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zawia#00:change . ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴـــــﺮ‬

Editorial Team Ahmed Gamal Ahmed Shawky Kareem Hammouda Mazin Abdulkarim Moataz Faissal Farid

‫ﻓﺮﻳﻖ اﳌﺤﺮرﻳﻦ‬ ‫أﺣﻤﺪ ﺟامل‬ ‫أﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﻤﻮدة‬ ‫ﻣﺎزن ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺰ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬

Copy Editors Emily Neslon Nourhan Faissal Farid Salma Barakat

‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫إﻣﻴﲆ ﻧﻠﺴﻮن‬ ‫ﻧﻮرﻫﺎن ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﺎت‬

Translators & Arabic Editors Dina Magdy Kareem El Wishy

‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ و ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻟﻐﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺪى‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ اﻟﻮﻳﴙ‬

Art Directors Ahmed Shawky Moataz Faissal Farid

‫اﻹدارة اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫أﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺰ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬

Graphic Design / Layout Moataz Faissal Farid

‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺟﺮاﻓﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺰ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬

Marketing & Public Relations Salma Barakat

‫ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ و ﻋﻼﻗﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﻛﺎت‬

Website Ahmed Shawky

‫اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻹﻟﻴﻜﱰوىن‬ ‫أﺣﻤﺪ ﺷﻮﻗﻰ‬

Zawia supports Open Access to its content and applies the Creative Commons license to ensure access and free use for the widest possible audience. All material in this issue is published under Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial [CC BY-NC 3.0] License. To view a copy of this license, visit: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/

Zawia gratefully acknowledges the granting of permission to use the images and illustrations appearing in this issue. Every reasonable attempt has been made to identify and contact the copyright holders. Any errors or omissions are inadvertent and will be corrected in subsequent issues. Zawia is not responsible for the opinions expressed by authors in this issue. This is an online edition of zawia#00:change. All the content in this volume is subject to change in the printed edition.

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First published by Zawia 2012. 3 Ahmed Elkhashab Street, Nasr City, Cairo, Egypt.

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Zawia would like to thank its network of collaborating friends, their energy, support and suggestions are crucial in enriching the content of this issue. We thank ... Alp Arisoy Bernardo Lopes Emilia Makaruk Emily Nelson Gabriel Feld Jocelyn Danna Magda Piotrowska Sharath Nayak Vera Djurdjevic Yibo Xu


zawia#00 : CHANGE .

‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴـــــﺮ‬

Editorial Diwaniah. Joseph Grima, Markus Miessen and Elian Stefa The Global Street: Making The Political Saskia Sassen Untitled. G.LA Berling is Never Berlin. Martin Abbott Project 1984. Nathalie Frankowski and Cruz Garcia (WAI Architecture Think Tank) Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda Betweenlands. Loris Savino and Marco Di Noia Architecture and Geopolitics Today. Interview with Stefano Boeri The Battle. Géraud Soulhiol The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli Change: Architecture and Engineering in the Middle East. Hassan Radoine Re-Use. Isabella Inti. Empowering The Migrant. Quinten Seik The Place of Architects and the Architecture of a Place Mohamed ElShahed Change: PhotoEssay. Fillipo Roman, Giovanna Silva and Frncesco Giusti From Change Control to Adaptation. Ahmad Borham Housing Against Citizenship. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska Homeless. Dina Magdy The Desert in the City. Milan Zlatkov Tahrir Square: The Public Space Revisited. Noheir Elgendy Top-Down/Bottom-Up Urbanization. Nabian Nashid and Carlo Ratti Think The Un-Thinkable! Think 2050. Daniel Dendra A Myriad of Little Changes . Nicolò Gobini A Radical Change in Perception. Meredith Hutcheson The Word on the Street. Gamal El-Din Sadek A[rch]natomizing Somalia. Zain AbuSeir Crossbenching. Interview with Markus Miessen

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‫اﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﻮزﻳﻒ ﺟﺮميﺎ ‪,‬ﻣﺎرﻛﻮس ﻣﺎﻳﺴني و إﻳﻠﻴﺎن ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌـــﻲ ‪ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـــﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻼ ﻋﻨﻮان‪ .‬ج‪.‬ﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﺑﺪاً ﺑﺮﻟني‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ أﺑﻮتّ‬ ‫ﻣﴩوع ‪ .١٩٨٤‬ﻧﺎﺗﺎﱃ ﻓﺮاﻧﻜﻮﻓﺴىك و ﻛﺮوز ﺟﺎرﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻷﻗﻄﺎر‪ .‬ﻟﻮرﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﻓﻴﻨﻮ و ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ دى ﻧﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬ﺣﻮار ﻣﻊ ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮى‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﺟريوه ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮه‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ :‬اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ رﺿﻮان‬ ‫إﻳﺰاﺑﻴﻼ إﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫إﻋﺎدة ‪ -‬إﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﻨنت ﺳﺎﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧـﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﻴــــﻦ و ﻋﻤـــﺎرة ﻣــــﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻓﺮاﻧﺸﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﺟﻮﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴري‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰱ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻠﻴﺒﻮ روﻣﺎﻧﻮ‪ ,‬ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎﻧّﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻔﺎ و‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴـــﺮ إﱃ اﻟﺘﻜﱡﻴــﻒ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬أﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻫـــﺎم‬ ‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـــﻼ ﻣــــــﺄوى‪ .‬دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺪى‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺮاء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼن زﻻﺗﻜﻮف‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ :‬ﻋﻮدة إﱃ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﻬري اﻟﺠﻨﺪى‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﺗﻨﺎزﻟﻴﺎً ‪ /‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺎً‪ .‬ﻧﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﺎن و ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ رىت‬ ‫َﻓﻜﱢــﺮ ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ! َﻓﻜﱢــﺮ ‪ !٢٠٥٠‬داﻧﻴﻴﻞ ِدﻧﺪرا‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﺼﻐرية‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴــــﺮ ﺟــــﺬري ﰲ اﻹدراك‪ .‬ﻣريﻳﺪﻳﺚ ﻫﺎﺗﺸﻴﺴﻮن‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ اﻟﺸﺎرع‪ .‬ﺟامل اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎدق‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻮﻣﺎل ‪ :‬ﺗﴩﻳﺢ ﻣﻌامرى‪ .‬زﻳﻦ أﺑﻮ ﺳري‬ ‫)ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﳌﻌﺎرﺿﺔ و اﻻﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﺣﻮار ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎرﻛﻮس ﻣﺎﻳﺴني‬

‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬ ‫‪١٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٨‬‬ ‫‪٣٤‬‬ ‫‪٤٤‬‬ ‫‪٥٢‬‬ ‫‪٦٨‬‬ ‫‪٨٨‬‬ ‫‪٩٨‬‬ ‫‪١٠٨‬‬ ‫‪١٢٤‬‬ ‫‪١٣١‬‬ ‫‪١٤٢‬‬ ‫‪١٥٢‬‬ ‫‪١٦٢‬‬ ‫‪١٨٢‬‬ ‫‪١٩٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٤‬‬ ‫‪٢١٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٢٤‬‬ ‫‪٢٣٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٤٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٥٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٦٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٦٦‬‬ ‫‪٢٧٢‬‬ ‫‪٢٨٠‬‬


CHA


NGE


‫ــﻴـــــﺮ‬


‫ﺗﻐﻴــــــ‬


EDITORIAL.

.‫اﻹﻓﺘﺘـﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬

From grand master-plans and city visions to luxurious estates, impressive iconic skyscrapers, books, conferences, and exhibitions; architecture and design have been patronized by the wealthy and powerful, thus remaining mostly inaccessible to the majority of the world’s population. Architecture remains a grand form of public art, it creates environments, shaping everyday realities, and impacting our collective quality of life. It is inherently engaged with society. Architecture and urban design are only successful when they enhance and diversify lives. It is this continuous dilemma of contradicting intentions that challenges designers and architects today. In recent years it became more evident that times are changing, questioning architecture and urbanism’s ability to respond. In an age where rating agencies determine the economic fate of sovereign governments, where multinational corporations have the power to control states, where economic and political hardship have triggered Occupy Wall Street, the Indignados and many other spontaneous horizontal movements, where new geopolitical configurations of global economic power continue to rise (BRICS), and where the Arab Spring continues to struggle for revolutionary change, it is crucial to question this change and its effects on architecture and urbanism. Architects find themselves again in a moral dilemma between the ultimate satisfaction of their egos through increasingly retrograde neoliberal schemes combined with contemporary urbanism opposed to providing for many people’s desire for change, refusing abuse of power by their patrons with disproportionate resources, limiting their control over people’s well-being, engaging with their local communities and actively participating in social change initiatives. As citizens worldwide struggle to gain control over their political, social, and economic lives, by demanding more rights to guide their own futures, architecture is forced to react. On one hand, the emerging field of public interest design offers a possible new direction for architecture, one that considers the needs and seeks involvement from the other 99 percent of the global population that has historically been marginalized or disempowered from shaping their environments. This direction is more grounded to reality, and fixed to increased social responsibility and participation. On the other hand, new technologies, social media and crowdsourcing provide new horizons for implementing this change. Crowdfunding urban projects in local communities, along with the explosive open-data growth and its use by the new generation of city-dwellers to monitor and direct local governments, work together in identifying civic problems and seeking solutions. This means that a new relationship between city governments and residents is formulating to provide citizens with an equally hands-on role with our cities’ physical spaces: streets, sidewalks and public parks. How could we then describe or situate the role of the designer in this newly formed relationship? Within this significant moment of change, this volume of ZAWIA questions if architecture can construct new strategies, processes, scenarios, or institutions with a deeper sense of social responsibility;

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whether architecture is capable of addressing its relation to political, economic structures and societal change in renewed vigor. It questions if this opportunity of radically changing times can be a new stance for architecture, an opportunity to propose not ideal worlds, but suitable ones. Navigating within the possible arguments and positions related and relevant to this very specific moment of Change, it discusses issues such as the role of architecture as a manifestation of state, memory and its association in urban regeneration processes, dissecting archetypes of political spaces and their sacredness, portraits of city residents involved in developing and managing their local communities, the emergence of new geopolitical and economic order, and the dialectic of technology and governance; its possibilities and failures. Architecture will never die completely. It has existed and survived throughout history in various forms. Despite the recent strong tendency of marginalizing its role in building new environments and shaping societies, it is and will continue to be indispensible. Perhaps this is only another moment where the discipline has to change

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٢

Editorial.


‫ﺑﺪءا ً ﻣﻦ اﳌﺨﻄﻄﺎت اﻟﻜﱪى و اﻟﺮؤى اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪن‪ ,‬ﻣﺮورا ً ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﺎرات اﻟﻔﺎﺧﺮة و ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺎت اﻟﺴﺤﺎب اﳌﺘﻤﻴﺰة‪ ,‬إﱃ اﻟﻜﺘﺐ و اﳌﺆمتﺮات و اﳌﻌﺎرض‪,‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎن اﻷﺛﺮﻳﺎء و ذوى اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ دوﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻮن اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ,‬ﻣام ﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪة ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒري ﻋﻦ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس ﺣﻮل‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬و ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰال اﻟﻌامرة أروع اﻟﻔﻨﻮن اﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ و اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق‪ ,‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗُﺸﻜﱢﻞ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ و ﺗﺼﻴﻎ واﻗﻌﻨﺎ اﳌﺎدي ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻣﻲ‪ ,‬ﻣام ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﴍ و ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﲆ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﻌامرة ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ متﺘﺰج وﺗﺘﺪاﺧﻞ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﴍ‪ ,‬و إن‬ ‫ﻣﺪى ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ و ﺗﻨﻮﻳﻊ ﺣﻴﺎة اﻟﻨﺎس ﻫﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﻴﺎس ﻧﺠﺎح اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺤﴬي‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻌﻀﻠﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﻟﻠﻨﻮاﻳﺎ اﳌﺘﻀﺎرﺑﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ‬ ‫اﳌﻌامري و اﳌﺼﻤﻢ ﰲ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬا‪.‬‬ ‫اﺗﻀﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ أن اﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﻐري‪ ،‬و أن اﻷﺻﻮات ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻣﺘﺴﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ و ﻗﺪرة اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻌﻤﺮان ﻋﲆ اﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻐريات‪ .‬ﰲ زﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺪد ﻓﻴﻪ وﻛﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻣﺼري اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬و متﺘﻠﻚ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﴩﻛﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺪول‪ ،‬و ﰲ وﻗﺖ ﺧﻠّﻔﺖ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ )اﺣﺘﻼل وول ﺳﱰﻳﺖ( و )إﻳﻨﺪﻳﺠﻨﺎدوس( واﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻷﻓﻘﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى اﻟﻌﻔﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬و ﺻﻌﺪت ﰲ اﻷﻓﻖ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﺎت و ﺗﻨﻈﻴامت ﺟﻴﻮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻘﻮى اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ )ﺑﺮﻳﻜﺲ(‪ ,‬و ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰال‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب ﻳﻮاﺻﻞ اﻟﻜﻔﺎح ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻟﺜﻮري‪ ,‬أﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﴬوري دراﺳﺔ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻐﻴري و ﺗﺄﺛريه ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﻌﻤﺮان‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺪ اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن‬ ‫أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻣﺠﺪدا ً ﰲ ورﻃﺔ أﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑني إرﺿﺎء ﻏﺮورﻫﻢ اﻟﺸﺨﴢ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎت )ﻧﻴﻮ ﻟﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ( رﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﻨامذج ﺣﴬﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﴏة ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ رﻏﺒﺎت اﻟﻨﺎس ﰲ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ‪ ,‬ﺑـﺮﻓﻀﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺴﻒ ﰲ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻘﻮة اﳌﻔﺮﻃﺔ ﻣﻦ ��ﻗﺒﻞ رﻋﺎة أﻣﻮرﻫﻢ أﺻﺤﺎب‬ ‫اﳌﻮارد اﻟﻼﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ,‬واﻟﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻜﻤﻬﻢ ﰲ رﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺎة اﻟﻨﺎس‪ ,‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺘﻬﻢ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﺎدرات‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﳌﺮﻏﻮﺑﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻧﻀﺎل اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎً واﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎً واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎً‪ ،‬و ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺖ اﻷﺻﻮات ﻣﺘﺴﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ و ﻗﺪرة اﻟﻌامرة ﻋﲆ اﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ‪ ,‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻟﻨﺎ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻛﺎﻟـ‘اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم‘ اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌامرة و ﻫﻮ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻌﻲ ﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟـ ‪ ٩٩‬ﰲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ اﻹﻓﺮاد و ﺗﻀﻊ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ,‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻔﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ﻋﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻬﻤﻴﺶ و ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺌﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺗﺠﺎه ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ و ﻳﻬﺪف ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣ ّﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﲇ ﻣﺒﺎدئ اﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ و اﻟﺘﺸﺎرﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬و ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى و ﺑﻌﻴﺪا ً ﻋﻦ اﳌﺼﻄﻠﺢ اﻟﺪارج ‘اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‘‪ ,‬ﻓﻘﺪ أﻇﻬﺮت اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ و وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ و ﻣﺒﺎدئ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺠامﻋﻴﺔ آﻓﺎﻗﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻼً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ‘اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ‘ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت ‘اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‘ ﻋﲆ إﺗﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ و ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ,‬و ﺗﺘﻴﺢ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳﻮﻳﺎً ﻋﲇ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ و إﻳﺠﺎد ﺣﻠﻮل ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪأت ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺪن و ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻟيك ﺗﻌﻄﻲ دور ﻓﻌﺎل ﻟﻬﺆﻻء اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني و ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺴﺎوي ﻓﻴام ﻳﺨﺺ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ‪ ,‬ﻓﺮاﻏﺎت ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺸﻮارع و اﻷرﺻﻔﺔ و اﻟﺤﺪاﺋﻖ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ إذن أن ﻧﺼﻒ و ﻧﺤﺪد دور اﳌﺼﻤﻢ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ اﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ؟‬ ‫ﰲ ﺧﻀﻢ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ‪,‬ﺑﺪأﻧﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﺪد ﻣﻦ زاوﻳــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﺴﺎؤل ﻋﻦ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة و ﻋﲇ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬ ‫و ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮﻫﺎت أو ﻋﲇ ﻗﺪرﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ذات إﺣﺴﺎس أﻋﻤﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆوﻟﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎءﻟﻨﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻋﻦ ﻗﺪرة اﻟﻌامرة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺼﺪي‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬و اﻟﺘﺼﺪي ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ ﰲ ﺻﻮرﺗﻪ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺤﻴﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺎﺋﻠﻨﺎ ﻓﻴام إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺬري ﻫﻲ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻌامرة؟ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻻﻗﱰاح ﻋﻮامل ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻮامل ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ؟ ﻳﻬﺪف ﻫﺬا اﻹﺻﺪار ﻣﻦ زاوﻳــﺔ إﱃ إﻳﺠﺎد وﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﺤﺠﺞ و اﳌﻮاﻗﻒ ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ و اﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﳌﺤﺪدة ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ .‬وﰱ إﻃﺎر ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻢ ﻧﻘﺎش اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻷﻋامل اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ زاوﻳــﺔ‪ ,‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ دور اﻟﻌامرة ﻛﻤﻤﺜﻞ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ و دور ذاﻛﺮة اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ وارﺗﺒﺎﻃﻪ ﰲ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻞ اﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎت اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت ذات اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ و ﻗﺪﺳﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬و ﻣﺜﻞ منﺎذج ﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ وإدارة‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻣﺜﻞ ﻇﻬﻮر اﻟﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﺠﻴﻮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ واﻹدارة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻦ متﻮت اﻟﻌامرة ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺎﳌﺎ و ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮاﺟﺪت اﻟﻌامرة و ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺮ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ وﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ أﺷﻜﺎل ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬وﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮر ﺗﻠﻤﻴﺤﺎت ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ً ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﻴﺶ دورﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء ﺑﻴﺌﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة وﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ‪،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻌامرة ﻫﻲ )وﺳﺘﻈﻞ( ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬رمبﺎ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫اﻵن ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ إﻻ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺘﻐري و ﺗﻄَ ّﻮر ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﳌﻬﻨﺔ‬

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‫اﻹﻓﺘﺘــﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬


DIWANIYAH: An Architectural Space of Political Exchange. Joseph Grima and Markus Miessen, videography by Elian Stefa

‫ ﻓﺮاغ ﻣﻌامرى ﻟﻠﺘﺒﺎدل اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳻ‬:‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‘‫ ﻣﺎرﻛﻮس ﻣﺎﻳﺴني و إﻳﻠﻴﺎن ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ ’ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻮﺟﺮاﰱ‬, ‫ﺟﻮزﻳﻒ ﺟﺮميﺎ‬


Joseph Grima (born 1977) studied architecture at the Architectural Association in London, and since then has pursued

an international career as a curator, essayist, critic and researcher in the fields of architecture, art and design. Between 2007 and 2010, he directed the New York gallery Storefront for Art and Architecture. Since April 2011, he has been the editor of Domus. As a curator and independent researcher, he has designed and planned installations for events and institutions including the Venice Architecture Biennial, the Shenzhen/Hong Kong Biennial of Urbanism and Architecture, EXD’11 Lisbon Biennale, and the Beijing Museum of Urban Planning. Currently he is co-curating the 1st Istanbul Design Biennial. He is the author of several books, including Instant Asia (Skira, 2007), and Shift: SANAA and the New Museum (Lars Müller, 2008). He has taught architecture at several university institutes, including the Strelka Institute for Media, Architecture and Design (Moscow) and Trondheim University (Norway). As special correspondent for Abitare, he has published essays and articles in a large number of international magazines, including AD, Abitare, Domus, Tank, Urban China and Volume, as well as in the Italian newspaper il Sole 24 Ore. Markus Miessen (Refer to page 282 to read full biography) Elian Stefa (born 1985) is a Milan based Albanian-Canadian architect, curator and researcher. He graduated from the Politecnico di Milano in 2009 with the Concrete Mushrooms project — an autonomous territorial initiative which he co-founded with the aim of re-evaluating and transforming the 750,000 abandoned bunkers of Albania. The initiative has since become a nonprofit organization promoting cultural planning and sustainable tourism. He is currently the Associate Curator of ‘Adhocracy’, one half of the 1st Istanbul Design Biennial which brings a new perspective on the process and possibilities behind design. Previously he has curated and collaborated on exhibitions at La Triennale di Milano, the EXD’11 Lisbon Biennale, Stazione Futuro at the Officine Grandi Riparazioni of Torino, the Helsinki Museum of Cultures, Strelka Institute, and the Harvard GSD. His published works have been featured in Domus and Abitare.

