An Van Camp has asserted her moral rights to be identified as the author of this work.
British Library Cataloguing in Publications Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN : 978-1-910807-59-0
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any storage and retrieval system, without the prior permission in writing of the publisher.
This publication accompanies an exhibition initially presented at the Museum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerp, Belgium, from 17 November 2023 to 18 February, 2024 curated by Virginie D’haene. It is adapted by the Ashmolean Museum for the exhibition ‘Bruegel to Rubens: Great Flemish Drawings’, co-curated by An Van Camp and Virginie D’haene.
Edited by Lizzy Silverton
Catalogue designed by Stephen Hebron
Printed and bound in Belgium by Graphius
Frontispiece: detail of cat.37
For further details of Ashmolean titles please visit: www.ashmolean.org/shop
Exhibition supported by:
Ashmolean Patrons
Kathryn Uhde
Delegation of Flanders (Embassy of Belgium)
Visit Flanders
Embassy of Belgium to the United Kingdom
Robert Lehman Foundation
Michael Marks Charitable Trust
Kate de Rothschild Agius and Marcus Agius CBE
Graphius
And those who wish to remain anonymous
We are most grateful to all our lenders who are supporting our exhibition, especially private lenders who prefer to remain anonymous, and the following:
Museum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerp
Christ Church Library, The Governing Body of Christ Church, Oxford
Christ Church Picture Gallery, The Governing Body of Christ Church, Oxford
The Phoebus Foundation Rubenshuis, Antwerp
MAS, Antwerp
Museum Mayer van den Bergh, Antwerp
Royal Museum of Fine Arts Antwerp – Flemish Community
King Baudoin Foundation
The Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford
1
2
3 Studying: Copies and Sketches
1: Travelling to Italy and Copying the Antique
4 Designing: Drawings Made in Preparation of Other Works
2: Collaborations in Print Design
5 Independent Drawings
Opposite: detail of cat.102
Drawings and Drawing
In this chapter the technical and material aspects of drawings will be discussed including the questions of what constitutes a drawing, how drawings are made, and how they have been collected and conserved over time.1
What is a drawing?
General dictionaries refer to drawings as lines made on a surface in pencil or pen, rather than in oil paint.2 In art historical publications, they have been defined as ‘a sketch executed by hand in drawings media, normally on paper’.3 Here, our understanding of what constitutes a drawing is more nuanced. Drawings can be executed in a wide range of media, from chalk and ink to more colourful transparent and opaque watercolours, applied in either pens or brushes. While drawings can, in principle, be made anywhere – on paper, wood, in sketchbooks, on walls, or more ephemerally in the sand – most of the drawings discussed in this catalogue were made on paper or vellum.
Delicate by their very nature, drawings can suffer many conservation issues. Both their fragile support (brittle, dry, discoloured, torn, and water-damaged sheets), as well as the media in which they are drawn (crumbling charcoal, acidic ink, and faded watercolour), mean that these works need to be stored under special environmental conditions, mounted on acid-free boards, and kept in archival folders and boxes. They cannot be put on permanent display and can only be shown for a limited period in controlled spaces. For this reason, works on paper are often separated from the other museum collections and kept in specialised print rooms.4
Some works fitting the above description are, nevertheless, occasionally considered paintings. This is the case for highly finished watercolours or intricately drawn miniatures executed on precious vellum, often pasted onto thin wooden panels and framed for display, such as those made by Hans Bol (1534–1593) and Joris Hoefnagel (1542–1600; see cat.102).5 Other drawings, such as those by Frans Floris (1517–1570) or his studio assistants, were executed in oil paint on paper and sometimes pasted onto wooden panels by later collectors (fig.1). Such works are now often stored as paintings.6
Further works defy the materiality offered by the traditional definition of drawing and, even though they are not executed on the most common supports, can still be considered drawings because of how they functioned in the artist’s workshop. A rare survival in the Ashmolean, drawn in ink on textile, was possibly intended as a life-size design for a large stained-glass panel (fig.2).7 As the final glass panels exceeded the size of the readily available papers, it can be assumed that the Leuven artist Jan Rombouts (c.1480–1535) had to resort to a larger support on which to make his design.
