SENSE OF SAFETY: The Case of Ahmedabad’s Residential Neighbourhoods

SENSE OF SAFETY The Case of Ahmedabad’s Residential Neighbourhoods

Submitted by: Abhishek Durani Guided by: Jigna Desai

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Acknowledgment I would like to express my profound gratitude to Professor Jigna Desai, my research supervisor, for her patient guidance and encouragement in the process of this thesis.

I would also like to thank all my professors in the past five years, who nudged and encouraged me to always strive for the best. The insightful learnings got during this time have shaped my understanding of architecture. The values I have inculcated in these years will continue to have their impact on my career and life alike.

I am forever indebted to Sai, for tolerating all my ups and downs and patiently resolving all my queries of this thesis, and otherwise. This journey through college would be impossible without your constant support and encouragement.

I would like to thank my friends Meet and Vihar for helping me with site visits and interviews.

Last but not the least, My deepest sense of gratitude to all the people who directly or indirectly have contributed to this project and helped in bringing it to fruition.

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CONTENTS

0. INTRODUCTION 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4

Introduction Aim & Objective Scope of Study Research Method

1. SAFETY AND PLACE 1.1 Understanding ‘Safety’ 1.2 Sense of Place

2. DEFENSIBLE SPACE 2.1 Human Behaviour & Environmental Psychology 2.2 Design approaches to safety 2.3 The Framework 2.3.1 Territoriality 2.3.2 Surveillance 2.3.3 Symbolic Barrier 2.3.4 Socio-Cultural Conditions

3. ANALYSIS 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

Selection of Sites Devji Saraiya Ni Pol LIC Housing Observations and inferences

4. CONCLUSIONS 5. REFERENCES

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INTRODUCTION

0.1 Introduction Humankind has always been on a quest of exploring nature, and seeking comfort and efficiency of the existing environmental conditions in order to gain peace and feel secure. The ‘sense of safety’ is one of the primordial necessities of life, which can be experienced at different levels, such as safety at home, safety in neighborhood, safe in city, national security and international security (Aalbers and Rancati, 2008). According to Jay Appleton, certain spatio-environmental conditions engender feelings of safety and security by providing opportunities for outlook and seclusion. Every environment evokes or suggests feelings and emotions which in turn contributes to a positive or a negative experience of space for every individual. The perception of safety is subjective, and is a socio-physical phenomenon. This means that social and physical elements both contribute significantly in influencing the sense of safety experienced by an individual, these effects can be seen distinctly in the context of living environments, or residential neighbourhoods. For study in the context of residential neighbourhoods, architect and city planner, Oscar Newman developed a theory which talks about crime prevention and neighbourhood safety—The defensible Space Theory.

In order to understand the perception of the sense of safety, it is important to look for such opportunities within the social and physical realms of the neighbourhoods. The study of literature and the subsequent research mainly aim at aiding this process of looking for opportunities in a specific context so that the inhabitants can be more aware of their surroundings, responsibilities and social stand point, thus creating a safer feeling in the minds of the people using these residential spaces.

The aspects used for this understanding, may not be concrete precepts that are to be applied rigidly. Rather, they are more generic aims and principles of architecture and design that could help understand the sense of safety in living environments.

Urbanities of the recent times have a significant influence on the sense of safety within residential neighbourhoods as well. Over the years, the population has increased tremendously, vehicles are more than the people on streets, and neighbours are not the only agents of social interaction any more. All of these factors have led to increased demands from what the built environment has to offer. In order to create safer and more secure places of dwelling, throughout the 1960s, modernist urban planners and architects implemented several policies, such as urban renewal, in an attempt to reduce city crime. They started rationalising the need to zone separate areas throughout the city for residential, commercial and industrial uses.

Urban Sociologist, Jane Jacobs believed these initiatives not only increased criminal activities but also ruined the social framework and disturbed the growth of prosperous communities. Jacobs opined that these policies created isolated communities, with an increased fear of crime which then could lead to increased opportunities for the offenders (also mentioned in The Defensible space theory by architect and urban planner Oscar Newman). As inferred from the above situation, people are not familiar with each other recently, and hence the fear of crime has constantly dictated people’s lives in the recent past. In order to sustain the future and the urban renewal, there is a need for certain strategies and principles that would ensure the well being of its residents.

As inferred from the above situation, people are not familiar with each other recently, and hence the fear of crime has constantly dictated people’s lives in the recent past. In order to sustain the future and the urban renewal, there is a need for certain holistic strategies and principles that would ensure the well being of its residents by keeping the crucial physical and social aspects of the given context in mind.

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INTRODUCTION

0.2 Aim To evaluate the sense of safety in the physical and social realm of residential neighbourhoods.

Objectives Understanding the factors that influence the sense of safety in the physical and social environments through literature.

Using the case of Ahmedabad’s neighbourhoods, observations and deductive analysis shall be conducted in order to test the findings, and develop a nuanced understanding of the same in the given context.

0.3 Scope of Study The definition of ‘safety’ is subjective and depends on each individual’s personal experience and has a vast scope. This thesis does not address the exhaustive definition of the idea of safety. Instead, the term ‘safety’ in this thesis will be representative of a person’s state of mind as an effect of the built environment.

The textual and scholarly material with regards to the topic ranges from the scale of the interiors of dwelling spaces to the urban ecosystem. However, the scope of this thesis is limited to the feeling of safety in residential environments in present day urbanities. The research does not intend to provide hard solutions for crime prevention. Instead, it aims at studying design strategies to reduce the fear of crime itself. Some measures of reinforcement or surveillance can also lead to scial isolation. One of the challenges to be dealt with in this thesis will be to work with the fine line between privacy and social intimacy. Another challenge would be to acknowledge and respond appropriately to the emotional nature of fear and its influence on the results of surveys in this regard. Since the case studies used for the purpose of this thesis are limited to Ahmedabad, the conclusive understandings that would emerge from this thesis would also be limited in its scope to the residential neighbourhoods of Ahmedabad, and may or may not be applicable to the overall Indian context.

0.4 Research Method The first part of the research looks at the established theories that deal with the relationship between the safety and design through academic research work and publications. Collection of data from different case studies and research would provide a good understanding of urban safety and fear. This stage would also involve categorising the available references on the basis of how they influence the notion of safety, which would then result in the development of a framework for analysis of the sense of safety in the given context.

The second part of the research would involve selection of suitable and diverse cases for study in Ahmedabad on the basis of factors such as scale, the communities living in them, location, social structure within the community and the type of emergence of these neighbourhoods. Through the process of case studies on the above developed framework, primary research will be conducted by taking interviews, making observations and mapping. These observations would then lead to a comparitive analysis and inference of the factors that influence the sense of safety in Ahmedabad’s residential neighbourhoods, and to what extent design strategies are successful in ensuring the same. This analysis of a local context will provide us with an interesting viewpoint on how the generic theories on the topic get modified in the Indian context, and how even within one city, the variation in social and physical conditions cause interesting patterns and outcomes in the notion of safety in the minds of inhabitants.

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SAFETY AND PLACE Before we proceed to explore design approaches to safety, we must understand the term safety and what the feeling of safety really means. Safety can be defined as the state of being free from fear and being protected from danger.

1.1 Understanding Safety 1.2 Sense of Place

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SAFETY AND PLACE

1.1 Understanding Safety Before we proceed to explore design approaches to safety, we must understand the term safety and what the feeling of safety really means. Safety can be defined as the state of being free from fear and being protected from danger. The sense of fear is a subjective emotion. It’s a generalised set of feelings rooting themselves to insecurity, not necessarily caused by actual physical circumstances, but by psychological situations as well. It could be of loneliness, of crime, violence, of incompatibility with social norms, threat from humans or other living beings and many others such factors. Fear is an emotion induced by a threat posed by living or non-living unpleasant entities, in the mind of a human being.

The sense of safety is generated in a person when one can feel a sense of having surpassed these fears and live in a state of well-being and contentment.

According to human psychology, the need and sense of safety is one of the main necessities of life. In a given environment, when a person’s basic needs such as the feeling of safety are fulfilled, there rises a possibility for the person to move forward and grow. The feeling of safety is a social and physical phenomenon which involves both social and physical elements of an environment.

The scope of this research is limited to the feeling of safety in a residential environment, wherein the sense of safety will majorly include safety from socio physical factors such as crime, isolation, vandalism.

Hugh Barton (2017) in his concept of City of Well Being talks about a three way relationship between Health and Well being; Natural and Built Environment and Human Behaviour. The premise of this theory is that the purpose of town planning is the well being of the inhabitants and their a sustainable quality of their life.

One can say that the notion of fear is indicative of a person’s capability to take charge their own life and its circumstances. This would then mean that being ‘afraid’ comes from the lack of being able to safeguard oneself and prevent mishaps, undesirable incidents and its consequences.

“Fear is embedded in the physical and social characteristics of place and the familiarity of that space to individual”. (Crawford, 2002) Criminologists define fear as “an emotional response of dread or anxiety to crime or symbols that a person associates with crime,” and find a causal and direct relationship between fear and perceived risk, arguing “to produce a fear reaction in humans, a recognition of a situation as possessing at least potential danger, real or imagined, is necessary”. (Ferraro, 1995) The feeling of safety is an essential in one’s life, one that has its effect at almost every level right from around oneself, at home, within a neighbourhood, in one’s city, in a new city, a country or in an international setting. (Aalbers and Rancati, 2008)

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U N D E R S TA N D I N G S A F E T Y

Jane Jacobs (1962) believed “when people say that a city is dangerous or is a jungle implied primarily that they did not feel safe on the sidewalk.” In the book “The Death and Life of Great American Cities” she describes the street of successful city neighbourhoods as having three main qualities: 1. There should be a clear distinction between what is considered public and private space.

2. A requirement of ‘eyes on the streets’. A street can be considered equipped to handle outsiders and ensure security when buildings are made such that the vision of both the inhabitants and the strangers are oriented towards one another, which is towards the street.

3. The sidewalk being a space for wandering public movement, should be under constant perusal and must be designed in a way such that it can be used almost continuously and positively(Jacobs, 1961) However, a person might live in a safe environment and still be subjected to not feeling safe. As feeling safe is a subjective result, every individual has different needs and fears. Ferraro and Randy L. Grange (1987) discuss that the perception of safety in one’s neighbourhood is a denotion of the residents’ emotional understanding of the chance of being subject to any specific type of crime or discomfort with regards to safety. Therefore to be able to feel safe and live in a state of overall well bieng, Human requires basic environmental needs for a good living which comprises of the following ‘needs’: 1. Physical Needs 2. Psychological Needs 3. Social Needs 4. Aesthetic Needs Apart from the occurrence of crime, the amount of negativity that one confronts on a day to day basis makes one begs for a safe mental and physical space, away from the monotony of inevitable aural, visual and psychological ugliness and hurtfulness. ‘Safety’ also encompasses certain basic necessities such as the need for freedom from unwanted interference, comfortable seclusion and the need for intimacy, which is associated with the notion of privacy.

There are three kinds of privacy that one seeks in the realm of a built environment: Being heard but not being seen Being seen but not being heard Neither being heard nor seen However, One should not confuse ‘privacy’ with isolation. Isolation is a state in a social environment, it is the need of empathy for human which makes the fear of social isolation dangerous. Social Isolation can result in physical and psychological disorder, affect of social isolation will be explained in the next chapter.

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Many more concepts of human behaviour and environmental psychology that relate to the notion of privacy are discussed in depth in the next chapters.

The degree of privacy is an influential factor in the location of various spaces and architectural elements within the realm of the house and in the neighbourhood scale, it aids in overall organisation, design and allocation.

Let us look at the difference between feeling and being safe. The factor of ‘being’ safe could actually be seen as logical or statistical one. It can be calculated on the basis of the probability and statistics of the crime rates and other factors in the neighbourhood. Whereas, the factor of ‘feeling’ safe is also a notion, based not on probabilities and logical calculations, but on a person’s psychological reactions to both risks and countermeasures. To make it more clear, we can note that one can ‘be’ secure even though they don’t ‘feel’ secure, and at the same time, one can ‘feel’ secure despite not ‘being’. The feeling and reality associated with safety are certainly related to each other, but are certainly not the same.

1.2 Sense of Place A place is a dimension in space formed due to people’s relationships with the physical and social settings, group or individual activities and their values and meanings. Sense of Identity, sense of territoriality, sense of ownership, place attachment are some of values that describe the quality of people’s relationship with the place. The concept of sense of place comprises of general ways through which people feel the place, the way they sense it and assign concept and values to it. (Mina Najafi 2011)The term space can be defined as a three dimensional setting of height, depth and width within which things exist and move. When a specific space expresses a solid bond between a particular setting and a person, that space becomes a ‘place’ Basically, a particular space mixed with human values, attachments and principles of the users transforms itself into a place. Each place has its unique element and character which leads to the user’s sense of identity and pride, contributing majorly to the community. According to Norberg Schulz, a place is a product of a space when accompanied by the addition of character. The transformation of a space into a place is primary purpose of architecture. There must always be conscious measure on the part of the architect in order to uncover the meanings in a given environment in order to create a sense of place. Architecture thus plays a key role in equipping physical spaces with the capacity to ensure the mental and physical well being of the people using it.

Thus, the function of architecture is to make a harmonious mixture of physical attributes and the meanings of a given setting.

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SENSE OF PLACE

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D E F E N S I B L E S PA C E “A defensible space is an area such as a neighborhood, house, park, or office that has features that convey ownership and afford easy and frequent surveillance. These features allow residents to establish control over their private and community property, and ultimately deter criminal activity.�

-Oscar Newman 2.1. Human Behaviour & Environmental Psychology 2.2. Design Approaches to Safety 2.3. The Framework

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2.1 HUMAN BEHAVIOUR & ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY Humankind has always been busy exploring nature, seeking comfort and seeking efficiency within the existing environmental conditions in order to gain peace.

“Humans have always preferred spaces which offer access to nature and daylight” (Ulrich 1993) ‘“Certain spatial and environmental conditions engender feelings of safety and security by providing opportunities for outlook and seclusion” (Jay Appleton) Every environment evokes or suggests feelings and emotions which in turn contributes to a positive or a negative experience of space for every individual.

Theories which study “how people perceive and respond to their surroundings and the spaces that they inhabit have been found in the oldest architectural treaties and the earliest utopian works” (Kruft 1994). A planner/designer must attempt to find a particular combination of space, form and context that allows for a positive impact on the emotional state of the observer.

Some of theories which deal with this field have been discussed below:

Architecture Determinism The thesis is based primarily on the principles, and is within the scope of the theory of Architectural Determinism by British planner Broady (1966). This theory has been employed in the field of sociology, urbanism and environmental psychology. The theory claims to be the determinant of social behaviour of the user, their characteristics, personality and mentality. Therefore, the theory suggests how design and urban planning strategies play a major role in shaping the psychology and behaviour of an individual and of communities when applied in both urban and interior scales. A design and the form of an environment should promote creativity and reduce social and interfacial dissonance of people, and try to increase its efficiency, which would then lead to a maintained and a liveable environment of satisfactory quality.

Although a place always carries a historic and cultural context, every individual reacts and behaves differently according to their needs and interpretations.

There are theories and literature that discusses the ways through which human responds to the surrounding spaces they can inhabit. “Hence, a particular combination of space, form and context might have a positive effect on a person’s emotion state. There is enough evidence that people have a preference for spaces depending on daylight, nature and other factors and for such surroundings that support social interaction and thereby create safer environments.” (Ulrich 1993) To investigate the effects of physical environment on human behaviour, a detailed study of activity patterns in their daily environment is needed. When the basic needs of humans are not met, incorrect behavioural patterns in architecture and design are caused, which in turn can result in an unstable and undesirable environment.

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H U M A N B E H AV I O U R & E N V I R O N M E N TA L P S Y C H O L O G Y

Hierarchy of Needs Humanist psychologist Abraham Maslow in 1943 developed the theory of Hierarchy of Needs, which focuses on the importance for an individual to satisfy certain personal fundamental needs not fully but to a certain extent well enough before responding to the next set of advanced needs. The image shows the basic human needs and their relation in between each other in scale.