‫ وﻣﻨﺬ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺤني ﺳﻠﻚ اﳌﺠﺎل اﻟﺪوﱄ ﻛﻤﻨﺴﻖ وﻛﺎﺗﺐ وﻧﺎﻗﺪ وﺑﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎل‬،‫ ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن‬Architectural Association ‫( درس اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ‬١٩٧٧ ‫ﺟﻮزﻳﻒ ﺟﺮميﺎ )ﻣﻮاﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﺎم‬ .Domus ‫ ﻳﺸﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻣﺤﺮر ﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬،٢٠١١ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ أﺑﺮﻳﻞ‬.‫ ﺑـﻨﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‬Storefront for Art and Architecture ‫ أدار ﺟﺎﻟريي‬،٢٠١٠ ‫ و‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ ﺑني ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬.‫اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻔﻦ واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬ ‫ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﺷﻨﺰن وﻫﻮﻧﺞ ﻛﻮﻧﺞ‬،‫ مبﺎ ﰲ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻌامرة‬،‫ﻛﻤﻨﺴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎرض وﺑﺎﺣﺚ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻗﺎم ﺑـﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ وﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻣﻌﺎرض ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﻷﺣﺪاث وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ذات أﻫﻤﻴﺔ دوﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ مبﺎ‬،‫ وﻫﻮ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﺘﺐ‬.‫ وﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﻨﺴﻖ ﻟﺒﻴﻨﺎﱄ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻷول ﰲ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‬.‫ وﻣﺘﺤﻒ ﺑﻜني ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺤﴬي‬،EXD 11 ‫ وﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻟﺸﺒﻮﻧﺔ‬،‫ﻟﻠﻌامرة واﻟﻌﻤﺮان‬ ،‫ وﻗﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ أﺳﺘﺎذا ﻟﻠﻌامرة ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‬.(٢٠٠٨ ،‫“ )ﻻرس ﻣﻮﻟﺮ‬New Museum” ‫“ و‬Shift: SANAA” ‫ وﻛﺘﺎيب‬،(٢٠٠٧ ،‫“ )ﺳﻜريا‬Instant Asia” ‫ﰲ ذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ ﻧﴩت ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻪ ﰲ ﻋﺪد ﻛﺒري ﻣﻦ‬، Abitare ‫ ﻛﻤﺮاﺳﻞ ﺧﺎص ﳌﺠﻠﺔ‬.‫مبﺎ ﰲ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﱰﻳﻠﻜﺎ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم واﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺳﻜﻮ وﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﺮوﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﰲ اﻟرنوﻳﺞ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎرﻛﻮس ﻣﺎﻳﺴني‬. il Sole 24 Ore ‫ ﻛام ﻧﴩت ﰲ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ اﻹﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬، Volume ‫ و‬, AD ، Abitare ، Domus , Tank , Urban China ‫ مبﺎ ﰲ ذﻟﻚ‬،‫اﳌﺠﻼت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﺨﺮج‬.‫( ﻣﻌامري أﻟﺒﺎين ﻛﻨﺪي ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺒﺎﺣﺚ وﻣﻨﺴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎرض‬١٩٨٥ ‫ ﻟﻘﺮأة ﻟﻠﺴرية اﻟﺬاﺗﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ( إﻳﻠﻴﺎن ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ )ﻣﻮاﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﺎم‬٢٨٢ ‫)ﻳﺮﺟﻰ اﻟﺮﺟﻮع إﱃ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ‬ ٧٥٠,٠٠٠ ‫“ – وﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﺎدرة ﺷﺎرك ﰲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﻬﺪف إﱃ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ وﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ‬Concrete Mushrooms” ‫ ﺑـﻤﴩوع‬٢٠٠٩ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻜﻨﻴﻜﻮ دي ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﻨﺴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎون ﻟﺒﻴﻨﺎﱄ‬.‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺤني أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﳌﺒﺎدرة ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻏري رﺑﺤﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ‬.‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮدع ﻣﻬﺠﻮر ﰲ أﻟﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ،“‫ ﻛام ﻗﺎم ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ واﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎرض ”ﺗﺮﻳﻨﺎﱄ دي ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬.‫اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻷول ﰲ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل اﻟﺬي ﻳﻀﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻮرا ﺟﺪﻳﺪا ً ﺑﺸﺄن اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻧﴩت أﻋامﻟﻪ‬.‫ وﻣﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑـﻬﺎرﻓﺎرد‬،‫ وﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﱰﻳﻠﻜﺎ‬,“‫ و“ﻣﺘﺤﻒ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت ﻫﻠﺴﻨيك‬,‫( ﰲ ﺗﻮرﻳﻨﻮ‬Stazione Futuro)‫ و‬،EXD ١١ ‫وﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻟﺸﺒﻮﻧﺔ‬ .Abitare ‫ و‬Domus ‫ﰲ ﻣﺠﻼت‬ © Image Courtesy of Elian Stefa ‫إﻟﻴﺎن ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ‬

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Kuwait is a country in which political parties are banned: candidates for the democratically elected parliament stand in a personal capacity. In reality, however, a series of political groups act as de facto parties, fulfilling mandates for Bedouins, merchants, Sunni and Shiite activists, secular leftists and nationalists, to name a few. Throughout recent history, Kuwait’s political process has found an indirect form of democratic expression in a deeply-rooted cultural tradition which also corresponds to an architectural typology: the “Diwaniyah”. The Diwaniyah is a simple, four-sided room, with seating on each side, in which daily meetings are held. Here, political opinions are freely expressed in informal gatherings in the homes of government officials, leading citizens, lobby groups or even on street-corners. It is said that the term originally referred to the section of a Bedouin tent where the men and their visitors met apart from the family; in the old City of Kuwait, the Diwaniyah was the reception area where a man received his male colleagues and guests. Numerous typologies have evolved from the original archetype, adapting to specific functions. Today, hosting or frequenting a Diwaniyah is an indispensable feature of Kuwaiti men’s social life. A central element of the ritual of this discursive and spatial articulation of Kuwaiti politics is the consumption of tea and coffee. By providing a platform for facilitating quick communication and consensus-building that transcends the limited social function of the tea-room or coffee-house, Kuwait’s Diwaniyahs constitute an instrument of political expression and debate that in many ways mirrors the role of Western newspapers (certain formal Diwaniyahs may discuss particular topics, sometimes with invited guest speakers). It is no coincidence that the Diwaniyah was of central importance in the struggle against the 1990 Iraqi occupation—a fact acknowledged with poetic subtlety in Colonel Khalaf Al-Tebi’s address to the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) prior to the first Gulf war. Diwaniyahs are the core of Kuwait ‘s social, business and political life, where pressing and timely matters can be discussed, alliances can be formed, and networking can be undertaken. Yet, if one considers the Kuwaiti socio-political framework, they also act as a form of distributed assembly where consensus is achieved in small, interconnected groups, and societal grievances are broadcast and filtered as they climb the hierarchy of these congregations.

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‘Our interest in the Diwaniyah rests in its concrete role as an architectural/spatial typology that is also a protagonist in Kuwaiti political life and contemporary history.’

Diwaniyah. Joseph Grima, Markus Miessen and Elian Stefa


‫اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ دوﻟﺔ ﻣﺤﻈﻮر ﺑﻬﺎ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ميﺜﻞ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﱪﳌﺎن اﳌﻨﺘﺨﺒﻮن ﺑﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺄﺣﺰاب واﻗﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﺒﺪو و اﻟﺘﺠﺎر و ﻧﺸﻄﺎء اﻟﺴﻨﺔ و اﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻠامﻧﻴني اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳني و اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴني‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل ﻻ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴫ‪ .‬وﺟﺪت اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪار اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻏري ﻣﺒﺎﴍ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒري اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻰ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻧﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺛﻘﺎﰱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺬور و اﻟﺘﻰ أﻳﻀﺎً ﺗﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ منﻂ ﻣﻌامرى اﻻ و ﻫﻮ »اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻫﻰ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻏﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺔ ذات أرﺑﻌﺔ ﺟﺪران و أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻟﻠﺠﻠﻮس ﻋﲆ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬و ﺗﻌﻘﺪ ﺑﻬﺎ إﺟﺘامﻋﺎت ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﻢ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬ ‫اﻷراء اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﰱ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎت ﻏري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰱ ﻣﻨﺎزل ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻰ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ و اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻴني اﻟﺒﺎرزﻳﻦ و ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻧﻮاﴅ اﻟﺸﻮارع‪ .‬ﻳﻘﺎل أن اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﻌﻨﻰ ﰱ اﻷﺻﻞ اﻟﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ اﻟﺒﺪوﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل زاﺋﺮﻳﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪا ً ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ ﰱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ ﻓﺮاغ اﻹﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل اﻟﺬى ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ زﻣﻼءه اﻟﺬﻛﻮر و ﺿﻴﻮﻓﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻄﻮرت أمنﺎط ﻛﺜرية ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻤﻂ اﳌﻌامرى‬ ‫اﻷﺻﲆ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬اﻹﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ أو اﻟﱰدد ﻋﲆ اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻫﻰ ﻣﻴﺰة ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﰱ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺟﺎل اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴني ﰱ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬا‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺪ إﺳﺘﻬﻼك اﻟﺸﺎى و اﻟﻘﻬﻮة ﻋﻨﴫ ﻣﺤﻮرى ﰱ ﻃﻘﻮس ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﺘﻌﺒريى ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺘﻮﻓري ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ و ﺑﻨﺎء ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﰱ اﻷراء و اﻟﺬى ﻳﻔﻮق اﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺤﺪودة ﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ اﻟﺸﺎى أو ﺑﻴﺖ اﻟﻘﻬﻮة‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ أداة ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒري اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳻ و اﻟﺤﻮار و اﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮق دور اﻟﺠﺮﻳﺪة ﰱ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻐﺮىب‪) .‬ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺎت اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ رمبﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﺤﺪدة‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ دﻋﻮة ﺿﻴﻮف ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪث ﰱ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن(‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺼﺎدﻓﺔ أن اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ذات أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﻮرﻳﺔ ﰱ اﻟﴫاع ﺿﺪ اﻟﻐﺰو اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻰ ﰱ ‪ – ١٩٩٠‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ أﻛﺪﺗﻪ اﻟﱪاﻋﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﰱ ﺧﻄﺎب اﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﺧﻠﻒ اﻟﻌﺘﻴﺒﻰ أﻣﺎم ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻰ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺣﺮب اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ اﻷوﱃ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺎت ﻫﻰ ﻗﻠﺐ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ و اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﻬﺎ اﻷﻣﻮر اﳌُﻠِ ّﺤﺔ‪ ،‬و ﺗﻌﻘﺪ اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻔﺎت‪ ،‬و ﺗﺘﻢ‬ ‫اﳌﻘﺴﻢ و‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎت اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬و إذا أﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﰱ اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳻ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺎت ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﺠﻠﺲ ّ‬ ‫ُﻨﴩ اﳌﻈﺎمل اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ و ﺗُﻨﻘَﺢ و ﻫﻰ ﺗﺘﺴﻠﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ إﱃ ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ ﰱ اﻷراء ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺻﻐرية ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬و ﺗ َ‬ ‫اﻟﺬى ﻳﺘﻢ ُ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴﻞ اﻟﻬﺮﻣﻰ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت‪ .‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻢ أﻧﻪ ﰱ اﻹﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﱪﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،٢٠٠٩‬ﻓُﺰن أرﺑﻊ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﺎت ﻧﺴﺎء مبﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﰱ اﻟﱪﳌﺎن و أﺻﺒﺤﻦ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﴩﻋﺎت ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻴﺎت‪ .‬اﻷرﺑﻌﺔ ﻛﻠﻬﻦ ﻛﻦ ﻳ ُﺰرن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺎت اﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺟﺎل ﻗﺒﻴﻞ اﻹﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت – وﻫﻰ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ مل ﺗﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺻﺪى‬ ‫أول ﻧﺴﺎء ﻣ ﱢ‬ ‫إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺎً‪ .‬اﻷﺳﺘﺎذة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ أﺳﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻮﴇ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮرة ﰱ اﻹﻣﺎرة اﻟﺼﻐرية‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ و ﻧﺎﺷﻄﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن روﻻ داﺷﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻦ‬ ‫’‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻷرﺑﻊ ﻧﺴﺎء اﻟﻼىت ﻓﺰن ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﰱ ﺣني ﺧﴪ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮن اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰱ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﴩ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠١١‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮق ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺒﻮﻋﺰﻳﺰى‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ و اﻟﺬى أﺷﻌﻞ ﴍارة اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات اﻷوﱃ ﰱ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬أﻋﻄﻰ أﻣري اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﺻﺒﺎح‬ ‫اﻷﺣﻤﺪ اﻟﺠﺎﺑﺮ اﻟﺼﺒﺎح ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻫﺪﻳﺔ أﻟﻒ دﻳﻨﺎر ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻰ و ﻣﻨﺤﺔ ﻏﺬاﺋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﳌﺪة ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬وأذﻳﻊ أﻧﻬﺎ مبﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ اﻹﺣﺘﻔﺎل مبﺮور ‪ ٢٠‬ﻋﺎﻣﺎً ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﺰو اﻟﻌﺮاﻗﻰ‬ ‫و ﻣﺮور ‪ ٥٠‬ﻋﺎﻣﺎً ﻋﲆ اﻹﺳﺘﻘﻼل‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻬﺪﻳﺔ إﱃ ﺳﻼح ذو ﺣﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻷن اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻰ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺈﻋﻄﺎء اﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺤﺪرﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺐ ذﻛﻮرى ﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﰱ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٢٠‬ﻓﺈن ﺛﻠﺜﻰ ﺗﻌﺪاد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن أﺻﺒﺤﻮا ﻏري ﻗﺎدرﻳﻦ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ أو اﻹﺳﺘﻔﺎدة‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ أﺛﺎرت ﻣﺒﺎدرة اﻷﻣري اﳌﻘﱰﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎخ اﳌﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﰱ اﻟﻌﺎمل‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮىب اﳌﻘﺎوﻣﺔ اﻷوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻐري ﻣﺠﻨﺴني )اﻟﺒﺪون( اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮوا ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪرﺟﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻷﻣﺮ اﻟﺬى أﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻼ ﻫﻮادة و أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﺑﻌﻨﻒ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠١٢‬أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ و اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺷﺎت ﺣﻮل اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮىب اﻟﺠﺎرى اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت اﳌﺤﻮرﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺪاوﻟﺔ ﰱ ﻛﻼً ﻣﻦ‬

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‫إﻫﺘامﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﰱ دورﻫﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﻠﻤﻮس ﻛﻨﻤﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻌامرى‪ /‬ﻓﺮاﻏﻰ و‬ ‫اﻟﺬى ﻫﻮ أﻳﻀﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮك‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫أﺳﺎﳼ ﰱ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺎﴏ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎة‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ‪‘ .‬‬

‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﻮزﻳﻒ ﺟﺮميﺎ ‪,‬ﻣﺎرﻛﻮس ﻣﻴﺴني و إﻳﻠﻴﺎن ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ‬


A significant event was the 2009 parliamentary elections, where four female candidates won their seats as Kuwait’s first female lawmakers. All four had been visiting those typically male Diwaniyah spaces prior to the election—a fact not always positively received. University professor Aseel al-Awadhi, whose campaign made her a political celebrity in the tiny emirate, and economist and women’s rights activist Rola Dashti, were among the four women to win seats while conservative Islamists lost ground. On January 18th 2011, precisely one month after Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation sparked the first protests in Tunisia, the Emir of Kuwait Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah gave each Kuwaiti citizens a ‘gift’ of 1000 Kuwaiti Dinars and a food grant for one year, reportedly to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the liberation from Iraqi occupation and the 50th independence anniversary. This gift ended up being a double-edged sword, as Kuwaiti law allows citizenship to be given only to the male linage descendants of the Kuwaiti residents [1920], leaving two thirds of the population unable to vote or benefit from many of the state’s programmes. This, combined with the Arab world’s volatile atmosphere, initially fuelled resistance by the stateless Bidoon population whose protests against second-class citizenship have continued relentlessly, and often violently, into 2012. Local protests and discussion regarding the unfolding Arab Spring became central topics in both political and casual Diwaniyahs throughout 2011. Tension also continued to grow steadily within Kuwait’s different social circles. Politics also culminated to a massive civilian protest on September 21st, general strikes throughout October, and the occupation of the National Assembly [November 16th] organised by opposition leaders and Kuwaiti citizens, leading to prime minister Nasser Mohammed AlAhmed Al-Sabah and his cabinet resigning. Our interest in the Diwaniyah rests in its concrete role as an architectural/spatial typology that is also a protagonist in Kuwaiti political life and contemporary history. The Diwaniyah is both real and metaphorical, a spatial construct with concrete political ramifications; an architectural typology whose precise historical role in defining a nation’s political identity can be clearly and extensively documented. It is also the elementary particle of Kuwaiti politics - an unusually crystalline manifestation, in a commonplace and humble architectural form potential as a facilitator of political expression

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Scan the qr code to view the video documentaries, or go to: ‫ او ميﻜﻨﻚ‬,‫ﻗﻢ مبﺴﺢ اﻟﻜﻮد ﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪة اﻻﻓﻼم اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻘﻴﺔ‬ :‫اﻟﺬﻫﺎب إﱃ‬ http://youtu.be/LxBmwE3xUtE http://youtu.be/yOQwCrv9b0s

Images are courtesy of: Elian Stefa : ‫ﺣﻘﻮق ﻛﻞ اﻟﺼﻮر ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻇﺔ إﱃ‬

Diwaniyah. Joseph Grima, Markus Miessen and Elian Stefa


‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ و اﻟﻐري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﻼل ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠١١‬أﺳﺘﻤﺮ اﻟﺘﻮﺗﺮ ﰱ اﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺜﺒﺎت ﺧﻼل اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ و اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫و اﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ذروﺗﻬﺎ ﰱ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮة ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﰱ اﻟﺤﺎدى و اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ‪ ،‬إﴐاﺑﺎت ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻃﻮال ﺷﻬﺮ أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ‪ ،‬و إﺣﺘﻼل ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻷﻣﺔ ﰱ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎدس ﻋﴩ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ اﳌﻨﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ زﻋامء اﳌﻌﺎرﺿﺔ و اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴني‪ ،‬و اﻟﺬى أدى إﱃ إﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺔ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﻮزراء ﻧﺎﴏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻷﺣﻤﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺒﺎح و ﻣﺠﻠﺲ وزراﺋﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫إﻫﺘامﻣﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﰱ دورﻫﺎ اﳌﻠﻤﻮس ﻛﻨﻤﻂ ﻣﻌامرى‪ /‬ﻓﺮاﻏﻰ و اﻟﺬى ﻫﻮ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﺤﺮﻛﺎً أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎً ﰱ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﳌﻌﺎﴏ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ُﻌﱪ اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺷﺊ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻰ و إﺳﺘﻌﺎرة ﰱ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ذاﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮاغ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ذو ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ‪ ،‬منﻂ ﻣﻌامرى ﻟﻪ دور ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻰ دﻗﻴﻖ ﰱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺗ ﱢ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻷﻣﺔ‪ ,‬و ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺿﻮح و ﻋﲆ ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً اﻟﺠﺰء اﻷوﱃ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ – ﺗﻌﺒري ﺑﻠﻠﻮرى ﻏري ﻣﻌﺘﺎد‪ ،‬ﰱ ﻣﻜﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺸﱰك و ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻌامرى ﻣﺘﻮاﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻛﺄداة ﻟﺘﻴﺴري اﻟﺘﻌﺒري اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳻ‬

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‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﻮزﻳﻒ ﺟﺮميﺎ ‪,‬ﻣﺎرﻛﻮس ﻣﻴﺴني و إﻳﻠﻴﺎن ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ‬


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Diwaniyah. Joseph Grima, Markus Miessen and Elian Stefa


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‫اﻟﺪﻳﻮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﻮزﻳﻒ ﺟﺮميﺎ ‪,‬ﻣﺎرﻛﻮس ﻣﻴﺴني و إﻳﻠﻴﺎن ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎ‬


THE GLOBAL STREET: MAKING THE POLITICAL. Saskia Sassen

.‫ ُﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬: ‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‬ ِ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


Saskia Sassen is the Robert S. Lynd Professor of Sociology and Co-Chair,

The Committee on Global Thought, Columbia University (www.saskiasassen. com). Her recent books are Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages (Princeton University Press 2008) and A Sociology of Globalization (W.W.Norton 2007). She is currently working on When Territory Exits Existing Frameworks (Under contract with Harvard University Press). Her books are translated to over 20 languages.