Another type of drawing can be seen executed on woodblocks as preliminary designs for woodcut prints. These rarely survive as the drawing would eventually
Opposite: detail of cat.25
Fig.37 Cornelis Cort (1533–1578), after Jan van der Straet (1523–1605), The Practitioners of the Visual Arts, 1578, engraving on laid paper, 432 × 295 mm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, RP-P-BI -6381
Studying: Copies and Sketches
In the chapters that follow, we will explore how sixteenth- and seventeenthcentury South Netherlandish artists used drawings as part of their work practice (fig.37). This chapter focuses on how draughtsmen and women studied the world around them through copying and sketching – be it other artworks, nature, or people – both in the confines of their studio and beyond. This practice was not merely the preserve of aspiring artists honing their skills; many artists would continue to copy and sketch throughout their career. This was particularly the case when making studies from life or after nature, as well as when sketching while travelling.
Artistic training, irrespective of the art form, would start with drawing, as described by the painter and writer Karel van Mander (1548–1606) in his 1604 Schilderboeck (‘Book on Picturing’).1 Hailing from Flanders, Van Mander had migrated to Haarlem because of his Mennonite beliefs. While the Schilderboeck contained mainly artists’ biographies, the theoretical poem at the beginning, ‘Den Grondt der edelvrye Schilderconst’ (‘The Foundation of the noble, free art of Painting’), discussed drawing as ‘de deur om tot veel Consten te commen’ (‘the gateway to reach many arts’).2 Until Van Mander’s treatise there was a marked absence of theoretical or didactic works for artists in the Low Countries,3 though many artists would of course have been aware of influential Italian writings like Giorgio Vasari’s (1511–1574) Le Vite (‘The Lives of the Most Excellent Painters, Sculptors and Architects’) from 1550.4 Notably, in his treatise Van Mander made a distinction between nae ‘t leven, drawing from life or from direct observation (ad vivum in Latin), uyt den gheest, or drawing from the mind, based on previous observations but artistically enriched, and van onthout, drawing from memory.5 These approaches can be seen in the drawings discussed in this chapter.
Copying prints, drawings, and paintings
Until 1663, when the Guild of Saint Luke founded a formal art academy in Antwerp under David Teniers II, artistic training took place either at home with a family member, or with an established artist registered with the guild (see Chapter 2). Drawing practice started by copying other artworks, most often printed sources
Travelling T o iTaly and copying T he a n T iQue
Many Netherlandish artists travelled to Italy at least once in their lifetime. Most of them went at the beginning of their career and would use the opportunity to learn from the great art there, as well as to soak up the culture of Classical antiquity. While there, some artists worked for wealthy aristocrats, while at the same time taking the opportunity to make sketches of the Roman ruins, antique sculptures, and Italian countryside. Rome was the top destination, but many artists also made it to Venice, Mantua, Genoa, Florence, Tivoli, and Naples. For practical reasons, artists would often carry around sketchbooks, whether small pocketbooks or larger volumes. Most of these sketchbooks are now lost or have been long dismantled, their content of greater value on the art market if sold as individual sheets. Rare survivals are three small books (cats 12–14) containing copious sketches by the Antwerp sculptor Pieter Verbruggen II (1648–1691).33 In Rome, he joined the Bentvueghels (see Chapter 2) and received the – perhaps unflattering –nickname ‘Ballon’ (‘Balloon’).34 The sketchbooks, which have remained more or less intact, contain a variety of sketches of architecture, sculpture, paintings, furniture, and metalwork, often with long annotations referring to their location –mostly Roman churches – in addition to the material, colour, and scale of the original items. They offer a unique insight into a young artist’s travels to Rome and indicate how the trip informed his work, as reflected in his contributions to projects in Antwerp’s churches upon his return. Rubens also stayed for a long period in Italy, residing there between 1600 and 1608. Primarily based in Mantua, he visited Rome twice, once from July 1601 until January 1602 and after that for a longer period between November 1605 and October 1608. During his first stay, he made one his most iconic works, a sketch of the Belvedere Torso (cat.15), a fragmentary statue of a man
sitting on a rock covered in an animal skin, his head and limbs truncated.35 Excavated in Rome in the previous century, it entered the papal collections and was put on display in the courtyard of the Villa Belvedere in the Vatican, where its spectacular musculature and contorted pose inspired many artists (fig.49). It was often copied and reused in other artworks, not in the least by Michelangelo, who incorporated it in his frescoes in the Sistine Chapel. In his black chalk and charcoal sketch, Rubens kept hatching to a minimum and focused on the statue’s outlines, conveying its soft marble texture. He smoothed out the surface, omitting some of the imperfections, resulting in an almost animated rendering of the stone block. Similar body types and poses can be seen in many of Rubens’s later works, revealing how influential his encounter with this extraordinary statue must have been.
