalized in a way that is somewhat similar to the postal services that emerged a century later.

However, long-distance packet boats that linked Europe and overseas colonies did not appear until the late eighteenth century; before that there was no institutionalization of international correspondence. The MCC, therefore, had to use other communication technologies in order to Krohn, “Knowledge Societies”, 8139.

26

Heijer, Henk den. De Geschiedenis van de WIC. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2002. 111.

27

Den Heijer, De Geschiedenis van de WIC, 167-171.

http://www.archieven.nl/nl/zoeken?mivast=0&mizig=210&miadt=239&micode=20&milang=nl&mizk_

22

MCC 88 (31 August 1730). These enclosed papers were not copied to the MCC’s copy books (“kopieboeken”); they likely

alle=MCC&miview=inv2#inv3t2

no longer exist.

28

20 21

See the inventory of the MCC archive, “Correspondentie”. The inventory can be accessed online through:

Arblaster, Paul. “Postal Service, History of.” The International Encyclopedia of Communication. Donsbach, Wolfgang (ed).

MCC 88 (30 August 1730)

Blackwell Publishing, 2008. Accessed online 11-05-2015.

Paesie, Geschiedenis van de MCC, 78.

29

MCC 56.1 (31 December 1730)

of departure and arrival dates

23

MCC 56.1 (4 March 1730); See the inventory of the MCC archive, “Uitreding der Schepen; de Reizen” for an overview

24 25

14

15

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Douwe Schipper • From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society

Secondly, it indicates that the MCC preferred its letters to be sent and delivered by its own captains. Perhaps this is because these captains were already perceived as trust-worthy by the board of directors; after all, they were already awarded the responsibility for an entire ship. Thirdly, it demonstrates that the MCC in Middelburg was corresponding with captains who were on an expedition to the Caribbean.

In other words, the correspondence existed in a sophisticated, yet most likely internal, system of mail delivery which was aimed at speeding up the process of delivery and intensifying contact between Middelburg and the captains on the other side of the globe. Thus, the MCC was operating within a system of sophisticated global communication. Therefore, one of the characteristics that Krohn attributes to an information society – the globalization of communication – was present in the society in which the MCC operated.

Middelburg is unknown, but has to be between 4 March and 31 August 1730 – that is when the MCC’s Board of Directors wrote an answer.30 The third letter was written by the MCC’s board of directors in Middelburg to Juan Schuurman in Curaçao on 31 August 1730.

It was delivered in Curaçao by the Hof van Zeeland, which was still captained by Jan Ackervelt and had now embarked on its fourth journey to the Caribbean Sea. The ship delivered the letter in Curaçao on 11 November 1730. Interestingly, the ship left Curaçao the same day to trade or smuggle in the Spanish Caribbean; this indicates that the ship stopped in Curaçao especially to deliver the letter to Schuurman.31 The fourth letter was again written by Juan Schuurman in Curaçao to the MCC’s board of directors, on 30 December 1730. Unfortunately it is unknown by whom and when the letter was delivered in Middelburg. The letter has enclosed another letter from captain Jan Ackervelt, which was presumably given to Schuurman when Ackervelt delivered the previous letter in Curaçao on 11 November.32 Studying the circulation of these letters provides insight into three things. Firstly, it strongly indicates that the MCC had instituted an internal system of communication, i.e. letters were only delivered by those who were also in some other way affiliated with the MCC. This is not surprising, as nothing like an international mail supervision yet existed.33

Globalization of Control Technologies The third characteristic of an information society is the globalization of control technologies. This characteristic can be read in terms of Latour’s theory regarding acting at a distance; acting at a distance is, in essence, the result of global control technologies.34 Latour explains first how we can know things that are distant. Knowledge about something – an event, a place, or people – can come into existence in two ways. First

of all, it can come into existence the second time we encounter it; the first time we see it, we do not know it yet. Second of all, it can come into existence when someone else who has already seen it has brought it back to us; it thus comes into existence through someone else. This process is called a cycle of accumulation. A cycle of accumulation, then, allows us to gain knowledge about things that are distant.35 Thereafter, Latour explains how we can act on these things that are distant, i.e. how we can influence, control, and dominate distant events, places, or peoples. Latour argues that bringing home distant things to a center (the center of accumulation) allows for an agent to act on these things even though they are distant. Thus a cycle of accumulation which flows towards a center of accumulation enables people in that center to act at a distance.36 In short, cycles of accumulation toward a center of accumulation allow people inside that center to 1) gain knowledge about things that are distant, and 2) act on these things. The following example is a case in which the MCC was acting at a distance; this example thus demonstrates that the MCC was operating in a world where control technologies were globalized – an aspect of an information society.

On 4 February 1730, the MCC ship Ceulse Galey, which was on its fourth

journey to the Caribbean Sea, was captured

by Spanish war ships (“kruisers”) in front of the coast of Venezuela. The ship was taken to Cartagena.37 The captain of the ship was Pieter Geleynse, who had ironically also been captured by the Spanish during the South Sea expedition in 1725 as captain of the Don Carlos.38 After the capture of the Ceulse Galey, Geleynse was taken to Cadiz in Spain, where he was imprisoned.39 After considering how these events are present in the correspondence between Juan Schuurman in Curaçao and the MCC in Middelburg, this correspondence will be analyzed to demonstrate that the MCC was acting at a distance.

In the letter of 6 February 1730 from Juan Schuurman in Curaçao to the MCC’s board of directors, Schuurman writes that he has received information about Spanish warships that had been trying to capture Dutch ships on the coast of Caracas. Most of these ships had, by then, already returned to Curaçao; only three ships were still missing, among them Geleynse’s Ceulse Galley. Schuurman explains that he fears that the ships were taken by the Spaniards.40 On 31 August 1730, the board replied to Schuurman. By then, the MCC had received the information – the source of which is unclear – that Geleynse had been captured in front of the coast of Caracas, and had been taken to Cadiz in Spain.

Latour, Science in Action, 220.

35

Latour, Science in Action, 223.

36

See the note in the inventory of the MCC archive, Inv. No. 700; Reinders Folmer-van Prooijen, C. Van

37

MCC 56.1 (4 March 1730); MCC ”Uitreding der Schepen; de Reizen”

Goederenhandel naar Slavenhandel: de Middelburgse Commercie Compagnie 1720-1755. Middelburg: Koninklijk Zeeuws

31

MCC 88 (30 August 17301); MCC ”Uitreding der Schepen; de Reizen”; MCC 56.1 (30 December 1730) 32 MCC 56.1

Genootschap der Wetenschappen, 2000. 88.

(30 December 1730)

38

30

Reinders Folmer-van Prooijen, Van Goederenhandel naar Slavenhandel, 88.

Arblaster, ”Postal Service, History of.”

39

Krohn, ”Knowledge Societies”, 8139.

40

MCC 88 (31 August 1730)

33

MCC 56.1 (4 February 1730); MCC 56.1 (6 March 1730)

34

16

17

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Douwe Schipper • From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society

There, he had been imprisoned. In prison, he was being “severely maltreated”; he was kept in a very narrow cell, his hands and feet were cuffed, and the Spanish assaulted him and even threatened to kill him. The board of directors had an explanation for Geleynse’s maltreatment; they believed that it was a revenge action for the imprisonment of a Spanish officer in Curaçao. Later in the letter, the board asks Schuurman to exercise all his influence toward preventing the Spanish officer from receiving physical punishment, in order to prevent the Spanish from doing the same to Geleynse. Furthermore, they explain that the WIC has also promised them to write a letter to Curaçao’s governor about the treatment of the Spanish officer.41 Schuurman answered with a letter on 11 November 1730. He explains that the treatment of the Spanish officer has been good; the doors of his prison were open with only one guard in front. He ensures that the officer “could not have complained of maltreatment”. Schuurman then stresses that the only reason for the officer’s good treatment was the “receival of much advocacy” to do so. Otherwise, he would have been treated “differently”.42 In other words, the officer was treated well because the MCC had successfully exercised influence in Curaçao.

Latour’s concept of acting at a distance can be applied to this situation. The MCC is faced with a problem, namely

the capture and maltreatment of one of their captains by the Spanish. The MCC wants to fix this problem and beliefs one way to contribute to that is to prevent the maltreatment of a Spanish officer in Curaçao. This maltreatment is an event that is distant. Therefore, in order to prevent this maltreatment and thereby improve Geleynse’s situation, the MCC needs to act at a distance.

In order to act at a distance in Curaçao, the MCC establishes cycles of accumulation – correspondence with an agent in Curaçao – that flow from Curaçao to Middelburg, the center of accumulation. Information about the capture of the captain flows from Cadiz through Curaçao to Middelburg.

Orders and request from Middelburg then flow through Curaçao to Cadiz, where they lead to action. This action is then reported back to Middelburg, again through Curaçao.

Through transatlantic correspondence the treatment of the Spanish officer is brought home to Middelburg. This allows the MCC to act on it, instructing its agent in Curaçao to exercise his influence toward preventing the officer’s maltreatment. This acting at a distance proves to be successful as the MCC’s agent in Curaçao reports back that the officer’s maltreatment has been prevented.43 In conclusion, one of the characteristics that Krohn attributes to an information society – the globalization of control technologies – was present in the society in which the MCC operated; this is

about virtually every company activity imaginable; correspondence, journey log books, the minutes of the meetings of the Board of Directors, the company’s regulations, all sorts of records regarding trade and prices, and much more.46 It thus seems that the MCC was collecting and using information about all aspects of their company. The question then remains whether this collecting and using information also penetrated and shaped all aspects of company life and acitivities.

One way of demonstrating that information penetrated and shaped early modern life, is to focus on a particular kind of information.

Brendan Dooley defines early modern politics of information as “whatever may be thought or said about events connected with the government of states and with cities and their peoples”.47 He argues that the early modern period in fact marked the creation of a whole new business of political information, because of the creation of the first commercial mail routes, which were essential to the popularization of regular newsletters. These newsletters would often evolve into printed newspapers.

These newspapers were often economically profitable; as a result, a political news business was created that shaped commercial and individual life, and was thus close to the centre of early modern life. In Krohn’s terms, political information penetrated and shaped individual and collective life.48

And indeed, the case study of the

demonstrated in the fact that the MCC itself was exercising control globally through correspondence with agents – acting at a distance.

Information and Collective and Individual Life In Krohn’s definition, an information society is also defined by the collection and usage of information about all aspects of collective and individual life. This collection and usage is, then, also a force that penetrates and shapes all aspects of that collective and individual life.44 In order to establish to what extent this definition is applicable to the early modern world, an examination of record keeping in the case of the MCC will be conducted. Thereafter, one particular type of information in the case study – political information – will be considered, in order to examine how close this information was to the center of early modern life.

First, a reflection on record keeping in the MCC suggests that the company was keeping records on virtually all its activities.

Although the decisions were made by the board of directors, daily functioning was guided by an office. This office was led by a chief accountant, who was supported by a lower-rank accountant and a treasurer, as well as several clerks. All of these occupations are strongly related to the recording and processing of information.45 Unsurprisingly, therefore, the company left behind a vast archive with information

MCC 88 (31 August 1730)

44

Krohn, ”Knowledge Societies”, 8139.

41

MCC 56.1 (30 December 1730)

45

43

It seems, however, unlikely that the MCC succesfully exercised their influence to get Geleynse out of prison. The MCC

46

Reinders-Folmer van Prooijen, Van Goederenhandel naar Slavenhandel, 61.

archive contains a letter from Geleynse to the MCC which is dated 15 May 1731 and was sent from Cadiz, indicating that

47

Geleynse was still in prison there. Unfortunately the handwriting in this letter makes it illegible to me. There is no evidence

Sabrina A. London: Routledge, 2001. 1.

that further correspondence between the MCC and Geleynse exists. MCC 690.

48

42

18

See the inventory of the MCC archive Dooley, B. ”Introduction”. in The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe. Edited by Dooley, B., and Baron, Dooley, ”Introduction”. 1-3.

19

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Douwe Schipper • From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society

correspondence between Juan Schuurman and the MCC shows how political information penetrated and shaped their communication. The extension of the WIC’s patent is perhaps the best example of political information which penetrated both commercial and private correspondence.49 Similarly, Juan Schuurman reports to the board of directors that the Spanish were intensifying the defense of their coasts in the Caribbean; this is also political information that has become available – and thus relevant – on a global scale.

Considering the vastness of the MCC archive and the many records it contains strongly implies that the company was collecting and using information about virtually all aspects of their activity. Focusing on a particular type of information, political information, demonstrates that the recording of information also affected the occupations of Juan Schuurman and the MCC’s Board of Directors. Therefore, early modern life was affected by the collecting and usage of information in a way that is reminiscent of Krohn’s characterization of the information society.

words, political developments could be happening in Holland or Zeeland, but information about these developments could just as well exist in Curaçao. Furthermore, there existed a sophisticated, global communication network that allowed, for instance, captains who were trading in the Caribbean to correspond with their superiors in Zeeland. Moreover, centers of accumulation, for instance a private company like the MCC, were able to exert influence on the other side of the world – they could act at a distance – because of the existence of global information and communication networks. Also, information networks from previous eras, such as the postal service, the telegram, and the telephone, also had profound impact on much economic, social, and political life in their respective times.50 Clearly, the massive impact of information is not limited to computer-based societies.

Thus, if Krohn’s definition is applied, the MCC was operating in an information society. This conclusion can be explained in two ways. First, it can be argued that the early modern period was characterized by the existence of information societies, comparable (in a basic sense) to those in industrial and post-industrial societies. This conclusion would reveal that the idea of the role of information as a distinguishing factor of “our age” is (at least partially) a myth. Or, it could be argued that Krohn’s spatial conception of the information society is flawed. In this sense, it can still be true that industrial and post-industrial societies are information societies, whereas the early modern period was not. However,

Conclusion This paper has demonstrated that, indeed, information, communication, and control technologies were already globalized through information networks in the early modern world; these phenomena had profound impact on collective and individual life.

Information about political developments such as the extension of the WIC’s patent existed independent of the space in which these developments took place. In other

one would have redefine the concept of an information society to for that claim to hold up. If the latter position is taken, research opportunities arise for different approaches. Perhaps one of the other approaches to the information society that Webster recognizes – technological, economic, occupational, or cultural – are better suited to reveal a significant aspect in our society related to information that was not present in the early modern world.51

While leaving the question about which one of these conclusions is more respectful of the historical evidence open to further research, another conclusion can be drawn: combining a social history and a world history approach to contribute to the deconstruction of a master narrative, in this case a narrative regarding information societies, is an insightful method for a skeptical historian or social scientist.

MCC 88 (31 August 1730); MCC 56.1 (30 December 1730)

49

50

Webster, Theories of the Information Society, 18

51

20

Webster, Theories of the Information Society, 9

21

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Douwe Schipper • From Curaçao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society

Krohn, W. “Knowledge Societies”. in: Smelser, N.J., and Baltes, P.B. (eds). The

References

International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 8139-8141.

Primary sources

Latour, B. Science in Action. How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society. Cambridge: Geleynse, Pieter (15 May 1731). Letter to the MCC’s board of directors. De Archieven van de MCC. (“Brieven van Gezagvoerders aan Directeuren”, Inv. No. 690). Zeeuws Archief,Middelburg.

MCC’s board of directors (31 August 1730). Letter to Juan Schuurman. De Archieven van de MCC (“Kopieboeken van Verzonden Brieven” Inv. No. 88). Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg.

Schuurman, Juan (6 February 1730). Letter to the MCC’s board of directors. De Archieven van de MCC (Correspondentie met Juan Schuurman”, Inv. No. 56.1).

Cambridge University Press, 1987.

Paesie, Ruud. Geschiedenis van de MCC. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2014.

Reinders Folmer-van Prooijen, C. Van Goederenhandel naar Slavenhandel: de Middelburgse Commercie Compagnie 1720-1755. Middelburg: Koninklijk Zeeuws Genootschap der Wetenschappen, 2000.

Rule, J.B., and Besen, Y. “The Once and Future Information Society”. Theory and Society, 37.4 (2008): 317-342.

Zeeuws Archief,Middelburg.