ِ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ‬ ‫ ﺳﺘﻮﻏﺘﻮن ورﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﺎرك ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ”اﻟﻔﻜﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ“ ﺑـﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬.‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ أﺳﺘﺎذ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامع ﺑـ روﺑﺮت س‬ ‫ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮون‬:‫ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق‬,‫ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬،‫ اﺣﺪث اﻟﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺪرت ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ﻫﻲ ” اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻢ‬.‫ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﻴﺎ‬ . (٢٠٠٧ W.W.Norton) “‫( و ”ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامع ﻟﻠﻌﻮﳌﺔ‬٢٠٠٨ ‫اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ إﱃ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ“ )ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮن‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ‬.(‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻛﺘﺎب ”ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺨﺮج اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻃﺮ اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ“ )ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﱪم ﻣﻊ ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﺎرﻓﺎرد‬ .‫ ﻟﻐﺔ‬٢٠ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺖ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ إﱃ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ‬

Tahrir Square, Cairo. © Filippo Romano

‫ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬,‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬

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Street struggles and demonstrations are part of our global modernity. The uprisings in the Arab world, the daily neighborhood protests in China’s major cities, Latin America’s piqueteros and poor people demonstrating with pots and pans --all are vehicles for making social and political claims. We can add the anti-gentrification struggles and protests against police brutality in U.S. during the 1980s and in cities worldwide from 1990 onwards. Most recently, over 100,000 people marching in Tel Aviv, a first for this city—not to bring down the government, but aiming to better housing and jobs. Part of the demonstration is Tel Aviv’s tent city, housing mostly impoverished middle-class citizens. Spain’s Indignados have also been demonstrating peacefully, in Madrid and Barcelona, for jobs and social services. They have now become a national movement with Spaniards from all over gathering for a long march to EU headquarters in Brussels. These are also the claims of the 600,000 who went to the street, late August, in several cities in Chile. Combined, these are among the diverse instances causing me to think of a concept beyond the empirics of each case --The Global Street. In each instance, I would argue that the street, the urban street, as public space is to be differentiated from the classic European notion of the more ritual- ized spaces for public activity, with the piazza and the boulevard the emblematic examples. I think “the street,” which of course includes squares and any available open space, as raw and less ritualized. The Street can, thus, be conceived as a space where new forms of the social and the political can be made, rather than for enacting ritualized routines. With some conceptual stretching, we might say that politically, “street and square” are marked differently from “boulevard and piazza”: The first signals action and the second, rituals. Seen this way, there is an epochal quality to the current wave of street protests, despite their enormous differences, i.e. from the extraordinary courage and determination of protesters in Syria to the flash crowds convoked via social media to invade a commercial street block for ten minutes in the US, UK, and Chile. In this short essay I first examine some aspects of the Middle East and North Africa uprisings. The effort is to situate these specifics in a larger conceptual frame: the focus is on dimensions of these diverse politics that have at least one strategic moment in the street – the urban street, not the rural or suburban street. The city acts as the larger space that enables this, as well as the lens that allows us to capture the history making qualities of these protests, subjects I subsequently explore.

When Powerlessness Becomes Complex.

The city is a space where the powerless can make history. That is not to say it is the only space, but it is certainly a critical one. Becoming present, visible, to each other can alter the character of powerlessness. I make a distinction between different types of powerlessness. It is not simply an absolute condition that can be flattened into the absence of power. Under certain conditions powerlessness can become complex, by which I mean that it contains the possibility of making the political, the civic or history. There is a difference between powerlessness and invisibility/ impotence. Many of these protest movements seen

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The Global Street: Making The Political. Saskia Sassen


‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﴏاﻋﺎت اﻟﺸﻮارع‪ ،‬واﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﳌﻨﺎ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬اﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻌﺮيب‪ ،‬إﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت اﻻﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﱪى ﻣﺪن اﻟﺼني‪ ،‬اﻟـ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﻜﻮﻳﺘريوس« ﰲ أﻣريﻛﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ و ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪور واﳌﻘﺎﱄ – ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬه وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت إﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ و ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ أن ﻧﻀﻴﻒ‬ ‫إﱃ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻀﺎﻻت اﳌﺄﻟﻮﻓﺔ ﺟﺪا ً اﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﺴني‪ ,‬و اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﺿﺪ وﺣﺸﻴﺔ اﻟﴩﻃﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪن اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﺧﻼل اﻟﺜامﻧﻴﻨﺎت و ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل ﰲ اﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎت و ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﰲ اﻵوﻧﺔ اﻷﺧرية‪ ،‬ﻣﺴرية اﻷﻛرث ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٠٠،٠٠٠‬ﺷﺨﺺ ﰲ ﺗﻞ أﺑﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻤﺮة اﻷوﱃ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬و اﻟﺘﻰ مل ﺗﻬﺪف ﻹﺳﻘﺎط اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻄﻠﺐ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ وﻓﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﻞ؛ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮة ﻛﺎن »ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻞ أﺑﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺨﻴﺎم« اﻟﺬى ﻛﺎن ﻣﺄوى اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﺔ ﰱ اﻻﻏﻠﺐ‪ .‬ﰲ إﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ اﻟـ »إﻧﺪﻳﻨﻴﺎدوس« ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺎً ﰲ ﻣﺪرﻳﺪ وﺑﺮﺷﻠﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬ ‫واﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻵن ﺣﺮﻛﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﺎس ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء أﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﻨﺎس ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺎب ﰲ ﻣﺴرية ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺟﺪا ً إﱃ ﻣﻘﺮ‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻷورويب ﰲ ﺑﺮوﻛﺴﻞ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬا أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ال ‪ ٦٠٠,٠٠٠‬اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺧﺮﺟﻮا إﱃ اﻟﺸﺎرع ﰲ أواﺧﺮ أﻏﺴﻄﺲ ﰲ ﻋﺪة ﻣﺪن ﰲ ﺗﺸﻴﲆ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ دﻓﻌﺘﻨﻰ إﱃ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم ﻣﺎ وراء اﻟﺘﻔﻜري اﻟﻌﻤﲆ ﰱ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪة – »اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت أزﻋﻢ أن اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﺤﴬي ﻛﻤﻜﺎن ﻋﺎم ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻔﻬﻮم اﻷورويب اﻟﻜﻼﺳﻴيك ﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻰ ﻫﻰ أﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻘﻮس أو اﳌﻨﺎﺳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺟﻮد اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔﻛﺎﻟﺸﻌﺎرات ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ )ﺑﻴﺎﺗﺰا( واﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺮﻳﺾ )ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻔﺎرد(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜريى ﰱ ﻓﺮاغ »اﻟﺸﺎرع«‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺎت )أو اﳌﻴﺎدﻳﻦ( وأي ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻔﺮاغ أﻗﻞ ﻧﻀﺠﺎً و أﻗﻞ ﺷﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮر اﻟﺸﺎرع ﻋﲆ أﻧﻪ ﻓﺮاغ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ أﺷﻜﺎل ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎت واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻹﺣﺪاث ﻣﺠﺮد إﺟﺮاءات ﺷﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ميﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل أﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ »اﻟﺸﺎرع و اﳌﻴﺪان« ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ »اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺮﻳﺾ)ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻔﺎرد(‬ ‫واﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ)ﺑﻴﺎﺗﺰا(«‪ :‬اﻷول ميﺜﻞ أداء‪ ,‬واﻟﺜﺎىن ميﺜﻞ ﻃﻘﻮس‪ .‬ﻓﺈذا ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‪ ,‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﻨﺎك متﻴﺰ ﻋﴫى ﳌﻮﺟﺔ إﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﺸﻮارع اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪,‬‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻼﻓﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬أي ﻣﻦ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﺔ وﻋﺰميﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ إﱃ اﻟﺠﻤﻮع اﻟﺨﺎﻃﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎؤﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻻﻋﻼم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻐﺰو ﺣﻰ اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﺘﺠﺎري ﳌﺪة ﻋﴩ دﻗﺎﺋﻖ ﻛام ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺪن اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬واﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬وﺷﻴﲇ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل اﻟﻘﺼري أﻗﻮم أوﻻً ﺑﺪراﺳﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ اﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ وﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﻬﺪف إﱃ وﺿﻊ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﰲ إﻃﺎر ﻓﻜﺮى أﻛﱪ‪ :‬ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﲆ أﺑﻌﺎد ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ واﺣﺪة ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﺬى ﻫﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺎرع ‪ -‬ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﺤﴬي‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎرع ﰲ اﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻲ أو ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗُﻌﺪ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻛﱪ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﺘﻰ متُ ﻜّﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬و‬ ‫ﻫﻰ أﻳﻀﺎً اﻟﻌﺪﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺑﺮؤﻳﺔ و إﻟﺘﻘﺎط اﻟﺼﻔﺎت و اﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ﺳﺄﻗﻮم ﺑﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺴﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎين واﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﻣﻌﻘﱠﺪ‪.‬‬

‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﺬي ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻀﻌﻔﺎء )اﻟﻼأﻗﻮﻳﺎء( ﻓﻴﻪ أن ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻮا اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺬا ان اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﻰ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮاغ واﺣﺪ ﺣﺎﺳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻔﺮاغ ﺣني ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺣﺎﴐا ً‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻌﻀﻪ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻪ ﺗﻐﻴري ﻃﺎﺑﻊ و‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻟﻀﻌﻒ )اﻟﻼ ﻗﻮة(‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ أﻣﻴﺰ ﺑني أﻧﻮاع ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﻌﻒ )اﻟﻼ‬ ‫ﻗﻮة(‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﻀﻌﻒ )اﻟﻼ ﻗﻮة( ﻣﺠﺮد ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺔ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﻐﻴﺎب‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ )اﻟﻘﻮة(‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻇﻞ ﻇﺮوف ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻀﻌﻒ )اﻟﻼ ﻗﻮة( أن ﻳﺼﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﺪ‪ ,‬أﻋﻨﻲ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ أﻧﻪ ميﻠﻚ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺪين‪ ،‬أو‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﻓﺮق ﺑني اﻟﻀﻌﻒ )اﻟﻼ ﻗﻮة( واﻟﺘﺨﻔﻲ‪ /‬اﻟﻌﺠﺰ‪ .‬اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﻧﺎﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ واﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬

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‫‪‘The city is a space‬‬ ‫‪where the powerless‬‬ ‫’‪can make history‬‬

‫’اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﻰ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻀﻌﻔﺎء)اﻟﻼأﻗﻮﻳﺎء(‬ ‫أن ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻮا ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‘‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ُ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


in North Africa and the Middle East are a case in point: these protesters may not have gained power, but have already made political history. This leads me to a second distinction, which contains a critique of the common notion that something good happening to ‘the powerless’ signals empowerment. The notion that powerlessness can be complex may be used to characterize a condition that is not quite empowerment. What is being engendered in the current uprisings in the MENA region is quite different from what it might have been, say, in the medieval city of Weber. Weber identifies a set of practices that allowed the burghers to set up systems for owning and protecting property against more powerful actors, such as the King and the Church, and to implement various immunities against despots of all sorts. Today’s political practices, arguably, have to do with the production of “presence” by those without power, and with politics that claim rights to the country rather than protecting property. What the two situations share is the notion that through these practices new forms of the political (for Weber, it would be citizenship) are being constituted and that the city is a key site for this type of political work. The city is, in turn, partly constituted through these dynamics. Far more than a peaceful and harmonious suburb, the contested city is where the civic is made. We see this potential for developing the civic across the centuries. Historically the overcoming of urban conflicts has often been the source for an expanded civicness. The cases that have become iconic in Western historiography are Augsburg and Moorish Spain. In both, an enlightened leadership and citizenry worked at constituting a shared civicness. There are many other cases, both old and new. Old Jerusalem’s bazaar was a space of commercial and religious coexistence. Modern Baghdad, under the brutal leadership of Saddam Hussein was a city where religious minorities (equally a threat as the majority), Christian and Jews, lived in more relative peace than today. ‘Outsiders’ in Europe’s cities, notably immigrants, have experienced persecution for centuries; yet in many cases their successful claims for inclusion also had the effect of expanding and strengthening the rights of citizens. We see some of this capacity – to override old hatreds – in its own specific forms in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. Additionally, in Yemen’s Saana, where once conflicting tribes have now found a way to coalesce with each other and protest against the existing regime. Tahrir Square has become the iconic example, partly because key features of the process became visible as they stretched over time: the protesters’ discipline, communication mechanisms, the vast age diversity, politics, religions, cultures, and the struggle’s extraordinary trajectory. In fact, we now understand that these features are also burgeoning elsewhere. Yemen’s protests have intended on being peaceful and unarmed. Indeed many members expressed distress when one tribe – a long-standing enemy of the regime – launched an armed attack. In a matter of weeks, the ethics of the protests and the complexity of the situation allowed enemy tribes to find a trusting system in the city, for sharing the struggle against the regime. This was not a minor achievement. The conditions and mechanisms are specific to each of the cases we have come to refer to as the Arab Spring. Yet, in all these instances, overcoming conflicts has become the source for expanded civicness. This is not urban per se, but this civicness assume particularly strong and legible forms in major cities. Furthermore, we see the powerless enabled: urban space makes their powerlessness complex, and in that complexity lies the possibility of turning the political civic.

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The Global Street: Making The Political. Saskia Sassen


‫ﻫﻲ ﻣﺜﺎل ﻋﲆ ذﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺆﻻء اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا ﻗﺪ إﻛﺘﺴﺒﻮا اﻟﻘﻮة )اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺰاﻟﻮا ﺿﻌﻔﺎء )ﻻ أﻗﻮﻳﺎء(‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻳﺼﻨﻌﻮن ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﺎً‬ ‫وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔً‪ .‬وﻫﺬا إذا ً ﻳﻘﻮدىن إﱃ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺛﺎن‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﻳﺤﺘﻮي ﻋﲆ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻟﻠﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة‪ ,‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ إذا ﺣﺪث ﳾء ﺟﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻀﻌﻴﻒ )اﻟﻼ ﻗﻮى(‪ ,‬ﻳﻌﺪ دﻟﻴﻞ و‬ ‫إﺷﺎرة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻤﻜني )اﻟﻘﻮة(‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮة أن ﻳﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﻀﻌﻒ )اﻟﻼ ﻗﻮة( ﻣﻌﻘﺪ‪ ,‬ميﻜﻦ إﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻮﺻﻒ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪا ً متﻜني ﺗﺎم‪ .‬وميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻀﻌﻒ‬ ‫)اﻟﻼ ﻗﻮة( أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻌﻘﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ إذا مل ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎك متﻜني )ﻗﻮة(‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﰲ اﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت اﻟﺠﺎرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪن ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ متﺎﻣﺎً ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ » وﻳﱪ« ﰱ اﻟﻘﺮون اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﺪدت ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ »وﻳﱪ« ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﻟﻠﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫وﺿﻊ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻻﻣﺘﻼك وﺣامﻳﺔ اﳌﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت ﺿﺪ ﺟﻬﺎت و أﻓﺮاد أﻛرث ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ أو )ﻗﻮة(‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﻠﻚ واﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﺤﺼﺎﻧﺎت ﺿﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻐﺎة ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻮع‪.‬‬ ‫أود أن أﺟﺎدل و أﻗﻮل أن اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﻊ إﻧﺘﺎج »وﺟﻮد« ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ )اﻟﻼ أﻗﻮﻳﺎء(‪ ،‬و ﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬ ‫أﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺪّﻋﻲ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق إﱃ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وإﱃ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﺣامﻳﺔ اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﱰك ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺘني ﻫﻲ اﻟﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﳌامرﺳﺎت‪ ,‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﴩﻳﻊ )ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﻳﱪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ( أﺷﻜﺎل ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‪ ,‬وأن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﻲ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ﳌﺜﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ .‬اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ إذا ً‪ ،‬ﺑﺪورﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﴩﻳﻌﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎت‪ .‬أﻛرث ﺑﻜﺜري ﻣام ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﰱ ﺿﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻏﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻨﺎزع ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻜﻮن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪين‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺮى ﻫﺬه اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ اﻟﻘﺮون‪ .‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﲆ اﻟﴫاﻋﺎت ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻛﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺎً‪ ,‬ﻛﺎن ﰱ اﻻﻏﻠﺐ اﳌﺼﺪر ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺳﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻐﺮيب ﻛﺎﻧﺖ »اوﻏﺴﺒﻮرغ« و«اﻻﻧﺪﻟﺲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺣﺎﻻت ﻣﺘﻤﻴﺰة و أﻳﻘﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻛﻼﻫام‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻗﻴﺎدة ﻣﺴﺘﻨرية إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني ﻋﲆ ﺗﴩﻳﻊ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎك اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت ﺳﻮاء ﻗﺪميﺔ أو ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻣﺜﱠﻞ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻘﺪس اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ واﻟﺘﺠﺎري ﻟﻔﱰات ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﺎدة ﺻﺪام ﺣﺴني اﻟﺼﺎرﻣﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﱠﻠﻮا دامئﺎً ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪا دامئﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ و إن مل ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا ﺑﺎﻟﴬورة‬ ‫اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ( ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﺴﻴﺤﻴني واﻟﻴﻬﻮد ﻋﺎﺷﻮا ﰲ ﺳﻼم ﻧﺴﺒﻲ أﻛرث ﻣام ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬اﻷﻏﺮاب ﰲ اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺳﻴام اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻋﺎﻧﻮا ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﺿﻄﻬﺎد ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪى ﻗﺮون‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‪ ,‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﻹدراﺟﻬﻢ و ﺿ ّﻤﻬﻢ ﻛﺎن ﻟﻪ ﺗﺄﺛري ﰲ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ وﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺣﻘﻮق‬ ‫اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ أﻳﻀﺎً‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺷﻜﻠﻪ اﻟﺨﺎص‪ .‬أﻳﻀﺎً ﰲ ﺻﻨﻌﺎء ﰲ اﻟﻴﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻧﺮى ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﺠﺎوز اﻷﺣﻘﺎد اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪ٌ ،‬‬ ‫وﺟﺪت اﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﺘﺼﺎرﻋﺔ ﻣﺮة واﺣﺪة وﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ وﻣﻊ اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ أﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻬرية‪ ،‬وﻳﺮﺟﻊ ذﻟﻚ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎً ﻟﻮﺿﻮح اﳌﻼﻣﺢ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ مبﺮور اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ :‬إﻧﻀﺒﺎط اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬آﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻮع واﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋامر‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻷدﻳﺎن واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت‪ ،‬إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﻬﺪف و اﳌﺴﺎر اﻟﻨﻀﺎﱃ اﻟﻐري ﻋﺎدى‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻧﻌﺮف اﻵن أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺨﻮاص ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮة و ﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫أﺧﺬﻫﺎ ﰱ اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻋﺰﻣﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺎت اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎج ﰲ اﻟﻴﻤﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ وﻏري ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ و ﻗﺪ أﻋﺮب اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﻀﺎء‬ ‫ﻋﻦ إﻧﺰﻋﺎﺟﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ أﻃﻠﻘﺖ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ واﺣﺪة – و ﻫﻰ ﻋﺪو ﻃﻮﻳﻞ اﻷﻣﺪ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم ﻷﺳﺒﺎب ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻫﺠﻮم ﻣﺴﻠﺢ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻏﻀﻮن أﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﻣﻦ اﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ أﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎت ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎج وﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ,‬وﻫﻮ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺬي ﺳﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﺘﺨﺎﺻﻤﺔ أن ﺗﺸﺎرك‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻜﻔﺎح ﺿﺪ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‪ .‬ﻣام ميﺜﻞ إﻧﺠﺎزا ً ﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﴩوط واﻵﻟﻴﺎت ﻟﻜﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت ‪ -‬ﻓﻴام ﻧﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب‪ -‬ﻣﺤﺪدة‪ .‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‪ ,‬أﺻﺒﺢ اﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﴫاﻋﺎت ﻣﺼﺪرا ً ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺳﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺬا ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻪ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﴫاﻋﺎت واﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﱰض ﺗﺤﻤﻞ أﺷﻜﺎل ﻗﻮﻳﺔ و‬ ‫واﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎص ﰲ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻜﱪى‪ .‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺮى متﻜني اﻟﻀﻌﻔﺎء )اﻟﻼ أﻗﻮﻳﺎء( ﻣﻦ‪ :‬اﳌﻜﺎن اﻟﺤﴬي ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻌﻔﻬﻢ )ﻻ ﻗﻮﺗﻬﻢ( ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪ‪,‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﰲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻹﺻﺪار واﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ ،‬ﻣام ﺑﺪوره ﻳﻨﺘﺞ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪين‪ .‬ﺗﺰود ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺨﻮاص ﺣﺎﻻت أﺧﺮى ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪,‬‬ ‫وﺗﻀﻴﻒ ﺑﻌﺪا ً آﺧﺮا ً‪ :‬ﺣﺪود اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻄﺮ اﳌﺘﻤﺮدون ﰲ ﺑﻨﻐﺎزي و ﻓﺮﺿﻮا اﻣﺘﻼﻛﺎً ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﻋﲆ أراﴈ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ و ﺗﻢ إﻃﻼق ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬مل متﻨﻊ اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﻘﺬاﰱ ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬وﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﻗﻮات ﺣﻠﻒ ﺷامل اﻷﻃﻠﻨﻄﻲ‪ .‬و ﻛام أﻧﺎﻗﺶ ﻻﺣﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن‬ ‫ﻗﻮة اﴎاﺋﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ مل ﺗﻘﻢ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪه ﰱ ﻗﻄﺎع ﻏﺰة‪ .‬ﻛام أﻧﻪ مل ﻳﻘﻢ اﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي اﻟﺴﻮري اﻟﻮاﺳﻊ ﺑﻮﻗﻒ اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌ ّﺰل‪ .‬ﺗﺸري ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﱃ ﻗﺪرات اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪ :‬أﻧﻪ ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺪﻣري ﻗﻮة ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ وﻟﻜﻦ ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬اﻟﻨﺎس ﺿﺪ اﳌﺴﻠﺤني ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس ﰲ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﻛﺜﻴﻔﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺴﻠﺤني ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﺒﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫أﻗﻮم ﺑﺪراﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺴﻤني اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴني‪.‬‬