Fig.2.1 Hierarchy of Needs by Abraham Maslow : Mallory B.E. Baches

According to the scale, at the bottom-most it is the Physiological needs, once these physical needs are met, a human can advance to the next set which is the need for safety and shelter, leading to a person’s need of love, affection and human relationships. Once human is able to maintain relations the need for self esteem, confidence, achievement and need for respect arises. At the top of the pyramid, its self actualisation that secures its place.

Many urbanists like Jane Jacobs in The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961) and architect Christopher Alexander have explored the relationship between human behaviour and urban design, discussing the role of an individual and their fundamental needs in the urban community. In an attempt to understand its application in Urban Design each stage of needs has been defined in the original hierarchy below.

Fig.2.2 Application in Urban Desig : Mallory B.E. Baches 15

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When the needs of urban form are satisfied, an individual can advance to the safety of themselves and the form. Places of safety include safe spaces within which one can work, live and move. More importantly, on the personal level, safety includes absence of multiple fears, desire of well being, sense of safety and potential to protect themselves and their community.

Prospect and Refuge Theory The most proclaimed theory that explains the preference for settings in architectural, interior and urban design environments is ‘Prospect-Refuge Theory’ by Jay Appleton. The application of this theory in design and architecture field is a mix of multiple theories like Kaplan and Kaplan’s (1989) ‘information model’ with Appleton’s (1975) prospect & refuge theory , ‘arousal theory’ of Berlyne’s (1951) along with some additional concepts proposed by Grant Hilderbrand’s research (1991) about different explanations of human perceptions and emotions to create an ideal environment.

Prospect & Refuge Theory explains why there are different preferences for certain landscapes. The theory argues “that we derive feelings of safety and pleasure from inhabiting environments that offer both views and a sense of enclosure. This appeal is arguably universal and subconsciously influences our day to day decision making.” (Ellard 2009) Arousal theory by Berlin suggests the link between the level of complexity and pleasure of space. Along with Kaplan & Kaplan’s Information Model theory which suggest that environments which provides more opportunities for gathering or chance of exploring for more information allows better and improved conditions for livings and a Sense of safety. Hence, in an attempt to summarise the above theory, the preferred environment consists of four governing components: 1. Space must have an outlook or a view 2. The opening/view must be partially or fully enclosed 3. Feeling of Safety can be enhanced by degree of visual complexity 4. Sense of mystery in an environment increases pleasure of space For the purpose of this research, the focus is majorly on the first two components. it would be useful to define the two words in discussion elaborately: Firstly, the Prospect can be associated with observing properties of outlook, the spatial characteristics of the openings, geometric properties of the view, line of visibility and maximum radial line length.

Second, Refuge can be defined as the properties of the enclosure and safety of the space which has a view, spatial and visual geometry of boundary and the minimum radial line.

Fig.2.3 Adequate enclosure & screening to provide sense of refuge : University of Idaho 16

H U M A N B E H AV I O U R & E N V I R O N M E N TA L P S Y C H O L O G Y

Fig.2.4 Conditions of Prospect & Refuge : Conrad 1993

Space as the machine We have often wondered if architecture can cause social malaise? Of How the movement of people and their behavioural pattern is influenced by the urban form and scale? The answers to these questions become crucial in understanding the effect on safety and crime.

Bill Hillier talks about two aspect that answers these questions: First the level of complexity and down-scaling of the spatial characteristics of neighbourhoods decreases and eliminates the natural movement. The reduction of movement is very evident from the edge of streets into the inner streets of a housing estate as it also witnesses a similar style of down scaling and complexity.

Hence, the movement patterns can define the layer local spatial systems.

Second, the frequency of people being able to meet and cross each other largely depends on the number and distribution of entrances of dwellings. To explain this further, Bill Hillier takes a hypothetical case of a dwelling which compromises two adults. As all the entrances in a dwelling only occur on certain lines which are relatively deep inside from the outside. Hence, these lines will only have the movement generated from the dwellings themselves. “These two adults make around four movements per day, which accounts for less than ten per hour, one every five minutes which is the observed encounter rate. Since residential lines are relatively short, the probability of encounter on any trip on the line will be not more than 10 percent. So these encounter rates in the neighbourhood, will their implication for the generation of fear and nerves behaviours are implicit in design.� (Bill Hillier) Therefore, from the above explanations it can be seen that the formula for urban safety depends on the presence of strangers as well as the residents.

For an effective approach, social management and human behaviour must be considered crucial aspects of urban safety.

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Due to limitations in the capacity to write this chapter, only few selected theories in the realm of environmental psychology have been mentioned, which directly or indirectly relate to the sense of safety. Despite the fact that the author acknowledges that such a study requires a wider range of literature to understand this topic in richer detail.

2.2 DESIGN APPROACHES TO SAFETY The main idea here is to work on the relationship between safety and architecture since it has become clear that the conventional law enforcement methods are not the only, or the most effective to fight crime and provide a basic quality of life. This chapter seeks to provide effective approaches to safety which focuses more on Architecture methods.

Research in architectural theory and environmental psychology reveals how architecture in a very subtle way influences our actions and interpretations— explained briefly in the last chapter. For instance, in fast food restaurants, the use of hard chairs does not allow the customers get comfortable for very long periods of time. In elevators, the numerals and floor indicators are placed at eye level or above the heads so that people can avoid eye contact and feel less crowded. Supermarkets usually have narrow aisles so that people can spend less time talking to each other and move forward. Similarly strategies like these gives architects opportunities for social control.

Introduction to Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design Over the years many architects have outlined mechanisms for preventing crime through principles of design. This field is known as Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design ‘CPTED’ The literature on crime prevention is convincing in the claim that crime on private property can be prevented through manipulating the design of individual dwellings, and their relationship to one another and to the surrounding neighbourhood. This process is called crime prevention through environmental design.

CPTED provides guidance for architects and planners on how to assess housing developments, suggesting alternative security design strategies, developing and controlling the design and construction process.

Theories and design approaches to environmental Crime Prevention emerged in the late 1960s with the well known urbanist’s Jane Jacobs critique on urban planning The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961), Elizabeth Wood’s Social Aspects of Housing in Urban Development (1967). These works were one of the first ones to suggest how the active street life and diversity of use can reduce crime rates and create a safer environment.

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Jane Jacobs in her book described the need of public and private interaction to enhance the sense of safety.

“A city street equipped to handle strangers, and to make a safety asset, in itself, our of the presence of strangers, as the streets of successful city neighbourhoods always do, must have three main qualities: First, there must be a clear demarcation between what is public space and what is private space. Public and private spaces cannot ooze into each other as they do typically in suburban settings or in projects.

Second, there must be eyes upon the street, eyes belonging to those we might call the natural proprietors of the street. The buildings on a street equipped to handle strangers and to insure the safety of both residents and strangers, must be oriented to the street. They cannot turn their backs or blank sides on it and leave it blind.

And third, the sidewalk must have users on it fairly continuously, both to add to the number of effective eyes on the street and to induce the people in buildings along the street to watch the sidewalks in sufficient numbers. Nobody enjoys sitting on a stoop or looking out a window at an empty street. Almost nobody does such a thing. Large numbers of people entertain themselves, off and on, by watching street activity.”

In the early 1970s there was a surge of interest in the new possibilities and ideas of modifying the physical environment to enhance the sense of safety and prevent crime. One of the works that was particularly significant is Defensible Space by Oscar Newman (1972) which forms the base for some of the key ideas in this thesis.

Defensible Space The Defensible Space theory was developed in the early 1970s by the architect and city planner Oscar Newman from his book Defensible Space (1972). The theory encompasses ideas about crime prevention and neighbourhood safety.

The basic function of Defensible Space theory is to restructure the physical layout of housing estates allowing the residents to be able to defend their homes and control the areas around it. This includes the building, the streets and grounds outside, the front and back yards, lobbies, corridors. Defensible space doesn’t necessarily dir ectly fight the crime, it encourages residents to get together and involve in reciprocal guardian behaviour to reduce opportunities for crime and intrusion by outsiders. It holds an ability to bring people from different income, race and culture together along mutual interests. Hence, due to the defensive abilities, potential anti social and unwanted acts that occur in a physical space come under public surveillance, which in turn results in reduction of crime.

A defensible space can provide a good quality of life and equal opportunities for low income people to live. Over the years from the architectural deterministic approach of Newman toward the built environment, it later expanded and started acknowledging the value of social, managerial and ownership variables that need to be controlled while conducting a study of a household. Safe housing areas not only comprise of defensible spaces, but also consist of good social management and liveability conditions. A place where all the residents and tenants participate and interact with each other. They are organised into homogeneous groups which form ‘communities of interest’ which could also be called as ‘ghettos’.

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Hence, due to the commonalities in their territories, observers are aware of their surroundings and know each other which results in effective social control because the potential offenders are more reluctant to commit crime when the areas seem to perceived under the influence of a surrounding community.

Fig.2.5 Front & Back cover of the book, Defensible Space by Oscar Newman

Newman used the term ‘defensible space’ as an approach in which residential environments can be designed in order to allow the inhabitants to supervise and take responsibility for their territories. To encourage the social control networks which he claims have been eroded by urbanisation, modern architecture and needs, He proposed four constituents of good design: “1. territoriality—the subdivision of buildings and grounds into zones of influence to discourage outsiders from entering and encourage residents to defend their areas; 2. surveillance—the design of buildings to allow easy observation of the related territory; 3. image—the design of public housing to avoid stigma; 4. environment—the juxtaposing of public housing projects with safe zones in adjacent areas” Over the years many planners and designers have presented different theories and approaches which helps in providing security and sense of safety through design and behavioural control. Some of them are discussed and analysed in the course of this thesis to create a more fulfilling framework for ensuring sense of safety for residential areas. Oscar Newman with his theory of Defensible space laid out the foundation for many future theories and strategies to take place.

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Following on from the ideas of Oscar Newman, many urbanists and architects outlined multiple approaches to crime prevention. Some of the influential theories are mentioned below: Rand(1979) came up with four theories based on the fact that the idea of multiple housing is bound to cause side affects which sometimes can be undesirable. these theories of preventing crime through environmental design mainly are—social control, enclosure/access control, criminal justice and defensible space. According to these, it is feasible to come up with or form guidelines as the crimes among strangers are in fact due to the close and regular contact we share with unacquainted people in our lives. According to him, it is not right to just say that housing itself produces negative side effects, as it is actually the principles of the society that the design and structure reflect. it is impossible to start off by working on every aspect of the crime. By initially working on the layout and design, eventually the design strategies can have an effect on all the other aspects as well of crime.

Gardiner(1978) emphasised that specifically designing the house , keeping in mind its protection is an age old concept. it is important to make note and observe that enemies can also be from within our community. using this he designed 3 models, namely—the urban village, the urban fortress and defensible space. these conceptual models can be compared to that of Rand’s. i.e. urban village with that of ‘social control’,urban fortress as a combination of ‘enclose/access control’ and ‘criminal justice’.

Positive Architecture, Medellin The extent of how architecture can help flight crime can be illustrated through the example of the urban transformation in Medellin, Colombia. The urban transformation in slum districts through public space generation has created a sense of safety and access throughout. It is an innovation and an achievement in the field of design. Readings from the Medellin and Bagota case studies help in analysis of the implications of the urban design strategies and exposure to new interventions in the field of crime. The crucial strategy at play in this city was not architecture but ‘social architecture’, made of people – politicians and entrepreneurs who understood that they had to build a future for everyone, as observed by Jorge Perez.

Medellin has moved towards an architecture which has created a more accessible , democratic and stable urban environment. This urban renewal has been done through simple architectural interventions such as construction of stairs, more bright neighbourhood access rods, wells, sidewalks, elevator and local parks. Due to the new projects, life in some of the poor and crime prone neighbourhoods has been revoked leading to much safer and securer environments. The buildings now stand as symbols of hope, unity and identity.

Here, architecture promotes the idea of working and strengthening potential targets and reducing social isolation of people as well as the buildings. The newly constructed public spaces were added with an intention to provide a network of such lively spaces with improved pedestrian accessibility and mobility allowing people from all over the city to gather and meet, thus creating the invaluable quality of a safe public realm.

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Summary There are also some risks that are involved in using Architecture as a crime control method. Some of the strategies can also expose private spaces to public view. Hence, upon understanding the power of architecture one can decide on how much and what type of social and physical control one wants to exercise. The main problem is the necessity to agree upon a common ground between practicality and security, and the formal and aesthetics. High degree of enforcement of security causes a hostile environment. Hence, it becomes vital to strike and balance, and focus on ensuring safety alongside paying heed to the aesthetic standards that are recommended by architects.

The general mechanisms from CPTED focuses more on target hardening solutions in a direct attempt towards containing and detering crime. The aim of this thesis to understand the factors that influence the sense of safety in physical and social environment of residential neighbourhoods.

The above theories will now be presented in the form of four modified approaches. These four approaches are not mutually exclusive. For an effective impact, ensuring sense of safety and over all well being in a neighbourhood a comprehensive approach that incorporates all of the four aspects is normally attempted and advised. After an extensive review of the above mentioned literature four basic concepts that influence sense of safety have been revealed, such as: 1. Territoriality 2. Surveillance 3. Symbolic Barrier/Image 4. Social Conditions The above four aspects usually work in synergy and depend on each other for proper functioning. For example, natural surveillance due to the right design and massing is the most effective when social isolation is minimised and people know each other. There are also chances of the goals of each conflicting one another. Hence, a theoretical and practical understanding of the four aspects would give one an idea of how and when to use them. Therefore, the architectural principles cannot be devoted to a single context. It should be flexible enough to adapt to different conditions and circumstances.

So, Before the four aspects are explained in more detail it is important to realise that these are general aims of architecture rather than concrete precepts to applied rigidly.

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THE FRAMEWORK

2.3 THE FRAMEWORK 2.3.1 TERRITORIALITY The most necessary measure in a physical and social environment is to create and reflect a sense of territoriality within its residents. It can be defined as an act of ownership and responsibilities towards one’s own or shared property.

One of the biggest problems in present day housing is overcrowding and the question of who takes care of what. Oscar Newman states that it is essential for a housing to make it clear which space belongs to who. “The aim of generating territoriality is to motivate residents to defend their own areas by encouraging informal social controls. This is intended not only to catch more offenders, but also to discourage strangers from entering the defended areas.” ( Richard Moe & Carter Wilkie 1997) With a clear demarcation of spaces, it avoids conflicts of claims and ownership within the residents too. An important point to observe here is that the threat to safety is not only from strangers alone, and can also be due to inner conflicts within the neighbourhood. Paul Wilson in his book, Designing Out Crime states three of Newman’s physical design measures relevant to public housing: 1. Less sense of ownership due to large open spaces, this often leads to confusion in who is responsible for what. Therefore, for spaces to be fully utilised—especially the communal spaces, it should not be too big or too small, spaces are thus often subdivided to encourage natural surveillance.

2. Subdividing housing estates into small enclaves, recognisable and identifiable by the residents—In small clusters when the number of families sharing the communal resources are less, the sense of territoriality is more.

3. Thresholds of dwellings can be modified with additions of small semi private lawns or front porch, this helps in increasing sense of differentiating public from private.

Newman in his theory assumes that people are required to mark out their territory and defend it. A good and clear design would be able to encourage people to express their ownership and territorial urges, which will restrict the outsiders. Therefore, a well designed residential project would be able to demarcate spaces according to their claims to make clear which space belongs to whom—some would be completely private, some could be shared with permission from the owner, and others would be public.

For the purpose of ensuring sense of safety and state of well being the concept of Territoriality is broadly categorised into three main aspects: 1. Public and Private Domain 2. Territorial Claims 3. Territorial Differentiation

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Territoriality Public and Private Domain The concept of ‘public’ ‘private’ is necessary to be understood before entering design and planning process. The extreme opposition between the two domains Public and private leads to disintegration of primary human relations.