Stearns, P.N. “Social History and World History: Toward Greater Interaction”. World

Schuurman, Juan (4 March 1730). Letter to the MCC’s board of directors. De Archieven

History Connected, 2.2 (2005): 43-55.

van de MCC (“Correspondentie met Juan Schuurman”, Inv. No. 56.1). Zeeuws

Webster, F. Theories of the Information Society. London: Routledge, 1995/2006.

Archief, Middelburg.

Schuurman, Juan (30 December 1730). Letter to the MCC’s board of directors. De Archieven van de MCC (“Correspondentie met Juan Schuurman”, Inv. No. 56.1).

Zeeuws Archief, Middelburg.

Additionally, I have used the inventory of the MCC archives, which can be accessed online through: http://www.archieven.nl/nl/zoeken?mivast=0&mizig=210&miadt=239&micode=20&mila ng=nl&mizk_alle=MCC&miview=inv2#inv3t2

Bibliography Arblaster, P. “History of Postal Service.” In: Donsbach, W. (ed). The International Encyclopedia of Communication. Hoboken: Blackwell Publishing, 2008.

Christian, D. “World History in Context”. Journal of World History, 14.4 (2003): 438-458.

Davis, Z.. “Decentering History: Local Stories and Cultural Crossings in a Global World”.

History and Theory, 50.2 (2011): 188-202.

Dooley, B. “Introduction”. In: Dooley, B., and Sabrina, A. The Politics of Information in Early Modern Europe. London: Routledge, 2001.

Emmer, P.C. De Nederlandse Slavenhandel 1500-1850. Amsterdam: de Arbeiderspers, 2000.

Frost, J. “Using “Master Narratives” to Teach History: The Case of the Civil Rights Movement”. The History Teacher, 45.3 (2012), 437-446.

Heijer, Henk den. De Geschiedenis van de WIC. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2002.

22

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Feeding the Soul of the African American Community: Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics Between 1954 and 1975.

Debby Esmée de Vlugt | University College Roosevelt In fulfillment of the requirements for an Honors Thesis in History supervised by Dr. Hans Krabbendam

Abstract Between 1954 and 1975, the Civil Rights and Black Power movements have critically approached the position that African Americans had in the United States. This thesis demonstrates how ethnic food was used as a political instrument within these movements. It discusses the origins and development of African American foodways, as well as different attitudes towards this ‘soul food’ cuisine that were present during this period. Three main positions are examined: the popularization of soul food as a symbolic cultural form in the nonviolent Civil Rights Movement, the embrace of traditional African American and African food in the Black Panther Party, and the rejection of this ethnic cuisine by the Nation of Islam. Through the discourse surrounding soul food, some of these groups of activists voiced their political hopes of black pride, equal consideration, and cultural autonomy.

Introduction

studying their diet. In the past few decades, the study of foodways has gained a more prominent position in historical research.

Foodways are defined as “traditional customs or habits (…) concerning food and eating,”2 and often refer to daily culinary practices of individuals or groups. According to food historian Carole Counihan, the study of

French gastronome Jean Anthelme BrillatSavarin, once famously said: “tell me what you eat: I will tell you what you are.”1 By saying this, the renowned gastronome suggests that culinary habits reflect on someone’s cultural background, and that one can learn about someone’s identity by 1

Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin, The Physiology of Taste (Mineola: Dover Publications, 2012), 3.

2

“Foodways” def. 2, OED Online, December 2008, Oxford University Press, http://www.oed.com.proxy.library.uu.nl/

view/Entry/262118?redirectedFrom=foodways& (accessed October 20, 2015).

25

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Debby Esmée de Vlugt • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics Between 1954 and 1975.

foodways functions as “an effective prism through which to illuminate human life”3.

They can provide insight into the beliefs and ideals of a community, which are related to social constructs such as ethnicity, religion, class, and gender. This is the case for dominant foodways of a society in addition to those of ethnic minorities. What we eat, Counihan states, is related to our moral convictions, ideas about nutrition, economic situation, social environment, and political ideology4. Food history could thus provide an interdisciplinary approach to the study of identity and politics, which is explained in this paper through a case study on African American cuisine and its connection to political ideology in the black community.

Traditionally, there is no single African American cooking style in the United States that all black Americans associate with.

What someone eats does not only depend on ethnic origins and cultural background, but also on local traditions and availability of products, to give some examples. Yet, in popular culture, there is one specific cuisine that has been embraced as the ethnic cooking style of the black community in North America: soul food. This cuisine was spread around the country during the Great Migration, and consists of several different cooking styles from the Deep South. As a result of mass migration, black culture started to thrive in urban centers in the North and West of the U.S., where soul food was adopted as the ethnic group’s

culinary masterpiece. Staples in this cuisine include chitterlings or ‘chitlins’, green beans, sweet potatoes, cornbread, blackeyed beans, fried chicken, watermelon, biscuits, many different stews such as gumbo and jambalaya, catfish, pigs’ feet, rice and spare ribs5. Although soul food had never been considered to be more than just ‘dinner’ and never carried a specific name prior to this period, it became essential in the ethnic identity of the African American people in the twentieth century. It was celebrated as something that was owned by the minority group and as something that African Americans could be proud of.

However, not all members of the black community appreciated the increasing consumption of soul food. Throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, concerns arose regarding the culinary tradition.

While some were worried about the nutritional value of the cuisine, others dismissed it for political reasons. As something predominantly African American, soul food seems to have taken a special position in the identity politics of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements. Within the contemporary socio-political environment of the black community, opinions on the issue of soul foo d were often reflective of political beliefs. Nonviolent groups in the Civil Rights Movement generally accepted soul food and included it in their diets, but within the Black Power Movement, in which the Black Panther Party (BPP) and

the Nation of Islam (NOI)6 were most outspoken, views on the ethnic cuisine differed. Whereas the Panthers continued to celebrate the cuisine as African American cultural property, leaders of the Nation of Islam wished to abolish it completely.

The aim of this paper is to explore how food was used as a political instrument in African American identity politics between 1954 and 1975 in the abovementioned movements. This question is analyzed by explaining the different positions that the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Panther Party, and the Nation of Islam took towards soul food in the Civil Rights and Black Power eras. The Civil Rights era is defined as the period from 1954 until 1965, starting with the Brown vs. Board of Education court case and ending with the Voting Rights Act. The Black Power era follows up, and takes place from 1966 until 1975, beginning with the foundation of the Black Panther Party and ending with the termination of the radical group’s public activities7. Together, these chapters tell the story of African American foodways in one of the most significant periods of American history. They illustrate the unique position that food can take as a political actor in a community that aims for change and improvement. This thesis argues that soul food was not used in physical political activism, but rather as a topic of discussion 6

The Origins of African American Foodways The United States of America has often been called a ‘Nation of Immigrants’8, as the majority of its current cultural forms and expressions find their origins in a number of different continents. Ever since the first colonial establishments of the sixteenth century, the nation has received diverse groups of immigrants that have brought a wide range of traditions, beliefs and habits to the New World. Some of these were customs related to culinary traditions.

Foodways reminded migrants of home, but at the same time had to be adjusted according to the availability of products in this new environment. Although almost every group of immigrants was attached to its own traditional cuisine, many were also willing to experiment with unfamiliar culinary traditions. As Hasia R. Diner has explained: “in that transformation of historic food systems, new foods, new ways of eating, and new ideas about food entered peoples’ homes, no matter how poor. The introduction of food novelties and changes in local foodways challenged traditional patterns.”9 As a result of these intercultural social relations, new regional and national cuisines developed.

Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar, Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity (Baltimore: John Hopkins University

Press, 2004), 2.

7

Carole Counihan and Steven L. Kaplan, Food and Gender: Identity and Power (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic

in the quest for black pride, equal consideration, and cultural autonomy.

William L. Van DeBurg, New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975 (Chicago:

3

The University of Chicago Press, 1992), 12-15.

Publishers, 1998), 1.

8

This title is certainly appropriate, even though it ignores a long history of return migration, the existence of various

Ibid., ii.

Native American cultures prior to European colonization, and the extent of return migration.

5

For a more complete list, see Howard Page, “The Heritage of Soul Food,” in The Oxford Companion to American Food

9

and Drink, ed. Andrew F. Smith (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 9.

University Press, 2001), 8.

4

26

Hasia R. Diner, Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish Foodways in the Age of Migration (Cambridge: Harvard

27

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Debby Esmée de Vlugt • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics Between 1954 and 1975.

Examples of these new cooking styles were the Creole, Cajun, and Lowcountry cuisines.

These were highly popular in communities throughout the Southern states. Multiple ethnic traditions influenced these new regional kitchens, but the majority of their dishes and products originate from areas and tribes in West Africa, where most African Americans find their roots10. Some African names for these dishes and crops continued to exist in new North American cuisines, such as jambalaya, okra, yams, and gumbo11. When large numbers of African slaves were moved to the colonies, these products traveled with them. Slaves from various West-African tribes were gathered on large ships and transported as one intertribal group. On these ships, native cooks were involved in the preparation of traditional African meals, which were meant to improve the health and strength of their passengers12. These cooks came from different areas, and introduced fellow enslaved Africans to unfamiliar dishes.

After arrival in North America, distinct regional cuisines arose from the interplay between different ethnic groups and culinary traditions13. African cuisines were combined with aspects of European and Native American traditions, and this food was eaten by immigrants from both Europe and Africa, although it was predominantly

part of the slave diet. The amount of African crops that were included in the slave cuisine often depended on both the concentration of slaves in a region and the lenience of plantation owners towards the preservation of tribal cuisines. In addition, it was often a struggle within groups of slaves to decide which specific tribal products would be included and which would be removed from the menu14. The preservation of culinary traditions from Africa was considered to be of great importance, not only to stimulate collective memory, but also because it was used as silent resistance against plantation owners. “Daily life on the plantation,” says food historian Adrian Miller, “was certainly a cat-and-mouse game, and while the planter controlled access to the food, slaves were proactive about improving their own nutrition.”15 This system of food consumption and production continued was maintained until the abolition of slavery, which means that certain aspects of African foodways continued to exist despite the Euro-American oppression.

After the abolition of slavery, many former field slaves continued to work in the agricultural sector, while domestic slaves frequently turned to service and hospitality branches. In the North, slaves had mostly served as household staff, which became the main field of expertise for African Americans

Taylor, John Martin Taylor, “Southern Regional Cooking,” in The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink,

nationwide. In the South, others continued to work as sharecroppers. These specializations developed further after emancipation, as ex-slaves needed to find work in order to sustain themselves, and many former owners offered positions that had previously been occupied by slaves. For the majority of these workers, the Civil War had not changed much. However, a number of former house servants established their own businesses in food service, often offering those foods that they were familiar with. Some former domestic slaves opened restaurants, while others turned to retail or commerce. The cuisine that they had brought with them to America had become part of both their personal and professional lives, not only in the era of slavery, but also in the following decades. This would continue well into the twentieth century, when the symbolic value of these foodways developed into a cornerstone of black ethnic identity. The background of the African American cuisine was going to take a significant position in this cultural symbolism.

the title ‘Great Migration’, an estimated six million black Americans left their homes in the rural South behind to work and live in large cities in the North and West16. Urban industrial labor markets were growing, and moving away from the Deep South was attractive to many African Americans who were living in a situation of racial segregation and poverty17.

According to historian Davarian L. Baldwin, the new ‘black metropolises’ that arose in these cities were social environments in which African Americans could become more autonomous, as they were able to determine their own economic, intellectual, and cultural situation18. Black Americans still encountered racism and economic inequality in this new setting, but that only brought them closer together19. African Americans were able to share their lifestyles and customs in these communities. While they had been living in different areas and developed a multitude of unique cultures and traditions, they could now create a fusion of different sub-cultures and local cuisines. Many Northern blacks who lived in the same neighborhoods as the new migrants also started to adapt to these Southern foodways. This melting pot of different Southern cooking styles and ingredients changed into a collective cuisine, which would become known as soul

The Invention of Soul Food By the mid-twentieth century, many African Americans had moved from the Deep South to the North and West in search of new opportunities and a better life. In this mass movement, which later received

James N. Gregory, ”The Second Great Migration: An Historical Overview,” in African American Urban History:

10

16

edited by Andrew F. Smith (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 554.

The Dynamics of Race, Class and Gender since World War II, ed. Joe W. Trotter Jr. and Kenneth L (Chicago: University of

Ibid., 554.

Chicago Press, 2009), 22.

12

Marcus Rediker, “Jailer” in The Slave Ship: A Human History (New York: Penguin, 2007), 269. This was mostly done in

17

the later years of slave transportation, after large amounts of Africans died during the voyage. Traders tried to improve the

The Dynamics of Race, Class and Gender since World War II, ed. Joe W. Trotter Jr. and Kenneth L (Chicago: University of

health of the enslaved by serving them their own West-African foods.

Chicago Press, 2009), 22.

11

James N. Gregory, ”The Second Great Migration: An Historical Overview,” in African American Urban History:

Miller, 16.

18

Ibid., 17-19.

Chicago Press, 1989), 14.

Ibid., 26.

19

James R. Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration (Chicago: the University of

13 14

Grossman, 161-162.

15

28

29

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Debby Esmée de Vlugt • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics Between 1954 and 1975.

food20. These foods reminded the new urban population of its difficult past, which created a communal bond between migrants from different Southern states and regions. In fact, it has even been argued that food itself became symbolic for the new urban black identity that was formed in times of the Great Migration21. Yet, it was not until the 1960s that the cooking style was consciously celebrated as such.

Soul first arose as a musical genre in this period, which then rapidly became the core of black popular culture. Subsequently, other cultural forms were also placed in the ‘soul’ category, as it became representative of African American ethnicity and history22.

It therefore seems logical that traditional African American cuisines became known as soul food at the time, as they were strongly associated with black tradition and culture.

It remains unclear when exactly the term was first used, but it is safe to assume that it occurred in the popularization of black culture leading up to the 1960s23.

also known as the Civil Rights era, as it is recognized as a turbulent period in which multiple groups of oppressed Americans fought for their equal rights as citizens.

Most renowned, was the African American Civil Rights Movement, which consisted of organizations and individuals that strove to combat racial discrimination and segregation in the United States. Most groups within this movement protested against internalized racism in nonviolent ways.

In this same era, the African American community started to consciously embrace the idea of ethnic culture and identity that had come into existence during the Great Migration. Celebrating their own culture was not only seen as entertainment, but even more so as a political statement.

Foodways were amongst the cultural forms that rose in popularity during this period.

As historian Jessica B. Harris has explained: “the popularizing of African American traditional foods went hand in hand with the growing pride in race and in self in the African American community”24. Instead of trying to improve their position in society by adapting to the mainstream culture of white America, equal rights activists promoted traditional black ways that originated from times of slavery or even from West Africa.

These traditions had been created by African Americans, so they were considered to be

Finding Strength in the Kitchen Soul food truly gained recognition as an important aspect of African American culture in the 1960s, when the black American community became more proactive about its position in American society. The late 1950s and early 1960s are

black cultural property25. Like the other traditions that were honored, soul food was previously used by slaves to give them strength and comfort in times of oppression.

The practice of eating soul food was not part of the nonviolent movement’s political program, but the promotion of the ethnic cuisine became evermore prominent in daily practices. Magazines targeted at an African American audience regularly included references to soul food, or even wrote entire articles about the cuisine26. Through these publications, it became clear that the cuisine gained a notable position in African American communities. These articles included recipes, traditions, promotion of soul food products, and so forth. Whereas the cooking style was previously associated with rural Southern migrants and poor neighborhoods, an increasing number of middle- and higher class African Americans now started to eat and enjoy these foods27.

The culinary tradition was clearly no longer a sharecropper’s cuisine; it was for the progressing black man to take pride in.

The popularization of the cuisine was also visible through the inclusion of typical soul food dishes in major food companies, and through references to black ethnic culture in

their advertisements28. In addition, a sudden interest in African American cookbooks arose. The first cookbook that actually used the phrase soul food appeared in 1968 and was called Cooking with Soul, by Ethel Brown Hearon29. Within the following year, at least eight others were published, the majority simply called Soul Food Cookbook. No political leaders spoke about the cuisine, but it clearly took an increasingly central position in the cultural life of black America.