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‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ُ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


Other cases in the region augment these features and add yet another dimension: the limits of superior military force. The rebels in Benghazi took full possession of the city’s territory and launched a veritable experiment in civicness. The superior military power of the Ghaddafi regime could not prevent this –even before NATO’s intervention. As I discuss later, Israel’s superior military power has not fully acquired its needs from Gaza. Nor has Syria’s massive military deployment stopped the unarmed protesters. These diverse cases point to the capacities of the city to function as a sort of weak regime: it cannot destroy superior military force, but it can obstruct it. People versus armed gunmen in an open field are a different condition from people in a dense urban setting versus such gunmen. These are issues I examine in the next two sections.

THE CITY: Its return as a lens onto major world events.

In the global era, the city has emerged as a strategic site for understanding some of the major new trends reconfiguring social order. The city and the metropolitan region are locations where major macro and global trends, even when not urban, materialize. It is, then, that a space can indicate non-urban developments. The city might be just one moment in what can be complex multi-sited trajectories, but it is a strategic moment. The city has long been a site for the exploration of major societal confrontations. However, it has not always been a heuristic space capable of producing knowledge about some of the major transformations of an epoch. In the first half of the 20th century, the study of cities was at the heart of sociology. This is evident in works by Simmel, Weber, Benjamin, Lefebvre, and most prominently the Chicago School, especially Park and Wirth, both deeply influenced by German thinkers. They all confronted massive processes: industrialization, urbanization, alienation and a new cultural formation they called “urbanity.” Studying the city was not simply studying the urban. It was about deciphering the major social processes of an era. Since then, the study of the city gradually lost its privileged role as a lens for discipline and as producer of key analytic categories. There are numerous reasons, of which

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The Global Street: Making The Political. Saskia Sassen


‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ :‬ﻋﻮدة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﺳﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺮزت اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ زﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﻛﻤﻮﻗﻊ اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻲ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ واﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻗﻊ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﺠﺴﺪ اﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن اﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ,‬ﻓﻬﻮ إذا ً ﻣﻜﺎن‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ان ﻳﻌﻄﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات اﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻰ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻴام ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎرات ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻹﺗﺠﺎه و ﻣﻌﻘﺪة‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻓﱰة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻘﻴﺐ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮاﺿﻴﻊ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ ,‬اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬

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‫‪Tahrir Square, Cairo. © Francesco Giusti‬‬

‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ُ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


the most important question, developments of method and data in social sciences. Critical was the fact that the city ceased being the fulcrum for epochal transformations and hence a strategic site for research about non-urban processes. The study of the city transcended into analyzing “social problems.” This resurgence of the city as a site for illuminating major contemporary dynamics is evident in multiple disciplines: sociology, anthropology, economic geography, cultural studies, and literary criticism. In the global era, economists have begun to address the urban and regional economy in ways that surpass older forms of urban economics. Globalization has given rise to new information technologies, the intensifying of transnational and translocal dynamics as well as the strengthening presence and voice of socio-cultural diversity. All these are at the cutting edge of change. These trends do not encompass the majority of social conditions; on the contrary, most social reality probably corresponds to older continuing and familiar trends. Although these involve only parts of the urban condition, they are strategic by marking this condition in novel ways and make it, in turn, a key research site for major urban and non-urban shifts. The Social Physics of the City: Making visible the limits of military force Cities have long been sites of conflict, racism, religious hatred and expulsions of the poor. Simultaneously, they have historically evinced a capacity to triage conflict through commerce and civic activity; this contrasts with the history of the modern national state, which has tended to militarize conflict. Major developments in the current global era are making cities the sites for a whole new range of conflict. Religion is such critical vector for city conflict–both as cause and consequence. These are not necessarily urban in nature, even though the city is a key site for materializing of religious sentiment into actual conflict. This raises a question as to whether cities are losing this capacity to triage conflict through commerce, and the civic, to avoid militarizing conflict. Large cities at the intersection of vast migrations and expulsions could often accommodate an enormous diversity of religions, ethnicities, cultures and income. These were also spaces of a kind of peaceful co-existence for long stretches of time. Hence, conflict does not inhere in these differences as such, but rather in a larger systemic condition within which the city can then switch from a space of fruitful co-existence to one that contributes to conflict. In both cases specific capabilities of the city get mobilized: being neighbors can go in either direction, and so can neighborhood life. The same individuals can experience both conditions and even enact that switch. Dense urban spaces can deliver a sort of collective learning about diversity, or they can become the sites of murderous attacks. The complex city system could transform a disease into an epidemic, or it could generate “positive epidemics” as in the so-called 2011 Arab Spring. Here we can see a critical dimension that shows us that cities can function as a weak regime: killing civilians in a city is considered a different level of horror from killing people in, say, the jungle or villages. In that sense, the urbanizing of war points to the limits of superior armed power and, perhaps, the weight of weak orders such as the human rights regime. The countries with the most powerful conventional armies today cannot afford to repeat Dresden with firebombs or Hiroshima’s atomic bomb – whether in Baghdad, Gaza or the Swat valley. They could engage in a series of activities – rendition, torture, assassinating ‘problematic’

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The Global Street: Making The Political. Saskia Sassen


‫ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ مل ﺗﻜﻦ دامئﺎً ﻣﻜﺎن إرﺷﺎدى‪ ,‬مل ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻗﺎدر ﻋﲆ إﻧﺘﺎج ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﻜﱪى ﻟﻌﴫ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ اﻷول ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻛﺎﻧﺖ دراﺳﺔ اﳌﺪن ﺗﻌﺪ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامع‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ واﺿﺢ ﰲ أﻋامل »ﺳﻴﻤﻞ«‪» ،‬وﻳﱪ«‪» ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣني«‪» ،‬ﻟﻮ ﻓﻴﱪ«‪ ،‬أﻋامل أﺑﺮزﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﺷﻴﻜﺎﻏﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ »ﺑﺎرك« و »وﻳﺮث«‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻫام ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء ﺑﺎﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ اﻷﳌﺎن‪ .‬واﺟﻪ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ –‪ -‬اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻟﻠﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ,‬اﻟﺘﺤﻮل‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﴬ‪ ،‬اﻻﻏﱰاب‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ متﺜﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺛﻘﺎﰲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ وﺻﻔﻮه »اﻟﺤﴬ«‪ .‬دراﺳﺔ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ مل ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﺠﺮد دراﺳﺔ ﻟﻠـ »ﺣﴬ«‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻨﻬﺞ‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ﻟﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﻨﺬ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺤني ﻓﺈن دراﺳﺔ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﻘﺪت ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎً دورﻫﺎ اﳌﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﻛﻌﺪﺳﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﻀﺒﺎط وﻛﻤﻨﺘﺞ ﻟﻠﻔﺌﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك أﺳﺒﺎب ﻛﺜرية ﻟﻬﺬا‪ ،‬واﻷﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت و اﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات اﳌﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻟﻸﺳﻠﻮب وﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ﺣﺎﺳامً أﻣﺮ إﻧﻘﻄﺎع اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ إرﺗﻜﺎز ﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت ﻣﺼريﻳﺔ‪ ،‬و ﰱ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺎً اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎً ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﻐري‬ ‫ﺣﴬﻳﺔ‪ .‬و ﻋﲆ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ‪,‬أﺻﺒﺤﺖ دراﺳﺔ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ دراﺳﺔ ﻣﺎ أُﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻻﺣﻘﺎً »اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻮدة ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة واﺿﺤ ًﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﺎت ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ‪ -‬ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامع واﻷﻧرثوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‬ ‫واﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﻘﺪ اﻷديب‪ .‬ﺑﺪأ ﺧﱪاء اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﰲ ﻋﴫ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺤﴬي واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﰲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻼﺗﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺴﺒﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز أﻗﺪم أﺷﻜﺎل اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ .‬أﺗﺎﺣﺖ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻈﻬﻮر اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺜﻴﻒ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮة ﻟﻠﺤﺪود و اﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮة ﳌﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺤﲆ و اﻟﻮﺟﻮد اﻟﻘﻮى و اﻟﺼﺪى اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻮع اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻳﻘﻊ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ .‬ﻻ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻷﺣﻮال اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺣﻮال ﻳﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ واﻗﻊ إﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ وﻣﺄﻟﻮف و أﻛرث ﻗﺪﻣﺎً‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن‪ ،‬و ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﻫﺬه اﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت ﺗﻨﻄﻮى ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﲆ أﺟﺰاء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻻ ميﻜﻨﻬﺎ أن ﺗﻘﺘﴫ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ إﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت إﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻴام ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ إﺷﺎرة و ﺗﺮك ﺑﺼﻤﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﰱ اﳌﺪن و اﻟﺤﴬ ﰲ ﻃﺮق ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺑﻞ وﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺑﺤﺚ رﺋﻴﴘ ﻟﻜﱪى اﳌﺪن واﳌﻨﻈامت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ و اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﰲ اﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳﺎء اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ :‬إﻇﻬﺎر ﺣﺪود اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﺪن دامئﺎً ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﴫاﻋﺎت‪ :‬اﻟﻌﻨﴫﻳﺔ‪ ,‬اﻟﻜﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ و ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻞ اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻨﺖ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺎً ﻋﲆ ﻗﺪرﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻓﺮز و ﺗﻘﻨني ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﴫاﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة واﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﳌﺪين‪ ،‬و ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻫﺬا ﻣﻊ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ متﻴﻞ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺎً إﱃ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮة اﻟﻨﺰاع‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات اﻟﻜﱪى ﰲ ﻋﴫ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ ﺗﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﺎﺣﺎت ﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﴫاﻋﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ميﺜﻞ اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﰱ ذاﺗﻪ ﻗﻮة ﻣﻮ ﱠﺟﻬﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺰاﻋﺎت ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ,‬ﺳﻮاء ﺑﺈﻋﺘﺒﺎره »اﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬او ﺑﺈﻋﺘﺒﺎره »ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ«‪ .‬ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻫﺬه ﴏاﻋﺎت ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ رﺋﻴﴘ ﻟﺘﺠﺴﻴﻢ و ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﴏاﻋﺎً ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺎً‪ .‬ﻳﺜري ﻫﺬا ﺳﺆاﻻً ﺣﻮل ﻣﺎ‬ ‫إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﺪن ﺑﺪأت ﰱ ﻓﻘﺪان ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﻓﺮز و ﺗﻘﻨني اﻟﴫاع ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة واﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وإﱃ ﺗﺠﻨﺐ ﻋﺴﻜﺮة اﻟﻨﺰاع‪ .‬إﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ اﳌﺪن‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺒرية ‪ -‬اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺗﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺳﻮاء ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﻮاﺳﻌﺔ أو ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﻄﺮد ‪ -‬ﰲ ﻛﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن أن ﺗﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ ﺗﻨﻮع ﻫﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻷدﻳﺎن واﻷﻋﺮاق‬ ‫واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت و اﻟﺪﺧﻞ‪ .‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن أﻳﻀﺎً أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﻟﻔﱰات ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﴫاع ﻻ ﻳﺘﻼزم ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺘﻼزم ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻤﻨﻬﺠﺔ أﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴام ميﻜﻦ ان ﺗﺘﺤﻮل اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻜﺎن اﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ اﻟﺴﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻤﺮ اﱃ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ إرﺛﺎء اﻟﴫاع واﻟﻜﺮاﻫﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺘني‪ ,‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺣﺸﺪ ﻗﺪرات ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ :‬ﻛﻮﻧﻨﺎ ﺟريان ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺄﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﰲ اﻹﺗﺠﺎﻫني‪ ،‬و ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ميﻜﻦ ﳌﺒﺪأ ﺣﻴﺎة اﻟﺠرية‪ .‬ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻨﻔﺲ‬ ‫اﻷﻓﺮاد أن ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮا اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺘني ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ ,‬ﺑﻞ ميﻜﻨﻬﻢ أﻳﻀﺎً أن ﻳﺤﺪﺛﻮا ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺒﺪﻳﻞ‪ .‬ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻘﺪم اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ اﻟﻜﺜﻴﻔﺔ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺪدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أو أن ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ ﻟﻬﺠامت ﻻﻋﺘﺪاءات ﻗﺎﺗﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆدي اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﺪة إﱃ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺮض‬ ‫إﱃ وﺑﺎء‪ ،‬أو أﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ »أوﺑﺌﺔ إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠام أﺻﺒﺢ واﺿﺤﺎ ﻓﻴام ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺑﻴﻊ ‪ ٢٠١١‬اﻟﻌﺮيب‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻫﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺮى ﺑﻌﺪا ً ﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ,‬ﺑﻌﺪا ً ﻳﺒني‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺎ أﻧﻪ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ أن ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﻀﻌﻴﻒ‪ُ :‬ميﺜﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ اﳌﺪﻧﻴني ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﻮع ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺮﻋﺐ ﻳﻔﻮق ﺑﻜﺜري‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮة ﻗﺘﻞ اﻟﻨﺎس –ﺑﺄﻋﺪاد أﻛرث ‪ -‬ﰲ اﻷدﻏﺎل واﻟﻘﺮى‪ .‬ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن متﺪّن اﻟﺤﺮب و متﺪّن اﻟﻨﺰاع اﳌﺴﻠﺢ ﻳﺸري إﱃ ﻣﺤﺪودﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﻮات اﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ورمبﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻳﺸري إﱃ ﺛﻘﻞ و ﺣﺠﻢ ﻧﻈُﻢ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺣﻘﻮق اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪.‬‬

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‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ُ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


leaders, excessive civilian bombings and so on– in a history of brutality that can no longer be hidden and, seemingly escalated violence against civilian populations. Yet, superior military powers stop from pulverizing a city, even when they have sufficient weapons. The US could have pulverized Baghdad, likewise Israel with Gaza. But they did not. It seems to me that the reason was not respect for life or the fact that killing is illegal –they do this all the time. Rather, I would posit that pulverizing a city is a specific type of crime, one causing horror, a kind of ontological insecurity that people dying from malaria does not. The mix of people and buildings – the social physics of the city – has acquired the capacity to temper destruction, not to stop it. What makes this possible? It is the combination of “non-urban” deaths in a city and a sticky web of constraints consisting of a mix of law, reciprocal agreements, and the informal global court of public opinion. It is the collective making that is a city, especially in its civic components. Ontological insecurity was also part of the response to the bombings in NY, Mumbai, Madrid and London. History repeatedly points to the limits of power. Unilateral decisions by the greater power are not the only source of restraint. Multiple interdependencies act as restraints. To this, I add the city as a weak regime that can obstruct and temper the destructive capacity of the superior military power, yet another component for systemic survival in a world where several countries have the capacity to destroy the planet. Under these conditions the city is both a technology for containing conventional military powers and a technology of resistance for armed insurgencies. The social physics of the city, its material and human features, are an obstacle for conventional armies wired into urban space itself. Would Gaza have been completely destroyed if it was not densely populated, but was occupied only by Palestinian-owned factories and warehouses? The Limits of the Powerful Communication Technologies Beyond complex questions of norms, the city also uncovers limits and unrealized potential of communication technologies. Much has been written and debated about Facebook’s role in organizing the Egyptian protests. In the US, there was much debate on the notion of a “Facebook revolution” signaling that the protest movement was at the limit, a function of communication technologies, notably social media. It seems to me a common type of conflation of a technology’s capacities with a massive on the ground process which used the technology. My research has shown that this type of conflation results from a confusion between the logics of the technology designed by the engineer and the logics of users. The two are not one and the same. The technical properties of electronic interactive domains deliver their utility through complex ecologies that include a) non- technological variables, i.e. the social, subjective, political and material topographies, and b) the particular cultures of use by different actors. Thus, Facebook can be a factor in very diverse collective events – a flash mob, a friends’ party, the uprising at Tahrir Square. However, that does not mean they all are achieved through Facebook. As we now know, Al Jazeera was a more significant medium, and the network of mosques was the foundational communication network in the case of Tahrir Square’s Friday mobilizations. One synthetic image we can use is that these ecologies are partly shaped by the particular logics embedded in diverse domains. Thus a Facebook group of friends doing financial investment aims at achieving fiscal gains through using the technical capability that is quite different from Cairo protestors conjuring up post-noon Friday mosque prayers.