Often translated into spatial terms of collective and individual, in the present time we focus too much on the exaggeration on both the poles i.e individuality and collectivity. “The concepts public and private may be seen and understood in relative terms as a series of spatial qualities which, differing gradually refer to accessibility, responsibility, the relation between private property and supervision of specific spatial units” ( Herman Hertzberger)

Fig.2.6 Public and Private zoning : Creating Defensible Space

For smooth interaction between residents and bystanders in a neighbourhood the transition space which is in between the two domains acts as important ground for a clarity in the different territorial claims. This threshold provides the key to connection and transition between areas, the spatial connection for meeting and dialoeuige between the areas of different orders.

In Montessori School, DELFT designed by Herztberger himself, has put a lot of attention to the entrances and the external zone by creating spaces in and out which can be used in multiple ways. The intention is to soften transition between the inside and the outside world. The main opening is more than just an entrance swallowing children, the threshold place offers a resting and stopping place for children who don’t want to directly enter the school and for the children who wishes to spend some time before they leave school.

Through subtle architecture techniques like low wall for sitting, shelter corner for a shaded gathering place. The entrance for Kindergarten requires parents to wait for their kids before the school is over for the day, the parents need to wait and interact and know other parents. This entrance acts as an important ground for meeting and waiting place for parents and children, hence serving an important social function. Even the playground of the school is not closed off after school hours and is used by the local children.

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TERRITORIALITY

Fig.2.7 Montessori School, DELFT by Hertzberger : internet

Both privacy and the need for maintaining social contact is essential. Therefore, spaces like porches, entrances and many other forms which falls in between the two domains and controls the transition are crucial as they provide an opportunity for a link between the two worlds. The scale and form of in between space depends on the edge conditions, the ends vary from public - private, private - private. The concept of in between is the key to eliminate the sharp differences between the areas which have different Territorial claims.

Some of the ways to describe space hierarchy in public housing: 1. In a housing complex private spaces can be made look different from public spaces/streets.

2. For the communal spaces in a neighbourhood it should be placed where it is only accessible to residents only and should visibly convey restriction of entrance to the non residents.

3. All the rights, responsibilities and maintenance arrangements should be specified clearly to every resident to avoid conflicts within them and ensuring maintenance.

4. By building visual buffer between private spaces and the public streets in form of front yard, porches, pathways, gates etc

Fig.2.8 Diagram of discrete defensible spaces clearly allocated to various residents and small groups of residents : Oscar Newman, Defensible Space

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Territorial Claims The distinction of the degree of privacy of a space comes from how much access is allowed to it and depends on the people who use it, care for it, and whose custody it comes under. Many a times this degree of accessibility and privacy is a matter of law and its enforcement, but mostly, commonly accepted conventions are the deciding factor in the establishment of such distinctions or gradations. When residents are able to identify spaces which are not only private but the semi public and private spaces of their environment they are more likely to participate and share responsibilities of protecting and caring it which keeps the intruders away. Residents are only able to participate in this reciprocal guardian behaviour if they have developed a territorial sense of their housing and responsibility for the safety of their homes and community.

As in individual unit, the residing family holds all the claims to their private territory. But often times, for communal spaces there might some conflicts over who uses what. When residents use public space as if it’s part of their private claims it strengthens the user’s claims in the eye of others conveying a strong sense of territoriality. Due to these claims by residents over the public space it adds an extra dimension of defence in form of ownership and responsibility.

This can be termed as ‘Overlapping of private claims over public. Therefore the point is to create spaces which are intermediate in its function, even though on the administrative level it might belong to either public or private domain but acts equally accessible to both the parties, depending on what the other makes of it.

This kind of behaviour can be seen all over the world, one of a case when public merges with private can be seen in traditional dense towns of India, residents use the streets or open area outside their homes for drying rice or clothes. Since everyone is aware of the importance of the activity they all usually contribute.

On the streets of Bali, many streets constitute extended families living together.

These different homes usually have a common entrance gate usually comprising of bamboo fencing to keep the children and animals safe inside. Even though it is easily accessible to anyone, but due to the presence of a gate and a strong community inside a stranger will always feel like an intruder or at best a visitor.

Human always tends to extend their claims to gain more access to space and sources. It is widely observed whenever an individual or a group of individuals have an opportunity to claim some parts of public space outside their dwellings within their own or collective interests. Hence, the public nature of such spaces are flexible and adapts to the function its put use to.

In a neighbourhood when residents are given an opportunity to get involved and take care of a public space by themselves usually as a group of individuals it turns into a communal space.

For the sense of territoriality it is effective when housing is divided into small clusters creating communities. It has been observed when entrances that house less residents, such as eight to fifteen families results in a greater sense of territoriality. This is majorly because residents know their neighbours and are generally aware of activities that happen in their vicinity. In contrast, single entrances which cater to many residents as hundreds usually fail to hold a sense of pride and territoriality resulting in higher levels of fear and rate of victimisation. ( Taylor & Harrell ) Similarly when there are large open areas which belong to everyone, it fades away the sense of ownership. Eventually turning into no man’s land where people are not aware of their responsibilities and often become crime prone.

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TERRITORIALITY

One of the major issues that leads to vandalisation and sense of fear is when the residents start believing the area outside their door is fully public and under the solely surveillance of the police. Hence, effective housing design can introduce semi private semi public areas to create feelings of territoriality within residents in a neighbourhood. Below are some of the strategies which help in building a Sense of Territoriality: 1. Dividing residential areas into small clusters of buildings in order to make it easy for residents to get to know each other and share responsibilities and take care of their private and communal spaces. This helps in creating a watchful and an active community.

2. If possible every dwelling should be allotted open spaces for recreation and interaction, this can be achieved in form of front porches, courtyards, backyards or balconies and terraces. Open communal spaces also act as a place for gathering and meeting for the residents.

3. For a sense of identity and place within residents, it is important to provide unique features to each clusters. This helps in creating feelings of pride and identity.

4. Using physical or symbolic barriers to convey ownership and discouraging strangers to enter the territory of residents.

5. Use shrubbery, building features, changes of level and fencing to create semi-private entrances to communal and open spaces.

Territorial Differentiation To obtain a map that shows the territorial differentiation of a place, one should mark the gradations of public. Accessibility of the different areas and parts of a building on a ground plan. This kind of study reveals the degree of accessibility due to the architecture of place and also shows the kind of claims which are laid on specific areas by groups or individuals. This leads to the knowledge of how the responsibilities and maintenance of the different spaces are divided within the inhabitants. These differentiations between public and private claims can be laid on the basis of differentiated responsibilities of the users. This way the residents are aware of what contributions and modifications they are allowed to do. In this way, it leads to a greater sense of territoriality, responsibility and greater involvement of people in the furnishing and arrangements of the area making user the inhabitants.

For making the difference between the two territories clear some sets of transitional filters can be used when people move from private to public spaces.

Through this the sense of restriction is conveyed which tells a person when does the out of bound zone starts. Some of the strategies are mentioned below briefly: 1. Change in Texture: Usually when separating public streets from semi public of semi private spaces like communal parking spaces, front yards change in the material, pattern or just colour can denote the transition.

For example, when public footpaths can be of concrete blocks and when the private path starts the material changes to brick paving.

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2. Change in Level: This is the most effective way of differentiating between territories as it is both physical and visual connect. Semi private parks in a neighbourhood can be separated from public streets with a change in level through plinth or steps. Similarly, slopes or steps can be used which leads to doorways of private dwellings.

3. Hierarchy of lighting: Increased lighting at entrances can signify and highlight the movement from public street/footpath to entrances.

4. Landscaping or Fencing: With the use of vegetation, fencing individual territories can be defined. Also with the transparent characteristics of fencing used as boundaries it serves the purpose defence and an opportunity for surveillance as well.

5. Extensions: Private open areas should not open directly to the public street, hence addition of semi private or semi public spaces like front porches, front yard avoid the immediately access to the living room from street.

Safe Nest As discussed earlier in environmental psychology, the need of refuge for a person to be able to prospect and observe is satisfied with a safe place. Like any group or an individual needs a surrounding that they are familiar with and feel safe in. This makes it much easier for them to collaborate with others, this zone can be called as a ’Safe Nest’ which is a basic requirement of every individual. Hence, there will be less opportunities for adventures when there is no home base to return to. In a dwelling in the interiors are the most intimate and private spaces which house all the activities and bedroom being the most private room. This can be achieved with the addition of front porches, balconies and backyards which provides an exterior extended safe zones for residents to interact with the outsiders.

“If you don’t have a place that you can call your own you don’t know where you stand!” (Hermen Hertzberger)

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SURVEILLANCE

2.3.2 SURVEILLANCE The role of architecture is get people together and interact. The design of buildings should allow residents and bystander easy observation of their territories. There are two major types of surveillance which discourage unwanted and criminal activities: 1. Natural Surveillance 2. Artificial Surveillance In this thesis we are only concerned with Natural Surveillance, even though artificial surveillance is most commonly used for security design of residences and public space but it creates a sense of a fortress and often manipulates the natural behaviour of residents and bystanders.

When a resident of a home in a neighbourhood is capable of exercising scrutiny over their own home and the semi-public or public territories that are attached to their home, ‘natural surveillance’ is achieved. For the owners of a private residence, it would mean the ability to watch over their yard, parking spaces and streets adjacent to their homes. In the case of a situation in public housing, surveillance over children and elderly in communal open spaces, movement and activity concerning the homes and private spaces of their neighbours and the visibility and scrutiny over one’s own home as well.

Natural surveillance refers to the creation of spaces which is easily viewed by the residents, neighbours, bystanders and at the same time it provides an opportunity for the users to look out for any unusual activities and be aware of the outsiders and their neighbours in the surroundings. By ’Natural’ it only focusses on the surveillance due to presence and activity of people. It doesn’t include surveillance due to artificial measures, as they again cater to hard solutions for security and building a fortress.

The most important and one of the first approach was suggested by Jane Jacobs in her book ’The Death and Life of American Cities’ where the theory “Eyes on the Street” introduced to the world which claimed to deter crime resulting in a watchful and an active community. She wasn’t very fond of the conventional way of fighting crime with architecture and discarded the approach. Instead she insisted on positive impact of diversity and density of city life. Jane Jacobs argued if the people can be brought to streets and parks it can lead to a reduction in crime rates. For examples, a house near a bar is much safer than one in a remote part of the countryside or city. ( Jane Jacobs ) As due to the presence or bar it will attract activities inside and outside leading to more people and more eyes on the street and watch the activity on the street more often. The sense of safety deteorites usually in places where there is less visibility, less enclosure due to lack of buildings or presence of large bushes which block the views. In city planning it is very essential to maintain public peace through sidewalk and semi public zones.

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There are two principal mechanisms that can be used to facilitate natural surveillance:

Diversity of Use: In her book Jacobs strongly insisted on how diveristy and mixed use would bring people from various background and profession to outdoors and increase natural surveillance. For adequate diversity of spaces, each public space should be able to serve more than one function. It should not be restricted to only specific function and user group as it can lead to unutilisation of that space due to inactivity throughout the day. While planning, one can not simply add public or commercial services to create activity and diversity, the right cultivation of spaces requires deep understanding of the residents and their needs. It should be planned in harmony with all the residents. The diverse and mixed community in a neighbourhood can help in a better surveillance throughout the day. As the activity patterns of different people and families tend to overlap.

Following on the ideas on Newman’s natural surveillance, Rubinstein et al.

(1980) developed the concept of Social Surveillance. Which encourages the inhabitants as well as the bystanders on the street to watch their environment for intruders. Residents must be able to feel more confident and should get involved to challenge and intervene them. The basic assumption of this theory is that with the changes in the built environment can affect the social nature.

The conception of space as static needs to be modified into one that is based on movement. The primary motive of the concept of defensible spaces is provision of ‘static’ inhabitants within a neighbourhood in a position that ensures natural surveillance over potentially negative elements. In fact, what really happens is that free movement and access in public spaces allows for natural surveillance over the public spaces, and the surveillance by the static residents ensures safety from moving strangers and safety in the semi-public areas. Thus, it is the combination of this surveillance from the moving strangers and the stationery inhabitants that causes safety in a residential neighbourhood. As this kind of settings fits in the social environment hence it will be explained briefly in SocioCultural conditions for better understanding of mixed community.

As this kind of settings fits in the social environment hence it will be explained briefly in Socio-Cultural conditions for better understanding of mixed community.

Building Design: Over the years architects have experimented with designs that can promote natural surveillance and allows the residents to be able to look out and participate in a heathy community. Few of the examples include adding windows and facing them to the internal and outer streets, providing open spaces like balconies, terraces and front yards, avoiding narrow and dark streets to facilitate their visibility. In a housing complex, when elevators lobbies or staircases are far away from the main entrance or it requires to pass through serious of corridors it reduces the surveillance and these areas becomes prone to crime and vandalism. (Katyal 2008)

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Fig.2.9 Natural surveillance for car parking: CPTED Reka Bentuk

With the right allocation and massing, you can make sure if the residents are able to watch outside and at the same time are visible to others. Architect must design and plan in a way the building is able to create opportunities for the inhabitants to look out. Some of the design measures that helps in increasing natural surveillance are listed below: 1. Additional Windows: Look onto the public areas 2. Increasing Visibility: Making sure the entrances and pathways are more visible and accessible 3. Facilitate people and their interaction: Front porches and stoops 4. Lighting: Increases visibility for the bystanders and the users which encourages them to gather.

In addition to the above two mechanisms of diversity and building design.

Natural Surveillance can be also enhanced by creating spaces which are movement generators which will encourage people out of their homes and spend time outside activating the streets. Some ways to do this in a neighbourhood is by creating a sense of community. Events like sunday markets, festivals celebrations, organising talent shows, film screenings and by building communal spaces like park and gardens. Therefore, in addition to the importance of natural surveillance emphasis should also be put on social management. Because bystanders might feel uncomfortable and reluctant to stop and prevent crimes.

Therefore, architecture and planning as a tool must have influence on such reluctance.

First, bystanders are likely to intervene when they see a crime rather than when they simply hear it—a finding with clear implications for natural surveillance.

Second, the greater the number of people present in an area, the less bystanders will believe that intervention poses risks to themselves.

Third, intervention is more common among bystanders who feel they are part of a community, hence architects should design spaces to reduce social alienation.

Rather than simply creating visibility, architecture must also help develop the conditions under which people are more likely to intervene and act as watchers.

For that reason, the architecture of crime control must carefully balance visibility and openness against other goals. (KATYAL 2008)

For an effective function territoriality should be balanced against the need of Natural Surveillance so that a place is neither too open or too close. As mentioned in the theory Prospect & refuge theory it is essential for a person to feel well safe and refuge to be able to prospect and observe things.

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2.3.3 SYMBOLIC BARRIER In order to defensible space to be effective, it should be able to convey that the building is worth of defence. A building in a good condition conveys ownership and sign of maintenance. There are sometimes invisible or visible barriers to mark the demarcation. Some of the common symbolic barriers include using picnic tables, swings, flowers, paintings, benches and seats. These symbols are capable of conveying that the owner of the property is involved and actively maintaining the property.

Image: As discussed in the earlier chapter about environmental psychology, every physical setting around a person evokes an emotion. Behaviour of a person is always believed to be affected by his surroundings. To build a community with a sense of neighbourhood pride, one should focus on creating an appealing environment with cleanliness and aesthetic appeal to attract and invite people to the area. This helps in generating more actual and perceived safety, the right order will convey maintenance and people are less likely to disturb.

Broken windows theory by social scientists James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling (1982) a lot of crime and vandalism is caused due to social illness of the society. The theory suggests fixing and preventing property damage can encourage civil order and evoke healthy emotion responses leading to a safe environment. As any sign of physical disorder in a neighbourhood can create fear and attract potential offenders. It is important to get rid of visible signs of disorder and create an environment which is very appealing and inviting in a healthy way, this helps in building a community.