In contrast to the urban North, soul food did play a small role within the political activities of the Civil Rights Movement in the South. Restaurants that served soul food were involved in the politics of the Civil Rights Movement, because leading politicians from different organizations gathered at diners to unwind, to eat, and most importantly: to discuss current issues and protest strategies.

While eating soul food, the most crucial events of the movement were carefully organized30. Soul food restaurants were valuable additions to this segregated social environment in which protestors were constantly in danger. African Americans were welcomed in these restaurants, which

Alvin D. Poussaint, “A Psychiatrist Looks at Black Power,” Ebony, March 1969, accessed October 22, 2015, https://

25

books.google.nl/books?id=JeIDAAAAMBAJ, 146.

For example: “Paris ‘Soul Food’ King,” Ebony, February 1968, accessed October 20, 2015, https://books.google.nl/

26

books?id=H84DAAAAMBAJ, 54-67.

Ibid.

27

Tracey N. Poe, “The Origins of Soul Food in Black Urban Identity, Chicago, 1915 – 1947,” In Food in the USA: a

In the 1960s, pork chops, fried chicken, and green beans became staples in Swanson’s newly developed ‘TV Dinners’,

20

28

Reader, ed. by Carole M. Counihan (New York: Routledge, 2002), 92.

and all-American companies such as Campbell’s and Van Camp started incorporating pork and beans, creamed corn, and

Ibid., 91-93.

yams into their canned products.

Ibid., 105.

29

23

“Soul food” def. 2, OED Online, September 2015, Oxford University Press, accessed September 08, 2015 http://oed.

1968).

com.proxy.library.uu.nl/view/Entry/292490?redirectedFrom=soul+food&.

30

21

Ethel Brown Hearon, Cooking with Soul: Favorite Recipes of Negro Homemaker (Milwaukee: Rufus King High School,

22

Jessica B. Harris, High on the Hog: A Culinary Journey from Africa to America (New York: Bloomsbury, 2011), 206.

24

30

Robbie Brown, “Remembering a Soul Food Legend Who Nurtured Civil Rights Leaders,” The New York Times, 5

December 2008, accessed October 25, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/06/us/06paschal.html?_r=0.

31

Ad Astra • June 2016

Debby Esmée de Vlugt • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics Between 1954 and 1975.

was not the case in many other public spaces in the South. In addition, some black women’s baking clubs supported the Civil Rights Movement directly by donating the profits of their bake sales to various involved organizations31. Restaurants and baking clubs like these, were dedicated to the progress of the equal rights and aimed to provide participants of the movement with those foods that brought them comfort in times of hardship. It has been said that the cuisine was named “soulful” because “it fed the spirit as much as the body on the long march to institutionalized equality.”32 The political position of soul food restaurants was only subtle. Although these establishments were certainly appreciated as meeting places, the food itself did not necessarily add to the obtainment of equal rights. However, in a small number of cases, soul food was more obviously used as a means to achieve equality. In 1966 Vietnambased soldiers requested chitterlings for Christmas33, in 1968 the SCLC shared soul food with poor African Americans34, and in 1971 black students at the prestigious Grinnell College protested against the lack of soul food in the cafeteria35. Receiving the opportunity to consume something that is part of black culture was seen as a sign of acceptance. These events show that black

Americans sometimes used soul food as a political instrument in their search for equal consideration. If black soldiers and students were served their own ethnic cuisine by authorities, this would be a symbol of appreciation and respect. Therefore, these examples show that the culinary tradition was sometimes used in political discourse by African Americans to fight for equality.

Back to the Roots The position of soul food gained importance in the Black Power Movement. This political movement arose during the 1960s and consisted of different political organizations that strove to change the situation of African Americans in the United States radically.

Many followers of this movement celebrated ethnic traditions, and started to search for original African customs that they could add to their own. By traveling to Africa and by getting in touch with West Africans, the so-called ‘soul movement’ tried to find out which traditions got lost in the slave journey from Colonial Africa to the New World.

Many followers of this cultural movement were also members of the Black Panther Party, where black pride was central.

As a self-proclaimed military organization, the Panthers did not only aim to protect the African American community physically,

Shute, Nancy Shute, “Cooking Up Change: How Food Helped Fuel The Civil Rights Movement,” The Salt, 16 January

31

2012, accessed October 30, 2015, http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2012/01/16/145179885/cooking-up-change-how-

but also culturally. Two goals determined the political program of the party: black self-determination and black pride36. Unlike political organizations in the Civil Rights Movement, the Panthers actively advocated for appreciation of ethnic roots and cultural property. Embracing black culture was no longer a subtle way of supporting equal rights politics; it had become one of the main points of action on the political agenda of African American identity politics.

In the words of historian William L. Van Deburg: “black power became a revolution of culture which utilized all available [cultural] forms (…) to forward its message of self-actualization.”37 This revival of the ‘spirit of blackness’, was about creating a culture that was as strong and independent as mainstream American culture. Black customs had to be emphasized to such an extent that they would not be overruled by white culture. Black traditions also gave meaning to the lives of those who were oppressed and considered to be secondary citizens. “To possess a full complement of soul was to have attained effective black consciousness,” Van Deburg explains38.

Soul food played an important part in the cultural politics of the party. The Panthers saw the ethnic cuisine as inherently good because it was inherently black, as most products originally came from Africa.

The soul movement reached out to the African continent and Caribbean islands

to discover which dishes and products were shared by black people worldwide, and many African Americans who were involved in the cultural rebirth of the Black Power Movement started to include these previously unknown African dishes to their foodways. Whereas soul food was mostly limited to rural Southern cooking in the 1960s, it became more international and intercontinental in the 1970s39. Among the newly added dishes were Nigerian jollof rice, Ghanian peanut stews, Jamaican jerk chicken, and other meals that came from different corners of the Pan-African world.

These dishes could be found in different cookbooks, such as Vibration Cooking: Or, The Travel Notes of a Geechee Girl by Vertamae Smart-Grosvenor (1970)40 and Helen Mendes’s The African Heritage Cookbook (1971)41. In the introduction to her book, Mendes writes that soul food is a transatlantic unifying factor that connects African Americans to their history. She refers to different areas to which African slaves were brought, and she explains that there are many traditions and roots that African Americans share with other ethnic groups of African descent. By honoring these shared traditions, the African American community is linked to its black ‘family’ around the globe.

Mendes promoted an identity which did not only celebrate the history of black Americans, but a pan-African identity which went beyond the borders of the United States .

food-helped-fuel-the-civil-rights-movement.

Ogbar, 2.

Harris, 201.

36

33

Chester Higgins, “People Are Talking About,” Jet, 15 December 1966, accessed October 22, 2015, https://books.

37

google.nl/books?id=orgDAAAAMBAJ, 44.

38

32

Van Deburg, 192.

Ibid., 194.

“SCLC Gives ‘Poor People’s’ Food To Miss. Poor,” Jet, 12 December 1968, accessed October 22, 2015, https://books.

Harris, 212-213.

34

39

google.nl/books?id=-TgDAAAAMBAJ, 5.

40

Vertamae Smart-Grosvenor, Vibration Cooking: Or, The Travel Notes of a Geechee Girl (Garden City: Doubleday, 1970).

“Grinnell College Blacks Win ‘Soul Food’ Protest,” Jet, 23 December 1971, accessed October 22, 2015https://books.

Helen Mendes, The African Heritage Cookbook (New York: Macmillan Publishers, 1971).

35

41

google.nl/books?id=dbEDAAAAMBAJ, 29.

42

Ibid., 85 – 90.

32

33

Ad Astra • June 2016

Debby Esmée de Vlugt • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics Between 1954 and 1975.

The Black Panther Party approached the celebration of soul food more radically and more intensely than the Civil Rights movement, but the ideas behind their appreciation were similar. To the Panthers, taking pride in black culture took a vital role in the obtainment of equality. By publicly owning the cuisine that their forefathers had created, they would be able to take back their autonomy. However, not all members of the Black Power Movement agreed with them. At the end of the 1960s, a more hostile attitude towards the consumption of soul food arose in the Nation of Islam.

Therefore, the political ideal of the Nation of Islam was to be disconnected from the white race completely43. In order to return to a perfect state of being, black Americans had to radically change their way of living. There were several cultural forms in African American culture that the Nation of Islam wished to abandon, and the culinary tradition of the ethnic group was one of them.

According to NOI leader Elijah Muhammad, soul food was designed by plantation owners to destroy the health of slaves, so that the black race would become inferior to the Caucasian race44. In order to be freed of white oppression, the black population had to move away from the slave cuisine. Apparently, he was not aware of the true origins of soul food. As mentioned in the first chapter of this paper, the majority of ingredients that were used in the slave kitchen came from Africa and were used by slaves to keep a certain level of autonomy in their lives. Muhammad, on the other hand, believed that soul food was designed for slaves by European masters to make the black race less valuable. To change the foodways of his followers, Muhammad started creating dietary guidelines in the mid-1950s. These guidelines became more radical as the century progressed, which might have been a counter-reaction to the rising popularity of the cuisine in the African American community. In the beginning of the Black Power era, the organization’s leader wrote two volumes on the dietary rules of the religious movement.

Body over Soul The Nation of Islam is an active political and religious organization that was established at the time of the Great Migration to teach African Americans that their pre-colonial religion is Islam. Followers are told to return to Islam in order to reobtain their true black identity. They believe that American racism can only be combatted through revolution, because it is internalized in the Christian culture and politics of the United States. The main goals and methods of the Nation of Islam were different from those of the nonviolent movement, but there was one belief that both groups shared: African Americans had to embrace and celebrate their own ethnicity and origins.

In the nonviolent movement, this meant honoring the traditions that African American slaves had created, but for the Nation of Islam the only traditions to be proud of were those of pre-colonial times.

Both of these publications are called How to Eat to Live. The first volume was published in 196745, and the second was released in 197246.

In How to Eat to Live, Muhammad provides several global guidelines for a healthy lifestyle, as well as many specific examples. He abandons pork, praises vegetarianism, promotes fresh and local products, and tells his followers to eat once a day. Besides these main rules, Muhammad points out many ingredients and particular dishes that should not be consumed, such as sweet potatoes, black-eyed peas, collard greens, corn bread, and catfish. Soul food is never mentioned by name in How to Eat to Live, but most of the ingredients that he forbids are those that take a central role in the ethnic cuisine. Muhammad is undoubtedly aware of the role that these ingredients take in the history of African American cooking, as he speaks about the slave cuisine on several pages. He describes it as a white cooking style that was forcefully fed to black servants.

Although both volumes of How to Eat to Live were targeted at members of the Nation of Islam, its content became immensely

popular among black Americans throughout the country. Even those who did not wish to be affiliated with the aggressive politics of the Nation of Islam started to listen to some of Elijah Muhammad’s messages about food. According to soul food specialist Marc Lamont Hill, the Muslim leader “created a new model for black living and black wellness that many people carried on.”47 The effect of Muhammad’s food politics on the wider black community became clear through the health concerns that were expressed in different medias after the publication of his dietary manuals.

In fact, a number of African American medical professionals started doing research on Muhammad’s food theories48. This growing awareness resulted in the rise of a nationwide health trend in the 1970s, in which the improvement of the African American body was deemed more valuable than the soul. In order to move forward as a people, the physical wellbeing of the black population had to be improved. As a result of this growing health concern, many African Americans gave up meat entirely and started to follow a vegetarian lifestyle49.

Elijah Muhammad played a large part in

Ibid.

45

Elijah Muhammad, How to Eat to Live, Book No. 2 (Phoenix: Secretarius MEMPS Ministries, 1972).

46

Byron Hurt, “Soul Food Junkies (documentary),” PBS, Independent Lens (2013), 23:17-23:34.

47

“Black Nutritionist Finds Soul Food Unhealthy; Black Students Demand It,” 23; “Medic Links Soul Food

48

With High Blood Pressure,” Jet, 2 November 1972, accessed November 24, 2015, https://books.google.nl/ books?id=u48DAAAAMBAJ, 5; “Salt in Soul Food Causes High Blood Pressure: Medic,” Jet, 7 February 1974, accessed November 24, 2015, https://books.google.nl/books?id=-6UDAAAAMBAJ, 31.

Julia Fields, “High on the Hog,” Negro Digest, September 1969, accessed October 22, 2015, https://books.google.

49

nl/books?id=2rIDAAAAMBAJ, 54-55; “Date With A Dish: Tasty Vegetarian Dishes,” Ebony, April 1972, accessed November 28, https://books.google.nl/books?id=WVoC8KJHqh8C, 164; Althea Smith, “A Farewell to Chitterlings: Benjamin Karim, The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X (New York: Seaver, 1971), 132.

Vegetarianism is on the Rise Among Diet Conscious Blacks,” Ebony, September 1974, accessed November 24, 2015,

Elijah Muhammad, How to Eat to Live, Book No. 1 (Phoenix: Secretarius MEMPS Ministries, 1967), 9.

https://books.google.nl/books?id=z90DAA AAMBAJ, 104-113.

43 44

34

35

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Debby Esmée de Vlugt • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics Between 1954 and 1975.

the popularization of this trend, especially after How to Eat to Live, Book No. 2 was published in 197250.

The writers who promoted this vegetarian lifestyle were most likely not part of the Nation of Islam or any other radical movement. They did not aim to spread Elijah Muhammad’s message, even if they agreed with the idea that health was more important than culture. Yet, the fast expansion of this healthy lifestyle among black Americans, shows how successful the Nation of Islam was in extending its dietary ideologies. As explained in this chapter, Muhammad created this new African American diet to separate black culture from what he believed to be white culture, and to improve the physical status of the black community. Therefore, it can be said that the Nation of Islam quite successfully used foodways as a means to spread its ideals of racial segregation and reform.

the Black Panther Party and the Nation of Islam, it becomes apparent that the more radical political groups were most outspoken about the cultural significance of soul food. Both the supporters and the opponents of the ethnic cuisine, used arguments about soul food to convey their sociopolitical messages of black pride, equal consideration, and cultural autonomy. This conclusion has been reached by conducting new research and has not yet been argued by any other scholars. It is interesting to note that soul food was initially embraced to unify African Americans, but that the situation moved into a different direction in the early 1970s. As the Nation of Islam rebelled against traditional ethnic foodways, evermore African Americans moved away from soul food to what they considered to be a healthier diet.

This study was designed to explore the link between foodways and ethnic identity.

Food history can provide original insights into topics that have been examined time and again from new perspectives. This article has shown that soul food became a symbol of ethnic identity in the African American community, which can teach us about the daily lives and culture of protesting ethnic groups. By considering the symbolic politics of these movements, it can be understood that racial identity politics are complex and that they can be approached from various angles.

Conclusion In answering the question how African American foodways were used as a political instrument between 1954 and 1975, it can be concluded that the cuisine was only used as a subject of discussion about political ideals. Primary sources show that soul food was associated with black power and culture, but there is no evidence that the cuisine was used in other forms of protest. When comparing the Civil Rights Movement to

Bibliography Baldwin, Davarian L. Chicago’s New Negroes: Modernity, the Great Migration, & Black Urban Life. Chapel Hill:

The University of North Carolina Press, 2007.

“Black Nutritionist Finds Soul Food Unhealthy; Black Students Demand It.” Jet, 8 April 1971. Accessed

November 24, 2015. https://books.google.nl/books?id=hTcDAAAAMBAJ.

Brillat-Savarin, Jean Anthelme. The Physiology of Taste. Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2012.

Brown, Robbie. “Remembering a Soul Food Legend Who Nurtured Civil Rights Leaders,” The New York Times, 5

December 2008. Accessed October 25, 2015. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/06/us/06paschal.html?_r=0.

Brown Hearon, Ethel. Cooking with Soul: Favorite Recipes of Negro Homemakers. Milwaukee: Rufus King High

School, 1968.

Cadwell, Earl. “African Influence Thriving in Harlem: African Customs and Influence Thriving in Harlem.”

New York Times, 12 March 1968.