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The Global Street: Making The Political. Saskia Sassen


‫ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﺘﻲ متﻠﻚ أﻗﻮى اﻟﺠﻴﻮش اﳌﺄﻟﻮﻓﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم أن ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺘﻜﺮار »درﻳﺴﺪن« ﺑ���ﻟﻘﻨﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﺤﺎرﻗﺔ أو »ﻫريوﺷﻴام« ﺑﻘﻨﺒﻠﺔ ذرﻳﺔ‪ -‬ﺳﻮاء ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد أو ﰱ ﻏﺰة أو ﰱ وادي ﺳﻮات‪ .‬ميﻜﻦ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان أن ﺗﺨﻮض ﰲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ اﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑني و اﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ و اﻏﺘﻴﺎل اﻟﻘﺎدة‬ ‫اﳌﺜريﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬اﻟﻘﺼﻒ اﳌﻔﺮط ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬إﻟﺦ ‪ ,...‬ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ متُ ﺜﻞ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﺣﺸﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ مل ﺗﻌﺪ ﻗﺎدرة أن‬ ‫ﺗُﺨﻔﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬و ﺗﺒﺪو أﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺘﺼﻌﻴﺪ أﻋامل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺿﺪ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺪﻧﻴني‪ .‬ﰱ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أﺣﺠﻤﺖ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻓﻜﺮة ﺗﺤﻄﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ و إن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺪﻣﺮ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﺑﻐﺪاد و أن ﺗﺪﻣﺮ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻏﺰة‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ مل ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻮا‬ ‫ذﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻳﺒﺪو ﱄ أن اﻟﺴﺒﺐ مل ﻳﻜﻦ اﺣﱰام اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‪ ،‬أو رﺟﻮﻋﺎً ﻟﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﻋﲆ أﻧﻪ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻏري ﻗﺎﻧﻮين وﻓﻘﺎً ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن اﻟﺪوﱄ‪ -‬إﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻮن ذﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫وﻗﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬أود أن أﻓﱰض ﺗﺤﻄﻴﻢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻌني ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺠﺮميﺔ‪ ,‬اﻟﻨﻮع اﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﺒﺐ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﻋﺐ‪ ،‬و ﻳﺴﺒﺐ إﻧﻌﺪام وﺟﻮدي‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻣﻦ ‪ ،‬رﻋﺐ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺒﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ميﻮﺗﻮن ﺑﺎﳌﻼرﻳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﳌﺰﻳﺞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس واﳌﺒﺎين ‪ -‬ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘ ٍﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳﺎء اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ اﻛﺘﺴﺐ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ اﻟﺪﻣﺎر‪ ،‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻮﻗﻔﻪ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻔﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻣﻤﻜﻦ؟ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺎً ﻣﺰﻳﺠﺎً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﻓﻴﺎت »اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ« ﰲ داﺧﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻟﺰﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻴﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻣﺰﻳﺞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن و إﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت ﻣﺘﺒﺎدﻟﺔ واﻟﺮأي اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﺪوﱄ »ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ«‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ ميﺜﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﺬي ﻫﻮ »اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ« وﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎن أﻳﻀﺎً اﻹﻧﻌﺪام اﻟﻮﺟﻮدي ﻟﻸﻣﻦ ﺟﺰءا ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻔﺴري ﳌﺴﺒﺒﺎت ﺗﻔﺠريات ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك وﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎي وﻣﺪرﻳﺪ وﻟﻨﺪن وﻣﺪن أﺧﺮى‪ .‬ﻳﺸري‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻣﺮارا ً وﺗﻜﺮارا ً ﻟﺤﺪود اﻟﻘﻮة‪ .‬ﻻ متﺜﻞ ﻗﺮارات اﻟﻘﻮة اﻷﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ واﺣﺪ اﳌﺼﺪر اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻟﻀﺒﻂ اﻟﻨﻔﺲ‪ .‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﱰاﺑﻄﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺪور‬ ‫اﳌﺴﻴﻄﺮ‪ .‬إﱃ ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬أود أن أﺿﻴﻒ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ إﱃ ﻓﺌﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ اﻟﻀﻌﻴﻒ اﻟﺬي ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻌﺮﻗﻞ وﻳﺨﻔﻒ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﺘﺪﻣريﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ – اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ -‬متﺜﻞ ﻋﻨﴫ آﺧﺮ ﻣﻜﻮن ﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻘﺎء ﻋﲆ ﻗﻴﺪ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﰲ ﻋﺎمل اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان ﻓﻴﻪ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﺪﻣري‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻮﻛﺐ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻈﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺮوف ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻻﺣﺘﻮاء اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ وﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ ﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻤﺮد اﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ .‬اﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳﺎء اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎدﻳﺘﻬﺎ وﻣﻼﻣﺤﻬﺎ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻫام ﻋﻘﺒﺔ أﻣﺎم اﻟﺠﻴﻮش اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﺒﺜﻘﺔ و ﻣﺮﺳﻠﺔ داﺧﻞ اﻟﻔﺮاغ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬي ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﻞ ﻛﺎن ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺪﻣري ﻗﻄﺎع ﻏﺰة ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﻣريه ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎً إذا مل ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻮ ذو ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺘﻮى ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻊ و ﻣﺨﺎزن ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴني ؟‬

‫اﻟﻼﺣﺪود ﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻹﺗﺼﺎﻻت اﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ‬

‫ﻓﻴام وراء ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻘﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺿﺢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻼﺣﺪود و اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻐري ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ ﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻹﺗﺼﺎﻻت ﻣﺜﻞ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك«‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻧﺎﻗﺶ و‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ اﻟﻜﺜريون ﺣﻮل دور »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﰲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻹﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت اﳌﴫﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻘﺎش ﰲ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﺣﻮل ﻣﻔﻬﻮم‬ ‫»ﺛﻮرة اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﰲ إﺷﺎرة إﱃ أن ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎج ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﲆ أﻗﺼﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ وﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻹﺗﺼﺎﻻت‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺳﻴام وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم‬ ‫اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪو ﱄ ﻛﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻮع ﺷﺎﺋﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﻠﻂ ﺑني ﻗﺪرات ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق ﻣﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺿﺨﻤﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻻرض ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ .‬وﺟﺪت‬ ‫ﰲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ أن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﻠﻂ ﻫﻮ ﻧﺎﺗﺞ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻟﺘﺒﺎس ﺑني ﻣﻨﻄﻖ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻛام ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻬﺎ و ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻹﺛﻨﺎن ﻻ ﻫام واﺣﺪ و ﻻ ﻫام اﻟﴙء ذاﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ اﻻﻟﻜﱰوﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ إﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺑﻴﺌﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ‪ :‬أ( ﻣﺘﻐريات ﻏري اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ – أى اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬاﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ و اﻟﻄﻮﺑﻮﻏﺮاﻓﻴﺎت اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ,‬ب( ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎت إﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﺠﻬﺎت اﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﺎﻣﻼً ﰲ أﺣﺪاث ﺟامﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﺟﺪا ً – ﺣﺸﺪ ﺟامﻫريى ﴎﻳﻊ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻠﺔ ﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎء‪ ،‬واﻷﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻦ ﻗﻮل ذﻟﻚ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻮ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻗﻮل أﻧﻪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻛﻞ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك«‪ .‬ﻛام ﻧﻌﻠﻢ اﻵن‪ ،‬أﻧﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﳾء‪ ,‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﻨﺎة اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة وﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫أﻛرث أﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻹﺗﺼﺎﻻت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ و اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ رؤﻳﺔ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫ﺻﻮرة واﺣﺪة إﺻﻄﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻫﻮ أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت ﺗﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻄﻖ اﻟﺨﺎص اﻟﺬى ﻫﻮ ﺟﺰء ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰأ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ .‬و ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ,‬ﻓﺈن ﻗﻴﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أﺻﺪﻗﺎء ﻋﲆ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﺑﻌﻤﻞ إﺳﺘﺜامرات ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻫﻮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﻬﺪف إﱃ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ ﳾء ﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻘﺪرات اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ‬ ‫وراء »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ متﺎﻣﺎً ﻋﻦ ﻗﻴﺎم اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﰱ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮة اﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺻﻼة اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﺎرق ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻢ إﺳﺘﺨﺪام ذات اﻟﻘﺪرات اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮﻓني‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﻠﺤﻮﻇﺔ ﻫﻰ اﻹﺗﺼﺎل اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺣﻮل ﻫﺪف واﺣﺪ‪ ,‬إﻣﺎ اﻹﺳﺘﺜامر أو‬

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‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ُ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


This difference is evident, despite sharing the same technical capabilities to maneuver one aim– whether it’s an investment or going to Tahrir square. When we look at electronic interactive domains as part of these larger ecologies, rather than purely technical condition, we make conceptual and empirical room for the broad range of social logics driving users and the diverse cultures of use applied to these technologies. Each of these activates an ecology (the ‘typical’ Facebook subscriber informing ‘friends’ of a new restaurant or party) or is activated by it (the protesters struggle using Facebook to signal an upcoming action). The effect of taking this perspective is to position Facebook in a much larger world than the thing itself. In this way, we focus on Facebook minimalist– not the internal world with its vast numbers of subscribers, a billion and counting, but the larger ecology within which a Facebook action is situated. Tahrir’s protest movement also had the power to bring a new ecology into the use of Facebook, thereby showing both the limits of the current format and the capacity of collective action in the city to inscribe technology. Facebook is often described by experts today as part of social life for the majority of its subscribers. However, the network capability involved clearly cannot be confined to this function. The shifts that become visible when we take into account the types of ecologies mobilized point to a far larger range of practices. The 2011 Egyptian uprisings embodies these shifts and relations. In Tahrir Square, Facebook space is not the aforementioned “social life”, it is more akin to a tool. Social thickness can also come about from this, but it is not likely in most cases. Toolness rules. What stands out, what gives us the dramatic entry of Facebook as “actant” is the larger ecology that shapes the use of F-space in these cases. The potential of digital media for immobile or placecentered activists concerned with local issues points to developing larger ecologies that will be different from those of globally oriented users. For instance, the fact that specific types of local issues (jobs, oppression) recur across the world engaging local, immobile activists, can engender a kind of globality. This is a prominent feature of the Arab Spring –a recurrence of regional protests independent from direct communication across different places– and yet, combined they make for a larger and more complex formation than each individual

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The Global Street: Making The Political. Saskia Sassen


‫اﻟﺬﻫﺎب اﱃ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻨﻈﺮ إﱃ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ اﻻﻟﻜﱰوﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﺠﺰء أﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﻛﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﺘﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﺈﻓﺴﺎح اﳌﺠﺎل اﻟﻨﻈﺮي واﻟﻌﻤﲇ ﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻄﻖ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﻟﺬى ﻳﻘﻮد اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني و ﻳﻘﻮد ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎت اﻹﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎت‪ .‬ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت و ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ اﻹﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻂ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ )اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻟـ »منﻮذﺟﻲ«‬ ‫ﻟﻠـ »ﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« اﻟﺬى ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟـ »أﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ« أن ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮا أﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﰲ ﻣﻄﻌﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ أو ﰱ ﺣﻔﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ(‪ ,‬أو أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ )ﻧﻀﺎل اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ اﻟﺬى ﺗﻢ ﺣﴫه ﻛﻌﻨﴫ واﺣﺪ ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺨﺪام »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﻟﻺﺷﺎرة إﱃ ﺣﺪث ﻣﻘﺒﻞ(‪ .‬ﺗﺄﺛري اﻹﻋﺘﻘﺎد ﰱ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﻈﻮر ﻫﻮ‬ ‫وﺿﻊ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﰲ ﻋﺎمل أﻛﱪ ﺑﻜﺜري ﻣام ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻬﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﲆ اﻹﺻﺪار اﻷدىن ﻣﻦ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ‪ -‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺪاﺧﲇ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮب ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ ,‬اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬

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‫‪Around Tahrir Square, Cairo. © Francesco Giusti‬‬

‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ُ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


struggle. This points to a kind of imaginary where the actual communications are a third point in a triangle –as part of the enabling ecology of conditions that is not simply about communication among participants. This invites us to ask: How can the new social media add to functions that go beyond mere communication and thereby contribute to a more complex and powerful condition/capability?

This essay explored some vectors at work in the MENA region uprisings, with the aim of opening up a larger conceptual field to understand the complex interactions between power and powerlessness. This exploration makes it possible to examine the heuristic potential of these events, that tell a larger story. Situating this discussion in the larger question of the return of the city as a site for political and civic changes, but also as a lens for understanding larger modern transformations that may not be urban, but find one strategic moment in cities –the moment that makes them visible. In this regard I focused on two key features of the current period where cities are a lens helping us situate a larger process. One of these was what urban uprisings tell us about the limits of superior military force; I argued that the “social physics” of the city can obstruct, though not destroy, superior armed power. Similarly, these urban uprisings show us both limitations and potential of the new communications technologies, especially social media. The uprisings, especially in Egypt where there was full access to such media, showed both their limits –the mosques and Al Jazeera were more important in Cairo than Facebook– and, I argue, also their unrealized potential. Some of the key features of a range of struggles happening not only in the MENA region but also, in places as diverse as in China, Israel, Chile, Greece, Spain, the UK and US lead me to argue that the question of public space is central to giving the powerless rhetorical and operational openings. This concludes that The Global Street is distinguished from the piazza and the boulevard in the European sense

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‘The complex city system could either transform a disease into an epidemic, or it could generate “positive epidemics” as in the so-called 2011 Arab Spring’

‫’اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﺪة‬ ‫ﻗﺪ ﺗﺆدي إﱃ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﺮض‬ ‫ أو أﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ‬،‫إﱃ وﺑﺎء‬ ‫ ﻣﺜﻠام‬،«‫»أوﺑﺌﺔ إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫أﺻﺒﺢ واﺿﺤﺎ ﻓﻴام ﻳﺴﻤﻰ‬ ‘‫ اﻟﻌﺮيب‬٢٠١١ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﻴﻊ‬

The Global Street: Making The Political. Saskia Sassen


‫»ﻟﻠﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﺑﺄﻋﺪاد أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ,‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎر ﻋﻀﻮ ﰱ منﻮ ﴎﻳﻊ‪ ,‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻷﻛﱪ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻘﻊ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ أى ﺣﺪث »ﻟﻠﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك«‪ .‬إﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎج ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ أن ﺗﺠﻠﺐ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﰲ إﺳﺘﺨﺪام »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك«‪ ,‬و ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ أﻇﻬﺮ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء ﺣﺪود اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ وﻗﺪرة‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻹدراج ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬واﻟﻴﻮم‪ ,‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻢ وﺻﻒ ﻓﺮاغ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﱪاء ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﱰﻛﻴﻪ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ واﺿﺢ أن ﺗﻘﺘﴫ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺄﺧﺬ ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻰ ﰱ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﺗﺸري إﱃ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أﻛﱪ ﺑﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت ‪ /‬اﳌامرﺳﺎت‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺴﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ إﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﺮاغ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫»اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻮ أﻗﺮب إﱃ أداة‪ .‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺄيت ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮل ﻫﺬا ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮﺟﺢ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻦ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻛﺜري‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت ‪ .‬اﻟﻘﺪرة اﻵﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺬاﺗﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻬﻢ‪ ,‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﺪﺧﻮل اﻟﺪراﻣﺎﺗﻴىك »ﻟﻠﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« »ﻛﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓ ّﻌﺎل« ﻫﻰ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻷﻛﱪ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﻴﻎ‬ ‫إﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻓﺮاغ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ إﱃ ﻧﺸﻄﺎء ﺛﺎﺑﺘﻮن أو ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰون ذوى إﻫﺘامﻣﺎت ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ وﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻗﻮة‬ ‫وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﺸري إﱃ ﺻﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﻷﻛﱪ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻴﺌﺎت اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني ذوى اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أﻧﻪ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻌني ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ )وﻇﺎﺋﻒ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﻊ( أن ﻳﺘﻜﺮر ﰲ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺎت ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل مبﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء اﳌﺤﻠﻴﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﻮن ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻜﺮار ﻳﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﺎً ﻣﻦ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲇ ﺗﻮاﺻﻞ اﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ميﺜﻞ أﻳﻀﺎً ﺳﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳامت‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب اﻟﺠﺎرى ‪ -‬أﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺗﻜﺮار اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻻﺗﺼﺎل اﳌﺒﺎﴍ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫اﻵن‪ ،‬وﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ أﻛﱪ وأﻛرث ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪا ﻣﻦ ﻧﻀﺎل ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮد ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪا‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫﺬا ﻳﺸري إﱃ ﳾء وﻫﻤﻲ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻت اﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ متﺜﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺜﻠﺚ‪ -‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﻮاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻈﺮوف وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺠﺮد ﻟﻠﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﺑني اﳌﺸﺎرﻛني‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻻ ﻳﺪﻋﻮﻧﺎ إﱃ اﻟﺘﺴﺎؤل‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺗﺘﺠﺎوز‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺮد ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ إﺗﺼﺎل‪ ،‬و ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ إﱃ اﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪/‬ﻗﺪرة أﻛرث ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪا ً وأﻛرث ﻗﻮة ؟‬

‫ﻗﺎم ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل ﺑﺈﺳﺘﻜﺸﺎف ﻋﺪد ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻮى اﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ إﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﻬﺪف ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﺠﺎل أﻛﱪ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼت اﳌﻌﻘﺪة ﺑني اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ )اﻟﻘﻮة( و اﻟﻀﻌﻒ )اﻟﻼﻗﻮة(‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻹﺳﺘﻜﺸﺎف ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ إﺳﺘﺒﻴﺎن ﻋﻦ ﻗﻮة ﻫﺬه اﻷﺣﺪاث‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫أﺣﺪاث ﺗﺤيك ﻗﺼﺔ أﻛﱪ‪ .‬وﺿﻊ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ أﻛﱪ آﻻ و ﻫﻰ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻋﻮدة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ أﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻌﺪﺳﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﻜﺒرية ﰲ ﻋﴫﻧﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮن ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻬﺎ وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺪ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ إﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ واﺣﺪة ﰲ اﳌﺪن وﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ رﻛﺰت ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد ﻋﲆ إﺛﻨني ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴامت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﱰة اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻌﺘﱪ اﳌﺪن ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﺪﺳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﲆ وﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ أﻛﱪ‪ .‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴامت ﻣﺎ ﺗﺨﱪﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ اﻹﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺪود اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ‪,‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﻗﻤﺖ مبﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﺎ اذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ »اﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳﺎء اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ« ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ميﻜﻨﻬﺎ أن ﺗﻌﺮﻗﻞ‪ ،‬وإن مل ﻳﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺪﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﻮﻗﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒني ﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﻹﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ ,‬ﺣﺪود وإﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎت ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎت اﻹﺗﺼﺎﻻت اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ان اﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎت‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺮﻳﺔ وﺻﻮل ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ إﱃ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ أﻇﻬﺮت اﻟﺤﺪود‪-‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ وﻗﻨﺎة اﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮة أﻛرث أﻫﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ »اﻟﻔﻴﺴﺒﻮك« ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪ -‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ أﻇﻬﺮت اﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻏري اﳌﺘﺤﻘﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛام أزﻋﻢ‪ .‬دﻓﻌﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴامت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺪد واﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻀﺎﻻت‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎرى أﺣﺪاﺛﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ‪ -‬وﻟﻜﻦ أﻳﻀﺎً ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﺪن ﰲ اﻟﺼني وإﴎاﺋﻴﻞ وﺷﻴﲇ واﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن واﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ واﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﺰات ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺬاﺗﻪ‪ - ,‬دﻓﻌﺘﻨﻰ إﱃ أن أﺟﺎدل ﺑﺄن ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻫﻮ أﻣﺮ أﺳﺎﳼ ﻹﻋﻄﺎء ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺑﻼﻏﻴﺔ وﺗﺸﻐﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ٌ ,‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻀﻌﻔﺎء )اﻻأﻗﻮﻳﺎء(‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺤﺘﺎج ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم إﱃ متﻴﻴﺰه ﻋﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم ﰲ اﻟ ُﻌﺮف اﻷورويب‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻳﻘﻮدين إﱃ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟـ »ﺷﺎرع‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ«‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ )ﺑﻴﺎﺗﺰا( واﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺮﻳﺾ )ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻔﺎرد( ﰱ اﻟ ُﻌﺮف اﻷورويب‬

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‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ُ :‬ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺳﻦ‬


UNTITLED G.LA

‫ﺑﻼ ﻋﻨـــــﻮان‬

(G.LA) ‫ﻻ‬.‫ج‬


General.la is a Certified CreativeGeniusTM and has been ‘sharpening the cutting edge’ of design culture and trend for the past decade. He has shown his work at MoCA and A+D Museum of Art and Design, and is currently working on a retrospective monograph. www.General.la