Oscar Newman recommends some of the ways in which public housing can be modified to fit better with its surroundings in order to minimise the sense of isolation and difference: 1. By adding unique elements to every neighbourhood, it can increase a sense of pride and identity.

2. Orienting the houses towards the street so that the residents can also join the street and participate in their activities. The design of buildings, landscaping on the exteriors of the new development should be consistent with the local standards which helps the estate fit into the environment.

3. Public housing design should fit with the local architecture norms.

4. While designing and planning, the site plans of new developments should also incorporate the neighbourhood streets.

5. Restricting access points There are many ways an architect can create sense of territoriality, usually by modifying the internal and external features of a building and a neighbourhood.

One of the way to convey ownership and care is by using real barriers like fences, locked doors, gates which often leads to fortification and the other ways are to use symbolic barriers such as inclusion of steps, change in level or landscaping.

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SYMBOLIC BARRIER/IMAGE

Using physical barriers is a traditional way of target hardening design approaches to security and safety. The theory suggest if there is good security provided at the perimeter of dwellings and neighbourhoods the potential social interaction and gathering opportunities increases within the closed community.

They feel pride in getting to know each other and work collectively to grow and build their community. Thus because of this the active livelihood it discourages strangers to enter their territories. Physical barriers doest act more effective in order to deter crime and keep away offenders but it is often expensive and might lead to social isolation and lure bystanders. Hence, as the main aim is to achieve a state of wellbeing by feeling safe and comfortable use of barrier is not encouraged unless there is strong reason. Symbolic barriers are enough to convey ownership and territoriality to bystanders and potential offenders, when done in collective approach it helps building in a sense of territoriality in a community and encourages to protect their land collectively.

An example of an effective symbolic barrier can be the level difference in an entrance of house or change in texture of the paving material of ground. Such subtle differences are capable of conveying restrictions and demarcate public and private areas in a residential or a public area. People are generally aware of such minor gradations and change in surfaces which makes them refrain from entry.

In the similar way, symbolic barriers are also in form of signages and visual modifications. A study of burglaries in Salt lake City, for example revealed that houses which has nameplates outside are less prone to crime as they had less rates of intrusion than the ones without them. ( Barbara B. Brown, Residential Territories ) Spaces like entrances, stairways, shared balconies, open green areas, elevators and parking facilities can differentiated using barriers in order to reduce the number of people sharing it and increasing the sense of territoriality within the users. Street designs, pathways can also create feelings of Territoriality through signages, street limits, gates, landscaping which convey access restriction.

Entrances/Pathways In order to fortify targets of crime, communities may at times have to reduce the number of public streets available to criminals. Hence, all the access routes and entrances should be controlled, which includes vehicular movement on the inner streets. This leads to a very calm and less noisy environment. Also when you decrease the number of entrance points for the outsiders, it reduces the rate in crime. With more and easy entrances, it gives a chance for the intruders to exit and enter easily making it crime prone, hence if the residents have more control over these entrances it results in a much more harmonious and safe place.

When a space lacks symbolic and function definition of a who should use it, who can use it and who it is for, it becomes ambiguous in nature. An ambiguous space is a conflicting space in nature and fails convey the message of ownership.

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Fig.2.10 Sense of territory due to presence of gates : Paul Stollard

Therefore, it is essential to make function of spaces clear through either symbolic or physical gestures. Some of the ways it can be achieved are mentioned below (Sarkissian, 1984): 1. Sometimes some of the landscape open or closed areas which are meant for residents only fail to convey restricted access to the non residents. Hence, employing real or symbolic barrier can stop intruders to enter such spaces.

2. When there are more entries it is often difficult for surveillance and keeping track of vehicles and people entering. Hence, minimising the number of entries to site increases sense of safety.

3. Entrances should be put in places where the residents and even the bystanders are able to watch it formally or informally.

4. Avoid narrow or dark passages for entrances or pathways as they are preferred by offenders due to low visibility and difficult reach.

5. Whenever there is a need of a real or physical barrier, but the privacy is not very important, use of fencing is advisable as it provides the needed security and at the same gives an opportunity to see through.

6. Landscaping features like bushes and trees are an effective way of physical barriers but one should make sure it doesn’t create paces to hide for the intruders.

7. Fencing the whole site can create a fortress which should be avoided. Fence is preferred than a wall as the open style allows surveillance and air circulation.

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SYMBOLIC BARRIER/IMAGE

Personalisation One of the main aspect of a Defensible Space is an ability to personalise and modify the space according to the requirements and needs. Hermen Hertzberger, in his Diagoon Experimental Housing , Delft (1967-1970) came up with a housing design with idea of determining a carcass house, the total of eight prototypes built are principally incomplete. The plan of the house to certain extent is left indefinite and upto to the inhabitants to decide and design their space accordingly. The choice of where they want to sleep, eat and live is upto to occupants. The house has the ability to get modified according to the changes in the structure or size of the family inhabiting it. The design must thus be seen as an unfinished product or a framework, which tends towards completion through intervention by the users themselves, based on their needs at the given point in time.

Because of this freedom of expression, each house had a unique feature and people took more sense in pride. This resulted in inhabitants making individual choices to protect their homes and making it worth the defense. This kind of behaviour can be seen all over the world, especially in small towns and slums.

The liberty of personalisation and modification can be exercised in two ways: 1. Personalisation for Identity 2. Personalisation for Security

Personalisation for Identity When individuals are capable of customising and personalising their dwellings according to their wishes, they gain an identity for themselves for their houses. Ability to customise colours and different massing in the design lets the inhabitant create their own identity. Every individual feels part of the society, and with the common movement of progressing and maintaining their homes everyone feels entitled to do same.

Hence, due to the freedom of expression the facades and streets become very livelier and richer. The sense of belonging and identity increases drastically.

Following their own instinct they are able to customise their homes in a way they feel safe to live in, making it more defensive within their own terms. This way the dwellings become an ever evolving mosaic of behaviour patterns and needs that keep changing over time over the process of life.

Personalisation for Security As discussed earlier this is a traditional way of target hardening approach to safety design. The basic theory suggests if there is good security provided at the perimeter of a community or individual dwellings, there is more potential for social interaction within the community as there is access restriction to strangers and sense of safety is maintained. With the capability of personalisation we can design our homes in a way it discourages and prevent unwanted actives and intruders. On the other hand, it should also be able to welcome visitors and leave a positive impact. These personalisation can take place in any scale.

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2.3.4 SOCIO-CULTURAL CONDITIONS This aspect is majorly based on the works of Jane Jacobs (1961). The main idea behind this approach is that the streets are populated by both residents and strangers which results in passive or natural surveillance as result of diversity of use and the mixed community. This is a kind of unconscious social control that works in the betterment of the society. With the presence of commercial stores or public spaces it gives a reason for people to spend more time on streets which increases the surveillance. It is understood the effect sometimes attracts unwanted activities and chaos but keeps the street busy. Though Jacobs insisted on changing the notion of these intensive public spaces attract crime.

For the purpose of this research, social conditions which help in ensuring sense of safety are explained below: Another aspect that influences sense of safety is the balance in one’s social environment. The architectural design should help in building communities instead of dividing them. Ralph Erskine once remarked that “The job of buildings is to improve human relations, Architecture must ease them, not make them more difficult.” (Marcus Binney) Unfortunately in the present times modern architecture doesn’t seem to care too much about such concepts. In many housing projects and neighbourhoods, residents often find it difficult to identify their neighbours making it less likely for them to engage in reciprocal guardian behaviour. Usually what happens in one part of neighbourhood seems to be of very less concern to people residing in the blocks.

Architecture must ease them, not make them more difficult.” Building communities rather than dividing them becomes a primary aim of the use of architecture and design.

Active Spaces The main highlight of Territoriality is the need of closures and boundaries, while the surveillance encourages openness and visibility and symbolic barrier emphasises the use of real or symbolic elements to highlight the change and gradation. The goal of Social condition would be to understand the existing activity patterns of people and suggest if the space is too open or too closed, as the ineffective scale can be harmful and a breeding ground for unwanted activities and often less utilised resulting in social isolation. Therefore creation of semi public space can create feelings of commonality. When residents are able to distinguish strangers from others, it is easier for bystanders to intervene and prevent intruders for committing crimes. Human psychology suggests the need of empathy for human. The fear of social isolation is dangerous for humans which can lead to physical and psychological disorders, feeling of empathy can solidify human relations and reciprocity. According to studies in Environmental psychology people who live in apartment buildings often tend to feel isolated, this feeling of social isolation is very common in high rise buildings.

A famous example of this finding is the Pruitt-Igoe housing project at St. Louis Facility. The project due to its isolated high rise housing blocks was prone to a lot of crime and vandalism that it was ultimately destroyed by the officials.

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Social Isolation The way the open spaces are used in residential areas decide the person’s behavioural emotion to it. If there is over crowding or lack of basic services there is a high possibility a person won’t feel comfortable in or around the space.

Many times overcrowding in such spaces leads to a degradation in sense of safety. Hence, it’s important to identify the relationship between the form and the usage.

It is very common to find large open public and semi public spaces in planned residential areas as playgrounds or walkways. But many times they are not utilised and are used very less. Instead spaces next to road or public spots like bus stands which thrives with activity. These are the lively spaces where people feel part of the community and safe.

Architects can not really solve the problems of isolation and the feeling of loneliness but can always design in a way the scale of housing and public spaces encourage more interaction and communication. With adjustments in the scale and how many people share the common responsibilities it reflects the extent of interaction. Even small inclusion of seats and benches can bring together people and give them an additional space for interaction and chance to build up the community. Locations of buildings and allotment of open spaces can foster friendships and a sense of community. When situated on your territory or places which are familiar and common people feel comfortable to interact with others.

The rate of interaction within neighbours is at maximum when dwellings are situated around common open spaces. Similarly, dwellings which are located around such common spaces like parks, mail boxes or maybe a road junction know more people and known more in the neighbourhood. At the same time dwellings which are in proximity of public places or common entrances are more prone to vandalism and disturbance.

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Community Strengthening: To increase natural surveillance it is important to bring people outdoors through diversity of use and a mixed community. To generate more diversity, each communal place should serve more than one function and each function should occur at different time of the day in order to make sure there are people throughout the day. When there are people from different backgrounds sharing a common space, it leads to a very diverse activity zone.

The most basic, sensitive and at the same the most complex human relationships are those of the family. There are many different family patterns, ranging from nuclear family to larger extend family. In a family and other households they all have similar goals in a same environment, this household is a place of companionship and comfort within this protection the family seeks for identity and sense of place in a community. Similarly, demographic settings like age, size and occupation influences the physical characteristics of the place.

To bring people together and increase their interaction front porches act as an important ground for people to socialise with their neighbours and bystanders this way they will know the other residents and are aware of the unusual activities. Some architectural techniques like front porches, trees, benches can help in making seperate units share a common identity resulting in a harmonious environment. Such community symbols can contribute to a collective identity.

When people have more sense of territoriality, the tendency is to continuously improve the environment rather than destroying it, which encourages others to do the same. People who move frequently, are in constant need of sense of place and often furnish their new homes with their belongings from old homes to bring back the cherished memories and make it feel more familiar. Throughout the existence of human, the shelter in this case house has always served as a symbol of social status, sign of pride, Its through the exteriors of the house which reflects how an individual wants him to be perceived by others.

Specific Land use To maintain a harmonious and balanced environment in residential areas. The designer should also study the different user groups and find out the specific environments that are most suited to them. One should understand the role of relationship of an individual to the environment. Each specific role interacts with the built environment in an unique way. Hence, while designing residence facility it is necessary to take note of the characteristics of the user, in this case the age and gender. In a neighbourhood, when there are multiple common spaces it is advised if there can each character is able to relate to minimum one space, where they dont feel isolated using it and can find company from their own kind. Below some of the relationship of different users to the built environment have been defined: 1. Children: Like adults they also need a private place, inside the house they require a private spade where the can study and focus by not getting distracted. Outside their homes, they require open space which is not too big and not too small, where the fear of injury and crime is not there. As a child grows older, the need for intimate and enclosed space inside the house and whereas outside a bigger and rougher space is wished for.

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2. Elderly: In general housing which suits the elderly requires safety, independence, an opportunity for involvement from themselves and the neighbours and the needed privacy. In the public domain, they like to sit and observe things and spend more time around people. Feeling of isolation is maximum in elderly, hence spaces which are in centre and surrounded by more public or private elements should be encouraged.

Specific architectural techniques like large windows and balconies which permits more light and faces the street provides surveillance and also makes them visible.

When the needs of an individual is not meant inside their homes they tend to spend more time outside either in public spaces or maybe in search for enclosure and refuge, similarly while designing public spaces when an individual feels they don’t relate to the space

Livable Streets: In the late 1960s, Donald Appleyard conducted a study to find liveability of streets, by comparing the residential streets of San Francisco with similar context and fabric but differed in their levels of traffic. There were total three streets taken into consideration, below are the streets categorised according to their traffic intake per day: 1. Light Street: 2,000 vehicles 2. Medium Street: 8,000 vehicles 3. Heavy Street: 16,000 vehicles The results of the study were quite clear to point out the relation ship between the traffic and human relationships. For the light street, every resident had three more friends and twice the acquaintances as the residents of the heavy street had. Also upon interviewing residents of each street about their territorial claims, it turns out as the volume of the traffic increases, the space which people consisted to be part of their territory gradually declined. Hence, the study indicated that the residents of Heavy street knew less people and had less friends because their territorial claims were much lesser than residents of the other two streets due to which there was less space to socially interact and gather.

Hence, due to less traffic the Light Street was a more watchful and closely knit community. The sidewalks and front steps of buildings were used for gathering and sitting purposes. Children used the space outside their homes to play while the adults spend their time of the day by resting especially around the corner store. Residents felt a sense of ownership and took the street as a whole leaving no part as out of bounds.

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Fig.2.11 Donald Appleyard livable street

While residents of heavy street, kept to themselves and lacked feelings for the community. The sidewalk space was rarely used by children to play and adults for meeting or recreation purpose.

This theory of Livable Streets by Appleyard, tell us about the social impact of vehicular traffic on cities. There is an inter relationship between human relations and amount of chaos on the streets which results in opportunities for people to use the space outside their house for interaction and gathering.

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A N A LY S I S 3.1. Selection of Sites 3.2. Case Study: Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, Ahmedabad 3.3. Case Study: LIC Housing, Biman Nagar 3.4. Observations & Inferences

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3.1 SELECTION OF SITES The thesis attempts to study healthy and active residential neighbourhoods in Ahmedabad. This would encompass the consideration of how actively people have engaged with their neighbourhood’s built environment over the years. In the present day situation, high rise housing is increasingly popular because of the increasing population density and changing civic regulations. Since the scope of this thesis does not include the analysis of high-rise residential complexes, the choice of case for this study would need to be dense low-rise residential establishments.

To include variety in the study base, two case studies with contrasting origins would be an interesting possibility—One designed by an external agency (an architect) and then inhabited, and the other that has emerged into its complexities organically, over time.

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SELECTION OF SITES

The ‘Pols’ of Ahmedabad are housing clusters which are the socially identifiable units of a homogenous groups of inhabitants, the backbone and heartbeat of the old city of Ahmedabad. These are residential neighbourhoods with well defined boundaries. There is an entrance through a main gateway a primary street, and secondary streets along which a cluster of houses adjoin. A lot of times in addition to the main entrances there are also some secret entrances which are only known to the residents of pol.

Of the Pols in the old city of Ahmedabad, Devji Saraiya ni Pol seems to be an appropriate choice for study since given the present situation of Pols that are being vacated or abandoned day by day, Devji Saraiya ni Pol is still densely habitated and is actively inhabited by residents who have been living in the community for several generations, and commercial establishments. Also, the pol’s proximity to Manek Chowk causes the Pol to be situated in the midst of active and commercial hustle at all times, which makes an interesting space for study of the sense of safety. Also, due to this setting the houses in this pol are a mix of commercial and residential units, creating a dynamic scenario fit for research.