Rubens made numerous copies after antique sculpture while he was in Italy. The sheet in cat.16 shows Mars taken from two different angles, the one in the right background slightly larger and drawn in more subdued colours.36 The god of war, with his feathered helmet and richly decorated cuirass, is clearly copied after the colossal statue of Mars Ultor (‘Mars the Avenger’) in Rome, or a smaller bronze or cast based on it.37 Rubens
56 travelling to italy and copying the antique
Cats 12–14 Pieter Verbruggen II (1648–1691), Sketches of funeral monuments with extensive annotations, in Three Roman Sketchbooks, c.1674–5, vellum-bound volumes containing drawings in pen and brown ink, graphite, and red chalk, on laid paper (folios 6v-7r and 21v-22r)
Cat.27
Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640), Portrait of Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, c.1629–30, pen and brush in brown ink, with brown wash, over black and red chalk, on laid paper
Fig.54 Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641), Study of a Nude Male Figure, c.1617–18, black chalk, heightened with white chalk, on laid oatmeal paper, 372 × 263 mm, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, WA 1949.56
Arundel is seen bust-length, looking towards the right, wearing a fur-trimmed coat and his collar of the Order of the Garter. The poignant portrait is drawn in brown ink over black and red chalks, contributing to its realism. Rubens first met the art collector between June 1629 and March 1630, while he was in London for a diplomatic mission, and probably paid a visit to the earl’s art collection. Rubens painted a few portraits of Arundel but none of them match this drawing. This suggests that Rubens either created the drawing for another, now lost, portrait or that it was made as an independent portrait (see Chapter 5).64
Perhaps the greatest portraitist in Europe during the seventeenth century was Anthony van Dyck (for his drawn portraits see Chapter 4). Like Rubens, he held studio sessions with models, such as the haunting study of a semi-naked man leaning forward (fig.54).65 Generic enough in pose, it could be reused in a variety of subjects. Specifically, it can be linked to a painting by Van Dyck of Saint Sebastian, the pose mirrored in the form of a Roman soldier tying the martyr’s hands.66
Abraham van Diepenbeeck (1596–1675) often worked for Rubens and was an incredibly versatile artist, creating designs for prints, book-illustrations, stained-glass windows, and tapestries.67 Born in ‘s-Hertogenbosch in the Northern Netherlands, he moved to Antwerp in around 1622. From the 1630s he also started making monumental paintings. In Antwerp, he made a study of William Cavendish (1593–1676), 1st Duke of Newcastleupon-Tyne (cat.28).68 Being a Royalist, Cavendish had supported the English king, Charles I (1600–1649), during the English Civil War and subsequently had to go into exile. He settled in Antwerp between 1648 and 1660, where he stayed with his wife Margaret in Rubens’s former home and opened a riding school. As a patron of the arts, he commissioned Van Diepenbeeck to provide designs for a manual on horse riding, La méthode nouvelle et invention extraordinaire de dresser les chevaux (‘New method and extraordinary invention to train horses’) published in Antwerp in 1658. Plate 15 (fig.55), which includes the figure of the duke giving instructions at centre, was engraved by Lucas Vorsterman II (1624–1666).69 Brilliantly rendered in black chalk, Cavendish is wearing a cloak with the insignia of the Order of the Garter and a plumed hat. He is holding a crop in his right hand, with an alternative position of the right arm in the upper left. This sheet is not the direct study for the print, but a preliminary sketch drawn from life to establish the duke’s pose and the optimal position of his arm, and to give an indication of his costume.