‫ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ وﻣﺒﺪع اﺳﺘﺨﺪم وﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬General.la ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮة وﺳﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ ﺗﻢ ﻋﺮض اﻋامﻟﻪ ﰲ‬...‫ﻣﺪى اﻟﻌﻘﺪ اﳌﺎﴈ‬ ‫( واﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﻒ اﻟﻔﻨﻮن واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬MoCA) ‫ وﻳﺠﻬﺰ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬, (A+D Design Museum) . ‫ﻣﻌﺮض ﻷﻋامﻟﻪ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬

“Untitled Phoenix # 3 (We Run The World)” General.la 2011 : Digital Iris Print 84” x 36”

«(‫ )ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺎمل‬٣# ‫»ﺑﻼ ﻋﻨﻮان ﻓﻴﻨﻜﺲ‬ ‫ ﻃﺒﺎﻋﺔ دﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎل اﻳﺮﻳﺲ‬:٢٠١١ ‫ﺟﻴﻨريال ﻻ‬ “٨٤ x “٣٦

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“Strength can be defined as the capacity to change” The notion that change as a viable means to survival is as oblique as regarding any state as that of permanence, evaluating the insinuation that the invariance of perceptibility conquers any other point of view regarding the nature of ‘the objective’. Although, in abstract, the qualities of change are generally attributed to any performance of difference, the actual intention of change is simply ‘movement’...because it connotes a morphosis: transformation , and thus intentionality (although neutral in its qualification), and entirely the predisposition of substance. Change occurs over time: it is only possible within the context of “what once was” as is inherently different from the “what is now”. We have never been in anything but a state of change, as all objects and experiences are within the boundaries of ‘Time’... entropic or vivacious; then, now, or.. to be. Change isn't a choice, although all choices change over time, as it is the most consistent of qualities, although its range of possibilities borders on infinite. The transitionary nature of almost every substance, every material, even the qualities by which any objective state is described most likely employs a direct or indirect adjective of ‘Change’. This unifying property is almost equally as omnipotent as ‘Time’, as both are complimentary is their contextual modification and valuation of each other in totality of content. The vastness by which ‘change’ is always occurring is almost replete in vagueness, as to properly qualify the notion of change it must be modified with context: “ the change of ____”, “____ changes into ____” , “only its ____ changes”. Yes, we are in a time of ‘great change’, as our physical biology and its human-defined ‘weaknesses’ (such as ‘mortality’) are questioned by our proficiency in technology. What is Nature? Are we now the context for which technology exists (“we” being ‘the human condition’)? IS THE DESIRE TO EVOLVE THROUGH TECHNOLOGY (the digital) A FALSE EXPECTATION OF SALVATION? How is our pursuit of ‘Curing’ us from our ‘human-condition’ changing our nature? As the practice of Architecture responds to the achievements of Digital Technology, and changes towards the ‘parametric’, are we now more or less architects of the premium experience? Change in and of itself is inevitable. It is Wisdom that modifies Change towards Positive or Negative results. Definition of this wisdom is the intended goal

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Untitled. G.LA


‫»ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ‪-‬اﻟﻘﻮة‪ -‬ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪي اﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎب ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري«‬ ‫إن اﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎع اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﲇ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻘﺎء ﻫﻮ اﻧﻄﺒﺎع ﻳﺤﻴﺪ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻛﻤﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪي ﺻﺪق اﻻﻳﺤﺎء ﺑﺄن ﺛﺒﺎت اﻻدراك اﻟﺤﴘ ‪ -‬ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺄي ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻛـﺎﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ‪ -‬ميﻜﻨﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﲇ أي وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ أﺧﺮي ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ »اﻟﴚء اﳌ ُﺪ َرك«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﺧﻮاص اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎً‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻊ اﱄ أي أداء ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺘﻼف‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻘﺼﺪ اﻟﻔﻌﲇ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻫﻮ ﻣﺠﺮد »ﺣﺮﻛﺔ«‪ ...‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺿﻤﻨﺎً‪ :‬ﺗﺤ ﱡﻮﻻً ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻌ ﱡﻤﺪا ً )ﻣﻊ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻴﺎدﻳﱠﺎً ﰲ ﺻﻔﺘﻪ(‪،‬‬ ‫و ﰲ اﳌﺠﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﻴﺪ اﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘـﺎ ﱠﻣﺔ ﻟﻠـﻤـﺎدة‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮور اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ :‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺳﻴﺎق »ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻳﻮﻣﺎً« ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎق »ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻵن«‪ .‬إﻧﻨﺎ دامئﺎ وأﺑﺪا ﻧﻌﻴﺶ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ أن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺟﺴﺎم واﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﺗﻘﻊ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺪود »اﻟﻮﻗﺖ«‪ ...‬ﻓﻬﻲ إﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺪ ّْﻫﻮر َﺣﺘْﻤﻲ أو ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ؛ ِﺣـﻴ َﻨـﺬَاك‪ ،‬اﻵن‪ ،‬أو ‪ِ ..‬ﻋـ ْﻨﺪَﺋـِ ٍﺬ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻟﻴﺲ ﺧﻴﺎرا ً‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻏﻢ أن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺨﻴﺎرات ﺗﺘﻐري ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮور اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ أﻛرث اﻟﺨﻮاص ﺛﺒﺎﺗﺎً ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﳌﺒﺪأ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻏﻢ أن ﻧﻄﺎق اﺣﺘامﻻﺗﻪ ﻳﻘﺎرب اﻟﻼﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﺤ ﱡﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺎدة‪ ،‬وﻛﻞ ﺧﺎﻣﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺣﺘﻲ اﻟﺨﻮاص اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻒ ﺑﻬﺎ أي ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ُﻣﺪ َرﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻋﲇ اﻷرﺟﺢ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺻﻔﺔ ﻟـ »ﺗﻐﻴري«‬ ‫ﻣﻌني‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﴍ أو ﻏري ﻣﺒﺎﴍ‪ .‬وإن اﻟﻘﺪرة ِ‬ ‫اﳌﻮﺣﺪة ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺨﺎﺻ َﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎدل ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً اﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﻔﺎﺋﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻟـ »اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻼﻫام ﻣﻜ ﱢﻤﻼ ﻟﻶﺧﺮ ﰲ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ اﳌﺤﺘﻮي‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﺘﺤ ﱡﻮل اﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﻲ واﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ اﳌﻘﺪﱠرة‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻌﻀﻬام اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻻﺗﺴﺎع اﻟﺬي ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري دامئﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺷﺊ ﻣﻔﻌﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﻤﻮض‪ ،‬و ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﺑﺪﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻐري«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻐري اﱄ _____«‪» ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ _____ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ وﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎق ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‪» :‬ﺗﻐﻴري ____«‪ _____» ،‬ﱠ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻦ اﻵن ﰲ زﻣﻦ »ﺗﻐﻴري ﻛﺒري«‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ أن اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺠﺴﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻼﻧﺴﺎن و«ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ ﺿﻌﻔﻪ« )ﻛﺎﻟـ‬ ‫»ﻓﻨﺎء«( أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺴﺎؤل ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺑﺮاﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ ﻧﺤﻦ اﻵن منﺜﻞ‬ ‫اﻻﻃﺎر اﻟﺬي ﻣﻦ أﺟﻠﻪ وﺟﺪت اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ )»ﻧﺤﻦ« ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻨﺎ »اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ«( ؟ ﻫﻞ اﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻄ ﱡﻮر‬ ‫ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ )اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ( ﻫﻲ أﻣﻞ زاﺋﻒ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻨﺠﺎة؟ ﻛﻴﻒ أﺻﺒﺢ اﻟﺴﻌﻲ وراء »ﺷﻔﺎء«‬ ‫أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ »ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻨﺎ اﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ« ﻳﻐري ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻨﺎ؟ ﻣﺜﻠام أن ﻣامرﺳﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺗﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ ﻻﻧﺠﺎزات‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﺗﺘﻐري اﱄ »اﻟﺤﺪودﻳﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﻧﺤﻦ اﻵن أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺮد ﻣﻌامرﻳني ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ؟‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻪ أﻣﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮم‪ .‬ووﺣﺪﻫﺎ اﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ أوﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وإن اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻬﺪف اﳌﻨﺸﻮد‬

‫ﺑﻼ ﻋﻨـــــﻮان‪ .‬ج ﻻ‬

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Untitled. G.LA


‫»ﻧﻈﺮة ﻟﻠﺸﺎﺣﺐ ‪) ...‬ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺪﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﺎمل(«‬

‫ﺟﻴﻨريال ﻻ ‪ :٢٠١١‬ﻃﺒﺎﻋﺔ دﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎل اﻳﺮﻳﺲ ‪“٨٤ x “٣٦‬‬

‫ﺑﻼ ﻋﻨـــــﻮان‪ .‬ج ﻻ‬

‫’’)‪‘‘ ‘Behold, The Pale ..’ (WeRunTheWorld‬‬ ‫”‪General.la2011 : Digital Iris Print 84” x 36‬‬

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BERLIN IS NEVER BERLIN. Martin Abbott

.‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﺑﺪاً ﺑﺮﻟني‬

ّ‫ﻣﺎرﺗِﻦ اﺑﻮت‬


Martin Abbott is a master of architecture graduate

from the University of Technology in Sydney and currently living and working in Berlin. He spent the last year on exchange at TU Berlin, where he discovered a city he wanted to continue living in. He’s still living in Berlin, not only learning German and working, but more thinking, writing and making. He is dreaming up wonderful ideas and plans for today and tomorrow. Martin’s student work has been published in Architectural Design and Architectural Review Australia. He has worked on a number of diverse projects encompassing multiple scales, types and areas of interest. A series of projects that has intensified his gaze at the city, an area influenced not only by architecture and design but broader social, political and economic factors.

‫ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ أﺑﻮت ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘري اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺪين وﻳﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ ﻗﴣ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ اﻟﺪراﳼ اﻻﺧري ﰲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺗﺒﺎدل ﰲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬.‫وﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‬ ‫ ﻣﺎ زال ﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﰲ‬.‫اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﱪﻟني ﺣﻴﺚ اﻛﺘﺸﻒ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﻗﺮر ﻣﻮاﺻﻠﺔ اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ أﻧﻪ ﻳﺤﻠﻢ ﺑﺄﻓﻜﺎر وﺧﻄﻂ‬.‫ ﻟﻜﻨﻪ أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ وﻳﻜﺘﺐ‬,‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻢ اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ و ﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬،‫ﺑﺮﻟني‬ Architectural” ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻧﴩت اﻋامﻟﻪ ﻛﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﰲ ﻣﺠﻠﺘﻲ‬.‫راﺋﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﴐ واﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫ ﻛام ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ‬.‫“ ﰲ أﺳﱰاﻟﻴﺎ‬Architectural Review” ‫“ و‬Design ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻛﺜﻔﺖ‬.‫ أﻧﻮاع وﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻫﺘامم وﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة وﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬،‫اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ‬ ‫ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺛري اﻟﻌامرة‬،‫ﻟﻪ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺮاﺗﻪ إﱃ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ .‫واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ وﻟﻜﻦ أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ وﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ أوﺳﻊ‬

The Kitchen Monument, urban activator and magnifier. Traveling through Europe since 2006 as a mobile activator for temporary communities, Duisburg 2006.

ِ ‫ ُﻣ‬,‫اﳌﻄﺒﺦ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﺎرى‬ ِ ‫ﻨﺸﻂ و ُﻣ‬ ٢٠٠٦ ‫ ﻳﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﰱ اوروﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ﻜﱪ ﺣﴬى‬ ِ ‫ﻛ ُﻤ‬ .٢٠٠٦ ‫ دوﻳﺴﱪج‬,‫ﻨﺸﻂ ُﻣﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ‬

Photographer: Marco Canevacci © Raum Labor /Plastique Fantastique

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change | ch ānj| the act, process or result of altering or modifying.

Berlin is the famed capital of unified Germany, a city living in a state of urban transformation. Affordable rent, vast quantities of space and a creative population, who are active participants in Berlin’s regeneration, seed a delightful array of physical and cultural obscurities. This community involvement and empowerment differentiates Berlin from other European capitals. Over the past two decades, Berlin has thrived on relentless change that gives the city an inconsistent and fragmented character. The process of change continues to add to a disordered urban history and is encouraged by antagonistic political, cultural and economic qualities. In 1945, Berlin was carved up by rival political powers asserting diverging political ideologies and until 1989 was a divided city. An urban frontier separated rival political identities and forged a city focused on the unifying potential of tomorrow. This divisive period manifested competing approaches to city development. West Berlin enlisted the help of progressive and experimental architects, the likes of whom ‘reads like an encyclopedia of modern architectural history.’ At the same time, the East concentrated on building the appearance of a powerful and successful state through large urban projects such as Karl Marx Allee or Alexanderplatz. A newly unified Germany, paved the way for a construction boom in Berlin and an array of new projects, profoundly altered the face of the city. During ‘the short period between 1990 and 2000, financial investment in new construction in the city amounted to 250-300 billion DM, equivalent to as much as 150 billion euros’. This period of rapid, large scale construction is obtusely visible across Berlin today. Despite continuing urban infill, a large quantity of open space remains to stimulate and influence the city’s many moods. Currently, the process of urban renewal in Berlin is led by large scale public and private investment, such as the billion dollar project to reconstruct the old Royal Palace in Mitte, in the centre of Berlin. The process is more subtly demonstrated by a transient residential population. Unusual for a european capital, Berlin’s urban fabric is still under construction; In the immediate area around the central railway station, Hauptbahnhoff, there are three large architectural projects in progress. On the other hand, it is critical to assess the symbiotic relationship between the city and small scale projects that influence the city’s unique urban qualities. This leads us to the question, what is contributing to Berlin’s contemporary physical and cultural growth? 48 Stunden Neukölln is a small scale art festival taking place in public and private venues across the district of Neukölln in Berlin. The weekend long festival provides a decentralised platform to unite hundreds of shops, galleries, studios and lounge rooms as locations for the arts. City streets are transformed into urban galleries and act as a kind of connective tissue, bringing together unrelated and spatially distant exhibition spaces. Initiated by the community art organisation, Kulturnetzwerk Neukölln, the festival was established to positively respond to the negative and inaccurate 1997 Der Spiegel article ‘Endstation Neukölln’. In contrast to the article, the festival highlights Neukölln’s cultural diversity and vibrancy. In 1999, twenty-five venues participated in the festival. Each year, the festival has grown and this year organisers expect more than 400 locations to be involved.

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Berlin is Never Berlin. Martin Abbott


‫ﺗﻐﻴري؛ ﻫﻮ ﻓﻌﻞ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ أو ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ أو ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﻫﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ اﳌﻌﺮوﻓﺔ ﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ اﳌ ﱠﻮﺣﺪة‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ متﺮ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻢ ﺗﺄﺟريﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻄﺤﺎت وﻓرية‪ ،‬وﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﺒﺪﻋﻮن‪،‬‬ ‫وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻧﺸﻄﺎء ﰲ إﻋﺎدة إﺣﻴﺎء ﺑﺮﻟني‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺨﻠﻖ ﻧﺴﻖ ﻣﺒﻬﺞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﻔﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ واﻟﺘﻤﻜني اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ميﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻋﻦ ﻏريﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻮاﺻﻢ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار اﻟﻌﻘﺪﻳﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘني‪ ،‬متﻴﺰت ﺑﺮﻟني ﺑﺘﻐﻴري ﻣﺘﻮاﺻﻞ أﺿﻔﻲ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻃﺎﺑﻌﺎً ﻣﺘﺠﺰﺋﺎ وﻏري‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﻖ‪ .‬وإن ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ إﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﺰﻳﺪ إﱄ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﻏري اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺠﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺴﻤﺔ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪.١٩٨٩‬‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺎدة‪ .‬ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٤٥‬ﺗﻨﺎزﻋﺖ اﻟﻘﻮي اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺎرﺿﺔ ﺑﺎدﻋﺎء أﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎت ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ وﻇﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺑﺮﻟني ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺪا ً ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺎً ‪ ,‬ﻳﻘﺴﻢ اﻟﻬﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ وﻳﺼﻴﻎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﲇ اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺣﺪة‪ .‬أﻇﻬﺮت ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﱰة اﻻﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﺖ ﻓﻴام ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬اﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﻟني اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴني اﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴني‪ ،‬و ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫و ﻛﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‹‪ .‬وﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﰲ ﴍق اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﲇ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ واﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎرل ﻣﺎرﻛﺲ وﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪرﺑﻼﺗﺰ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺪت أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ اﳌﻮﺣﺪة ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎً اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻄﻔﺮة ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟني وﻇﻬﻮر ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ أﺿﻔﺖ ﺗﻐﻴريا ً ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎً ﻋﲇ ﺷﻜﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺨﻼل اﻟﻔﱰة اﻟﻘﺼرية ﻣﺎ ﺑني ‪ ١٩٩٠‬و ‪ ،٢٠٠٠‬ﺑﻠﻐﺖ‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﺜامرات اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت اﻹﻧﺸﺎء اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ٣٠٠- ٢٥٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎر ﻣﺎرك أﳌﺎين‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺎدل ‪ ١٥٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎر ﻳﻮرو ‪ .‬وﻧﺠﺪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻔﱰة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺸﻴﻴﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ذو اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﻮاﺳﻊ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒري ﻋﱪ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮاﺻﻞ اﻻﻣﺘﺪاد اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻞ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ اﻟﺸﺎﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻔﺰا ً‬ ‫وﻣﺆﺛﺮا ُ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻻت اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗُﺪار ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ اﺳﺘﺜامرات ﺿﺨﻤﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ وﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﴩوع اﳌﻠﻴﺎر دوﻻر ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻘﴫ اﳌﻠيك اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﰲ »ﻣﻴﺘﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻟني‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﱪاﻋﺔ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﻜﺎن أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﺑﺨﻼف اﻟﻌﻮاﺻﻢ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓام ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰال‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻟني ﺗﺤﺖ اﻹﻧﺸﺎء؛ ﻓﻔﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ مبﺤﻄﺔ اﻟﻘﻄﺎر اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻬﻮف‪ ،‬ﺟﺎري اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت‬ ‫إﻧﺸﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺿﺨﻤﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ أﺧﺮي‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻓﻠﻴﺔ ﺑني اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ واﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻔﺮدة‪ .‬ﻣ��م ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﺆال‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ اﻟﺬى ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﺣﻘﺎً ﰲ منﻮ ﺑﺮﻟني اﳌﻌﺎﴏ‪ ،‬اﳌﺎدي واﻟﺤﻀﺎري؟‬ ‫‪ ٤٨‬ﺷﺘﻮﻧﺪن ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ – ﻣﻬﺮﺟﺎن ﻓﻨﻲ ﺻﻐري ﻳﻘﺎم ﰲ ﻣﻘﺮات ﻋﺎﻣﺔ وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‪ .‬ﻳﻘﺪم اﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎن اﳌﻤﺘﺪ ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار ﻋﻄﻠﺔ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺒﻮع ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻻ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﻀﺎﻓﺮ ﻣﺌﺎت اﳌﺤﻼت‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﺮض‪ ،‬اﻻﺳﺘﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎت واﻻﺳﱰاﺣﺎت ﻛﻤﻮاﻗﻊ ﻟﻠﻌﺮوض اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬و ﺗﺘﺤﻮل ﺷﻮارع اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ إﱄ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎرض ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ وﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﻴﺞ راﺑﻂ ﻳﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺮض اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺮﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺻﻠﺔ واﳌﺘﺒﺎﻋﺪة ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ .‬ﺑﺪأ اﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎن مبﺒﺎدرة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ )ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ( ﻟﻠﻔﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬وﺟﺎء مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ردا ً اﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺎً ﻋﲇ اﳌﻘﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻏري اﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟـ »دﻳﺮ ﺷﺒﻴﺠﻞ« ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٩٧‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮان‬ ‫اﳌﻘﺎﻟﺔ »اﳌﺤﻄﺔ اﻷﺧرية ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ«‪ .‬وﻋﲇ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ اﳌﻘﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﱪز اﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎن اﻟﺘﻨﻮع اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ واﻟﺤﻴﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٩٩‬ﺷﺎرك‬ ‫‪ ٢٥‬ﻣﻘﺮ ﰲ اﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎن‪ .‬و مبﺮور اﻷﻋﻮام زاد ﺣﺠﻢ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ وﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ اﳌﻨﻈﻤﻮن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﺎم ﺣﺠﻢ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻷﻛرث ﻣﻦ ‪ ٤٠٠‬ﻣﻘﺮ‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﻔﻨﺰ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺟﺎن ‪ ٤٨‬ﺷﺘﻮﻧﺪن ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ وﻫﻮ أﻳﻀﺎً أﺣﺪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﺴني اﳌﺘﻮاﺻﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺟﺘﺎﺣﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻟني ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم ‪،‬‬ ‫واﻵن‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ رأي ﺗﺄﺛري ﺗﻄﻮر اﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎن ﻋﻦ ﻛﺜﺐ وﻣﺎ أﻋﻘﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴري ﰲ اﳌﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﲇ وﺟﻮه ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺎً‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻬﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺜريﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﺪﺧﻼً ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺎ ﻷﺳﻠﻮب ﺣﻴﺎة ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‪.‬وﻓﻀﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﻮن إﱄ ﺑﺮﻟني اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴني ﺑﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﻨﻮع اﻟﺤﻀﺎري ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ‪ .‬وﰲ اﻵوﻧﺔ اﻷﺧرية‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ إﻃﺎرا ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﻸﺣﻴﺎء اﻷﻧﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق‪ .‬وﺟﺬﺑﺖ اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧني اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني ﻋﻦ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻟﻺﻳﺠﺎر ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ وﻗﺪ ﺑﺪءوا ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﻧﺘﺎج ذايت ﻣﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺤﻠﻴني‪ .‬وﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎن ﻳﻌﻜﺲ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻟـ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﺑﺪا ً ﺑﺮﻟني ‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ أﺑﻮتّ‬