On the other hand, the urban context of Biman Nagar being in the middle of a developed city, demanded higher densities at a time when there were new high rise housing emerging in the country. It was a big challenge for the architect, as the developer looked for higher efficiencies and economics while the clients aspired for variations in house form and design flexibility for growth and change.

Hence in this case, for a successful neighbourhood setting, the residential environment should be able to relate to the culture, way of life and the aspirations of inhabitants who would reside in it. One needs to understand, a space needs to be given to a human being, with minimal restrictions of behaviour and personalisation. Over time, the relationship between the human beings and their surroundings then keeps getting stronger and constantly evolves. The architect, BV Doshi succeeded in creating an environment which was transcribed from the local patterns and traditions of the people. Interestingly, LIC housing has been modified and personalised over the years by the residents according to their requirements. As the human has tendency to fulfil his basic needs to live and sustain, hence these patterns can be studied and give a better and honest and more human way of looking at defensible spaces.

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3 . 2 C A S E S T U D Y: D E V J I S A R A I YA N I P O L Walking through the hustle and bustle of the narrow streets of Ahmedabad which are flooded with vehicles, people, animals, etc., One would come across an old neighbourhood—‘Devji Saraiya Ni Pol’ which is a dense housing settlement with narrow streets. The residential settlement is gradually morphing into an increasingly commercial environment as people are moving to the new city in search of better living conditions thanks to the pol’s deteriorating state.

The main access to this pol is through a heavy-traffic commercial road. As shown in the figure, it is a road busy with traffic and pedestrian movement, always accompanied by vehicles parked on either side of the road.

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TERRITORIALITY Sense of Territoriality in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol is studied in three aspects: 1. Public and Private Domain 2. Territorial Claims 3. Territorial Differentiation

Fig.3.2.1 Hierarchy of streets leading to Devji Saraiya Ni Pol

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1. Public & Private Domain Hierarchy of Spaces: In order to understand the hierarchy of spaces in the Pol, it is important to observe the transition between the dwelling spaces and the semi private spaces. In Devji Saraiya ni Pol, the distinction and hierarchy between the public and private domain is very clearly visible as illustrated in the Fig.3.2.1. Each private space of the house is surrounded by a semi private patch as required in between.

7.

6.

8.

11.

3.

1.

5.

2.

4.

9.

12.

3.

10.

N

Abandoned House Demolished House Public Space Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Private Space

0

5

10

20M

Fig.3.2.2 Private & Public domain Site Plan

There are majorly types of allocation of the houses.

1. Houses placed along the narrow inner street, called Khancho—These houses are more prone to public interference as they face the streets directly. Therefore, to make sure the transition into private is space is not direct, there are semi private spaces called ‘otla’ at every threshold. This provides the necessary buffer zone between the public and private domain.

2. Houses which share a small open semi private space—They are placed orthogonally to the street and a narrow access road opens up to the shared semi private open spaces.

As shown in the fig.3.2.3, this semi private space is meant to be used exclusively by a small number of families inhabiting the houses around this space.

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Public & Private Domain Hierarchy of Spaces: Due to the semi-open court space show in the below diagram, it creates a very positive space to be used by the families that fall in this territory. With the addition of Otla and Wash areas, there is distinct territoriality and a proper hierarchical relationship between the public and private domains of the Pol neighbourhood.

OTLA

PARKING

OTLA

ACCESS COURTYARD

1 0 1

3

7M

Fig.3.2.3 Hierarchy of spaces in a semi public open space

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Scale of a Dwelling As for the dwelling scale, a similar hierarchy of spaces can be observed. In Devji Saraiya ni Pol, due to the presence of commercial and mixed use buildings, the nature is very varies from house to house. This hierarchy in terms of scale varies from house to house. Hence, for the purpose of this aspect of the Study, we would be taking each house as a purely residential unit.

Kitchen Living Room Entrance Area

Bedroom

Chowk

Fig.3.2.4 Hierarchy of Spaces in a full residential unit

Otla

Storage

Bedroom

Bedroom

Toilet Semi Private

Semi Private

Private

Private

Owners Area Tenants

Owners Area Tenants Semi Private

Private

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Owne Tenan

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Public & Private Domain Territoriality of Open Spaces In a residential environment, especially in a city like Ahmedabad, open spaces are a very crucial part of the daily activities of the household. In Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, each dwelling is connected with either an open space like a ground or courtyard, or an open space in the form of inner streets.

GATE 2

GATE 1

Inner Access Streets Open Spaces

N

0

5

10

20M

Fig.3.2.5 Layout of open spaces

The central public space acts as a connecting element for the secondary streets which originate from it. The houses open that open out to the secondary streets have a one to one relationship between the inside and the outsideÂ

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Hierarchy of open spaces:

12

15

11

14 13 16 2

17

3

8 4 1 5

9 6

7 10

Semi Private

Private

Fig.3.2.6 Owners AreaHierarchy of semi public open Tenants spaces in pol

Privatein terms of the public Semi Private Devji Saraiya ni pol also shows strong sense of hierarchy and privateness of open spaces. As one goes deep in the pol, spaces tend to become more private in nature and results in reduced access. These well defined open spaces make the movement clear to outsiders and hence leads to a greater sense of liveliness and generates interests for people to come to those areas.

For the Semi private open spaces like 6,7,9,10,11,12,15,16,17, which caters to specific households surrounding it, the space doesn’t open directly to the central chowk or the access street, hence the residents or outsiders for their movement have to go through the less private open spaces creating a necessary transition from public to the private domain of residents.

As shown in the figure, the main chowk of pol is well defined by the movement patterns of residents and the general public. Any movement to and from house or the commercial shops has to go through these spaces, increasing the sense of familiarity and a sense of association with these spaces and their surroundings.

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Territorial Claims Due to the proximity to Manek Chowk, this pol lies in a highly commercialised part of the old city of Ahmedabad. Many commercial shops and manufacturing units can be found inside the pol. It can be observed that retail and commercial activities are placed at the edge of the pol, which are closer to access by the public. Thus, the pol gets more and more private as one goes into the depths of the residential establishment, causing limited access to the public.

Pol Line Commercial Only Institutions Mix use Residence Only

Fig.3.2.7 Commercial & Residential zoning

As seen in the figure above, many of the commercial units are near to gates and the central main open space. Whereas, many of the manufacturing units like jewellery or key makers can be found inside small residential chowks and khadkis where they would appreciate the privacy available to them.

There are two main entries to the pol as indicated in the drawing, and is accessible through the main road only. The Pol does not allow access to or from other neighbouring Pols.

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Territorial Claims For understanding different claims in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, Users have been categories into two kinds: 1. Primary Users: (Residents) 2. Secondary Users: (Shopkeepers & Outsiders)

Primary Users Secondary Users Overlap

Fig.3.2.8 Claims of different users in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol

Residential Claims only extend upto the threshold space, whereas in case of the commercial shops, the presence of customers and visitors allows the space outside the shops also to be used. Hence, commercial claims tend to extend a bit more into street.

Large semi public spaces are often used for parking purposes by the residents and outsiders. The central chowk being fairly easily accessible and surrounded by more commercial shops, is used more by the outsiders. This often causes inconvenience for the residents, thus creating conflicts due to unavailability of open space for the people who live in the Pol.

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Territorial Claims Individual Territorial Claims in a Dwelling In this pol, there are several instances of mix use housing units as shown in Fig.3.2.7. Below is a typical plan of a residence with a commercial user, tenant and house owner.

GROUND FLOOR

Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Private Space

Owner Tenants Commercial Fig.3.2.9 Different claims inside a dwelling

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Extending Claims The streets often serve as an extension of a house, wash places are generally placed in the private domain. Often, outside spaces are also used for drying of clothes, rice and other grains. Children play on the streets adjoining their houses, making it easier for parents to watch them. The streets are formally owned by the residents of the pol not on administrative level, but functionally.

The street serves the functions and purposes as desired by the residents.

Fig.3.2.10 Wash areas Theory and city Form

by Shraddha Sejpal

Due to semi public streets and open spaces, the relation between the inside and outside, the territorial differentiation is defined very well. With the wash areas, the territory of the house is extended beyond its physical boundary. This kind of invasion of the public space by the residents of the pol increases the sense of territoriality and ownership in the community.

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Territorial Differentiation Separating Private from Public: Devji Saraiya Ni Pol as shown in the figure, is located in a commercial hub of the old city, majorly due to the chaotic, mercantile and public nature of the Manek Chowk. Hence, a clear diversion from the public domain is pretty essential for this Pol. The physical boundary of Devji Saraiya Ni Pol defines the territory well, maintaining territorial control for the pol residents and correspondence of form.

There are no other access to and from this pol to other streets or pol, hence its a close ended pol which defines the territory further.

4

5

2

1

3 Primary Users Pol Boundary Secondary Users End Conditions Overlap Fig.3.2.11 Different instances of defining the pol territory

Defining the Pol Territory: 1 & 2 are the two and the only main gates of Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, these gates serve as the main transition from the public road outside to the private territory of the pol inside. The initial purpose of this gate was to provide security and restrict the outsiders from entering. Now, this only serves as a clear demarcation and symbol of the territory.

The two gates have a slight difference in the function that they serve.

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Entrance Gates

GATE 1

GATE 2

Gate 1, due to its narrowness gives access to only smaller (two-wheeled) vehicles and pedestrians. Due to the slope and steps in the beginning it restricts the movement for a four wheeler and also the cows which are surplus in old city and cause quite a menace.

Gate 2 has an appropriate width and no slope, hence all the vehicles enter and leave through the same gate, aiding more effective surveillance.

3

4

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Territorial Differentiation Nature of street edge conditions: The inner streets of Devji Saraiya Ni Pol are used for both movement and social activities. Due to its scale and width, it is appropriate for social functions as the traffic is restricted and reduced. The territorial difference established from a dwelling to a street helps in creating a sense of a positive space. Due to gestures like level differences (in the otla), these small spaces are used by the residents to sit, gather and interact.

Fig.3.2.12 House & Street one-one: Theory and City Form Shraddha Sejpal

Transition between dwelling and semi private The level difference provides the necessary break between two domains, making it easier for the bystander to differentiate between different territories and restricting their movement accordingly. The semi private open space between the families become much more positive, and offer visual connectivity and display excellent potential as sitting places.

Transistion Filter Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Private Space Residents View Change in Level

OTLA

WASH AREA

ACTIVE OPEN SPACE

Fig.3.2.13 Section, Dwellings and semi public open space

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In the fig.3.2.13 the territorial differentiation is achieved by change in levels through steps and plinths and change in texture/material. The columns between the houses delineate the physical boundary of the otla. This helps in defining the multiple territories and the roles of residents. The central open space is used for parking and children playing. Houses in Pol, have their entrances through the street or central chowks. Whereas, at the terrace level the boundary wall-usually in form of parapets provides demarcation between houses.

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SURVEILLANCE Physical Order To understand the existing surveillance opportunities for the residents and the bystanders in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol we must look at the physical order.

Inner Access Street Openings Abondoned Space Fig.3.2.14 Surveillance on streets due to layout & massing

In the above diagram, axes of all the narrow inner streets in the pol are marked.

Due to the dense linear placement of houses, each individual house opens to the street which face each other, because of which there is constant surveillance due to the ‘eyes on the street’.

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Open spaces in surveillance due to massing of houses: Each open space in this pol is surrounded by multiple households, due to which there is constant surveillance created by activities inside and outside these houses.

GATE 2

GATE 1

Windows side Inner Access Streets Open Spaces

N

0

5

10

20M

Fig.3.2.15 Surveillance on open space

All semi private open spaces are shared by minimum of two households. Due to the appropriate scale and function, these spaces are observed to be utilised efficiently. In the above figure, surveillance due to openings and entrances of dwellings on the attached open spaces is marked. The open spaces in the corner are seen to be quite private, but due to its depth within the built-form and distance from public eye, these spaces could be prone to undesired activities.

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Physical Order Openings & Terraces

3M Wide Residential Street

Solid and Void

Fig.3.2.16 Study of solid and void

Nature of Openings Direct Openings Indirect Openings

Due to the narrowness of streets in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, there is a greater proportion of direct openings such as windows, rather than indirect openings like balconies or Otlas. As seen in fig. 2, to make the streets porous and visible the high ratio of voids to massing has been maintained. In a dense environment like this, to maintenance surveillance and the opportunity to look out while feeling safe is achieved successfully through the presence of windows and balconies. The idea of balconies isn’t very suitable in the households that face the inner streets, while the houses which faces the central open spaces clearly seem to cherish and utilise their balconies well.

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SURVEILLANCE

Nature of openings in relation to the attached living spaces: A fully commercial unit placed linearly with respect to the street, is taken into consideration for this study. In the below diagram, the openings are marked as either the threshold, entrances or as windows.

W4

O3

W2

W3

O2

Balconies/Doors W1

Windows

mo

c.k

co

lbda

c

Fig.3.2.17 Elevation of commercial unit O1

Jewellery Dealer’s Office

Jewellery Making Workshop

Waiting Room

Chowk

Parsal Jewellery Making Workshop Otla O1

O2

STREET

W1

W1 Ground Floor

W1 First Floor

Fig.3.2.18 Plans of Commercial Unit 65

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Physical Order Surveillance due to Openings on Street

Transistion Filter Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Private Space Prospect Zone Refuge Zone

Fig.3.2.19 Typical busy street section

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2.1 Sub Title

SURVEILLANCE

Surveillance due to Openings on Semi public open spaces

Fig.3.2.20 Section through a busy semi public space

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Physical Order Prospect & Refuge in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol: A ‘Safe Nest’ for the residents is seen to have been provided for through the presence of Otlas that open up into the chowk/courtyard. This depth of visibility of the outside spaces through the interiors of the house provides an opportunity for the residents to observe the outside while they get their necessary ‘refuge’ in the partially enclosed spaces of their house.

Fig.3.2.21 Surveillance due to Otla spaces: Theory & City Form by Shraddha Sejpal

Difference in Private Living Spaces due to the presence of Otlas:

Transistion Filter Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Private Space Prospect Zone Refuge Zone

Fig.3.2.22 Section of a dwelling with front porches as transition space

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SURVEILLANCE

Difference in Private Living Spaces due to the presence of Otlas:

Fig.3.2.23 Section through a dwelling without a front porch

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SYMBOLIC BARRIER In Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, there are a lot of different elements that parelelly give a sense of identity to its residents alongside giving a sense of orientation to the bystanders. Each Pol’s entrance is definitively marked by a gate and a signboard which indicates the Pol’s name. These are some signs and symbols that are commonly understood by the residents, some defined areas of transition between the public and private domain. A zone where an outsider would stop before proceeding further are some of the examples of the system of signs and symbols that exist in this Pol. Some of these symbolic barriers are very old and have survived in spite of other physical changes that the city and the neighbourhood have witnessed.

Symbolic barriers can be achieved at different levels, ranging from providing an identity to the whole city, to a tenant feeling safe in a house that they do not own.

Layout of Pol At its scale, the Pol has a very clear layout which is diagrammatically highlighted in the Figure 3.2.24. The entry is defined by a gateway, and the houses are located along the secondary streets, as denoted in the figure. The secondary street then divides into narrower paths which lead to semi private open spaces and individual khadkis.

ARY STR EET

MAIN SQUARE

SANKA

DI SHE RI

SECOND

Fig.3.2.24 Cul-de-sac street layout of pol

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SYMBOLIC BARRIER

There is a clear pattern of the hierarchy of streets--from the wider, busier public road to the semi public access streets of the pol, and to the connecting dead end streets, adjoining which the houses are placed. Devji Saraiya Ni Pol is a close ended pol with no through access to other pol or the streets. The ‘Cul-desac’ layout of this pol creates multiple corners and the state of houses around the corner influences the social nature of the space at these corners. This is a common pattern that can be observed in most of the pols in the old city, wherein the unique identity and sense of place helps people in locating themselves.