In addition to more formal, commissioned portraits, many studies from life fall into the category of tronies or head studies. Here the purpose of the portrait was to convey a certain mood or expression, which could be reused in other artworks throughout the artist’s career, rather than as a representation of a
c ollaboraT ions in prin T design
An T werp’s importance as a printing and publishing hub, both for art prints and illustrated books, started around the middle of the sixteenth century with Hieronymus Cock (c.1518–1570) and Christophe Plantin (c.1520–1589). While the former transformed the production, publication, and distribution of printmaking in Europe, the latter did the same for book printing and publishing. The success of their businesses depended on close collaborations between leading artists who delivered attractive designs, the most talented printmakers who translated these designs onto copper plates, and themselves being responsible for the printing, publishing, and distribution.32
In the 1550s Hieronymus Cock’s publishing house, Aux Quatre Vents (‘In the Four Winds’, referring to its worldwide reach) issued a wide variety of art prints ranging from religious and allegorical subjects to ornament prints and maps. One of Cock’s earliest print publications is an extraordinary erotic scene, Sacrifice to Priapus, for which the preparatory study by Lambert Lombard has also survived (cat.50).33 In the foreground, a group of half-naked women are sacrificing an ass and collecting its blood in a container. Priapus, a fertility god, can be seen behind them in the form of a herm statue surrounded by ecstatic women and girls, dancing, making music, and offering flowers and fruit. The revellers closest to Priapus are embracing and stroking the statue. Interestingly, Lombard revised his original design and covered up Priapus’s phallus with a small piece of paper after which he redrew the image.34 The sheet is meticulously drawn in pen and brown ink and lightly touched with grey wash. Its outlines have been incised by the printmaker Pieter van der Heyden (c.1530–c.1576) to transfer the composition directly onto the copper plate. Print studies were usually made in reverse to the intended final print as the printing process meant
that the composition was printed as a mirror image of the original drawing. Despite Lombard having signed and dated his work so prominently on the base of the statue, the final print only mentions Cock’s name with neither the designer nor the engraver acknowledged (fig.64).35 This reveals how the publisher was the lynchpin of these print productions and that the designer was of lesser importance. Lombard, although he trained in Antwerp, worked most of his life in Liège for the Prince-Bishop there.
Cock’s greatest success was undoubtedly those prints designed by Pieter Bruegel I, such as The Temptation of Saint Anthony, for which the Ashmolean holds the preparatory drawing (cat.51).36 Harking back to the fantastical world of Hieronymus Bosch (c.1450–1516), Bruegel surrounded the eponymous hermit by demons in the shape of imaginary creatures composed of jugs, spheres, human and animal body parts. At centre, a large, grotesque head is floating on a river, with a boat emerging from its ear. The right eye is covered in broken panes of glass, and it has a pince-nez pierced through its nose. A huge fish is draped on top of the head with its tail hanging across tree branches. Anthony the Great (251–356) was an Egyptian monk who spent time in the desert as a hermit, suffering from hallucinations testing his faith. In Bruegel’s interpretation, however, the saint appears undisturbed, kneeling and praying, while a woman plays a lute inside the tree trunk behind him. The entire scene is meticulously drawn in pen and brown ink to allow the printmaker to copy the lines easily. The corresponding print was engraved by Pieter van der Heyden (c.1530–c.1576) and is dated 1556 (fig.65).37 This is Bruegel’s earliest known print design in the style of Bosch. It is executed in the same direction as the final print (rather than as the mirror image), something that may be explained as Bruegel still trying to figure out how to collaborate
Fig.64 Pieter van der Heyden (c.1530–c.1576), after Lambert Lombard (1505/6–1566), Sacrifice to Priapus, 1553, engraving on laid paper, 276 × 405 mm (plate), Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, WA 1863.8686
Cat.50 Lambert Lombard (1505/6–1566), Sacrifice to Priapus, 1540, pen in brown ink, with brown-grey wash, on laid paper, outlines incised for transfer
for transfer
Cat.65
David Vinckboons (1576–1631/3), The Beggars’ Inn, c.1608, pen in brown ink, with grey wash, on laid paper, outlines incised
Fig.75 Pieter Serwouters (1586–1657), after David Vinckboons (1576–1631/3), The Beggars’ Inn, 1608, etching on laid paper, 277 × 358 mm (plate), Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, WA 2003.Douce.4
drawing, although competently executed in ink and chalk, lacks the spontaneity of a creative study by the master himself (cat.66).63 It was not made in preparation of the painting, but rather copied after it, when the finished work was still in Rubens’s workshop, probably with contributions by the young Anthony van Dyck.64 The drawing is around two-thirds the size of the painting, but roughly matches an engraving in reverse, which was published in January 1623. Four years earlier the talented Lucas Vorsterman I (1595–1675), who often made reproductive prints for Rubens and Van Dyck, had been commissioned to translate the whirlwind composition into an engraving (fig.76).65 The sheet shows some traces of incising on the dark horse galloping away from the bridge at right. This being one of the largest prints published in the Netherlands up until then, it can be assumed that the size of the original work was subsequently reduced for the engraved composition to fit onto six large copper plates.