Martin Steffens is the director of 48 Stunden Neukölln and also lives in the area. He has witnessed the relentless waves of gentrification sweeping across Berlin and now, Neukölln. He sees the growth of the festival closely following changes in the district, such as the changing faces of people in the area. Historically working class, Neukölln was also an entertainment district. For many, Neukölln provided a genuine introduction to an affordable way of living in Berlin. Migrants arriving in Berlin, chose to establish themselves in Neukölln, establishing the districts cultural diversity. More recently, Neukölln has provided a different context to the fashionable districts of the east. Artists looking for space and affordable rent moved into the neighbourhood and began self producing socio-cultural projects with local residents. Similarly, the festival reflects Neukölln’s inclusive nature. Today, rent is increasing and tourist numbers are climbing, reducing Neukölln’s ability to maintain its level of inclusiveness. Higher rent is already affecting sections of Neukölln. Martin Steffens has observed this problem in the Reuter Kiez, ‘it’s changing from an area of mere artistic quality into a place for commerce and amusement.’ In this area, small studios and anarchic project rooms are closing due to their inability to pay rent. The wealth of social and culturally orientated projects, are being forced out by more profit driven services. Can this gentrifying process be ameliorated to better serve the needs of local residents? The continuing arrivals to Neukölln will inevitably affect the area’s dynamic. Working in a similar vein, the eight member strong architecture collective raumlaborberlin is attracted to work in difficult urban locations; places torn between different systems and planning ideologies, which could also describe Berlin. Matthias Rick is a member of the collective and sees Berlin as a schizophrenic city. Matthias arrived in West Berlin in 1988 to study architecture. After the wall came down, he was living in one of the many squats established in East Berlin. Attracted by the large amount of available space, Matthias discovered it was more interesting to test the spatial limits of the city in Prenzlauer Berg. Shortly after, he left university to focus on his own body of work.

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Berlin is Never Berlin. Martin Abbott


‫واﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺤﺖ أﺳﻌﺎر اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات ﰲ ازدﻳﺎد وأﻋﺪاد اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺤني ﰲ‬ ‫منﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣام ﻳﻘﻠﺺ ﻗﺪرة ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲇ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ اﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ‬ ‫أﺛﺮت اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات اﳌﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﲇ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻻﺣﻆ ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﻔﻨﺰ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ روﻳﱰ ﻛﺎﻳﺘﺰ‪» ،‬إﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤﻮل ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ذات ﺟﻮدة ﻓﻨﻴﺔ إﱄ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﺠﺎرة وﺗﺮﻓﻴﻪ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ إﻏﻼق اﻻﺳﺘﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية وﻗﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻻﻧﺎرﻛﻴﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻌﺪم اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲇ ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ اﺳﺘُﺒﺪﻟﺖ اﻟرثوة اﳌﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﳌﻮ ﱠﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻮاﺣﻲ‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺨﺪﻣﺎت أﺧﺮي ﻣﻮ ﱠﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﺪاﻓﻊ »اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺑﺢ«‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻞ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﻴﺔ أن ﺗﺆدي إﱄ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫أﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳌﻘﻴﻤني اﳌﺤﻠﻴني؟ إن اﻟﻮﻓﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻘﻄﻊ إﱄ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ ﺳﺘﺆﺛﺮ ﺣﺘامً ﰲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ داﺧﻞ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻷﺳﻠﻮب‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻀﻞ اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ ذات اﻟﺜامﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫أﻋﻀﺎء »راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر ﺑﺮﻟني« اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ اﳌﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻘﺪة؛‬ ‫أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻤﺰﻗﺔ ﺑني أﻧﻈﻤﺔ وﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎت أﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ أﻳﻀﺎً أن ﺗﻮﺻﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻟني‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺛﻴﺎز رﻳﻚ أﺣﺪ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ أن ﺑﺮﻟني ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻧﻔﺼﺎم‪ .‬ﺟﺎء ﻣﺎﺛﻴﺎز إﱄ ﻏﺮب ﺑﺮﻟني ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٨٨‬ﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﻌامرة‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺪم اﻟﺠﺪار اﻟﻔﺎﺻﻞ‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﺴﻜﻦ أﺣﺪ اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫اﻧﺘﴩت ﰲ ﴍق ﺑﺮﻟني‪ .‬وﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﻘﻄﺒﻪ اﻟﺤﺠﻢ اﻟﺸﺎﺳﻊ ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺟﺪ أن ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ اﻟﺤﺪود اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺰﻻور ﺑريج ﺳﺘﻜﻮن أﻛرث ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻘﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﱰة وﺟﻴﺰة‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮك اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻴﺎن ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﺎص ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻤﺢ راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر ﰲ ﺟﻌﻞ اﳌﺪن ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً أﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﻦ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺑﻬﺎ اﳌﻌامري واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ اﳌﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎً ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﲇ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻟﺤﻴﺎﺗﻴﺔ اﳌﺪارة ذاﺗﻴﺎً ﺧﻼل‬

‫‪Prinzessinnengarten engages with the local community. It‬‬ ‫‪brings people together to strengthen community ties and‬‬ ‫‪educate locals with the skills and know-how to have a say in the‬‬ ‫‪changes going on around them in Kreuzberg.‬‬

‫»ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ« ﺗﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺤﲆ‪ .‬ﺗﺠ ﱢﻤﻊ اﻟﻨﺎس‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌني ﻟﺘﻘﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺮواﺑﻂ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ و ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻃﻨني ﻣﻬﺎرات و ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫إﺑﺪاء اراء ﻓﻴام ﻳﺤﺪث ﺣﻮﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴري ﰲ ﻛﺮوﺗﺰﺑﺮج‬ ‫‪Photographer: Marco Clausen © Marco Clausen /Prinzessin‬‬‫‪nengarten‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﺑﺪا ً ﺑﺮﻟني ‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ أﺑﻮتّ‬


Raumlabor aspire to make cities better places to live. Their community and socially orientated approach to architecture and urbanism was founded on the back of a series of self directed experiments into living during the early ‘90’s. Living alongside friends in a squat, they ran a bar, started a club and established a lifestyle in Berlin, an image that is now being on-sold to visitors. A forthcoming project is a multidisciplinary proposal to construct a temporary international festival called ‘The great worlds fair 2012 / the world is not fair’ at the former city airport Tempelhofer Feld, now a city park. The project is a reaction to the International Building Exhibition proposed for the same location. Raumlabor’s approach is contrary to the way of working taken by increasingly large scale, top down development appearing in Berlin. They hope to show the city the potential of the esteemed site, should the community be incorporated into the project’s development. The Kitchen Monument is another raumlabor project that embraces this sense of community and aims to magnify social interaction. Working alongside another local architecture studio, Plastique Fantastique, the project has been visiting cities across Europe since 2006. The project engages local residents and is a tool for urban activation. The project possesses an ephemeral structure, a transparent plastic skin that forms a collective space for a moment. Matthias believes this project shows many working potentials because people and their ideas can appropriate the space. Operating in a similar way to 48 Stunden Neukölln and raumlaborberlin, Prinzessingarten is a community project that opened in 2009. Prinzessingarten is a quasi urban farming initiative, with the dual goals of increasing knowledge about food production and engaging the community socially, in order to bring ecological ideas to the attention of local residents in the district of Kreuzberg. Prinzessingarten equips local residents with the skills to empower them to participate in the dialogue surrounding urban development in their communities.The garden concept is temporary. Situated on a vacant city lot, they have installed a mobile garden using recycled objects such as boxes, crates and plastic bags. Essentially, everything can and probably will be moved at some point. This project will by nature, respond to the changing demands of the city. Key to the project’s ongoing success is the availability of the site, a vacant lot at Moritzplatz. Marco Clausen is one of the founders of Prinzessingarten and is a witness to the discrete urban changes transforming the district. Situated in the heart of Kreuzberg, Marco sees the situation today, as having changed dramatically from 10 years ago. Berlin appears to be a city with much open space, however the reality is a city experiencing radical change, particularly concerning real estate. Marco thinks it would be difficult to start another project like this now, and sees the various pressures on the garden’s current site. Prinzessingarten’s site is city owned and having watched the city sell many properties over the last 10 years he is unsure of their future. It is clear Berlin is unlike other European cities. Affordable rent is disappearing, forgotten spaces are slowly being remembered and gentrification is taking hold in new areas of the city such as Neukölln. Alarmingly, Kreuzberg formerly one of the most affordable rental districts in the city, is now home to some of the highest rents in Berlin. Why is Berlin unlike any other city in Europe? Perhaps it is because of the weight of history, strong social and collective bonds linking residents or the never materialised

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Berlin is Never Berlin. Martin Abbott


‫أواﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺎً إﱄ ﺟﻨﺐ ﰲ اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎم اﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎء ﺑﺈدارة ﺑﺎر‪ ،‬وإﻧﺸﺎء ﻧﺎدي‪ ،‬وﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ أﺳﻠﻮب ﺣﻴﺎة ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺻﻮرة‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺎد ﺑﻴﻌﻬﺎ اﻵن ﻟﻠﺰاﺋﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬و ﻳﺘﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪاد ﳌﴩوع ﻣﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﻘﱰح ﻣﺘﻌﺪد اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎت‪ ،‬ﻹﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﻌﺮض دوﱄ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ أﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪» :‬اﳌﻌﺮض‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ اﻟﻜﺒري ‪/٢٠١٢‬اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﺎدﻻ«‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻘﺎم ﻋﲇ أرض اﳌﻄﺎر اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ »ﺗﻴﻤﺒﻠﻬﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺪ«‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻵن ﻣﺘﻨﺰه ﻋﺎم ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺬا‬ ‫اﳌﴩوع مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ رد ﻓﻌﻞ ﳌﴩوع اﳌﻌﺮض اﻟﺪوﱄ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎء واﻟﺬي ﺗﻢ اﻗﱰاﺣﻪ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﻗﻊ‪ .‬أﺳﻠﻮب راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر ﻫﻮ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ أﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻷداء‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﺎزﱄ واﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒري ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﺄﻣﻠﻮن ﰲ إﻇﻬﺎر إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﳌﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﻟﻠ���ﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﴐورة إﴍاك اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﰲ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫»اﳌﻄﺒﺦ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﺎري« ‪ ،‬ﻣﴩوﻋﺎً آﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر واﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻐﺰي اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ وﻳﻬﺪف ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺎً اﱄ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ اﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﻣﻌامري ﻣﺤﲇ آﺧﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺑﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﺎﺳﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎم اﳌﴩوع ﺑﺰﻳﺎرات ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﻋﱪ اﻟﻘﺎرة اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫‪ .٢٠٠٦‬و ﻳﻘﻮم اﳌﴩوع ﺑﺠﺬب اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺤﻠﻴني واﴍاﻛﻬﻢ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﻌﺪ وﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻔﻌﻴﻞ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ .‬وﻫﻮ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻼف‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚ ﺷﻔﺎف ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺮاغ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ داﺧﻠﻪ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ .‬وﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺛﻴﺎز ﺑﺄن اﳌﴩوع ﻳﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت ﺗُﺼﻨﻊ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﺑﺄﻓﻜﺎرﻫﻢ اﳌﻼمئﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﺘﺒﻌﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻧﻬﺞ »‪ ٤٨‬ﺷﺘﻮﻧﺪن ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ » و »راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر ﺑﺮﻟني«‪ ،‬ﻣﴩوع ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ آﺧﺮ ﻫﻮ »ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ« واﻟﺬي اﻓﺘﺘﺢ ﰲ ‪ .٢٠٠٩‬ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ‬ ‫ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺒﺎدرة زراﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﲇ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻋﻤﺮاين‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪف ﻣﺰدوج‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺨﺎص ﺑﺈﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻐﺬاء‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﻧﺘﺒﺎه اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺤﻠﻴني اﱄ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ ﻛﺮوﺗﺰﺑﺮج‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﺰوﻳﺪ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎرات ﻟﺘﻤﻜﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺤﻮار اﻟﺨﺎص ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﺤﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻜﺮة ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﳌﴩوع ﻣﻘﺎم ﰲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﺎﱄ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺣﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺟﺴﺎم اﳌﻌﺎد ﺗﺪوﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻟﺼﻨﺎدﻳﻖ‪ ،‬واﻷﻗﻔﺎص واﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﺐ اﻟﺒﻼﺳﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ اﻷﺳﺎس‪ ،‬ﰲ اﻷﻏﻠﺐ ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ان ﻳﺘﻢ إزاﻟﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﺷﻴﺎء ﰲ وﻗﺖ ﻣﻌني‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺬا اﳌﴩوع ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺗﺠﺎه اﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎت اﳌﺘﻐرية ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ﻟﻠﻨﺠﺎح‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت ﻫﻮ ﺗﻮاﻓﺮ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻗﻄﻌﺔ ﺷﺎﻏﺮة ﰲ ﻣﻮرﻳﺘﺰ ﺑﻼﺗﺰ‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ ﻛﻼوﺳﻦ أﺣﺪ ﻣﺆﺳﴘ ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ وأﺣﺪ ﺷﻬﻮد‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮل اﳌﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻏري اﳌﱰاﺑﻄﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻴامً ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻛﺮوﺗﺰﺑﺮج‪ ،‬ﻳﺮي ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ اﳌﻮﻗﻒ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛام ﺣﺪث‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐري اﻟﺠﺬري ﻣﻨﺬ ‪ ١٠‬ﺳﻨﻮات‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪو ﺑﺮﻟني وﻛﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺤﻮي‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﺷﺎﺳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﻫﻮ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ متﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻐﻴري ﺟﻮﻫﺮي‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪا ً ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﺎرات‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ‬ ‫أﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ اﻟﺒﺪء ﰲ ﻣﴩوع آﺧﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻵن‪ ،‬وﻳﺮي‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﻐﻮط ﻋﲇ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺤﺪﻳﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ومبﺎ أن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻊ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار اﻟﻌﴩة أﻋﻮام اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏري واﺛﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﳌﴩوع‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ أن ﺑﺮﻟني ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪ .‬ﺗﺘﻘﻠﺺ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ذات اﻹﻳﺠﺎرات اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﱰﺟﺎع اﳌﺴﻄﺤﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﻬﻤﻠﺔ ﺑﺒﻂء‪ ،‬و ﺗﺘﺒﻠﻮر ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﱰﻣﻴﻢ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ »ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ«‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﳌﺜري ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻛﺮوﺗﺰﺑﺮج واﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً أﺣﺪ اﳌﻘﺎﻃﻌﺎت اﳌﺘﻤﻴﺰة ﺑﻘﻴﻢ إﻳﺠﺎرﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻮﻃﻦ ﻷﻋﲇ اﻟﻘﻴﻢ اﻹﻳﺠﺎرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﳌﺎذا‬

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‫‪‘The Kitchen Monument is‬‬ ‫‪another raumlabor project‬‬ ‫‪that embraces this sense‬‬ ‫‪of community and aims to‬‬ ‫’‪magnify social interaction.‬‬

‫’ﻳﻌﺪ »اﳌﻄﺒﺦ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﺎري« ﻣﴩوﻋﺎً‬ ‫آﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر واﻟﺬي‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻐﺰي اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ وﻳﻬﺪف‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪‘.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﺑﺪا ً ﺑﺮﻟني ‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ أﺑﻮتّ‬


capital city plans. In Berlin, growing vibrancy and diversity, coupled with a politically active and engaged community is creating tremendous social and cultural outcomes. Projects like 48 Stunden Neukölln, Prinzessingarten and raumlaborberlin are special and are as much influenced by the city as they are influential to its own character. They are key contributors to the city’s contemporary physical, social and cultural wealth. New projects like Prinzessingarten or raumlaborberlin will continue to emerge, but in the face of profitable, large scale projects, it is uncertain weather future initiatives will have the same opportunities to flourish. How does Berlin maintain fertile ground for continued physical and cultural growth of the city into the future? There is a concern that as the city develops and costs rise, the social and cultural needs of the city will be neglected due to a lack of financial or political will needed to support these organic, small scale interventions. There is little support for the initiatives that make this city unique. Marco Clausen is unsure about Berlin’s future, but hopeful the strong social and political components of the city will survive. For Marco, Berlin has always inspired grand city visions and ‘most of the time, they fail and in the ruins of failure, new little things start to evolve’. What will Berlin look like in 10 years? Looking to the past, it is certain to surprise. This idea of ongoing urban renewal in Berlin can be seen in Karl Scheffler’s saying ‘Berlin is condemned forever to become and never to be.’ It is this continued state of emotional, cultural and physical change that interconnects Berlin’s history and explains the city’s present form. These interconnections define Berlin as a dynamic city, shaping its own future

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Berlin is Never Berlin. Martin Abbott


‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻛﻤﺜﻞ آي ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ أوروﺑﻴﺔ أﺧﺮي؟ رمبﺎ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﻞ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬أم‬ ‫اﻟﺮواﺑﻂ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﺑني اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ ،‬أم اﳌﺨﻄﻄﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ مل‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺠﺴﺪ أﺑﺪا ً ﻋﲇ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺤﺪ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني اﻟﺤامﺳﺔ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة واﻟﺘﻨﻮع‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺸﺎرك ﻧﺸﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﻣام ﻳﺆدي اﱄ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺴﺘﻮي‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻟﺤﻀﺎري‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﻣﺜﻞ »‪ ٤٨‬ﺷﺘﻮﻧﺪن ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ« و »راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر ﺑﺮﻟني« و‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ« ﻫﻲ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮة ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺒري‪ ،‬وﻣﺆﺛﺮة أﻳﻀﺎً ﰲ ﻃﺎﺑﻊ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﺴﺎﻫامً رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎً ﻟرثوة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‪ ،‬اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﻀﺎرﻳﺔ‪ .‬و ﺳﺘﻈﻞ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﻴﺲ ان ﺟﺎرﺗﻦ أو راوﻣﻼﺑﻮر ﺑﺮﻟني‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺮﺑﺤﻴﺔ اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎك ﺷﻚ ﰱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺒﺎدرات و ﻣﺎ‬ ‫إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻓﺮص اﻻزدﻫﺎر‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻋﲇ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷرض اﻟﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻮ اﳌﺎدي واﻟﺤﻀﺎري ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ؟ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺨﺎوف ﺑﺄن ﺣﻴﻨام ﺗﺰدﻫﺮ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ اﻷﺳﻌﺎر‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎﻫﻞ اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻧﻘﺺ اﻻرادة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﳌﻮارد اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺪﺧﻼت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺻﻐرية اﻟﻨﻄﺎق ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺪﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﳌﺒﺎدرات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﻌﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﺮدة ﻋﻦ ﺳﻮاﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻼوﺳﻦ ﻳﺒﺪو ﻏري واﺛﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺑﺮﻟني‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻮف ﺗﺒﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﳌﺎرﻛﻮ‪ ،‬دامئﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﺎ أﻟﻬﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﻟني رؤي اﳌﺪن اﻟﻜﱪي وﰲ أﻏﻠﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺮؤى ﻓﺸﻠﺖ‬ ‫‪ ,‬وﻣﻦ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﻔﺸﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻬﺮ أﺷﻴﺎء ﺻﻐرية ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﺘﺒﺪو‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ ١٠‬ﺳﻨﻮات؟ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﱄ اﳌﺎﴈ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ اﳌﺆﻛﺪ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺘﻔﺎﺟﺌﻨﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻛﺎرل‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻔﻠﺮ؛ ُﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﲇ ﺑﺮﻟني دامئﺎً ﺑﺄن »ﺗﺼﺒﺢ« وأﻻ »ﺗﻜﻮن«‪ .‬إﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻻﻧﻔﻌﺎﱄ‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﻀﺎري‪ ،‬واﳌﺎدي‪ ،‬ﻫﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟني وﺗﻔﴪ ﺷﻜﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ‪ .‬وﻫﺬه اﻟﺮواﺑﻂ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌ ّﺮف ﺑﺮﻟني‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻔﻌﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺳﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‬