There are multiple open spaces in this pol located at each corner, and these are shared by a few families that surround it. These families take pride in taking responsibility of these spaces and thus create a greater sense of territoriality in the maintenance of the attached open space rather than the houses that are located around the centre square.

Fig.3.2.25 Hierarchy of Streets in pol

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Symbolic Barrier Gateway The entrance to the Pol is through a gate. The gate serves as a transition from the public road outside to the territory of the pol inside. Formerly, the gate was used for security reasons and served to keep outsiders from trespassing. It used to be shut down in the night, for greater safety. The gate exists even today, but serves only as a demarcation and a symbol of the territorial boundary. It gives the neighbourhood a sense of place and orientation for both the residents and the bystanders.

Sometimes, the residents close the gate during festive events or to stop animals entering the pol area. Often, residents (usually men) from Devji Saraiya Ni Pol or the other neighbouring Pols, gather and sit on the plinths outside these gates at their leisurely times. This makes the gate more active and an important activity node, thus creating more opportunities for surveillance .

Fig.3.2.26 Entrance gate as an identity: Theory & City Form by Shraddha Sejpal

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Entrance gate as an important community identity

Bench near the Laundrer adds more surveillance & gathering opportunites for the residents

Commerical shops outside the gate keeps the street active and busy throughout the day

Due to a closed community and strong human relationships, men spend more time outiside sitting on plinths and benches

DEVJI SARAIYA NI POL

1. Signage: This board at the gate, gives a sense of bold identity and orientation to its residents and the bystanders.

2. The big steel gate at the entrance is usually kept open, but it conveys a sense of closed territory and worthy of defence.

2. A place for announcements and awareness, signages can be used to convey restriction and ownership to intruders

3. Laundrer at the entrance of the gate symbolises active and watchful environment (Natural surveillance) to outsiders.

4. Slope and Steps at the entrance to stop movement of four wheelers and only allow residents & two wheelers.

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Symbolic Barrier Community Elements There are many components in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, which help in giving a sense of identity to its residents. These elements portray the degree of maintenance and ownership. Below are some examples of the same:

Fig.3.2.28 Communal Benches at the entrance or along the inner streets: Theory & City Form by Shraddha Sejpal

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Otlas The visibility, accessibility and condition of maintenance of the Otlas define the owners’ stand on the degree of publicness that they want to offer from their houses. Otlas, traditionally are the semi private spaces which welcome people into the inside and more private parts of the house.

But along the course of time, this character has changed due to the changing privacy and safety measures that are desired and taken up by owners of these houses. Continuity in the use of some elements like the courts and the terraces can be observed even in the new houses (or renovations) which are constructed in this pol. However, the Otla is not uses as frequently as it was used before. Transformation of some elements like the Otla, depict the change in the configuration of the house itself, reflecting the changing concept and desires of privacy among some of the residents.

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Symbolic Barrier Personalisation: One of the main features of a Defensible Space is the ability to personalise and modify the space according to their own requirements and needs. In Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, every resident has the liberty of personalisation and modification of their own homes. The elements can either be physical or just in the form of signages or symbols of personalisation. For the study we will discuss two aspects of Personalisation: 1. Personalisation for Identity 2. Personalisation for Security

1. Personalisation for Identity: In Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, there are many instances where houses have undergone modification and renovation for an enhanced sense of identity. With the traditional otlas becoming front porches, the concept of transition space is retained.

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2. Personalisation for Security: Even though the sense of safety is very strong in this community due to the strong social relationships, but there are some cases where they have resorted to physical barriers for more security and safety from intruders and animal.

From the above examples, it is clear how residents chose more permeable media to distinguish boundaries, like fencing and gates instead of solid walls or compounds. This allows them to feel secure, well as enjoy their prospecting ability.

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SOCIAL CONDITIONS Active Spaces ( Effect of Milieu ) As discussed in the chapter of Symbolic Barriers, Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, being located in a very busy commercial area, consists of many components like commercial shops, temple, gate, institution and open spaces that serve symbolic purposes.

“Utilisation due to social environment of the spaces, a lot of times utilisation of a space is also affected by its location in relation to surroundings public spaces” (Vastu Shilpa) Hence, the social condition of this site will be studied through the effect of Milieu on the spaces in the Pol. Understanding social conditions will require a study into both, the physical and human order.

The diagram on the right portrays the effect of ‘activity generators’ in an environment. Spaces with a specific function help in increasing utilisation of the spaces. Diversity of use gives the extra dimension of surveillance by ensuring that there are people around those spaces which have been marked as ‘Active Spaces’. At the same time, due to the presence of abandoned buildings in this pol, a negative effect is produced. This causes those places to be perceived as undesirable, giving us a basis of the terminology of a ‘Dead Space’.

Mixed Community Due to the commercial nature of the pol, there is a strong diverse community in and outside the pol. The number of users as discussed earlier in ‘Territorial Claims of different users’ ranges from Shopkeepers, Manufacturing workers, tenants and house owners all living in the small dense neighborhood. The effect can be explained from the work of Jane Jacobs (1961) the approach suggests that, “Streets are populated by strangers and that natural or passive surveillance (unconscious social control) will result from diversity of use. Business establishments provide people with a proprietary interest in the street directly in front of them, and shops give people a reason for using the streets. Jacob’s view of the role of commercial facilities reversed the notion that these intensely public areas attracted crime.”

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Utilisation of Open Spaces In Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, many semi-public open spaces can be found at different scales and placed at different corners of the pol. Other than the sense of territory for these open spaces there are other social & behavioural factors that decide the utilisation of these open spaces. Factors like appropriateness of size, enclosure, placement and system of entrances, social surroundings, availability of spaces to sit and talk, etc., help decide if the space is positive and utilised to its full potential.

To understand the effective use and condition of these open spaces, a total of 3 such spaces are discussed briefly as under.

Square 1: Not utilized, due to inappropriate size

Square 2: Fully utilized, appropriate size

Square 3: Not utilised, very isolated

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SQUARE 1 The semi-public nature of this communal open space has depleted due to less sens of territoriality and place among the residents, since many residences face this space. Due to its busy nature, This has lead to outsiders using this space for parking of vehicles causing traffic and pollution problems in the neighbourhood.

Heavy commerical presence at this open space keeps the space active with people The center space secondary inner streets to the primary inner streets, due to the constant movement nearby houses tend to lose their sense of territoriality Non residents like customers or people from outside park their vehicles here, causing inconvienence to the residents There are no trees and vegetation to enhance liveability, as a result residents stop taking responsibility

SQUARE 2 The small court space is used very adequetely as it provides direct entry to a small number of houses,has a distinct territoriality and proper hierarchical relationship of inside and outisde

1 Shop and 3 Houses open onto this space which results in an active space.

Otlas are good sitting places and due to level difference it provides neccesary transistion from public to private

Wash and stora

Space used by residents for parking of two wheelers and interaction.

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Dea act due sitt

SOCIAL CONDITIONS

0

N

5

10

20M

Fig.3.28.1 Analysis of Social Activity in Devji Saraiya ni Pol

Very narrow street, no windows facing the street.

Due to its private location Adults often use this space for partying and gatherings mostly in night.

AC C ES

Children use this space to play cricket and football in day.

S ST RE ET

Sitting spaces creates a small opportunity for gathering and events.

Dead end corner makes this space very isolated, not too many windows facing this space.

Only one house has an active backyard and holds territorial control.

Space for cloth and grains drying

The space is enclosed with tall buildings and boundary walls, hence, mostly shaded.

SQUARE 3 This semi public open space is inadequately used most of the time due to its private location and difficult accessibility, whole ground is paved and no vegetation.

Ruins

h areas water age Blank wall, often used by residents for open storage

ad end creating tive safe space e to entrances and ting space

Abondoned Buildings Active Space Dead Space Surveillance due to Windows Heavy Parking Areas Dead Ends Gate Pol Gate Benches/Seats Residents Children Secondary Users

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SOCIAL CONDITIONS

10. Dead Space: Ruins of the building has resulted in an open space with bondary walls, the effect extends to nearby space as well.

11. Active Space: The space around the temple is quite active due to people coming in through out the day.

TEMP

1. Active Space: Due to entrance and surroundng shops, this junction is shaded encouraging people to sit.

LAUNDRER

2. Active Space: The space is active due to presence of dhobi and a bench

3. Commercial Street: The space remians active due to shops and the main entrance

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9. Dead Space: Narrow path and abondoned buildings make this place vey isolated and inactive.

Fig.3.28.2 Analysis of Nature of Open Spaces in Devji Saraiya ni Pol

8. Dead Space: Extreme narrow width and abononded buildings surrounding makes this space prone to unwanted activties.

PLE

7. Dead Space: The open space is surrounded by outside buildings and have a deadend.

6. Active Space: Commerical shops and Laundrer keeps the space around it busy with people and activities.

R

5. Dead Space: Presence of an abondoned entity causes the space to lack ownership.

Ruins Abondoned Buildings Active Space Dead Space Surveillance due to Windows Heavy Parking Areas Dead Ends Gate Pol Gate

4. Dead Space: Due to the presence of gates, none of the family holds responsibility for the

Benches/Seats Residents Children Secondary Users

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3 . 3 C A S E S T U D Y: L I C H O U S I N G , B I M A N N A G A R The architect of LIC Housing, BV Doshi succeeded in creating an environment which was transcribed from the local patterns and traditions of the people. The neighbourhood has a very efficient spatial resolution, wherein the form of the building blocks have dwellings placed over each other across three floors, much differently from the conventional method of increasing the number floors of the residential complex, thus incorporating more dwellings. Such multi-storey residential arrangements tend to create isolated blocks of buildings. The ground floor is the largest unit in the single dwelling, and has its own front and rear yards, capable of functioning like an independent bungalow. The two floors above have different variations in layout and functioning. The first floor is a smaller unit compared to the ground floor and top-floor unit is the smallest. This strategy of massing leads to a very interesting profile with cascading terraces rather than a simple vertical protrusion of the ground floor houses’ layout. The large individual terraces on the upper floors compensate for the lack of ground space available through the front of back yards.

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TERRITORIALITY Sense of Territoriality is studied in two aspects: 1. Public & Private Domain 2. Territorial Claims

Fig.3.29 Hierarchy of Streets

Year; 1973-76 No. of Dwelling Units: 324 Land use: Roads: 0.73 Ha (18.71%) Open spaces: 1.20 ha (30.42%) Residential: 2.02 Ha (50.8%)

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Public & Private Domain Hierarchy of Spaces: Understanding when the public domain transforms into a private one in a residential environment.

Fig. 0.0 Explain this diagram with brief and pointers.

Fig.3.30 Public and Private domain inside the LIC Housing

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Public & Private Domain Hierarchy of Spaces Dwelling Scale:

2.1 Sub Title We need to replace a static conception of space by a movement based one. Fig.3.31 The Hierarchy of spaces inside one main idea behind defensible space was that inhabitants who were static and in their dwelling dwellings had to be put into a position, by design, to have natural surveillance of the spaces leading to their doors ignorer to see and deter potential wrong doers, who were strangers and moving. The result suggest that what really happens is that the natural movement of moving strangers maintains natural surveillance on space, while the static inhabitants through their dwellings entrances and windows, 88

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Hierarchy of Spaces Like all the other housing projects of Doshi, it can be observed that in LIC housing too, there is a strong hierarchy of open spaces, movement, neighbourhood spaces and internal layout. This hierarchy exists both inside and outside the dwelling units with a variation in scales accordingly. The public spaces in the neighbourhood also possess a hierarchy in the spaces which are linked to it, which facilitates movement and access control. Such visible hierarchy conveys ownership and a sense of being watched.

In LIC housing, the project finds a strong hierarchy of spaces from inside to outside of the house, and right up to the street outside. Along the walkways, there are open spaces designated for movement and to serve certain specific functions. Also, in the case of the parks and gardens in LIC Housing, there is a hierarchy of open green spaces. It can be observed through the way they are maintained and utilised.

Hence, the effective hierarchy of publicness to privacy is found in both dwelling and housing. In individual dwelling, all private spaces are located deep within the layout, and are surrounded and guarded by fairly less private spaces.

Fig.3.32 Flow of spaces in LIC housing

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Public & Private Domain Hierarchy of Spaces:

Fig.3.34 Layout of Open spaces

Fig.3.35 Degree of privacy of open spaces 90

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Hierarchy of Spaces: In LIC Housing, gradation in the hierarchy can also be seen in the open spaces as well as the inner streets. The layout of LIC Housing, consist of straight inner streets with row houses, public open spaces are centrally placed.

The inner streets act as veins that connect one to the heart of the LIC Housing, where the main open spaces are allocated, at the center and equally accessible and visible to the surroundings.

Territorial Claims To demarcate and highlight individual’s territories and claims, the following aspects are studied: 1. Ownership 2. Territorial Differentiation

Ownership & Claims: There should be adequate amount of open areas available to the public for recreational or social functions. Below is a table showing the evaluation of total open areas per residents living in the LIC Housing. This study shows that there is adequate amount of open space available for the residents for recreational and playing purpose.

In LIC Housing, there are multiple user groups. Hence, ownership & claims of two different user groups will be studied: 1. Primary User ( Residents ) 2. Secondary Users ( Domestic Workers/Vendors/Guards )

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Territorial Claims Ownership In the map below, there is an attempt to cover the claims by different user groups in the LIC Housing, made by the residents. In the diagram below, it can be seen that the overlapping of claims by different user groups are very minimal. Such a situation can be found majorly in residual places.

Fig. 0.0 Explain this diagram with brief and pointers.

Fig.3.36 Individual claims by different users

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Territorial claims within the residents

Fig.3.37 Individual claims in a unit

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Territorial Claims Overlapping of Private with Public The residents of the ground floor usually extend their claims to the side paths with no solid construction, but with placement of elements like plants and benches as shown in the images below. Also, one of the notable and interesting findings from this case study is the fact that residents prefer to park their vehicles along the sidewalk or in the open spaces.

Territorial Differentiation Separating Private from Public: In residential areas, it is very essential to physically demarcate private from public through some or the other mechanism.

It could be done through physical barriers, vegetation, any many other such methods. Spaces which mark zones that cater to different functions which are carried out separately, allow for Territorial Zoning, Hence, separating user groups with different or contrasting needs and functions from each other avoids conflicts of both nature and space. Physical barriers being used for separation will be further studied in ‘Symbolic Barrier’ section of this thesis.

In LIC Housing, multiple strategies can be observed in effect depending on the nature of the surroundings and the intent of separation. It is true, that once such defensible spaces are attached to a dwelling it can take the life out of it and buffers the activity of the space but it is essential to acquire the sense of safety and live with no fear.

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Nature of Street Fig.3.38 Separation of housing territory from public

Fig. 0.0 Explain this diagram with brief and pointers.

1. Throughout the edge of the housing, a layer of open spaces are attached to act as a buffer zone and also to maintain the symmetry and balance of the overall layout. Often termed as incidental spaces, most of these spaces are now owned by the attached ground floor dwelling.

2. The South facing edge, which opens to the open empty grounds doesn’t need much defensive space in comparison to the other edges and acts open and much more lively. There are gates provided for each house which enable smooth vehicular movement, and all the houses faces the street side.

3. Within the central open spaces, railings and a system of linear vegetation is used for separation. They are lower in height to maintain the visual access to the from the open spaces.

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Territorial Differentiation Separating semi public spaces:

High blank walls for security of houses and a clear boundary from private territory

Extruded curb for visible and physical barrier

Extended sidewalk for separtion and parking for vehicles

Trees and vegetation as boundaries for seperating the space from street

High fences for seperation Fig. 0.0 Explain and extra protection from this diagram with brief and Dogs & Intruders pointers.

Linear allocation of benches for sepration of sitting zone from linear zone

Single entrtance for restricted entry and exit

Study Area

Fig.3.39 Separation of semi public open spaces from the street

Study Area Park 1: Owing to its central location and the high maintenance that is required for the plantation and vegetation inside the garden, there is need of more stark demarcation of this open space from the streets.