Rubens’s Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes (cat.67) illustrates the New Testament story of the Feeding of the Five Thousand.66 A boy is standing in front of Jesus, who is holding his hand over the basket containing five bread loaves and two fishes. The apostles Andrew, Philip and John are standing nearby. The sheet contains an autograph letter in Dutch on the verso dated 18 January 1618. The three horizontal folds visible in the paper are probably the result of the letter being folded for posting.67 Referring to the drawings on the recto, Rubens apologises for their rawness, but notes that he is too busy to finish them. He informs (the as yet unidentified) Mr Felix that he is free to use the designs as he sees fit, ‘according to the proportions of your work’.68 As he specifically refers to Mr Felix’s work, and as it would be impractical to easily change the format of a large-scale painting, it can be conjected that Mr Felix is a printmaker or print publisher. Rubens’s comment has been interpreted as if the composition
Designing: Drawings Made in Preparation of Other Works 129
Cat.96
Jan Boeckhorst (c.1604–1668), Apollo and the Muses, 1664–8, brush in brown ink, with brown wash, heightened with white opaque watercolour, over black chalk, on three joined sheets of laid paper
Cat.97
Jan Boeckhorst (c.1604–1668), Apollo and the Muses, 1664–8, brush in brown ink, heightened with white opaque watercolour (partly oxidised)
Alb A A micorum
Many of the friendships and relationships in the Netherlands can be traced through friendship albums, which contain a specific type of friendship drawing. An album amicorum or liber amicorum was an important socio-cultural phenomenon throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, serving the commemorative function of recording and consolidating friendships. 41 Also called a poëziealbum (‘poetry album’), they were bound volumes assembled by both men and women, containing contributions from family members, friends, teachers, and other acquaintances, as requested by the compiler. 42 These albums knew great popularity among nobility, intellectuals and students, and because of their artistic nature they were also popular with artists and learned art lovers, liefhebbers. 43 Women were also keen holders of alba and often contributed to the books of others. Sometimes the owner of the friendship book even created a decorative frontispiece occasionally featuring their self-portrait or coat of arms. 44
An album amicorum was often started during the holder’s teenage years or training, to be kept and expanded over the decades as new friendships were forged. These contributions could take any shape or form: a single signature, a quick sketch, an elaborate drawing, a portrait, motto, or a longer poem or literary quote (either in the native language or in Latin), emblems, heraldic shields, even cut-out prints, or any combination of these. The contribution could be entered directly onto one of the blank pages of the volume or could be made separately and pasted or inserted in later. Other albums used interleaved printed books, such as emblem books, as a starting point, which allowed contributors to pick a relevant page and add a dedication or signature. The contributions were usually signed and dated by their creator and often contained a heartfelt dedication to the owner of the album. Because these volumes were
so treasured by their owners and passed down within families it is perhaps unsurprising that quite a few intact examples can still be admired today. Through these artistic contributions and dedications, we can obtain a glimpse into friendships and relationships previously unknown and gain insight into the humanist networks at the time. It is striking that often the same contributors can be found across several alba, such as Abraham Ortelius, Joris Hoefnagel, the botanist Carolus Clusius (1526–1609), the printmaker and publisher Philips Galle, Peter Paul Rubens and the philosopher Justus Lipsius (1547–1606), revealing a close-knit network across generations. Ortelius, for instance, appears in various alba, not entirely unexpected considering his wide interests and extensive network, and his own album amicorum has also survived. 