Counihan, Carole, and Steven L. Kaplan. Food and Gender: Identity and Power. Amsterdam: Harwood Academic

Publishers, 1998.

“Date With A Dish: Tasty Vegetarian Dishes.” Ebony, April 1972. Accessed November 28. https://books.google.nl/books?id=WVoC8KJHqh8C. Diner, Hasia R. Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish Foodways in the Age of Migration. Cambridge:

Harvard University Press, 2001.

“Disputes Claims That ‘Soul Food Is Bad For Health’.” Jet, 24 June 1971. Accessed November 26, 2015. https:// books.google.nl/books?id=rzcDAAAAMBAJ. Fields, Julia. “High on the Hog.” Negro Digest, September 1969. Accessed October 22, 2015. https://books.google.nl/books?id=2rIDAAAAMBAJ. Gabaccia, Donna R. We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans. Cambridge, MA: Harvard

University Press, 1998.

Gregory, James N. “The Second Great Migration: An Historical Overview.” In African American Urban History:

The Dynamics of Race, Class and Gender since World War II. Edited by Joe W. Trotter Jr. and Kenneth

L. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.

“Grinnell College Blacks Win ‘Soul Food’ Protest.” Jet, 23 December 1971. Accessed October 22, 2015. https://books.google.nl/books?id=dbEDAAAAMBAJ. Grossman, James R. Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration. Chicago: the University

Comedian and political activist Dick Gregory and other prominent figures also inspired this movement, so it was not

50

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Harris, Jessica B. High on the Hog: A Culinary Journey from Africa to America. New York: Bloomsbury, 2011.

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Higgins, Chester. “People Are Talking About.” Jet, 15 December 1961. Accessed October 22, 2015.

Smart-Grosvenor, Vertamae. Vibration Cooking: Or, The Travel Notes of a Geechee Girl. Garden City:

https://books.google.nl/books?id=orgDAAAAMBAJ.

Hurt, Byron. “Soul Food Junkies (documentary).” PBS, Independent Lens. 2013.

Smith, Althea. “A Farewell to Chitterlings: Vegetarianism is on the Rise Among Diet Conscious Blacks.” Ebony,

Karim, Benjamin. The End of White World Supremacy: Four Speeches by Malcolm X. New York: Seaver, 1971.

“Medic Links Soul Food With High Blood Pressure.” Jet, 2 November 1972. Accessed November 24, 2015. https://books.google.nl/books?id=u48DAAAAMBAJ. Mendes, Helen. The African Heritage Cookbook. New York: Macmillan Publishers, 1971.

Doubleday, 1970.

September 1974. Accessed November 24, 2015, https://books.google.nl/books?id=z90DAAAAMBAJ.

Taylor, John Martin. “Southern Regional Cooking.” In The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink.

Edited by Andrew F. Smith. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. 554-556.

Van DeBurg, William L. New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992.

Miller, Adrian. Soul Food: The Surprising Story of an American Cuisine, One Plate at a Time. Chapel Hill:

The University of North Carolina Pres, 2013.

Muhammad, Elijah. How to Eat to Live, Book No. 1. Phoenix: Secretarius MEMPS Ministries, 1967.

Muhammad, Elijah. How to Eat to Live, Book No. 2. Phoenix: Secretarius MEMPS Publications at Smashwords, 1972.

“Soul food.” Definition 2. OED Online, September 2015. Oxford University Press. Accessed September 08, 2015. http://oed.com.proxy.library.uu.nl/view/Entry/292490?redirectedFrom=soul+food&.

Ogbar, Jeffrey O. G. Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins

University Press, 2004.

Page, Howard. “The Heritage of Soul Food.” In The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink, edited by

Andrew F. Smith. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. 9.

“Paris ‘Soul Food’ King.” Ebony, February 1968. Accessed October 20, 2015. https://books.google.nl/ books?id=H84DAAAAMBAJ. Poe, Tracey N. “The Origins of Soul Food in Black Urban Identity, Chicago, 1915 – 1947.” In

Food in the USA: a Reader. Edited by Carole M. Counihan. New York: Routledge, 2002. 91-108.

Poussaint, Alvin D. “A Psychiatrist Looks at Black Power.” Ebony, March 1969. Accessed October 22, 2015. https://books.google.nl/books?id=JeIDAAAAMBAJ. Rediker, Marcus. “Jailer”. In The Slave Ship: A Human History. New York: Penguin, 2007.

“Salt in Soul Food Causes High Blood Pressure: Medic.” Jet, 7 February 1974. Accessed November 24, 2015. https://books.google.nl/books?id=-6UDAAAAMBAJ. “SCLC Gives ‘Poor People’s’ Food To Miss. Poor.” Jet, 12 December 1968. Accessed October 22, 2015. https://books.google.nl/books?id=-TgDAAAAMBAJ. Shute, Nancy. “Cooking Up Change: How Food Helped Fuel The Civil Rights Movement.” The Salt, 6 January

2012. Accessed October 30, 2015. http://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2012/01/16/145179885/cooking-up-

change-how-food-helped-fuel-the-civil-rights-movement

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Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine: Perception and Presentation Kirsten Dubbeldam | University College Roosevelt In partial fulfilment of the requirements for an academic internship in Biomedical and Life Sciences supervised by Dr. Ger T. Rijkers

Abstract The patient group suffering from Medically Unexplained Symptoms (MUS) may account for up to 25-50% of the general and specialist medical care. These patients undergo extensive diagnostic testing, but in the end a definite diagnosis cannot be made. This research does not only aim to investigate the number of MUS patients visiting the Emergency Department (ED) of a large university medical centre and their consequent characteristics, but it also examines the ability of the physician to predict the medical outcome four weeks after the MUS patient visited the physician. Also, it records the satisfaction amongst the patients and general practitioners (GP). Patients were included in a consecutive four-week period during the summer, followed by another four-week period after which they were interviewed regarding their medical status. The ED physicians and GPs were asked to fill in a questionnaire regarding the patient. Our data indicated that most MUS patients are self-referred (60% vs. 41.5% of the general ED patients), and confirmed that most patients undergo extensive diagnostic testing without leading to a definite diagnosis. Interestingly, more than half of the patients, who responded to the interview, indicated they were satisfied with the explanation given by the physician, although a diagnosis was lacking. It proved to be difficult for the ED physicians to predict whether a medical reason would be found and when the complaints of these patients would be over. Although the GPs were not satisfied with the overall communication of the ED, they were satisfied with the medical content of the letters received from the ED about their patient(s). Because the sample size of this study was small, the results should be interpreted with care. They do point towards a special group of patients who received little attention thus far and as such it could serve as a stepping-stone to more research regarding this topic.

41

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Kirsten Dubbeldam • Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine: Perception and Presentation

Introduction

remain undiagnosed and cannot be treated.

Detailed data on the incidence of MUS patients at the ED is not available yet.

However, it is suggested that the frequency could be higher (Baker, Stallard & Gibson, 2013).

Reid et al., (2002) state that the healthcare costs for this patient group in terms of both money and time are considerable. Additionally, MUS patients are more likely to receive extensive testing because of their unclear symptoms and complaints. The diagnostic procedures often do not result in any abnormality, leaving the patient without a proper diagnosis. At best these patients receive a “working diagnosis”, meaning that that the complaints are recognized but no cause is established yet. For example, complaints may be compatible with more than one disease or the patient may meet insufficient criteria to make a definite diagnosis. It is likely that the patient will not be satisfied, and will seek a second opinionthis could explain why this patient group costs the healthcare system more money and time than patients who receive an unambiguous diagnosis.

According to Nimmo et al., (2015), MUS patients are often woman of a relatively young age, although this is disputed by Hilderink et al., (2013) who claims MUS are more common later in life. Barsky et al., (2001) also indicate that MUS patients are more likely to be female, and reason that this gender gap could be caused by male behaviour denying physical symptoms of disease which keeps them from seeking medical attention.

The aim of this study was to determine the frequency and characteristics of MUS patients attending the ED of a large university hospital in the Netherlands.

Patients come to the Emergency Department of a hospital because of acute and serious medical conditions for which immediate attention is required. When visiting the ED, the patient expects that the attending physician is able to provide them with a clear explanation of any abnormalities found during the examination and diagnostic procedures. However, in some cases this turns out to be impossible.

It is important to establish the notion that physical abnormalities are subjective, and abnormalities found by the examination and the consequent testing are most of the time objective. Not in all patients who present themselves with physical symptoms have objective abnormalities that can be found.

When objective abnormalities cannot be found, not even after extensive testing, a (definite or even probable) diagnosis cannot be made and the patient is considered to suffer from MUS: Medically Unexplained Physical Symptoms. However, a patient can also be labelled as a MUS patient when only a number of criteria can be found associated to a certain disease, but not sufficient to make a definite diagnosis. With no physical cause to be found for the medical symptoms, the patient is experiencing, a severed doctor-patient relationship could be the result. Additionally, the doctor may feel the symptoms of the patient are non-existent or imaginary while the patient might question the competence of the doctor. In order to improve the medical care for this category of patients, more should be known about MUS. According to Weiland et al., (2015) patients experiencing MUS may account for up to 25-50% in the general and specialist medical care. This is an astounding number given the fact that most of these patients 42

Furthermore, the ability of the physician to predict the course of the patient’s symptoms, as well as the satisfaction of the patients and the general practitioners was studied.

from the general population of patients visiting the ED. The electronic patient dossiers (EPD) were monitored for patients with possible MUS-like complaints. These complaints can include: “Pain on the chest, pain in the stomach, general malaise, undefined pain in the head... etcetera”.

Upon identification of a potential MUS patient, the researchers waited until the ED physician finished taking a general history and performing a physical examination.

Then the ED physician approached and asked about the patients’ status and whether or not he/she would be eligible to enter the study. If the answer was “yes, but further examinations are needed” the researchers waited for these, while monitoring the EPD. If the diagnostic tests did not lead to a clear diagnosis, the researchers asked the ED physician whether the patient in question was a probable MUS patient and whether the researchers could attend the discharge procedure. Upon the discharge, the ED physician introduced the researcher, whereof the researcher explained the study and asked whether the patient would be interested in participating. If so, the patient would sign the informed consent form (ICF) and take the patient information folder (PIF) home. The patient was also informed to expect a call in 4 weeks to perform the questionnaire. In order to maximize inclusion, two shifts were made, a day shift and a night shift. The day shifts (by the researchers) overlapped for 30 minutes in order for the researchers to inform each other on the current status on the ED. The ED physicians and nurses covered the night shift.

Immediately after discharge, the ED physician who treated the MUS patient was approached and asked to fill in the

Patients and Methods Subjects, inclusion and exclusion criteria Subjects of male and female gender of 18 years of age and above were included. The aim was to include 200 patients during a 4-week inclusion period on the Emergency Department of a trauma level 1 hospital (trauma level 1 corresponds to the highest level of trauma). This goal was set based on the total number of patients visiting the ED (estimated to be 1600) and a conservative estimate of 25% of patients to be categorized as MUS (Baker et al., 2013).

When the research period ended, 42 patients were initially included, and a remaining two patients were excluded as they received a definite diagnosis later.

The patients who were included in the sample did not have a definite diagnosis and their symptoms were regarded (by their ED physician) as physically, medically unexplained. Patients with a definite diagnosis and clear medically explained symptoms were excluded. Additionally, the patients who left the ED without receiving medical care were those who did not speak Dutch or who had no accompanying person who could interpret the information for them. These people were also excluded from this study. Finally, patients who participated in another study, and/or visited the ED for their control visit due to the other study were also excluded.

Data acquisition During the 4-week inclusion period, participants for the study were recruited 43

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Kirsten Dubbeldam • Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine: Perception and Presentation

Results

questionnaire consisting of 5 questions regarding the patient’s complaints.

After the inclusion period ended, the data was further processed using Microsoft Excel. Each patient was only represented by a number, which was given upon data procession. This was to ensure anonymous treatment of confidential information regarding the patient. Each patient was contacted by telephone, and in case the patient could not be reached, the questionnaire was sent to his or her home address by email/post. A deadline for reply was indicated. Similarly, the GP of the patients were contacted by telephone or email and asked to fill out a small questionnaire regarding the patient.

All questionnaires (MUS patient, ED physician, GP) were constructed using a Likert-scale design.

Presentation While the initial aim was to include 200 MUS patients, a total of 40 patients were included. In the 4-week inclusion period, 1628 patients visited the ED, and therefore our sample constitutes 2,45%. However, a retrospective analysis of the 1628 ED patients identified a total of 168 MUS patients, corresponding to 10,3%.

Although prior research indicated the female gender to be dominant in the MUS patient group (Nimmo et al.,2015), we found that only 18 of the 40 included patients were women, of which 13 responded to the patient questionnaire after 4 weeks.

Figure 1 shows the age distribution of general visitors of emergency departments in the Netherlands, which is dominated by patients of 75 years and older. The MUS patient group used in this study is younger and prevails in the age range of 18-64. A more detailed analysis of the age distribution of MUPS patients showed that most are between 54 and 64 years.

In the general ED population, most patients have traumatic injuries or intoxication (37%), followed by cardiac, gastrointestinal, or respiratory complaints (11.8% and 7%, respectively). Based on the nature of their physical complaints, the MUS patients were categorized as cardiopulmonary (n=18), gastrointestinal (n = 11), combination of cardiopulmonary and gastrointestinal (n = 2), or other (n = 9).

Data analysis The data was analysed using the Pearson Chi Square test to examine a relation between the variables measured. For example: to determine whether there was a significant relation or difference between the prediction of the physician, and the answer of the patient after 4 weeks. A one sample t – test was used to measure the significance of the predictions of the ED physicians, in which for all tests a p-value < 0.05 was considered to be significant. This statistical analysis was performed using IBM SPSS Statistics Version 21 (IBM Corporation, Armonk, NY, USA).

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Figure 1: Age distribution of the general population of patients attending the Emergency Department (closed bars) and the patients with Medical Unexplained Symptoms (hatched bars).

suggested by Table 1, while in our sample the MUS patients primarily came in by selfreferral or by ambulance, the NKV indicates that the total ED attending population was indeed self-referred or had a GP referral.

While MUS patients are known to visit their GP more frequently than regular patients, the GP referral of MUS patients was actually lower. Another remarkable finding is that 90% of MUS patients were discharged and sent home, while only a remaining 10% were admitted to the hospital (as compared to 26.9% in the NKV database).

Entry, diagnostic procedures, treatment, discharge, frequency of visits The majority of the MUS patients were self-referred (24/40; see Table 1). Patients with cardiopulmonary or gastrointestinal complaints attended the ED most often by self-referral. Only a small portion of patients with these complaints arrived by ambulance.

Interestingly enough, when comparing the results of the MUS patients to data by the National Compass Public Health (Nationaal Kompas Volksgezondheid; NKV), the differences are remarkable. As

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Kirsten Dubbeldam • Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine: Perception and Presentation

Table 1: Comparison of Way of Entry and Discharge of MUS patients and total ED population.

WAY OF ENTRY MUS patients (in %)

ED – Total patient population (in %, according to the NKV)

Self-referred

60%

(24/40)

41.5%

Referred by GP

7.5%

(3/40)

38.6%

Ambulance

22.5% (9/40)

9.6%

Other

10%

10.3%

(4/40)

WAY OF DISCHARGE Home

90% * (36/40)

63.9%

Hospital/other Hospital

10%

26.9%

(4/40)

Died - 0.1% * Without follow up (n=16), contact when indicated (n=6), visit GP (n=5), visit outpatient clinic (n=9)

Additionally, 21 out of the 40 participants needed the most extensive diagnostic tests (laboratory as well as imaging).

Sixteen patients were discharged with the indication “no follow up”, and 6 others with “contact if indicated”- the patient was free to contact the ED if the symptoms occurred again. Although more than half of the patients went through extensive diagnostic procedures, 22 patients were discharged without any further treatment.

This indicates that these patients lacked a proper diagnosis and there was no reason to continue further treatment. What occurred quite often is that the physical complaints disappeared while being on the ED, or that

the complaints were not deemed serious enough to warrant further diagnostics or treatment.