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Separating semi public spaces:

Fig.3.40 Plan & Section of Park 1

People

Trees as visual & physical barrier

Vegetation Fencing Sidewalk

Typical Section of LIC Housing Natural Survelliance due to residents & outiders

Secondary Internal Street Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Physical Barrier Seperation from Street

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Territorial Differentiation House-Street Edge: Separation between the dwellings and public inner streets is through a subtle paved path. The paved path indicates the privateness of the space and conveys a transition from the public to the private. The visual similarity between the concrete blocks of the pavement and the texture of the road reflects the publicness of these spaces and its extensive usage. Hence, these spaces are often used for parking and plantation accessible to the residents and outsiders as well.

Secondary Internal Street Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Physical Barrier Seperation from Street

Safe Zone:

Fig.3.41 Plan showing Demarcation of private territory Secondary Internal Street Semi Public Space Semi Private Space Physical Barrier Seperation from Street

As mentioned in the earlier chapters, every human needs a safe zone, where the collaborations and interaction between people happen. In accordance with this necessity, the front porches and the balconies of the houses in LIC housing face the street, providing an opportunity for the residents to observe the happenings in their surroundings and act accordingly. The open spaces in front of the houses especially at the peripheries, act an intermediate zone for the residents and outsiders. Pavements have been used to demarcate the public streets from the private dwelling spaces.

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Safe Zone

Safe Zone

In the above sketch, there are two zones of the buffer area:

Fig.3.42 Representative section to show safe zone

1. Semi-public Zone: These are the areas that are used by the secondary users (workers/ vendors and visitors). The existence of spaces like the sidewalk help maintain awareness in the minds of these people that they are in a less public zone (as compared to the street or the central open spaces), and in proximity to private dwelling units.

2. Semi-private Zone: These are the spaces used by the primary user (the residents) to look out and interact with each other and with the people in the semi-public zone.

Upon gaining confidence in the people they are interacting with, the user would feel safe and proceed to welcome the outsider into this zone.

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SURVEILLANCE Physical Order

Layout & Massing: Allocation and orientation of housing blocks is such that all units face each other sharing a common street. With this kind of a layout the entrance to each unit and openings become visible to the surrounding units, hence keeping the street and houses well watched.

STREET

Fig.3.43 East - West running roads

The above figures show the main movement is restricted to a linearity across the street, wherein the inhabitants are able to survey better and feel safe by being within their personal space. Due to stacking of houses, openings and terraces on all the sides of a unit provides a better internal and outer surveillance as shown in fig. 3.44.

Fig.3.44 Stacking of different houses

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Physical Order Openings & Terraces: In LIC Housing, people spend a lot of time in their front yards and balconies. They take a sense of pride in owning and decorating their open spaces which faces the street. This is due to the flexibility and freedom of personalisation, wherein residents have modified their open spaces according to their necessities and sensibilities, thus making it more liveable. This in turn is a cause for a diverse watchful community.

SW 2

SW 3 SO 4

SO 1

FW 2

FO 3

FO 5

FW 4

FO 1

GO 3

GW 5

GW 1

GW 4

GO 4 Windows Openings / Balconies

Public

Living Spaces attached to the openings:

Private

Windows

Fig.3.45 Elevation

Openings / Balconies

This study is to test whether the windows, in relation to the attached living spaces will be sufficiently active enough to provide an effective surveillance for the residential neighbourhood as such throughout the day.

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3

Living Spaces attached to the openings: SO 1

SW 3

FO 1

Study Room

Drawing & Dining

FW 4

Terrace

FO 5

GW 4

Drawing & Dining

Bedroom

Rear Courtyard

GROUND FLOOR PLAN

Bedroom

Bath

Bath

Kitchen

GW 1

GO 3

Front Yard

GW 5

Windows

FIRST FLOOR PLAN

Bedroom

Bath

Kitchen

FW 2

GO 4

STREET

Fig.3.46 All level plans with openings numbered

Openings / Balconies

SECOND FLOOR PLAN

Drawing & Dining

Terrace

GO 4

FO 3

STREET

Private

Public

Bedroom

Kitchen

SW 2

STREET

2 Wheeler Parking

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In the above floor plans of each level, it is observed all the living spaces and the kitchen has been kept at the periphery. All the windows that face the street are attached to living spaces and kitchen, as most of the natural surveillance takes place in the day time when the surroundings are visible and inhabitants are active and inaction. Hence, when spaces like the living room, kitchen and balconies face the street it ensures that there are people available to survey and look out.

People sitting in front yards during the day

Windows through kitchen ensures surveillance from inside throughout the day

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Physical Order Natural surveillance on streets In LIC Housing, it is important to notice how there are so many opportunities for the residents and the outsiders to interact with each other from their homes.

Given the flexibility and liberty of personalisation, residents have modified their open spaces according to their requirements and sensibilities, which has encouraged them to spend more time in them, thus contributing to the survey.

STREET

N

Typical Section of LIC Housing Natural Survelliance due to residents & outiders

0

Fig.3.47 Surveillance on street due to openings

Due to effective placement of windows and balconies as facing the street, an environment is created where there are ‘eyes on the street’ constantly as contributed by the residents and non-residents both. Residents are able to clearly see their surroundings and their neighbours for the most part. People on the street are constantly watched by the residents resting inside their homes, or in some of the threshold spaces. These physical settings also encourage interaction within the residential community, and encourage them to be a part of a certain ‘reciprocal guardian behaviour’. Such a layout also helps the residents to be able to look at the entrances & staircases from their homes.

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Internal Surveillance It will be wrong to say that there is threat only from the outsiders. It is also important to maintain surveillance within the dwellings and residents. Below are some sketches and diagrams which discusses the internal surveillance present in LIC Housing.

Fig.3.48

Fig.3.49

As shown in fig.3.48, there is visibility across the four units, as backyard spaces are shared by all of them. The short compound walls create opportunities for interaction between different families.

As shown in Fig.3.49 the negative spaces being created as a result of stack massing make it is easier for the sound to also travel within the four units.

Front Court

Common Rear Court

Front Court

Fig.3.50 Internal Surveillance

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Physical Order Prospect & Refuge In LIC Housing, due to the transitional spaces like front porches and balconies, residents have opportunities to look out and observe while the compound walls and different floors help in providing the needed enclosures resulting in a Prospect & Refuge condition.

STREET

Fig.3.51 In the diagram below, resident is in a Prospect & Refuge condition

Prospect & Refuge Condition

Difference in Private living spaces due to front yards

Fig.3.52 In the diagram below, resident is in a Prospect & Refuge condition the staircase and the front porch.

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Fig.3.53 Reduced vis-

GROUND ibilityFLOOR due to absence of front yard

The front yard acts as a very ideal space for residents to look out and observe while feeling safe inside their home. The compound walls of the front yard encloses the space, making the user feel more secure. In the present times, many users have modified their front yards.

The front yard acts as a guarding feature, as there exists a linear visual connection of the outside and the living spaces. This lets the residents keep their doors open and extend their living and activities into this front yard. This in turn results in a better surveillance, and activeness owing to the happenings on the inside of the house.

Difference in Private living spaces Similarly, for the first and second floor residents, the level difference and the single staircase ensures that the threshold and openings are secured and kept away from any outside interference.

due to Front Yard

Fig.3.54 Better refuge & prospect condition due to change in height 107

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SYMBOLIC BARRIER Layout & Pathways In LIC Housing, there is already a strong sense of demarcation between spaces and objects that are different, and a sense of a secured threshold. This study doesn’t focus on the artificial surveillance and security that residential neighbourhoods depend on in the recent times. Hence, the attempt in this thesis is to study how the streets/dwellings are secured through architectural and design gestures, such as thoughtful thresholds and pathways. Owing to the ‘cul-de-sac’ layout, the sense of territoriality within the residents is more profound as they take responsibilities and pride in associating with the street.

In LIC Housing, the pathways can be seen at three scales: 1.Estate scale, total of 324 units with 6 families each sharing two main entrances. 5 sub entrances are provided for the residents in the first lane next to the main entrance. This provides access to an individual gate per unit, which is majorly used for vehicular movement. This however is controlled by the security guards and only open at certain times of the day.

2. For every inner street, the common threshold caters to 9 units, which is a maximum of 54 families. The scale here is not too big and is very easily controllable. Even when as an outsider, when one enters the inner street, one feels like an intruder, or at most a visitor. Even though one might be entering a public domain, it almost feels like having entered a dwelling itself, because of the enclosure caused by the dense packing of the units served by only one common entrance.

3. This is the most intimate scale in the LIC housing, as the 6 houses within each unit are stacked on top of each other. Apart from the two ground floor houses, the 4 of the non-ground floor houses share one common intimate staircase. As mentioned earlier, it is favourable when there are less number of residents sharing special common areas like entrances and walkways. In this case, the staircase encourages and instills the sense of territoriality and common belonging within these residents.

This leads to lower cases of fear and loneliness, hence creating a safe entrance for the users and a space that feels watchful to the outsiders.

MAI N RO AD

Fig.3.55 Cul-de-sac layout in LIC Housing

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MAI

N RO AD

Main Gates Inner residential streets Secondary Gates Only pedestrian access

Fig.3.56 Layout of gates

All the access routes and entrances are controlled in LIC housing. The main gates are regulated by security guards, due to narrow and private streets vehicular movement on the inner streets is also controlled and less chaotic.

This leads to a very calm and less noisy environment. As the number of entrance points for the outsiders has been decreased, it reduces the possibility of undesired activity and potential crime.

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SYMBOLIC BARRIER Community Elements: There are many components in the LIC Housing, which help in giving a sense of identity to its residents. These elements portray degree of use, maintenance and ownership. Below are some examples of the same: 1. Parks & Playgrounds: In total, there are four distinct parks and playgrounds meant for the use of residents, and each park has a specific character which gives the sense of place and identity to the users.

1. Park for Elderly

benches, vegetation, paved, high maintenance

2. Children’s Park

rides, benches, gated, vegetation & trees

3. Common Park

4. Open Ground

benches, grass, gated, high maintenance, vegetation & trees

benches, grass, gated, high maintenance, vegetation & trees

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2. Temple & Others In LIC Housing, not many community elements can be found, majorly due to the community rules which allow for no commercial or non-residential units inside the premises of the neighbourhood. Below are some of the few examples of such community features that can be found in LIC Housing nevertheless:

Big Temple

Trees with seating

Small Temple

Shaded Streets

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Personalization One of the main aspects of a Defensible Space is an ability to personalize and modify the space according to the requirements and sensibilities. In LIC Housing, every resident has the liberty of personalisation and modification. For the purpose of this study, two aspects of Personalisation have been discussed: 1. Personalisation for Identity 2. Personalisation for Security

Fig.3.57 Clear facades and basic geometry creates opportunities for colors and massing for identity and personalization

Personalisation for Identity: Flexibility in design and area for modifications lets a resident take a sense of pride. Though personalisation they build up their identity and build up their social status, while make their living space more compatible and defensible for the family and surroundings. It is an important way of conveying ownership and care.

In the diagram below, areas which are capable of personalisation and modification are highlighted.

Potential Prospect & Refuge

Fig.3.58 Clear facades and basic geometry creates opportunities personalization

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SYMBOLIC BARRIER

Personalisation for Identity:

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Personalisation for Security: In LIC housing there are multiple reasons as to why residents attempt to enhance their exterior security. It is achieved in different ways which differ in size and scale.

Personalisation for security can be achieved through: 1. Signs and symbolic gestures 2. Fortification

1. Signs and symbolic gestures Sometimes, just to convey sense of ownership and restrict movement and access, it is achieved in form of Signages, Plantation, Lighting and also through keeping Benches and Seats in the front yard to portray that the space is active and in use.

Hence, the residents are found to take pride in using and looking out for their front yard and porches.

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2. Fortification In LIC Housing, many inhabitants, according to the nature of surroundings and the inside context, resort to fortification in order to feel more secure and protect their families and valuable property. Hence, in the dwellings which are near to the edge of the Main Street and in the premise of unregulated or regulated entries and exits, there is a sense of fear created due to the possibility of not being able to keep a check and control the activities outside the residents’ private domain, which can lead to interference into their personal space. Below are some of the existing cases of fortification that are done later by the inhabitants over time.

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SOCIAL CONDITIONS LIC Housing in itself represents a busy town. There are people from different cultures and income backgrounds that live together in harmony. There is ample presence of trees, open spaces (used as parks) and gardens for all kinds of age groups, efficient amount of open spaces available to each resident for parking and gathering services.

At the moment there are more than 320 families residing in LIC Housing. For the sense of a harmonious and peaceful neighbourhood, stability in social and cultural settings is very essential. Due to the stability, it encourages people to interact with each other and build relations. A healthy and active environment leads to people participating in the ‘reciprocal guardian behaviour’. In addition to residents there are others who don’t particularly live inside but are employed to provide services to the inhabitants-like domestic workers, vendors, car washers, guards etc. Hence, to reduce the possibility of threat within the society it is important to be aware of their surroundings, residents and non-residents.

This decreases the fear of isolation.

Upon observation, below are some of the aspects that have been taken into consideration to study the social conditions: 1. Active Spaces 2. Mixed Community

Active Spaces ( Effect of Milieu ) This study involves locating spaces which are affected by the presence and nature of surroundings. In LIC Housing, with the addition of Temples, Parks, Gardens, Benches and Vegetation in public areas, there is a considerable and visible amount of effect on its surroundings.

Some areas were noticed as having very less visibility and a lack of social traffic. These were hence termed as dead places-places which might require extra strengthening of the Potential Targets in order to instill a sense of safety and avoid any mishaps.

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SOCIAL CONDITIONS

Mixed Community Another bold and idealist decision in the conceptualisation of this residential community has been of integration of various income groups into one unit, and the symbolic placement of smallest unit on top of others. This has helped detach any stigma of status hierarchy or segregation by income while allowing various groups of people to mingle and interact, which is a sign of a healthy society. In fact this diversity helps in contributing to more surveillance of the community and its spaces. Different income and social groups have different activity patterns and living styles, and when they all overlapped in the form of 324 dwelling units, it leads to a much fuller and active society, and a richer experience of living in a social and residential environment. Hence, very few times there will be an instance of a unit being empty, or on its own.

Following aspects to study the Mixed Community:

1. Diversity of Use 2. Human Relationships (Donald Appleyard experiment) 3. Specific Land Use

1. Diversity of use: As shown in the diagram below, the diversity of house types available in one dwelling has resulted in a very diverse mixed income community.

Fig.3.59 Different income group residing in one unit

2. Human Relationships: The Donald Appleyard Experiment talks about how less traffic on the streets lead to better human relationships and interaction within the residents,the output of which, is people claiming more of their surroundings as a part of their private claim, encouraging them to spend more time to gather at the sidewalks and thresholds.

In LIC Housing, the vehicular traffic is already very less, due to which there is less chaos on the inner streets and people are able to walk comfortably. Due to the reduced impact of traffic, people spend more time on streets with each other and feel secure to leave their own property. This also leads to the thought of extending their private claims to a greater extent.

3. Specific Land Use: There are many different age groups and people from different income backgrounds in LIC Housing, it has been made sure that every person from a specific age group can relate well to spaces to which they are suited. People from different age groups and income backgrounds have a minimum of one place where they can gather and interact with similar people with a sense of pride & identity.

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Due to prox street, this not utilised

OPEN GROUND This space is majorly unutilized, mainly due to its large scale, which results in less sens of territoriality for the residents. The benches in the corner are the only elements which are well utilised since they form a connect in the minds of the users.

Extruded curb (45cms) creates a physical and a visible barrier

Few benches are placed in the large ground for people to sit and rest.

4

Open Grounds

Center space is used by children to play sports like football, cricket etc.

5

Benches at the perimeter defines the jogging track, encourages elderly and others to sit and spend more time.