45 Ortelius often drew the same motif: a snake coiled around a pile of books with a globe on its head. These familiar motifs also appear in Hoefnagel’s friendship monument to him (see cat.102). The serpent most likely symbolises the Spanish king, Philip II, as an evil agent, referring to his inquisitions persecuting humanists across Europe. Ortelius made a particularly elaborate contribution in the liber amicorum of Emanuel van Meteren (1535–1612), the Antwerp historian and author. This was completed on two separate occasions as Van Meteren’s first album was confiscated by the Spanish in order to reveal his Protestant network (cat.105). Ortelius spread his contribution over two pages. On the Ides of March 1576, when he was still in Antwerp, he pasted in his portrait engraving, which he had cut out into a roundel. Below it he drew a Christogram in red ink flanked by ‘Vitae Scopus’ (‘the goal of life’), followed by a seven-line Latin dedication to his nephew. One year later, in April 1577, he added a second contribution on the opposite page. This consisted of his wellknown symbol, the snake motif, surrounded by
Cat.105
Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598), Friendship Contribution by Abraham Ortelius, in Album Amicorum of Emanuel van Meteren, 1576 and 1577, pen in brown ink, with transparent and opaque watercolour and two engravings, on laid paper
Cat.111
Lucas van Uden (1595–1672), Landscape with a Church Along a River, 1649, pen in brown ink, with brown and blue washes, over graphite, on laid paper
Cat.112
Jacques Fouquier (1590/1–1655/6), The Holy Family on the Flight into Egypt, 1605/55, brush in brown ink, with green-brown wash, transparent and opaque watercolours, on laid paper
Image Credits
References are to page numbers
Amsterdam Museum: 159
The Art Institute of Chicago: Godfried Maes. Head of Medusa, 1680. The Art Institute of Chicago: 196
Christ Church Library, Oxford: The Governing Body of Christ Church, Oxford, O.Q.1.4, 452: 119; The Governing Body of Christ Church, Oxford, WD.2.1, Title-page: 121; The Governing Body of Christ Church, Oxford, W.M.2.1, 19V: 123
Christ Church Picture Gallery, Oxford: By permission of the Governing Body of Christ Church, Oxford: 130
The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, 85.GG.96: 201 Museum aan de Stroom, Antwerp: AV.1922.022, Collection City of Antwerp – MAS, Photo: Bart Huysmans & Michel Wuyts, 147 Collection Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam/ Photographer: Studio Tromp: 194
Museum Mayer van den Bergh: 196; Bol, Hans, Lanschap met de val van Icarus, MMB.0048, Museum Mayer van den Bergh, foto: Bart Huysmans: 178
Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam: 37, 39, 50, 52, 84, 131 Royal Library of Belgium, Brussels: Copyright KBR. KBR – Prints and Drawings Cabinet –S.V 23489: 191
Royal Museum of Fine Arts, Antwerp: Photo: Rik Klein Gotink, Collection KMSKA - Flemish Community (public domain): 92; Photo: Cedric Verhelst, Collection KMSKA - Flemish Community (public domain): 106; Jacob Jordaens I, The King Drinks, inv.no. 843, photo: Hugo Maertens, Collection KMSKAFlemish Community (public domain): 213
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden: Photo: Herbert Boswank: 16
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin: Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett / Jörg P. Anders: 175
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York: Gift of Arthur Sachs, 1918. www.metmuseum. org: 50; The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 1949. www.metmuseum. org: 125; The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase, 2001 and 2000 Benefit Funds, and The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelsey Fund, 2002. www.metmuseum.org: 160; The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Bequest of Phyllis Massar, 2012. www.metmuseum.org: 166; The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Purchase, Carl Selden Trust, several members of The Chairman’s Council, Gail and Parker Gilbert, and Lila Acheson Wallace Gifts, 1999. www.metmuseum.org: 195