The most common treatment was either a form of painkiller, a screening or no treatment. More than half of the patients were discharged without having made an appointment for follow up/contact if indicated. Over 25% of the patients did not receive any treatment at all. Thus, at least half of the patients with this kind of discharge did not receive any treatment.

The remaining MUS patients did receive some form of treatment/medication, however this was mostly aimed at making the patient comfortable: numbing the 46

pain, screen for TSH (thyroid stimulating hormone), or clear a rash that had formed.

The treatment was not aimed at a specific disease or condition, as the cause was not found.

The pain relief was primarily achieved by administering paracetamol. It is remarkable that a drug available without prescription can resolve the physical symptoms of the patient. This causes one to question the severity of the complaint, and the interpretation of the complaint by the patient themselves. Did they exaggerate the complaints, or were they desperate to seek an answer for their acute or already longer lasting complaint? This requires further investigation because it goes beyond the scope of this current study.

Previous research suggested that MUS patients visit the Emergency Department more frequently than eventual diagnosed patients (Baker, Stallard & Gibson, 2013).

In our study, 7 patients had visited the Emergency Department more than two times in the previous year, of which 3 patients were in the cardiopulmonary cluster. For the majority of MUS patients, it was their first visit to the ED in at least a year time, either because of the first occurrence of the complaints or recurrence after more than one year. It can however not be excluded that the MUS patients previously had visited the ED of another hospital.

his/her complaints. In 15 cases the ED physician was confident no medical reason would be found in their MUS patient, whereas in 9 cases the physician was absolutely confident a medical case would be found. In the remaining 13 cases, it was difficult to estimate whether an actual medical reason would be found to explain all of the physical complaints of the patient. The highest degree of uncertainty was found in the cardiopulmonary and gastrointestinal cluster.

The ED physician was also asked to predict how long the complaints would persist: from disappearing within 2 weeks to persisting for more than 4 weeks.

Remarkably, these 2 extreme predictions were most commonly given. Most complaints were estimated to last at least more than 4 weeks, of which some even more than a year. In the cardiopulmonary cluster, the ED physicians were confident that in 10 out of the total 17 cases the complaints would disappear.

The most difficult question for the ED physician was whether the presented complaints were actually MUS. In more than half of the patients the complaints were considered medically unexplained. However, the uncertainty is reflected in the physicians’ answer being “possibly” when they were asked to confirm whether the patient suffered from MUS on the ED physician questionnaire. This especially holds true for the patients in the cardiopulmonary cluster.

Perception Perception of a MUS patient by the physician of the Emergency Department In regards to the sample, 37 out of 40 physicians who treated the MUS patients in the Emergency Department were interviewed regarding the patient and

Perception of the MUS patient Four weeks after their visit to the ED, patients were asked to answer the questionnaire. They were asked about their satisfaction rate of the interaction with the ED physician, whether their physical 47

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Kirsten Dubbeldam • Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine: Perception and Presentation

complaints had resolved or persisted and whether a medical explanation was found for these complaints during the past 4 weeks. A total of 24 patients responded, of which 13 were female. Despite the attempts of the researchers (patients were called multiple times and reached via email and post) the response remained low.

Although many of the patients did not receive an explanation for their condition, 17 out of 24 were satisfied or very satisfied with the treatment and explanation given by the physician. This indicated that the physician most likely gave a clear explanation regarding the patient’s health status.

Overall, 13 patients indicated they were still

experiencing symptoms 4 weeks after their visit to the ED. Amongst the “General” and “Gastrointestinal” cluster, the largest number of participants was still experiencing symptoms. In the cardiopulmonary cluster, 5 out of 9 patients did not experience any symptoms anymore.

Four weeks after their visit to the ED, patients were asked whether a medical explanation had been found for their symptoms. From the data in Figure 2 it is evident that for most of the patients in the “General” and “Cardiopulmonary” cluster such an explanation was not found in those 4 weeks. In the “Gastrointestinal” cluster 4 out of 7 patients received a medical explanation for (part) of their condition.

Figure 2: Bar chart displaying whether or not a medical explanation was found per MUS disease category

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Discussion

Duration prediction of symptoms and diagnosis As has been indicated above, the ED physicians were asked to predict whether a medical explanation would be found, and if the patient would still have complaints after 4 weeks. Using a one sample t-test, based on the results of all the MUS patients, a significant difference was observed in the prediction of the physician and answer of the patient in both cases (p < 0.005 and p < 0.0001 respectively). It can therefore be concluded that it is difficult to predict whether a medical explanation will be found for MUS patients and if or when the complaints will be over.

During a 4-week inclusion period in the Emergency Department, 40 out of 1600 patients were identified as MUS patients.

The goal of including 200 participants therefore was not met. Thus, the results are based on a small sample size, precluding to make definite conclusions. The inclusion rate, which was lower than predicted, could be due to the fact that the frequency of MUS patients was overestimated. On the other hand, the researchers were new to the field. A period of acclimatization had to occur, during which potential patients could have been missed. Moreover, the promotion and advertising on the emergency department of this research did not start until after the arrival of the researchers, so awareness of physicians and nurses at the onset of the inclusion period was low. For future studies, recruitment of patients could be improved.

Secondly, the response rate to the questionnaires of both the patients and GPs was lower than expected. Only half of the patients could be reached and even fewer GPs responded to the questionnaire.

Ideally, the MUS patient would have been matched with his or her own GP. However, this brought the sample size to such low numbers that drawing any conclusion would have been impossible. Therefore, it was decided to use the questionnaires available, and not match the MUS patient with his or her GP. Previously, it has been found (Nimmo et al., 2015) that MUS patients are of a younger age than the general population of patients attending the ED. Our data supports this as suggested in Figure 1. It

General Practitioners perception of the MUS patient From the 40 GPs approached, only 16 responded.

A common characteristic of MUS patients is that they visit their GP often.

Therefore, it is important to establish the quality of the communication between the ED, the patients themselves, and the GP. While every hospital visit should be communicated to the GP of the patient in writing, this apparently had not taken place in a number of cases involving MUS patients. When the GP did receive a letter from the ED, they rated its content as mostly satisfied or neutral (10 out of 16 cases).

The majority of patients (75%) had visited their GP within the 4 weeks after their visit to the ED. This could be a reflection of the fact that MUS patients do make more use of the healthcare system than other patients with confirmed diagnoses.

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Kirsten Dubbeldam • Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine: Perception and Presentation

must be mentioned however that most of our patients fell in the category 54 to 64, which in absolute terms cannot be considered as young age. A possible factor contributing to the average age of the MUPS patient is the nature of the initial complaint. The cardiopulmonary group was by far the largest group. As the risk of cardiovascular disease increases with age, the complaints related to cardiovascular disease (either real or perceived) might lead to more distress for the patient and thus prompt them to visit the ED. In the same publication by Nimmo (Nimmo et al., 2015) it is indicated that most patients experiencing MUS are female.

However, in our study only 18 out of 40 patients were female, of which 6 belonged in the cardiopulmonary cluster.

While the reasons for theses differences are unknown, a possible explanation could be the fact that the signs for cardiopulmonary problems differ amongst men and women. Maas et al., (2011) studied gender differences in cardiac disease, and concluded that women are not always aware of cardiac problems. This is mostly due to the fact that the symptoms published in books and the media are based on the male patients. Thus, women can miss vital signs of cardiovascular problems and may even dismiss them as complaints of other parts of the body. Since this difference occurred in other clusters as well, this could possibly explain that the gender division is still not known.

Finally, while one expects a physician to make an adequate prognosis of the course of the complaints and illness, this proved to be extremely difficult for the MUS patient group. This seems logical, as with regular

patients there is a body of knowledge to rely on, diagnostic procedures and criteria that have been established. With MUS patients, there is no adequate diagnosis. In some cases, the physician does not know what he or she is up against and might only be able to explain the different scenarios. Thus, when the physician cannot indicate when or whether a complaint will be resolved, it becomes difficult to predict or estimate if a medical explanation will be found. Our data are in accordance with the above scenario because of significant differences between the patient’s and the physician’s perception.

In practice however, the effect is often the opposite. These patients ask more time than a regular patient, and therefore might even take time of other patients presenting on the ED, which the physician attends to simultaneously. The latter patient might be in higher need of medical attention.

When considering the factors above, it is time for the MUS patient to receive the attention he or she deserves. Not only for the patients themselves, but also with regards to the health care system in general. If there would be a better and more efficient way to treat or handle MUS cases, physicians could extend their care to those

patients in dire need of medical attention.

For now, MUS patients are an unrepresented patient group, who are suffering from real, physical symptoms and are experiencing pain. Even though the current study only dealt with a small group of 40 patients attending the emergency department, it can serve as a stepping-stone to more research upon the occurrence of MUS patients in the health care system.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Isabel Hageman for providing the opportunity to participate in this particular research.

Conclusion This study investigated the characteristics of MUS patients, their ED physicians and GPs, their satisfaction and ability to predict the course of the complaints. While it confirmed some earlier findings, as most patients are indeed self-referred and receive extensive diagnostic testing without a concluding diagnosis, it challenged others, such as the age group and issue in gender division.

The MUS patient is certainly not considered an easy patient. He or she needs a dedicated physician, who has patience and is able to distinguish clearly what the patient is or is not suffering from. However, since the MUS patient is not considered to have a definite diagnosis, he/she remains unsure about his/her condition and is more inclined to seek (or even demand) extensive help when suffering from their complaints. They may have the impression that the more they attend the ED or visit their GP, the more will become known about their condition and the sooner they will receive actual treatment or a diagnosis.

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Nora Goerne • The Korean English Teacher Phenomenon: Immigration and Integration of Anglophone Immigrants in Modern South Korea

References Anonymous. Cijfers & Context: Gebruik SEH naar leeftijd. Retrieved March 3, 2016, from https://www. volksgezondheidenzorg.info/onderwerp/acute-zorg/cijfers-context/gebruik-acute-zorg#node-gebruik-seh-naar- tijdstip Baker, M., Stallard, J., & Gibson, S. (2013). A pilot project targeting frequent attenders at the emergency

department with medically unexplained symptoms. Emergency Medicine Journal,30(10), 866-866.

Barsky, A. J., Peekna, H. M., & Borus, J. F. (2001). Somatic symptom reporting in women and men. Journal of

General Internal Medicine, 16(4), 266-275.

Hilderink, P. H., Collard, R., Rosmalen, J. G. M., & Voshaar, R. O. (2013). Prevalence of somatoform disorders

and medically unexplained symptoms in old age populations in comparison with younger age groups: a

systematic review. Ageing research reviews, 12(1), 151-156.

Maas, A. H., van der Schouw, Y. T., Regitz-Zagrosek, V., Swahn, E., Appelman, Y. E., Pasterkamp, G., ...

& Eizema, K. (2011). Red alert for women’s heart: the urgent need for more research and knowledge on

cardiovascular disease in women. European heart journal, 32(11), 1362-1368.

Nimmo, S. B. (2015). Medically unexplained symptoms. Occupational Medicine,65(2), 92-94 Reid, S., Wessely, S., Crayford, T. I. M., & Hotopf, M. (2002). Frequent attenders with medically unexplained

symptoms: service use and costs in secondary care. The British Journal of Psychiatry, 180(3), 248-253.

Reid, S., Wessely, S., Crayford, T., & Hotopf, M. (2001). Medically unexplained symptoms in frequent attenders

of secondary health care: retrospective cohort study. BMJ, 322(7289), 767.

Sitzia, J., & Wood, N. (1998). Response rate in patient satisfaction research: an analysis of 210 published studies.

International Journal for Quality in Health Care, 10(4), 311-317.

Weiland, A., Blankenstein, A. H., Van Saase, J. L., Van der Molen, H. T., Jacobs, M. E., Abels, D. C., ...

& Arends, L. R. (2015). Training Medical Specialists to Communicate Better with Patients with Medically

Unexplained Physical Symptoms (MUPS). A Randomized, Controlled Trial. PloS one, 10(9), e0138342.

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Gold Nanoparticles in Chemical Sensors for In Vitro and In Vivo Sensing of Tumors Kevin Venrooij | University College Roosevelt In partial fulfillment of the requirements for ACC 230 Academic Writing Across the Disciplines taught by Karolien Walravens, M.A.

Abstract This paper evaluates techniques and mechanisms using gold nanoparticles (AuNPs) and their application in cancer treatment. Extensive research has recently been undertaken to further enhance and modify AuNPs. Thanks to their unique properties, AuNPs are used in imaging, sensors and medicine. The focus of this investigation will be on exhaled breath sensing for tumor biomarkers called volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and on in vivo sensing using quenched fluorescence in combination with CT. The reviewed articles were obtained from the ScienceDirect and PubMed databases and were published in various chemistry and medical journals between 1996 and 2015. Slight deviations in mean particle radius, thiol ligands or conjugated drugs cause AuNPs to behave in various ways. Since it is not viable to directly compare findings, research will be reviewed on a case-by-case basis. Overall, biomarkers were effectively detected and capable of distinguishing between lung, breast, colorectal, prostate and head-and-neck tumors. In conclusion, AuNPs possess the capabilities to form effective detection systems for tumor markers.

Keywords: AuNPs, VOCs, biomarkers, nanomedicine and CT

Introduction

dispersity, stability, biocompatibility and adsorbing capacity, allow them to address challenges such as enhancing radiation energy uptake, treating multi-drug resistant pathogens and improving micro sensors (Templeton et al., 2000).

While a plethora of methods for detection and quantification of bio targets, such as cells, bacteria, proteins and peptides already exist, most require considerable time

Michael Faraday managed to create colloidal gold in 1857. This was the first scientific proof that solid gold could be turned into gold colloids (Reddy, 2006). Nowadays, more advanced gold colloids; called gold nanoparticles (AuNPs), play a central role in material sciences, biological sciences and chemical platforms. Their amazing properties, such as controllable size, 55

Ad Astra â&#x20AC;˘ June 2016

Kevin Venrooij â&#x20AC;˘ Gold Nanoparticles in Chemical Sensors for In Vitro and In Vivo Sensing of Tumors

Gold Nanoparticles in Colorimetric Chemical Sensors

and effort. Quick and specific methods of disease state detection are still lacking (Bunz et al., 2010). The application of AuNPs as chemical sensors can provide rapid and reliable results on special strips or arrays.

This could significantly reduce waiting times for diagnoses in hospitals, and allow for a better indication of disease state. As cancer is a very complex disease, different stages require different drugs to achieve optimal results. Therefore, proper insight into the cancer stage can improve treatment. In addition to this, AuNP sensors, which are sensors based on gold nanoparticles, can help elucidate pathways in tumor cells and possibly provide new treatment targets. To achieve rapid results, the nanoparticles show either a colorimetric or a fluorescent change upon binding to a target molecule. Ligands, which are attached to the gold cores, can be made specific for any target.

This literature review is based on journal articles, which were primarily obtained using databases such as ScienceDirect and PubMed. These articles are either literature reviews, or primary research using some of the proper machines or techniques, such as: MALDI-TOF mass spectrometers, UV-vis spectrometry, SEM, H NMR, C NMR and fluorescent microscopy. This review is limited by the inability to reproduce findings. Furthermore, certain mechanisms are still unknown. Finally, different gold core sizes and ligands cause particles to behave in distinct manners. Therefore, this review will explore examples of chemical sensors on a case-by-case basis, to show how AuNPs can provide new data and insights in cancer research with proper synthesis and use of their properties in chemical sensors and microscopy labelling.

AuNP sensors are synthesized with either the Turkevich or the Brust-Schiffrin method.

Variations of these methods are common, and often referred to as green synthesis because they are more biocompatible than the original methods (Alex & Tiwari, 2015).

Gold core size is determined by the seedgrowth mechanism, which is the formation of seed particles to which free gold atoms attach themselves and relative concentration, pH, temperature and order of reactants.