Trees & Vegetation at the perimeter provides constant shade and refuge for the residents inside.

2

Community Park

3

Child Par

Fencing and extended sidewalk for seperating the park from the street.

Park is regularly maintained and kept in good condition.

1

Eld P

ELDERLY PARK This park is located near the main entrance of LIC Housing, making it accessible and visible to residents from their house and others who enter through the security gate. This park is a positive open space due to its appropriate size in accordance with the function that is serves. Elderly people take pride in taking responsibility of this park and the appeal of the park invokes a healthy and positive emotion in the people who use or pass by it.

Gated entrance limits the entrance & provides secuity to Hard pavement denotes the function and nature of the

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Benche encour sit rath

TERRITORIALITY

ximity of main side is usally by residents The main entrance is oriented towards the main street, hence not

Fig.3.60.1 Analysis of Social Activity in LIC Housing

Due to the unbuilt jogging track, perimeter of this ground is prefered for use.

These two units backyard faces the ground, providing very little surveillance.

Parking at the entrance usually blocks the path, discouraging people to

3

dren rk

To attract & create a positive environment rides are kept inside the park for children to spend time and feel happy inside.

High fencing ensures safety from outside and children not exiting through the sides & and also maintainig visibility.

CHILDREN’S PARK This park is efficiently utilized. Due to its appropriate size and scale the park provides sufficient enclosure through trees and sense which ensures visibility for the parents who might want to watch over their children from inside their homes.

Parents from terraces & Windows can look out

Benches at the entrance provides surveillance & space for people to sit & interact Only one entrance limits and controls the accessibility to children’s park.

1

derly Park

Boundary of trees & vegetation encloses the space making it more es in the small park private than public, while rage the residents to the presene of vegetation her than walking. enhances liveability.

Ruins Abondoned Buildings Active Space Dead Space Surveillance due to Windows Heavy Parking Areas Dead Ends Gate Fencing Benches/Seats Elderly Children Adults

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Dead space: Due to its isloated nature and lack of social functions, this space is not utilised and prone to vandalism. The lack of identity leads to no sense of territoriality for the residents

M

GATE 2

LIC OFFICE

Dead Space: This space is majroly used for by parking by LIC employees, no resident has sense of territory for the space and is often left not utilised.

Houses near the boundary wall are more prone to threat, hence due to sense of fear it leads to more fortification .

PARKING

Dead Space: The dead ends are often used only for parkings, due to no soil boundary wall it is prone to the threat.

Active Space: Due to the presence of benches, trees and sitting place it offers residents opportunites to interact with this large open ground which is not utilise, due to its inappropriate large scale.

Active Zone: Due to constant presence of vegetable & fruits vendors, the streets are lively in the day the time as well. This encourages residents to come out of their homes & interact with outside

OFFICE

G

Active Space: Plantation exceeding to the street is a sign of maintainance and ownership.

Active Space: Presence of administrative office and a watercooler encourges people to gather and spend time here.

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TERRITORIALITY

MAI

NR

OAD

Active space: Due to the presence of the temple, the space gets an identiy.

During active hours the place gets crowded with vehicles & people from outside causing a threat to the residents

Heavy fencing and high walls are required due to its proximity to main road.

TEMPLE

Dead space: Due to its isloated nature and lack of social functions, this space is not utilised and prone to vandalism. The lack of identity leads to no sense of territoriality for the residents Active Space: These pockets are often used by children for playing, due to its dead end and natural surveillance due to the nearby houses.

TEMPLE

Active Space: This junction is often used by secondary users due to shade & proximity to well maintained parks for sitting and resting purposes providing eyes on the street.

GATE 1

.

Fig.3.60.2 Analysis of Nature of Open spaces in LIC Housing

Active Space: Park only for senior citizens, is maintained very well and the benches overlook the entrance

Active Space: Due to the presence of small temple, sense of identity & place arises within the residents and a sign of a watchful community for intruders.

Ruins

Gate

Abondoned Buildings

Pol Gate

Active Space

Benches/Seats

Dead Space

Residents

Surveillance due to Windows Heavy Parking Areas

Children Secondary Users

Dead Ends N

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3.4 OBSERVATIONS & INFERENCES Territoriality: Public & Private Domain: The streets being narrow makes sure that the movement of traffic is regulated and restricted. Vehicles tend to travel on lower speeds, making the streets safer for the residents and allowing them to spend time outside their homes while gathering and interacting with their neighbours Over time, residents get the need of defining their territorial boundaries to instal sense of ownership and demarcate their territory among the other residents and the outsiders, it is essential for residents to have a say in deciding which streets should be open ended and which requires regulation.

The amount of entrances should depend on the amount of cars and people.

Devji Saraiya Ni Pol has only 2 gates with specific characteristics whereas out of 7 gates in LIC Housing, only two are in use which permits vehicles. It is easier for a residential community to regulate movement when the amount of access points are less.

One would suspect that the amount of entrances into the residential neighbourhood should depend on the amount of vehicles and people residing in it. Devji Saraiya Ni Pol has only 2 gates with specific characteristics. LIC housing on the other hand had 7 gates to begin with, but over time only two of the gates which permit vehicle access are in use. Thus, it can be inferred that it is favourable for a residential community to regulate movement when the amount of access points into the neighbourhood are limited.

We could also figure that in case of greater number of gates, one of the gate could tend to lose value in comparison to the many other gates. This can be avoided by assigning special characteristics and functions to each of the gates, thus providing them with an identity.

Reducing number of access points in a housing, reduces risks of crime.

Pathways and inner streets should have a common source, making it visible and easier for the residents to regulate.

Hierarchy of spaces exist at different levels within the society, from the city level to a dwelling level. The physical characteristics of transition spaces between the two domains differ with social context.

Location of semi-public open spaces is extremely critical to its effective use.

Designers often get satisfied by allocating open spaces at the centre of a group of buildings, but the important concern is not the centrality. It is very important for the residents or the outsiders to pass through these spaces to enter the building. Due to this, the residents are able to control and limit access. These semi-private open spaces should house less families so that there is more sense of place and identity. The transition can be more effective and utilised fruitfully if it serves a social function for the family, the concept of the front porch is a modern transformation of the Otla spaces, and should be encouraged in designing of homes since when a transition element is not provided, people would tend to do this by themselves.

Sense of territoriality tends to decrease when there are more number of families sharing the semi-public spaces.

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Territorial Claims A place is more private when the form of supervision, degree of accessibility, a definition of who uses it, and who takes care of it is clear. Otherwise, places in the neighbourhood with no claims by the residents can become prone to vandalism and crime, unless the other user groups of the neighbourhood can utilise it.

In the Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, due to the characteristics of the inner streets and semi-public spaces, inhabitants tend to extend their claims to the street.

Whereas, in LIC Housing as both the territories are defined well, inhabitants don’t tend to extend their claims any further from what is assigned to them.

The sense of safety through privacy inside the house is related to the degree of depth and the degree of height that they are placed at. Let us look at an example that proves this notion. his can be seen where houses lease out spaces that lie closer to the street to tenants, meaning that the tenant’s activities will not be a hindrance in the privacy of the owners’ activities.

In order to separate a private territory from a public one, a physical barrier is not always necessary. Even visual gestures such as change in material texture, addition of vegetation, can create such a differentiation. Addition of elements that have a potential social function may also be used for such a purpose (benches for example).

The quality of maintenance will also affect the ease of intrusion into the privacy of the house. If a house seems ill maintained and uncared for, the space outside it would also then starts to become an isolated space.

To encourage interaction between the strangers and inhabitants, spaces such as balconies are preferred since they provide a wider view.

Surveillance For the sense of safety, it is essential to align houses with windows and balconies or spaces of other houses wherein there is constant surveillance over a houses’ territorial claims by the neighbours. This would instil a sense of being watched in the mind of an intruder. Similarly, Inner pathways and open spaces of the neighbourhood level must also be in direct visual contact of houses to ensure surveillance over them from all the residents. It can thus be deduced that streets with blank walls are more prone to vandalism.

The physical characteristics of openings like the front porch, balconies, terraces, windows is influenced by the physical and social characteristics of the street or the open spaces that the house faces. For instance, houses facing the busier streets or large open spaces have much lesser open transitional spaces, lesser of an interactive nature. This would imply less prospect, more refuge.

Allocation of less private areas like the kitchen, dining room on the perimeter of a dwelling, can ensure better surveillance due to activities that inside throughout the day.

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Surveillance: When living spaces are attached to the perimeter, even though there may not be any specific activity taking place in the space at all times, the possibility of activity in the space itself is reason enough to evade intruders from trespassing the private territory of the house. This can be noticed at the neighbourhood as well, wherein addition of elements that convey frequent use by residents, thus making intrusion risky for the delinquent entities.

It is the mix of bystanders on the street and residents that causes natural surveillance. There should be an attempt to humanise the streets and public spaces in order to encourage people to come out of their houses. Even non resident elements which are present on the streets and in the open spaces, such as the vendors, domestic helps, construction workers, or even animals like the dogs, cows and birds, add to the notion of surveillance in a neighbourhood.

Symbolic Barrier: Symbolic elements like the gate in Devji Saraiya Ni Pol, might not hold defensive capabilities as such, but its mere presence displays and stands for a sense of territoriality and identity for the community.

Over time, front porches have remained an important part of Ahmedabad’s houses, but due to change in needs and social context in the recent times, this phenomenon has undergone modern transformation and modification with emphasis on making it more secure while using ‘transparent’ materials like fences, plantation for boundary to keep it visible.

Pathways and streets should have a symbiotic identity, which can aid people with orientation and sense of place. This would also include the connection of the houses and the people with the street, as it conveys ownership.

Defensive nature of modifications made to the houses can be seen most clearly in the case of houses that lie at the periphery of the neighbourhood, especially when they face a major road or a space of increased public activity.

Social Conditions: For spaces to be successful in carrying out social functions, residents should be able to relate to smaller elements of the larger open spaces. This can be achieved through installation of elements such as benches, trees, shrugs, rides which don’t require a specific function to be used. This helps in reducing risks of social isolation.

Community elements help in providing an identity to the neighbourhood and attracting crowd to activate the place, but it can often cause social malaise within the residents when it clashes with their claims. Hence, areas with low claims by the residents or communal areas in the neighbourhood are preferred for the location of community elements.

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Social Conditions: Some times, the quality of isolation causes certain spaces to be used better by specific groups within the residential community for activities that require such isolation. As long as this is done in agreement of the residential community, one can say that some pockets with regulated amount of isolation are necessary for the functioning of a residential neighbourhood.

In a residential community with many social groups (age, gender) one should facilitate usability by most of such groups. It might not be exclusive to those groups explicitly, but the conditions that surround the space portray a fit and a relevance to such groups.

Communal open spaces function best when placed centrally, in the midst of the residences and in such a way that everyone has an ease of physical and visual access to it. On the other hand, peripheral open spaces do not have the capability to function on their own. This can be aided by allocating a specific function to it, or putting it under the responsibility of certain groups within the community.

The utility of public open spaces depends greatly on the appropriateness of its size. This appropriateness can be decided upon based degree of openness and enclosure depends on the number of people that share these spaces, and the function that the space is intended to serve.

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CONCLUSION

4. CONCLUSION Through the case studies and through literature from across the world, we understand that the physical, environmental, social factors that change over time, location and various other factors. Human being has basic needs that remain constant irrespective of these variable factors that surround them.

The needs that encompass human’s wellbeing and satisfaction (empathy), shelter include the need of refuge, human relations, and the most important being, the need for safety.

As for the needs of humankind’s liveability, this sense is almost directly associated with people enjoying a certain degree of physical, social and psychological claim over certain aspects of the living conditions that surround them. The ability to protect this sense of claim over ‘territory’ is what basically governs the sense of safety that a person experiences in their living environment. This process of safeguarding their claims begins with the people being aware of what claims they are entitled to. Once the physical boundary between what is ‘private,’ ‘public’ and what lies in between is clarified amongst the people that interact with the neighbourhood, a person can assume responsibility of these spaces, so that the utility of these are capitalised to the greatest extent. A sense of safety is instilled in a person when they are aware of the fact that they access control over the safety of their surroundings—the knowledge that one has the ability to stop an intruder from entering private spaces, to look out for their loved ones while they are using the spaces within their neighbourhood, to take the liberty of using these spaces within their ’territory’ to place items of personal or financial value—within a familiar social setting. The transition spaces that lie between the public and private spaces, especially when accompanied by a social function, and when shared by a limited number of families creates a heightened sense of territoriality. However, this would not hold true in the case of large open spaces being shared by too many families that live together in large neighbourhoods, since a large number of people then share a common uncertainty of the rights and responsibility towards this resource, and the invaluable shared space remains uncared for due to ambiguity on who needs to do what.

Once aware of their claims, a person would tend to exercise this claim. A person now enjoys a certain degree of privacy, a ‘safe space’. They can now prospect from this safe space in order to ‘prospect’ their surroundings. People tend to enjoy looking at the activities of other people. In addition to this, they are now able to display sense of ownership towards this territory, a safeguarding tendency towards the spaces occupied by people living around them, and a responsibility towards the happenings in the spaces that they claim to be theirs (including spaces immediately surrounding theirs’ or belonging to someone they are acquainted to). This also creates an expectation of receiving such safeguarding and trustable demeanour from the neighbours, commonly called ‘reciprocal garden behaviour’. This can only be ensured successfully when the community is porous, by providing opportunities for this reciprocal garden behaviour and ‘prospect and refuge’ that are enabled through design, by humanising shared spaces.

We now understand that in order to create a defensible space, there exists a need to replace a static conception of space by a movement based one.

The primary idea behind a ‘defensible space’ was that inhabitants who were static and in their dwellings had to be put into a position, through design, to have natural surveillance of the spaces outside of their homes, to see and deter potential wrong doers that were strangers, who were moving.

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This implies that the natural movement of moving strangers maintains natural surveillance on space by the strangers themselves, while the static inhabitants through the provision in their homes, maintain natural surveillance of these moving strangers.

This act of exercising one’s territorial claims is then taken to a more personal level, wherein a person makes efforts in order to establish and announce this sentiment to the people around them. This personalisation happens in two ways, one--to depict identity and character of one’s own to the spaces that they possess ownership of, or second—to safeguard one’s ’territory’ using physical or symbolic gestures. These gestures that are understood in commonplace society and acceptable by the norms of the community’s (also the larger community) sentiments. These gestures go on to give meaning to a space. It need not have an explicit defensive purpose, its presence and acknowledgement by society is a message that gets conveyed, about the person’s territorial claim in the given environment. Many a times, it can also be noticed that these efforts are directed at extending one’s claims in the context of their residential neighbourhood.

An interesting understanding from the above discussion informs us that all these observations are constantly taking place in the presence of a social context. This can be illustrated through revisiting the experiment by Donald Appleyard, which has been discussed earlier in this thesis. Thus, both society and physical elements together are part of a successful defensible space. It can also be observed that simply the act of provision of opportunities for prospect and refuge do not guarantee that surveillance is ensured. The use of these provisions made by design is vastly subjective and depends on various social and contextual factors.

In a community with people from various backgrounds and mentalities living together, different people view the idea of safety differently. Everyone’s fears and concerns stem from their own personal experiences and perceptions.

Thus, as designers it would be impossible to look into the variables of each individual’s life, and would be rather appropriate to respond to the overlaps in such sentiments shared by people in the community, so that the majority of people’s common fears can be attempted to be addressed.

‘Spatial and social localism’ refers to a situation where small communities or groups of neighbours exist as units in a larger, more global network whose fabric is of a similar nature. The residents in these neighbourhoods thus tend to be familiar with the few other families within their group, creating safety, a sense of community and identity. At the same time, due to their presence in the larger global network, these groups ensure that no single unit or group of units feels socially isolated at any point . This can be seen best in the case study of the pols in Ahmedabad.

To understand the ’sense of safety’ in a residential neighbourhood would require one to look closely into all these factors that influence the experience of environmental psychology of a place.

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