Once the final size is determined, the cores are stabilized with thiol ligands; these form gold-thiol coordination complex (Wuithschick et al., 2015). In order for a sensor to be specific for a target molecule, it must contain the appropriate ligands that can interact with the target. The monolayer-protected gold clusters therefore undergo many chemical modifications, such as place-exchange, polymerizations, SN2 and coupling. Ligand exchange usually has a 1:1 stoichiometry, whereas the other modifications change all thiol ligands (Templeton et al., 2000). However, possible ligands for sensors are not limited to molecules that contain a sulfide atom for the gold-thiol coordination complex. If a sensor requires a ligand that lacks a sulfide atom, it is possible to modify the molecule with for example 3-mercaptopropionic acid, which then provides the possibility of gold-thiol coordinated complexes (Choi et al., 2010).

As described by Saha et al., an efficient sensor relies on response time, signal-to-noise ratio, selectivity and limits of detection.

AuNPs can achieve this efficiency due to their incredible optical properties and specificity.

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Figure 1: Red to blue color change upon ion-mediated assembly. Adapted from Saha et al. (2012).

For example, the nanoparticles can be modified to form ionic complexes with metal ions, as can be seen in Figure 1. This process is highly specific and results in a red to blue color change once the target molecule is presented, which is easily visible (Saha et al., 2012). AuNP sensors can also detect other types of molecules, such as proteins, peptides, ssDNA strands and thiols (Han, Lytton-Jean, Oh, Heo & Mirkin, 2006). These detection methods rely on the same principle as the ionic complexes previously described.

of fluorophores, which are chemical compounds that act as a tracer or dye.

AuNPs quench, or hold tight, fluorophores until target molecules disrupt the complex. This method is applicable in vivo, and is therefore favorable when detecting cancers that are deep inside the body tissues. Due to high specificity, different AuNP species can be employed to form a micro array sensor. The plethora of fluorophores can sense and indicate the presence of multiple compounds, and therefore form an array of signals. Such an array is effective, as AuNPs yield good results with imaging because they provide a 40-fold increase in fluorescent expression (Xu et al., 2016).

Gold Nanoparticles in Fluorescent Sensing An alternative to the previously described colorimetric sensing is the quenching

Figure 2: Principle of AuNP based displacement assay. The quenched PPE-AuNP complex is decorated by pyrophosphate (PPi), which causes a displacement of fluorescent PPE. Adapted from Bunz & Rotello (2010)â&#x20AC;&#x2039;.

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Kevin Venrooij • Gold Nanoparticles in Chemical Sensors for In Vitro and In Vivo Sensing of Tumors

The micro array sensor is based on the principle of displacement of fluorescent molecules, as illustrated in Figure 2.

Pyrophosphate (PPi) is a potential diagnostic target in blood serum for multiple diseases, but occurs at a very low concentration.

AuNPs are capable of sensing up to 40 nM PPi. Upon binding to a target cell, either on the outer membrane or inside the cell itself, AuNPs release the quenched fluorophores when target molecules disrupt the complex.

Furthermore, different intensities and colors of fluorophores allow one to differentiate between healthy and cancerous cells. This is achieved through modulating the relative binding strength of fluorophore-AuNP and target cell-AuNP interactions. The distinct displacement patterns enable researchers to distinguish between different cells (Bunz & Rotello, 2010).

Non-Invasive Detection of Tumor Biomarkers through Breath Analysis Ideally, a chemical sensor is capable of non-invasive yet specific detection of tumor biomarkers. During exhalation, some of these biomarkers are released from the body.

Therefore, analyzing exhaled breath can provide a non-invasive indication of whether or not tumors are possibly present. As expected, lung tumors provide an excellent target. In 2008, the lung cancer survival rate was 15% when found at a late stage; however, if discovered while the tumors are still localized the survival rate was 70% (Cutler, 2008). Nevertheless, only 16% of the cases are discovered at an early stage (Jemal et al., 2008). Therefore, it is critical to develop rapid and effective methods of detection.

In lung cancer, at least 400 distinct biomarkers can be traced in exhaled 58

breath. Every patient has their own spectra of compounds, but roughly 33 are very common (Peng et al., 2009). These biomarkers are volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and can be associated with many diseases (Barash et al., 2012). They are released by tumors due to gene and protein changes that lead to peroxidation of the cell membrane (Peng et al., 2010). Currently, classical techniques without AuNPs, such as gas chromatography and mass spectrometry, are used to analyze VOCs. While they yield a clear overview of the content of patient’s breath, these techniques are slow and expensive (Peng et al., 2009).

An AuNP sensor array that contains many slots filled with AuNPs specific for one target VOC has been proposed by Peng et al. (2009). The pattern that occurs in the assay after VOCs come into contact with AuNPs will then indicate the possible presence of tumor target molecules. The AuNPs used in this research consisted of 5 nm gold cores with many different ligands such as: dodecanethiol, decanethiol, 1-butanethiol, 2-ethylhexanethiol and tertdodecanethiol. The ligands achieved high specificity for VOCs, of up to 1-5 ppb. The concentration of VOCs in healthy patients is between 1-20 ppb, whereas lung cancer patients tend to have 10 to 100 ppb (Peng et al., 2009). Therefore, AuNPs with these ligands are suitable, as their minimum range is low enough.

Peng and colleagues (2010) and Hakim et al. (2011) expand on this same principle for lung cancer. They formed AuNP sensors that could detect and differentiate between VOCs of lung, breast, colorectal, prostate (Peng et al., 2010) and head-and-neck cancers (Hakim et al., 2011). Experiments show that the AuNP sensors provide distinct

paragraph, AuNPs can also improve targeted cancer imaging. The primary goal of molecular imaging is to visualize and characterize early-stage disease, and with this information enable rapid and effective treatment. Currently, Positron emission tomography (PET), single-photon emission computed tomography (SPECT), magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and computed tomography (CT) are used in molecular imaging (Kim & Jon, 2012).

PET and SPECT are limited by poor spatial resolution, and MRI has a low sensitivity of contrast agents (Cheon & Lee, 2008).

Due to lack of targeted and molecularly specific contrast agents, CT has not been widely used for cancer detection at cellular and molecular level. Regular CT scans are conducted with the use of iodine containing molecules. The drawback of this method is that iodine is cleared by kidneys at a fairly high rate, and therefore allows only for short imaging periods. AuNPs can improve this, as gold atoms do not only stay in the body longer, but also induce a stronger X-ray attenuation. Furthermore, AuNPs can be made specific for molecular targets, in contrast to iodine. As a result, images are also more specific (Popovtzer et al., 2008).

clusters of data for each type of cancer and for healthy individuals (Peng et al., 2010).

The ability to effectively cross-react may be expanded for other types of tumors in the future.

In addition to high specificity and quick results, the AuNP sensor array does not require pretreated breath, is fully reversible and is not influenced by gender, age or smoking habits (Peng et al., 2009). Furthermore, the hydrophobiccoated AuNPs are not sensitive to the 80% humidity present in exhaled breath, whereas previously proposed sensors were (Barash et al., 2009). These properties, with possibly some tweaking of ligands and gold core size, can revolutionize detection of cancer and treatment. A second application of this principle is immediate diagnosis during surgery. Results can provide better insight into tissue conditions, and therefore aid surgeons in making rapid decisions due to new information (Barash et al., 2009).

Non-Invasive In Vivo Detection of Tumor Biomarkers through Fluorophores In addition to indicating the presence of tumor cells, as described in the previous

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Figure 3: Hounsfield Units per sample of in vitro cell lines. Samples include larynx, oral and melanoma cancer as

Figure 4: Results from CT scans on nude mice. A contains only head-and-neck tumor cells, B contains tumors

well as fibroblast and water. Adapted from Popovtzer et al. (2008).

cells and passive AuNRs and finally, C contains tumor cells and targeted AuNR-EGFR. Adapted from Popovtzer et al. (2011).

care. As previously stated, early detection enables for better treatment and therefore a higher survival rate of patients. The general principle of chemical sensing using AuNPs can be expanded on to other diseases as well.

AuNPs with different ligands or gold core sizes exhibit different properties. Therefore, two successful applications were reviewed that used specific ligands and core sizes.

Consequently, further research into the effect of different gold core sizes on chemical sensors is recommended. This should elucidate whether more optimal settings can be created, and therefore better results can be obtained. Gold core sizes and attached ligands are especially important with respect to both the breath analyzing and in vivo sensing applications. More sophisticated ligands can increase the selectivity and sensitivity of the sensors. With additional research, the applications reviewed in this paper can be implemented in hospitals and should reduce waiting times while improving survival rates.

The results of the experiments are displayed in Figure 4. The measured HU is a lot higher with the targeted AuNRs, and the tumor cells are also better visible. Therefore, novel and specific AuNPs enable CT to detect tumors on a cellular level.

The improvement of CT results by gold nanorods (AuNRs), which are gold nanoparticles in a rod like shape, s depicted in Figure 3. The effect of AuNPs is first tested in vitro before in vivo experiments are conducted. As can be seen, with the presence of AuNRs, the Hounsfield Units (HU) are up to 1 to 5 times as high compared to the control samples.

Furthermore, AuNRs conjugated with the A9 antibody are far more effective than the KHRI-3 antibody. This is in line with the expected results, as A9 is specific for tumor cells, whereas KHRI-3 is not. The specificity of A9 conjugated AuNPs causes them to actively target tumor cells. In contrast, the KHRI-3 conjugated ones are passive,

since the ligand is not specific for tumor cells. This indicates that specific ligands of AuNPs significantly increase their potential in imaging. The AuNRs with water show a high HU due to a high concentration (Popovtzer et al., 2008). Therefore, from this can be concluded that specificity of AuNR ligand significantly increases the measured HU in vitro.

To evaluate AuNRs with CT in vivo, Popovtzer et al. (2011) injected A431 SCC cell line human head-and-neck tumors in the back flank area of six nude mice. Again, two types of AuNRs were used: passive and active types. The active AuNRs were coated with the anti-epidermal growth factor receptor (EGFR).

60

Conclusion This paper has reviewed the mechanisms of colorimetric and fluorescent sensing

by AuNPs. Furthermore, the related applications of these mechanisms, breath and in vivo sensing for tumor markers, were reviewed. The key properties of AuNPs, such as specificity and differentiation of biomarkers allow for rapid and improved sensing.

AuNPs offer many advantages over currently used methods of cancer detection.

As shown in the applications, analytic methods can be improved with AuNPs, by detecting tumor presence and states in a faster, cheaper and more specific way.

This has universal applications in health 61

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Kevin Venrooij • Gold Nanoparticles in Chemical Sensors for In Vitro and In Vivo Sensing of Tumors

Peng, G., Tisch, U., Adams, O., Hakim, M., Shehada, N., Broza, Y. et al. (2009). Diagnosing lung cancer in

References Alex, S., & Tiwari, A. (2015). Functionalized gold nanoparticles: Synthesis, properties and applications—a review.

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Barash, O., Peled, N., Hirsch, F., & Haick, H. (2009). Sniffing the unique “odor print” of non-small-cell lung

cancer with gold nanoparticles. Small, 5(22), 2618-2624. doi:10.1002/smll.200900937

Barash, O., Peled, N., Tisch, U., Bunn, P., Hirsch, F., & Haick, H. (2012). Classification of lung cancer histology

by gold nanoparticle sensors. Nanomedicine: Nanotechnology, Biology and Medicine, 8(5), 580-589.

exhaled breath using gold nanoparticles. Nature Nanotech, 4(10), 669-673. doi:10.1038/nnano.2009.235

Popovtzer, R., Agrawal, A., Kotov, N., Popovtzer, A., Balter, J., Carey, T., & Kopelman, R. (2008). Targeted gold

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molecular CT imaging of cancer: An in vivo study. International Journal of Nanomedicine, 2859. doi:10.2147/

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biosystems sensing. Angewandte Chemie International Edition, 49(19), 3268-3279. doi:10.1002/

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Cheon, J., & Lee, J. (2008). Synergistically integrated nanoparticles as multimodal probes for nanobiotechnology.

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properties, and applications toward biology, catalysis, and nanotechnology. Chemical Reviews, 104(1), 293-346.

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Research, 33(1), 27-36. doi:10.1021/ar9602664

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Investment-linked Products: Customer Protection and Regulation of Markets Jeffrey Sprong | University College Roosevelt In partial fulfilment of the requirements for SSC 275 Principles of Private Law taught by Prof. Dr. G.J.H. van Hoof †

Abstract The financial sector is constantly reinventing itself in order to generate as much profit as possible. In this process, more and more complex products are created, which do not always take consumer interests into account. Often, these products are too complex and vague for laymen to understand, which, while creating great profits for financial institutions, has lead to massive losses for retail consumers. This paper analyses what went wrong in the financial sector by examining the Dutch ‘Woekerpolisaffaire’.

In addition, ‘minibonds’ as a larger example is studied to determine whether this is an international phenomenon, or merely a problem in the Dutch financial sector.

Based upon these two specific cases the successfulness of customer protection and market regulation will be evaluated. Have markets been sufficiently regulated, and has the amount of regulation changed over the years? Is more rigid regulation necessary? Consequently, the effects on customer protection will be assessed. Lastly, a recommendation will be made with regard to optimizing the present day situation.

Introduction

in such a product. However, no one exactly knew what he or she was participating in.

After some time, it appeared that yields were not as high as promised; often they would even turn out negative. At the same time, costs and complexity of the products increased and national, European, and international legislation seem to have failed to bring this process to a halt at that point in time.1

It seemed a once in a lifetime opportunity.

Invest your savings in a low-risk, high profit investment-linked insurance. Your money would be invested in popular funds and renowned businesses to minimize risk. After a number of years, you would get your money back with a promised yield of 6 to 12 per cent. Many people decided to take their chances, and invested their life-savings 1

K. Kooman, ‘De woekerpolisaffaire: Hoe miljoenen Nederlanders in de val zijn gelokt en hoe ze de schade kunnen

beperken’, 2010, pp. 15-20.

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Jeffrey Sprong • Investment-linked Products: Customer Protection and Regulation of Markets

the client pays a large amount of different costs to the company concerned, of which specific amounts and purposes are usually unknown.2 Evaluating the process, it appears that nearly all of the investors in these products would have been better off if they had put their funds in a savings account.3 One of the largest scandals regarding financial products in the history of the Netherlands concerns ‘Woekerpolissen’.

Investment-linked insurance policies, a generic term for a number of closely related financial products, have been sold to a considerable part of the Dutch population.4 All of the 4 million participants upwards were under the impression that they made a profitable deal. Many invested savings, pensions, or study funds in these products, mostly depositing money they planned to use in the future. The undertaking was indeed very lucrative; regrettably this profit was only for the banks and insurance companies who issued these products.

The largest concern with these investment products was, and still may be, transparency.

Often, it was not clear what the clients exactly agreed upon. As a result, it was impossible to compare products to each other, and competition appeared in the market only to a certain extent. However, most striking is the fact that the companies involved have been able to conceal large amounts of costs in these products, thus extorting significant amounts of money from the ill-advised investors over a time period spanning more than 30 years.5

Eventually, involved parties, such as consumer interest groups, undertook action against the insurance companies and banks involved. Ideally they sought to recover the losses that investors had suffered but often they merely seem to succeed in bringing the losses to a standstill. At present, these companies are still active and these products are still for sale, albeit in a slightly different form than a decade ago. Ill-advised consumers still become victims of financial products referred to as investment-linked insurances. Therefore, it is worthwhile to investigate where society stands at present.

Hence, this paper examines to what extent regulating and legislative authorities have succeeded in limiting deceiving behaviour of financial institutions with regard to the sale of investment-linked products to retail customers.

Investment-linked products First of all, it is important to grasp the notion of an investment-linked product. In fact, such a product is a clever construction in which a financial derivative, a financial product first developed by banks, is displayed as an insurance or pension plan.

Meanwhile, the structure actually allows an (investment) bank or insurance company to invest the purchaser’s money, as either a sum or monthly contribution (or combination of both), in stocks or to speculate with it on a variety of markets. Usually this results in significant losses, as risks are high and markets often very volatile. In addition,

The tide started to turn when a scholar from the University of Amsterdam, Arnoud Boot, revealed the practices of banks and insurance companies regarding the investmentlinked insurance policies. He pointed at the complexity of the products, the high hidden costs, and the lack of transparency.

Nevertheless, it took 11 years before a TVprogramme looking after consumer interests covered the topic, thereby naming the entire process ‘de Woekerpolisaffaire’.6 During these 11 years, the national government, market regulators, consumer interest parties, the media, and the EU took notice of the issue, but refrained from taking action. Nowadays, some meaningless measures, such as compensation schemes and costly termination schedules have been implemented, but many parties question the sincerity of banks and insurance companies with regard to these actions. Are these actions effectively improving the position of consumers, or does the extortion continue in a different form, hidden to silence journalists, regulators and politicians? This issue will be examined more closely in a later section of this essay.7,8 Likewise, multiple, comparable affairs appeared across the globe, especially during the most recent crisis when products such as credit-default swaps and subprime mortgages were defaulting. At that point in time, these complex financial products where heavily criticised by a considerable

number of prominent institutions around the world. Some institutions, such as the Securities and Futures Committee (SFC), argued that a number of products became too sophisticated to understand for the involved companies themselves. One specific case, which received a considerable amount of attention, is the credit-linked investment product called ‘Minibonds’. This product is of a similar nature to the ‘Woekerpolissen’ and even though the magnitude of the problems is not as large as in the Dutch case, it is useful to compare the incidents.

‘Minibonds’ have been created by the former United States bank Lehmann Brothers and have mainly been sold in Hong Kong.9 After Lehmann Brothers collapsed in 2008, it came to light that over 43,700 Hong Kong retail investors invested their life-savings in these credit-linked notes (CLNs) under the impression that they were making conservative investments with high-returns. They were under this impression because Lehmann Brothers used well-known companies and popular shares as reference entities for Minibonds. Thus, once again, the impression consumers had of the product was as a reliable, low risk investment, whilst it was in fact a high-risk financial product. In addition, the name Minibonds itself may be misleading as it suggests that the product is a bond, whilst it is in fact a financial derivative. After Lehmann’s collapse, most of the Minibonds

6

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 7-10.

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 14-16.

7

Ibid.

3

K. Kooman, ‘De woekerpolisaffaire: Hoe miljoenen Nederlanders in de val zijn gelokt en hoe ze de schade kunnen

8

K. Kooman, ‘De woekerpolisaffaire: Hoe miljoenen Nederlanders in de val zijn gelokt en hoe ze de schade kunnen

beperken’, 2010, pp. 21-22.

beperken’, 2010, pp. 11-13.

2

Ibid, p. 1.

9

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 7-10.

Crisis’ , 2010 Hongkong Law Journal, no. 40, pp. 15-17.

4 5

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M. Law, ‘Behavioural Risk Disclosure and Retail Investor Protection: Reflections on the Lehman Brothers Minibonds

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investors came into financial hardship as a consequence of their collective loss of nearly 2 million euros.10

developments made investment-linked products too more interesting, leading to the introduction of a variety of new products across the globe.12 At the same time, the Dutch government introduced a number of fiscal benefits, to stimulate people to save money. At that moment they did not realise that they were simultaneously stimulating the development of a market for financial derivatives.

Consequently, this development led to a very profitable business model for businesses involved in the sale of investment-linked products such as a life insurance. Saving received government support and therefore became attractive to consumers. Companies in this sector could profit greatly from this development with little effort.13

In addition, financial engineering became more apparent throughout the 1990s. Financial engineering is a process in which one further develops a financial product by incorporating more services, and thus more costs, without the customer being aware of its exact purposes or amounts. A few examples of these costs are: advisory costs, buy-out costs, switch costs, volume bonuses and general profit margin increases.

Customers were purposefully not informed, and only had access to prosperous prognoses, predicting high yields on top of the funds they brought in. The system of indirect transparency allows businesses to withhold their business model from the public and continue their deceitful practises, without

Misleading behaviour in the sector Next, one may wonder how the situation regarding investment-linked products has ever been able to escalate and evolve into such an unclear, deceitful, market. There are a number of causes particularly valid for the Dutch ‘Woekerpolisaffaire’. One of these aspects is the fact that many Dutch people are inclined to be convinced of the good intentions in their own country.

Dutch citizens tend to believe that their fellow countrymen are far more reliable than foreign individuals or enterprises. In reality, this is not the case at all. The Dutch are and have been great traders and more importantly, capitalists. Already in the seventeenth century when the Netherlands entered into their Golden Age, all renowned successes were accompanied by speculation, manipulation, fraud and deceit. In the end it was, and today still is, all about the money.11 Moving on to more contemporary causes, it is worthwhile to point out the importance of the investment climate. Only in the 1980s, after the oil crises and when the United States economy was no longer stagnant, it became attractive to invest in stock markets again all over the world.

In the decades before that, margins on stock markets were simply too small to be attractive to a large public. The described

anyone being able to exert some kind of control over the sector.14 Nevertheless, customers should have realised that these high yields would inevitably have a downside. Common sense should have pointed out that these predictions were likely to be too positive; a normal savings account would never deliver returns that high. Customers have a certain degree of responsibility on their side as well, as the law demands everyone to act in good faith. Entering into contracts with unreasonably high benefits would imply non-compliance with this stipulation.

Additionally, banks and insurance companies have never been and are still not violating any legislation; the European directive regarding this matter15 requires indirect transparency as a minimum.16 This directive from 1992 also forms the basis for the national legislation in Europe. In the Netherlands, for instance, the specific European directive is found in the ‘Wet conflictenrecht schadeverzekering’ (WCS).

A later, consolidated directive17 incorporates the rules of conflict from directive 92/49/ EEG and directive 88/357/EEG into one clear overview on which the Dutch ‘Wet conflictenrecht levensverzekering’ (WCL) is based.18 Thus, it does not seem valid to say that there is a loophole in the concerned legislation. While there is legislation present to regulate this sector, one may conclude that the legislation allows for the behaviour

observed in the market. Without additional legislation or more extensive regulation, companies can continue the sale of these financial products with very limited transparency. The reason why European legislation is not more focused on protecting consumers may be a result of European legislation being a compromise between the jurisdictions of multiple countries. As a result, directives are often open to a variety of interpretations and regularly seem to refrain from specificities.

Whereas the continental systems of law usually tend to provide more protection to consumers, the Anglo-Saxon common law system pivots around freedom of contract and upholds ‘caveat emptor’. Thus, this implies that in the United Kingdom it is of personal concern if a product or investment is not what it seemed to be. In contrast, continental law is more likely to strengthen the position of the consumer, as this is usually the weaker party. European legislation cannot align with one of the two sides; in most cases, a compromise has to be found between the two systems. This might have resulted in the lack of more rigid customer protection with regard to the sale of investment-linked insurances and similar financial products.

Changes in the legislation and other action Nevertheless, efforts have been made in the Netherlands over the past decades

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 29-30.

14

M. Law, ‘Behavioural Risk Disclosure and Retail Investor Protection: Reflections on the Lehman Brothers Minibonds

Directive 92/49/EEG

10

15

Crisis’ , 2010 Hongkong Law Journal, no. 40, pp. 15-17.

16

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 31-32.

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, p. 20.

17

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 27-28.

18

Ibid., pp. 27-30.

Verzekerings-Archief, pp. 179-180.

11 12 13

68

Directive 2002/83/EG X. Kramer, ‘Verzekeringsovereenkomsten en Rome I: een blijvende achilleshiel van het conflictenrecht’ , 2008 Het

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time it turned out that the actual situation had deteriorated; holders of an investmentlinked insurance were in fact paying for the compensation arrangements themselves.

Banks and insurance companies simply increased the costs attached to investmentlinked products to cover the expenses on compensation arrangements. Once again the banks and insurance companies had misled consumers and won.21,22 In the end, the collected information and expert analyses appear to suggest that the driving force behind the entire process is merely generating profit. If the companies involved see a way to do so, they will take that chance. The problems emerging from the compensation arrangements merely strengthen the notion that the only method to improve the position of consumers is to increase regulations and craft more rigid legislation. The most relevant and currently imminent issue is whether or not there is a real need for stricter legislation, for example a larger advisory role of parties such as consumer interest groups, or whether it is simply a matter of personal responsibility and consumer risk.

to improve the position of customers, as politicians, consumer interest groups, and regulating authorities realised that the created situation was unhealthy and too damaging for customers. Nonetheless, action has only been taken after the 2001 recession, when it came to light that many Dutch investors encountered financial problems resulting from their investments in investment-linked insurances.19 On a European level, directives have been adapted and updated to exert control on new elements that appeared in the investment-linked product markets, as these markets are continuously developing.

However, the general rationale behind the legislation has not changed – so no real progress has been made on this level to improve the customers’ position – most probably a result of the reasons explained earlier.20 All action taken by the European legislators has been aimed at retaining the level of legislation that existed, and extend it to cover new developments in the market.

Conversely, in the Netherlands there has been some movement on behalf of consumers by consumer interest groups.

Two foundations have been founded, Verliespolis and Stichting Woeker Polis Claim, who have negotiated with insurance companies and banks to arrange compensation for consumers’ losses. At first, it seemed as if progress was being made. Yet, after some

Current situation Currently, consumers and consumer interest groups still face banks and insurance companies in court on the ‘Woekerpolisaffaire’. For instance, a case

K. Kooman, ‘De woekerpolisaffaire: Hoe miljoenen Nederlanders in de val zijn gelokt en hoe ze de schade kunnen

19

beperken’, 2010, p. 10.

X. Kramer, ‘Verzekeringsovereenkomsten en Rome I: een blijvende achilleshiel van het conflictenrecht’ , 2008 Het

20

Conclusion

from November 2012, Rotterdam, has been directed to the European Court of Justice to determine whether or not directive 92/49/ EEG overrules Dutch law obliging insurance companies and banks to disclose specific information on costs and premiums.23 Frequently, the main issue in these cases is the interpretation of the law, and to what extent European law overrules national law. Meanwhile, many of the investors owning a ‘Woekerpolis’ have still not been able to improve their state of affairs, by either getting out of or converting their investments. There is no concrete solution to their problem, yet and it seems that the issues between both parties will remain for a substantial period, as the interpretation of the legislation concerned is now in the hands of the courts.24 On a different note, when one examines the aims and practices of the sector itself, it does not seem likely that self-regulation will take place. Generating large profits is the main aim of the sector, and with support from our economic system and government policies, the only action we can reasonably expect from the sector is a form of compensation for the affected consumers to improve the reputation of the banks and insurance companies involved. Yet, one can doubt the extent to which this is truly beneficial to consumers and their position.

Thus, it appears that the weaker party in this relationship, the consumer, can only rely upon legislation and regulation from outside parties, such as regulative institutions, and should not have any expectations of the selfregulation capabilities of the sector.

In short, it appears that banks and insurance companies have always had, and still hold, the best position in this dispute. A number of occurrences, such as a beneficial investment climate, government policies, and national sentiment, have provided the sector with an outstanding business model.

Additionally, European legislation, seeking a compromise between different systems of law, happens to support this business model.

Even though the deceitful nature of the sector’s practises and the harm caused to consumers is known nowadays, there has still not been much progress in increasing customer protection or providing restitution to consumers for the damage caused.

Consumer interest groups have failed to achieve progress and have only instigated further deterioration of the situation.

Consumers, being individuals, are often not able to oppose large banks or insurance companies. National legislation is frequently overruled by European legislation, and is therefore not able to contribute much to the situation either. Moreover, after close examination of the sector’s main aims it becomes evident that self-regulation should not be expected. Perhaps a key role in the dispute is reserved for regulative authorities, even though they will have a difficult – if not impossible – task to improve the position of consumers in this market.

Thus, it has been proven problematic to regulate the market of investment-linked insurance products. Next to that, the position of customers has not improved over the past years and society can still

Verzekerings-Archief, pp. 179-180.

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 11-12.

21

K. Kooman, ‘De woekerpolisaffaire: Hoe miljoenen Nederlanders in de val zijn gelokt en hoe ze de schade kunnen

Rb. Rotterdam 28 november 2012, LJN 388977.

22

23

beperken’, 2010, pp. 11-13.

24

E. Smit and R. Graafsma, ‘Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?’, 2011, pp. 9-10.

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attain ample achievements with regard to fairness. One should however keep in mind that investing does bring certain risks, and overregulating markets will lead to counterproductive results. It is

essential that an appropriate balance is found, consequently supported with appropriate legislation, and aligned with all parties’ interests to ensure a stable and secure society.

References Directive 2002/83/EG. “EU Insurance Legislation.” European Commission. 10 May 2016. http://ec.europa.eu/finance/insurance/legislation/index_en.htm Directive 92/49/EEG. “EU Insurance Legislation.” European Commission. 10 May 2016. http://ec.europa.eu/finance/insurance/legislation/index_en.htm Kooman, Kees. De woekerpolisaffaire: Hoe miljoenen Nederlanders in de val zijn gelokt en hoe ze de schade

kunnen beperken. Amsterdam: Nieuw Amsterdam, 2010.

Kramer, Xandra. “Verzekeringsovereenkomsten en Rome I: een blijvende achilleshiel van het conflictenrecht.” Het Verzekerings-Archief (2008): 179-188.

Law, Michael. “Behavioural Risk Disclosure and Retail Investor Protection: Reflections on

the Lehman Brothers Minibonds Crisis.” Hongkong Law Journal, no. 40 (2010): 15-42.

Rechtbank Rotterdam. “ECLI:NL:RBROT:2012:BY5159.” De Rechtspraak. 28 November 2012. http://uitspraken.rechtspraak.nl/inziendocument?id=ECLI:NL:RBROT:2012:BY5159 Smit, Eric, and Renée Graafsma. Woekerpolis: Hoe kom ik er vanaf?. Amsterdam: Bertram + de Leeuw, 2011.

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The Survival of Communism in the Czech Republic: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia as a Successor Party Amandeus van Rossum | University College Roosevelt In partial fulfillment of the requirements for SSC 251 Foundations of Comparative Politics by Dr. Herman Lelieveldt

Abstract In this essay I will outline the role that the current communist party plays in the Czech Republic. Firstly, in Czechoslovakia there was the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia to represent the communist ideas, which then became the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) after the Velvet Revolution. Compared to other communist successor parties, the KSČM is the only one which kept a name related to its ideology. Moreover, the KSČM kept their ideological standpoints during the Soviet rule, but needed to change them in order to keep their support as high as possible.

I will focus on why the survival of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is ensured; namely, its communist past, the supporters and their ideological evolution.

The KSČM is still an active political party in the Czech political system as in the European Union’s political system.

The dissolution of the Soviet Union is one of the most influential events regarding democratization of the Central and Eastern European states. The Czech Republic is an example of such a transition state which had a communist one-party system for decades before achieving the status of a democratic state. The ideological influence of the communist party was apparent during the Soviet rule and has carried on to the present day. As a consequence, the Czech Republic, amongst various other states, still has a political party representing the

communist ideology. The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, abbreviated as the KSČM, holds seats in the national Czech Parliament and is an active party within the European Parliament. This post-communist successor party has been the subject of various types of criticism in the past due to its ideological and political program; it meant that the party had to decide how to continue from that time onwards. One of the central questions was whether the KSČM should change their ideology with regards to their communist past during 75

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Amandeus van Rossum • The Survival of Communism in the Czech Republic: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia as a Successor Party

the Soviet rule and then what effect this would have on their electoral success, their membership which, eventually, impacts their existence. Currently, the KSČM is still active within Czech and European politics but the extent of their success has been subject to discussion. Within this essay, I will argue that the KSČM’s survival to the present day is a logical consequence of several factors; namely, the Czech’s communist past, the KSČM’s membership and their needs, and the ideological evolution of the KSČM. Furthermore, I will outline what role the KSČM plays in modern-day politics, both nationally and throughout Europe.

The Velvet Revolution has provided the possibility for the democratization of the Czechoslovakian political system due to the removal of Soviet influence.

In essence, the revolution initiated the shift from a communist government to a democratic one through “mass opposition” by the people in 1989 (Randhawa, 2002, p. 165). With the Velvet Revolution, the communist party lost its leadership position and direct governing power in the nation.

According to Randhawa (2002), the movements Civic Forum and Public Against Violence pushed for the Velvet Revolution in 1989, which led to the downfall of the communist regime (p. 166). Consequently, it has created a power vacuum in the government of Czechoslovakia. The answer provided by the opposition group was a “non-communist government” led by the new President Vaclav Havel in December 1989 (Randhawa, 2002, pp.

165-166). Additionally, the downfall of communist-led states surrounding Czechoslovakia only contributed to the anticommunist sentiment and the belief that democratization was possible. Pithart claims

that due to the example of communist regime change in Poland, Hungary and EastGermany, regime change in Czechoslovakia would be inevitable (as cited in Glenn, 1999, p. 192). Due to the driving forces behind the Velvet Revolution and the similar examples of a change of government in the region, the revolution gave way for the first step to a full democratic government.

The fundamentally different views on how the state should be shaped according to the Czechs and the Slovaks led to the breakup of Czechoslovakia. First of all, once Czechoslovakia removed itself from the Soviet influence, the state needed to find a way to change their system from being communist-influenced to democratic. Both the Czech part and the Slovak part had different ideas concerning the formation of this system, which led to a clash between their nation’s leaders (Hilde, 1999, p. 647).

Moreover, the dispute lay deeper than anticipated, because the Czechs and Slovaks had differing opinions on how their “Czechoslovak identity” should be shaped, which ties into how they wanted their state to be formed, as stated by Rychlik (as cited in Brown, 2008, p. 1784).

Ulč (1996) mentions that the Slovaks and the Czechs stressed aspects of society which were not compatible; “The Czechs emphasizing the “civic principle” (obcansky princip), pluralistic democracy and market economy versus the Slovak preference for “national principle” (narodny princip), their own sovereignty and preference for the preserved paternalistic role of the state” (p.

341). Due to these different viewpoints, it became clear that separation was necessary.

Consequentially, the Federal Parliament agreed on the ‘divorce’ between the Czechs and the Slovaks on the 25th of November 76

1995 by introducing the “Law on the Dissolution of the Federation”, which fully came to force on the 1st of January 1993 (Hilde, 1999, p. 648). The nation was separated at that moment, and the communists were about to play a major role in shaping the political situation in the Czech Republic.

Even though Czechoslovakia went through major political changes in the 1990s, there were several reasons why some people kept supporting the communist political ideology which remained in existence during this period. First of all, the regime change, from a communist ruling to a democratic one, did not mean the end of communist ideas. Once the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) dissolved due to the shift in power in 1989, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) came into existence as a “direct successor” (Lach, LaPlant, Peterson & Hill, 2010, p. 365). Because the KSČM was created, it shows that there were enough citizens in favour of the communist ideology for a party to represent the communist interest. Research by Hough and Handl (2004, p. 324) demonstrates that the KSČM has a steady voting rate of more than ten per cent after 1990, which shows that interest in the political party also transferred to votes.

Secondly, the KSČ established a strong political framework for the party which endured in the KSČM. The complete turnaround regime-wise displayed the strength of the communist party in both ideological terms as well as in organizational ones because it did not change its course in accordance with the Soviet presidency of Gorbachev (Lach, LaPlant, Peterson & Hill, 2010, p. 367). As a consequence, the KSČM managed to keep its ideological supporters

and communist political agenda as seen during the KSČ-ruled period (Dauderstädt, 2005, p. 49). In contrast, the communist parties in Hungary and Poland were unable to keep the communist ideology as strongly as the KSČM did, but they continued “in a social democratic disguise” (Stegmaier & Vlachová, 2009, p. 800).

Because the KSČM did not follow this trend, they differentiated themselves from the other successor parties in East- and Central Europe.

Communist standpoints with the KSČM’s ideology needed to be toned down after the disbandment of the KSČ. First, there was a negative attitude amongst the general Czech public towards communism.

The democratization process forced the party to change the standpoints that the party took before 1990, which was necessary for its survival. For example, Marković (2013) notes that the KSČM does not approve of the difficult part of the KSČ in its own history, however, it is not clear what exactly they do not approve of (pp. 68-69).

The KSČ’s influence in the government was reduced, and as a direct consequence the KSČM did not have the same support it had before. The moderated stance the KSČM had taken could be seen as a logical result of the democratization process. This caused the party to evolve into a more self-protective stance which had positive consequences for its amount of supporters (Marković, 2013, p. 69). Secondly, this change was also seen in the perspective of the party members regarding their predecessor party. Initially, the KSČM adopted a purely positive attitude towards the legacy the KSČ left behind; however, after 1993 this began to shift.

It was clear that a clean break with the communist ideology of the KSČ was no 77

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longer an option, but the attitude was more appreciative than positive which made them refrain from making a “radical cut from their communist past” (Strmiska, 2002, p. 223). It shows that the KSČM needed to change to ensure their membership but also to consolidate the party’s views on their predecessor’s legacy.

There was an internal debate in the KSČM concerning its controversial name.

First of all, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is the only successor party in Eastern – and Central Europe which kept the word ‘communism’ in its party name. Other parties were not in favour of keeping communism in its name and were mostly occupied with “changing their names, re-registering members, adopting new programmes and resolving conflicts over what they claimed to be party assets” (Dauderstädt, 2005, p. 49).

This shows that the KSČM displayed the persistence to keep its original ideology as a communist successor party and to keep communism it in its name. However, this decision was not the original plan as put forward by the party. It tried to persuade its membership to cut all ties with the KSČ and its history, which led to intense discussion about what the party should be called and, consequently, started the search for its identity. A particularly strong voice viewed the potential name change as beneficial (Strmiska, 2002, pp. 223-224).

Specifically, the discussions were about to steer the name from the word ‘communism’ towards different aspects of communism; namely “Democratic Socialist” and “Radical Left” (Hanley, 2001, p. 100). These aspects were inherent to communism, meaning that there would be no break with its ideological standpoints if the name changed. Party

leader Svobada and his associates introduced the ‘Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia: Party of Democratic Socialism’ as a temporary solution with the intention to leave out the word ‘communism’ in the future, but this was voted against by the people present at the Olomouc Congress in 1990 as mentioned by Svobodné slovo (as cited in Hanley, 2001, p. 101). This shows that the core of the membership was more favourable of the communistic name rather than a ‘socialist’ or ‘democratic’ name.

In order for a full political representation of the citizens in the government of the Czech Republic, it was necessary for the communist party to survive. First of all, the people who were in favour of communism differed from the people who believed in the democratic change which happened after 1989 and were still seeking representation.

Stegmaier and Vlachová (2009) note that the core of the party’s membership mostly contained “older voters” and that the citizens voting for the party had a different perspective on the Czech political situation; it would cause a “void” to have come into existence, which was filled by the KSČM (p.

816). This shows that if the KSČM hadn’t been created after 1989, there would be a group of voters left unrepresented, which is an undesirable outcome. Secondly, the KSČM also functioned as a voice against the political current which moved away from communism. Gryzmala-Busse (2002) suggests that the KSČM turned out to be “a protest party” rather than a party with an individual voice towards a new direction (p. 52). Even though the KSČM could be viewed as a non-cooperative party, the party would still provide a different perspective on government matters in which it would represent their membership.

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The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia was relatively unsuccessful in acquiring votes in comparison to the postcommunist successor parties in the region.

On the one hand, the amount of votes the KSČM received seems fairly high, especially with the 18.51 per cent of the total amount of votes in 2002, in contrast to 10 per cent during the years before that moment; the KSČM was still a political party in “decline” in terms of political backing, according to Stegmaier and Vlachová (2009, p. 804).

On the other hand, it is true that the KSČM continued to function, but it has not reached the success several other postcommunist parties have reached.

For instance, the Hungarian Socialist Party and the Lithuanian Democratic Labour Party have received the notion of having been successful (Kopeček & Pšeja, 2008, p. 318). In specific, the Lithuanian Democratic Labour Party won the parliamentary elections in 1992 which made the party’s leader the “country’s first directly elected president in 1993” (Freedom House). Above all, Ishiyama (2001) confirms the notion that the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, compared to the other communist successor parties, belongs to the “less politically successful” ones (pp. 860-861). The KSČM sustained a number of voters, but did not perform as well as one might expect when reviewing the cases of other Central European countries. This is clearly seen in the notion that the KSČM have never taken part in their country’s ruling government coalition (Kopecký, 2009, p. 29).

Even though the KSČM has not been as successful as other post-communist parties, they have managed to sustain their party until the present day. It is clear to see that

the KSČM has proven to be a party which is capable of surviving. As mentioned by Stegmaier and Vlachová (2009), this shows the KSČM is a “resilient” political party which keeps earning their place during the Czech national elections (p. 816). he KSČM is currently increasing in popularity, which can be seen by the amount of seats that are won in parliament. For example, there were 26 seats won in 2006 and the amount of votes was 12.81 % but this has increased to 33 seats and the amount of votes to 14.91% in 2013 (Comparative Manifesto Project, pp. 1-2). The KSČM might not have been the leading party during all the previous elections, it is clear that the party is receiving more attention from the public.

There are two main reasons that the KSČM is becoming more popular. First of all, the political party program of the KSČM is applicable to the Czech’s political and economic situation. This can be explained by the communist party’s political program and the Czechs’ political and economic situation. The political program of the Czech communist party focuses mainly on economic issues, employment, tax issues and pensions.

The International Department of the KSČM’s CC (2013) states that it wanted to “start the growth of the economy, to reduce the unemployment rate, to promote progressive taxation” which is in line with what the Czechs were currently unsatisfied with. The bad political and economic situation, as pointed out by a poll done

by Prague Monitor, shows that the claims made by the KSČM are the ones which they found important to improve (as cited in Kirchik, 2012). As a consequence, people increasingly started to favour the KSČM because this party referred to the 79

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“population nostalgia” from when people had job security, a guaranteed place to live and enough money for their retirement (Kirchik, 2012). People remembered this change in their past when such aspects of their lives were made easier under communist rule. In 2013, the economic situation in the Czech Republic reached the point when people began to protest, which is said to be “some of the biggest protests the country as seen since the 1989 revolution”, due to the government’s “austerity measures” (Day, 2013). For example, the Czech leadership aims to rise the “VAT” and to decrease their expenditure on retirement income (Laca & Tomek, 2012). Secondly, the voters remained loyal to the party as the ones did during the start of the KSČM. A large group of modern-day supporters of the KSČM has been part of the communist party for over four decades, which means that approximately 70% of the membership is over the age of seventy years old, as put forward by Novinky (as cited in Stegmaier & Vlachová, 2009, p. 805). The voters have showed a high amount of loyality to the party which is still clearly seen in the elections of 2013. In specific, polls done before the 2013 elections showed that the KSČM would be the electoral leader of the Czech Republic (Donovan, 2013). Even though the KSČM did not become a part of the government coalition, it is still the first time that the KSČM has been this popular compared to their previous elections. The results of the elections in 2013 led to the current coalition which consists of the Social Democrats, the Christian Democrats and the ANO party (BBC, 2015).

The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is not only active within the Czech

national political system, but also plays a role in the European Union’s political system. As Hough and Handl (2004) suggest, communist-led or communist successor parties are generally part of the European Parliament’s Group of the European United Left/Nordic Green Left, abbreviated as the GUE/NGL (p. 321).

Subsequently, it is no surprise that the KSČM became part of the GUE/NGL European Parliamentary Group and is in favour of “socialism, solidarity, a democratic society of free citizens and equal rights, the promotion of security and peace, and a politically and economically pluralistic, prosperous and socially just society” (GUE/ NGL, 2013). The KSČM’s ideology seems to fit in well with the direction the GUE/ NGL is going, which is highly beneficial for the party; as they can continue influence the European Parliament. The most basic ideas of the “European hard left” stay safeguarded, even with the KSČM having joined (Hough & Handl, 2004, p. 334). It is clear to see that the KSČM has managed to secure a role in European politics and integrated in the left part of the political spectrum.

In conclusion, the survival of the KSČM was a logical consequence of several aspects.

First of all, the communist past involving the Velvet Revolution and the Velvet Divorce led the Czech Republic down a path of democratization. Even though there was the need for democratization, there were still people who did not agree with this; they preferred the communist ideology. As a consequence, the KSČM had a starting point to represent this group. Secondly, even though these people had the need for a communist ideology, it was not possible for the KSČM to adopt the ideology as 80

promoted by the KSČ. In order to evolve, they moderated their ideological standpoints but they did not change their name. Because of this the party managed to remain part of the Czech parliament with a steady amount of votes during each election.

If they were not able to sustain their seats in the parliament, then a cleavage would have been created and a certain part of the society would not be represented. In order for a democratic government to become successful, it needs to try to reach

a high amount of representability amongst its citizens. Therefore, it was necessary for the KSČM to survive and they had enough support to do so. In addition, during the 2013 elections the party again managed to achieve an amount of seats and the parliament and the KSČM is also active within the European Parliament.

The KSČM might be one of the most controversial parties with their communist ideology, if the party still has people to represent, their survival is ensured.

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Biographies of the Authors Kirsten N.M. Dubbeldam was born in Ooltgensplaat the Netherlands, in 1994. She will graduate in June 2016, majoring in the pre-medical track with side-interests in psychology, history and statistics.. After completion of her gap year, in which she intends to travel Europe and complete another clinical internship, she hopes to continue her studies at one of the medical masters in the Netherlands.

Amandeus van Rossum was born in Witmarsum, the Netherlands, in 1994. He is a Social Science major with main tracks in Political Science and Law and a minor track in Religious Studies. He is a sixth semester student and will continue his studies after UCR at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow, Russia.

Douwe Schipper was born in Leiden, the Netherlands, in 1995. At UCR, he majors in the Arts & Humanities department, in the history and religion studies tracks. He is especially interested in the theoretical and philosophical aspects of writing history, as well as the history of science. After his graduation at UCR in the summer of 2016, he plans to continue to do the master program in History and Philosophy of Science at Utrecht University.

Jeffrey Sprong was born in Utrecht, the Netherlands, in 1994. He graduated summa cum laude from UCR in June 2015 where he completed a major in Law, Economics and Political Science, complemented with a minor in Methods and Statistics. Jeffrey’s academic interests lie, amongst others, at the crossroads of the economic and legal disciplines. Accordingly, he is currently pursuing an LL.M. Finance degree at the Institute for Law and Finance (ILF) of the Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universität in Frankfurt am Main, Germany.

Kevin R. Venrooij was born in ‘s-Hertogenbosch, in 1995. At UCR, he is majoring in Science, with tracks in Chemistry and Laboratory Sciences. As such, chemistry and lab work are his passions. After his studies at UCR, he will pursue a master in nanomedicine in the Netherlands.

Debby-Esmeé de Vlugt was born in Harderwijk, the Netherlands, in 1994. Her main field of interest is American Studies, which she has pursued at UCR through courses in History, Religious Studies, and Philosophy. She wrote her Honors Thesis about food and ethnicity in the United States, and she hopes to develop her knowledge on this topic next year at the University of Oxford and afterwards by doing a PhD in Canada or the United States.

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University College Roosevelt’s undergraduate research journal offers the very best that its students have to offer. The articles cover the whole range of disciplines that make up the Liberal Arts and Sciences, from philosophy to mathematics. They are also a testimony to the values that underpin our bachelor program, and the reason why it has often been labelled as excellent; an appreciation of true curiosity, and of critical mind; an emphasis on rigorous scholarly research, be it qualitative or quantitative and a focus on clear, attractive writing. Out of the dozens of papers that every UCR student writes during their studies, those presented here have been selected by the editorial board to offer a sample of the most interesting work done by a wide range of students. They offer a wide range of readers insight into the questions asked within the Artes Liberales today, and the answers to them.

Prof. Dr. Barbara Oomen – Dean University College Roosevelt

University College Roosevelt Undergraduate Journal • June 2016

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From Curacao to Middelburg: Transatlantic Correspondence and the Early Modern Information Society • Feeding the Soul of the African American Community: Food as a Political Instrument in Racial Identity Politics • Medically Unexplained Symptoms in Emergency Medicine • Gold Nanoparticles in Chemical Sensors for In Vitro and In Vivo Sensing of Tumors • Investment-linked Products: Customer Protection and Regulation of Markets • The Survival of Communism in the Czech Republic