‫‪The growing art festival 48 Stunden Neukölln, unites hundreds of shop’s, gallerie’s,‬‬ ‫‪studio’s, lounge room’s and roof top locations for the arts in the rapidly changing‬‬ ‫‪district of Neukölln.‬‬ ‫اﺣﺘﻔﺎل اﻟﻔﻨﻮن » ‪ ٤٨‬ﺷﺘﻮﻧﺪن ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ« ﻳﺠﻤﻊ اﳌﺌﺎت ﻣﻦ اﳌﺤﻼت‪,‬‬

‫ﺻﺎﻻت ﻋﺮض‪ ,‬ورش‪ ,‬ﻏﺮف اﺳﱰاﺣﺔ و اﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻓﻮق اﻷﺳﻄﺢ ﻟﻠﻔﻨﺎﻧني‪ ,‬و ذﻟﻚ ﰱ ﺣﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻜﻠﻦ اﳌﺘﻐري ﺑﴪﻋﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪Photographer: Amélie Losier‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮﻟني ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﺑﺪا ً ﺑﺮﻟني ‪ .‬ﻣﺎرﺗﻦ أﺑﻮتّ‬


PROJECT 1984. What About the Possibility of a Kynical Architecture? Nathalie Frankowski and Cruz Garcia (WAI Architecture Think Tank)

‫ ﻣﺎذا ﻋﻦ إﺣﺘامل وﺟﻮد اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺴﺎﺧﺮة؟‬.١٩٨٤ ‫ﻣﴩوع‬ (‫ ﻟﻠﻔﻜﺮ اﳌﻌامري‬WAI ‫)ﻣﺨﺘﱪ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺗﺎﱃ ﻓﺮاﻧﻜﻮﻓﺴىك و ﻛﺮوز ﺟﺎرﺳﻴﺎ‬


WAI Architecture Think Tank is a Workshop for Architecture Intelligentsia founded in Brussels in 2008 by Nathalie Frankowski and Cruz Garcia. Currently based in Beijing, WAI focuses on the understanding and execution of architecture through a panoramic approach, from theoretical texts, to narrative architectures, to urban and architectural experiments. WAI asks What About It? www.wai-architecture.com www.waithinktank.com ‫ ﻟﻠﻔﻜﺮ اﳌﻌامري( ورﺷﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻌامرة‬WAI ‫)ﻣﺨﺘﱪ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﱄ ﻓﺮاﻧﻜﻮﺳيك و‬٢٠٠٨ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﺴﺖ ﰲ ﺑﺮوﻛﺴﻞ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﲆ ﻓﻬﻢ وﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬WAI .‫ وﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﰲ ﺑﻜني‬.‫ﻛﺮوز ﻏﺎرﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻮص ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ إﱃ اﻟﴪد‬،‫اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻧﻬﺞ ﺑﺎﻧﻮراﻣﻲ‬ WAI .‫ﻣﻌامري وإﱃ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ واﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬ «‫ﺗﺘﺴﺎءل »ﻣﺎذا ﻋﻦ ذﻟﻚ؟‬

Project1984 Air Strip One, ‫ اﻟﴩﻳﻂ اﻟﻬﻮاىئ‬١٩٨٤ ‫ﻣﴩوع‬ MiniLuv Close-up. .‫ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﻠﻮف ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮب‬.١ © WAI Architecture Think Tank

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“For an architect, in the instant that he has undivided attention of a patron with the power to realize his designs, literally nothing else matters; not a fire alarm, not even an earthquake; there is nothing else to talk about but architecture.” Dejan Sudjic, The Edifice Complex “The fully developed ability to say No is also the only valid background for Yes, and only through both does real freedom [begin] to take form.” Peter Sloterdijk, Critique of Cynical Reason

City

Four towers rise above the city like muscular trunks in a grass field. Their scale obliterates any possible question about the intentionality of their disproportionate size. The exaggerated disparity between them and the urban fabric could not have been accidental. The towers were unquestionably built to be the main focus, the sole objects of attention. They are by far the most important buildings in the city. The towers deliver an explicit message of datum and order. Visible from any point in the city, the towers exploit the potential of architecture as iconography. They are archetypes of power. These identical concrete monoliths, three with facades perforated by square windows and the other one solid like a hermetic bastion, soar until reaching six hundred meters of height. Each tower represents one of the four governmental ministries: love, truth, peace, and plenty.

Competition

The towers did not always exist. For them to be completed an architect had to be selected. The ministries joined to hold an invited competition for one architect to design their four ministerial buildings. The contest called for a “series of monumental structures that through their form, and their use of image, outstandingly portray the values of society. Buildings capable of communicating the permanence and importance of the institutions they host.” A group of the world’s most famous architects were invited to submit a proposal for the project. Without hesitation (how to resist the temptation of such an important competition?) each designer proposed a series of buildings. Although varying in form, the proposals recurred to a similar strategy: they were all architectural icons. Some projects were typical signature trademarks, buildings that responded more to a consistent development of the architect’s formal language rather than to the specificity of the competition’s program. Other proposals adopted a more generic approach presenting buildings with the predictable aesthetics of market-oriented architecture. One of the submissions stood out because of its obvious simplicity. Of all the projects it was the only one with four towers of identical shape, consolidating the competition subtext with a single form to make the ministries appear like omnipresent manifestations of power. Following the submission deadline, all the projects were displayed through a series of exquisitely arranged public exhibitions containing

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Project 1984. WAI Architecture Think Tank Nathalie Frankowski and Cruz Garcia


‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ إﱃ أي ﻣﻌامري‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ‪ ,‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻫﺘامﻣﺎً ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﻣﻦ راﻋﻲ أو ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ اﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴامﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫ﳾء آﺧﺮ ﻳﻬﻢ؛ ﻻ إﻧﺬار اﻟﺤﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺣﺘﻰ زﻟﺰال‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ إﻻ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌامرة‪.‬‬ ‫دﻳﺎن ﺻﺪﻳﺎق‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﴫح )‪(The Edifice complex‬‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﻨﻀﻮج ﻟﻘﻮل ”ﻻ“ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﺔ ﻟﻘﻮل ”ﻧﻌﻢ“‪ ،‬وﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬام ﺗﺒﺪأ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﺸﻜﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﱰ ﺳﻠﻮﺗﺮداﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ اﳌﻨﻄﻖ اﻟﺴﺎﺧﺮ )‪(Critique of Cynical Reason‬‬

‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬

‫ﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ أرﺑﻌﺔ أﺑﺮاج ﻓﻮق اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺬوع ﻣﺘﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻞ ﻋﺸﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻄﻤﺲ ﺣﺠﻤﻬﺎ أي ﺗﻔﺴري ﻋﻦ اﻟﻬﺪف وراء ﺣﺠﻤﻬﺎ اﻟﻐري ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ان ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﺬﻟﻚ اﻻﻧﻔﺼﺎل اﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ و ﺑني اﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﺧﻄﺄ ﻏري ﻣﻘﺼﻮد‪ .‬ﻣام ﻻ ﺷﻚ ﻓﻴﻪ أن اﻷﺑﺮاج ﺑﻨﻴﺖ ﻟﺘﻜﻮن اﳌﺤﻮر‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ واﻟﴚء اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ اﻻﻫﺘامم‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ أﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﺎين اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻄﻲ اﻷﺑﺮاج رﺳﺎﻟﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻲ اﳌﻨﻈﻢ واﳌﺮﺟﻊ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أي ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﺤﺔ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت اﻟﻌامرة ﻛﺮﻣﺰ‪ .‬وأﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻷﺑﺮاج ﺗﺠﺴﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻘﻮة واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ‪.‬ﺗﺼﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻜﺘﻞ اﻟﺨﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ إﱃ ارﺗﻔﺎع ‪ ٦٠٠‬ﻣﱰ‪ ,‬ﺛﻼث ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮاﺟﻬﺎت ﻣﺜﻘﺒﻪ ﺑﺸﺒﺎﺑﻴﻚ ﻣﺮﺑﻌﻪ واﻷﺧري ﻣﺼﻤﺖ ﻛﺎﻟﺤﺼﻦ اﳌﻐﻠﻖ‪ .‬ميﺜﻞ ﻛﻼً ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺑﺮاج‬ ‫واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ أرﺑﻊ وزارات ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ :‬اﻟﺤﺐ واﻟﺼﺪق واﻟﺴﻼم‪ ،‬واﻟﻜرثة‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬

‫مل ﺗﻜﻦ اﻷﺑﺮاج دامئﺎً ﻫﻨﺎك‪ .‬وﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺑﺮاج ﻛﺎن ﻳﺠﺐ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر ﻣﻬﻨﺪس ﻣﻌامري ﻟﻴﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﳌﻬﻤﺔ‪ .‬أﺟﻤﻌﺖ اﻟﻮزارات ﻋﲆ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎر ﻣﻌامري واﺣﺪ ﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻷرﺑﻊ ﻣﻘﺮات اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪدات اﳌﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎ و ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻢ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬و ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻫﺬه اﳌﺒﺎين ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﺎة أﻫﻤﻴﺔ و اﺳﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺿﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﻢ دﻋﻮة ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺷﻬﺮ اﳌﻌامرﻳني و أﺣﺴﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﳌﴩوع‪ .‬وﺑﺪون ﺗﺮدد ﻗﺪم ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء اﳌﻌامرﻳني‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻘﱰﺣﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ رﻏﻢ اﺧﺘﻼف ﺗﺼﻤﻴامﺗﻬﺎ إﱃ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻔﻖ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻧﻔﺲ اﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ; ﻓﻬﻲ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ رﻣﻮز ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﺗﺤﺘﻮي ﻋﲆ ﺑﺼﻤﺔ و أﺳﻠﻮب اﳌﻌامري اﳌﺘﻔﺮد ﺑﻬﺎ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﻐﺘﻪ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫إﱃ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﳌﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬و اﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻵﺧﺮ أﺧﺬ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ أﻛرث ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻴﺔ ذو اﺗﺠﺎه ﺗﺠﺎري واﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻬﻞ اﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺑﻪ‪ .‬متﻴﺰ واﺣﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺑﺴﺎﻃﺘﻪ اﻟﻮاﺿﺤﺔ ﻓﻜﺎن اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ذو أرﺑﻊ أﺑﺮاج ﻣﺘﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺸﻜﻞ و ﻛﺎن ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ اﳌﺤﺪدات اﳌﺮﻏﻮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻹﺑﺮاز اﻟﻘﻮة و اﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ اﳌﻔﺮط ﻟﻠﻮزارات‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ اﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﻢ ﻋﺮض ﻫﺬه اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﰲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎرض اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺷﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ واﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺘﻮي ﻋﲆ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺮﺳﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ و اﻟﺘﻮﺿﻴﺤﻴﺔ و اﳌﻌﺎﻳري اﳌﻔﺼﻠﺔ و ﻛﻞ اﻟﻨامذج اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬اﻫﺘﻤﺖ اﻟﺠﺮاﺋﺪ واﳌﺠﻼت و اﻟﱪاﻣﺞ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ و اﻹذاﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺮض و ﻧﴩ أﺧﺒﺎر اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ و اﳌﺼﻤﻤني أوﻻً ﺑﺄول ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬

‫اﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎل‬

‫ﺗﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻓﻘﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﺈﻋﻼن اﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ أﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻔﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ اﻟﺠﻮاﺋﺰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﳌﻨﻚ )‪ (almanac‬ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻌامرة اﳌﻌﺎﴏة؛‬ ‫وﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ أﻛرث اﳌﻨﺸﻮرات اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻧ ًﺔ و اﺣﱰاﻣﺎً‪ ،‬وﺧﺼﺼﺖ ‪ ٢٠‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ إﱃ اﳌﻬﻨﺪس اﳌﻌامري اﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮان »ﻣﴩوع ‪«١٩٨٤‬‬

‫‪٤٧‬‬

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‫ﻣﴩوع ‪ .١٩٨٤‬ﻧﺎﺗﺎﱃ ﻓﺮاﻧﻜﻮﻓﺴىك و ﻛﺮوز ﺟﺎرﺳﻴﺎ‪.‬‬


conceptual plans, detailed specifications, explanatory diagrams and all the physical models. Newspapers, magazines, TV shows, and radio programs flooded the public with newsflashes and continuous updates about the projects and the architects who designed them.

Celebration

Bursting the bubble of suspense, some weeks later the winner was announced. Following the award ceremony the Almanac of Contemporary Architecture, the most prestigious architectural publication, devoted twenty pages to the master architect under the title “Project 1984” featuring his watercolors, ink drawings, pencil sketches and some poetry verses from his sketchbook. One of the pictures from the Almanac displayed a group of figures, between them members of the respective ministries, representatives of sponsor corporations, the architect, and some expert advisors looming perversely over an architectural model. The scaled model of the master plan included a reduced version of the city, and from four different points of the almost homogeneous composition of low rise buildings on the surface, stood four behemoth towers of slender pyramidal shape and truncated tops. Strategically collocated at legible height, each one of the towers was engraved in the façade with the slogan of the ministries in bold, capital letters: WAR IS PEACE, FREEDOM IS SLAVERY, IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH.

Critical

Needless to offer the remaining plot of a story of already known resolution; it must be made clear that this story does not aim to defend the architect for either cultivating his political naiveté or his opportunistic ambitions. A mixture between architectural fairytale and social nightmare, this story imagines a preceding scenario for George Orwell’s political masterpiece 1984 (1949). It explores that perversely “ideal” moment on an architect’s career when he finally has the opportunity to bridge the gap to fame and immortality and construct the most prominent buildings in the city. That paradoxical instant when the edifice of humanity comes crumbling down hammered by the same forces that make the architectural chef d’oeuvre rise in the first place. As in 1984, architecture has been a fervent accomplice to some of the most atrocious political regimes in recent memory. In the 20th century alone,

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‘How can a profession whose education and practice –based on selling projects through visual manipulation and redundant, subjective, apolitical rhetoric— maintain a critical stance when the conditions in the real world are completely fueled by politics? Is architecture the ultimate ideological anesthetic?’

Project 1984. WAI Architecture Think Tank Nathalie Frankowski and Cruz Garcia


‫ﻳﻀﻢ ﻟﻮﺣﺎت ﻣﺎﺋﻴﺔ ورﺳﻮم ﻣﺤﱪة و إﺳﻜﺘﺸﺎت ﻣﺒﺪﺋﻴﺔ و ﺑﻌﺾ اﻵﺑـﻴﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﻌﺮ اﳌﻜﺘﻮب ﰲ ﻛﺮاﺳﺔ اﻹﺳﻜﺘﺸﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺿﺖ‬ ‫إﺣﺪى اﻟﺼﻮر اﳌﻨﺸﻮرة ﺑﺪاﺧﻞ ﻋﺪد اﳌﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﻣﻮز ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺾ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻮزارات و وﻣﻤﺜﲇ اﻟﴩﻛﺎت اﻟﺮاﻋﻴﺔ و اﳌﻌامري‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ و ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺴﺘﺸﺎرﻳﻦ وﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎً ﻣﻨﻜﺒني ﻋﲆ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ أﺣﺪ اﻟﻨامذج اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﳌﺼﻐﺮ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬و ﻣﻦ أرﺑﻌﺔ أرﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ وﺳﻂ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ اﳌﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ اﳌﻨﺨﻔﺾ اﻻرﺗﻔﺎع‪ ,‬ﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ أرﺑﻌﺔ أﺑﺮاج ﺷﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﻀﺨﺎﻣﺔ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻘﻄﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺮأس‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺑﺮاج و ﻋﲆ ارﺗﻔﺎع ﻣﻮﺣﺪ‪ ,‬ﺣﻔﺮت ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﺷﻌﺎر اﻟﻮزارات‪ :‬اﻟﺤﺮب ﺳﻼم‪ ،‬اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﺒﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺠﻬﻞ ﻗﻮة‪.‬‬

‫اﻟﻨﻘﺪ‬

‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﻜﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺼﺔ اﳌﻌﺮوﻓﺔ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ; ﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﳌﻌامري ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺳﺬاﺟﺘﻪ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ أو ﻃﻤﻮﺣﺎﺗﻪ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎزﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺰﻳﺞ ﺑني اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ اﻟﺨﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ و اﻟﻜﻮاﺑﻴﺲ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺄﺧﻮذة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﺮاﺋﻌﺔ ﺟﻮرج أوروﻳﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪ ، (١٩٤٩) ١٩٨٤‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻜﺸﻒ اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻷي ﻣﻌامري و ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺠﺪ أﺧريا ً اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺴﺪ اﻟﻔﺠﻮة ﺑني اﻟﺸﻬﺮة و اﻷﺑﺪﻳﺔ و ﺑﻨﺎء أﻫﻢ اﳌﺒﺎين ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺪﻣﺮ أﺳﺲ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺎﻳري اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻜﻨﺖ ﺗﺤﻔﺘﻪ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﰲ اﳌﻘﺎم اﻷول‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻠام ﺟﺎء ﰲ ‪ ،١٩٨٤‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻌامرة ﴍﻳﻜﺎً ﻗﻮﻳﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻷﺑﺸﻊ ﰲ اﻟﺬاﻛﺮة اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ إﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎزﻳﺔ إﱃ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺎﺷﻴﺔ إﱃ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ إﱃ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‪ ,‬و ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺮاﻛﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﻴﺎت ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺬﺑﺬب ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﻔﻦ اﻟﻬﺎﺑﻂ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺎً‬ ‫إﱃ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ اﳌﺪﻗﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺸﻒ اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺐ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺑني اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ أن »أﻳﻮﻓﻦ« و »ﺳﺒري« و »ﺗﺮاﺟﻨﻲ« مل‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎءات ﻧﺎدرة ﰲ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ أدوات ﻟﺘﺤﺴني ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة وﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﺮاض اﻟﻔﻈﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮرة ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﻳﺎن اﻟﺘﻌﺎﱄ ﺑﺄي مثﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﳌﻬﻨﺔ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ و اﳌامرﺳﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺮوﻳﺞ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻳﻞ اﻟﺒﴫي و اﻻﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﻐري ﺳﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﻐري ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺪه ‪ -‬أن ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻗﻒ اﻟﻨﻘﺪي ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻇﺮوف اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻣﻜﺪﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ اﻟﻌامرة ﻫﻲ أﻗﻮى ﻣﺨﺪر أﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ؟‬

‫ﺳﺎﺧﺮ‬

‫ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﺨﻴﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺮواﻳﺔ ‪ ,١٩٨٤‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺪﻓﺔ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳني اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﻛﺄدوات ﻟﻠﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﺤﻮل اﻟﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ إﱃ ﺟﺰءا ً ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰأ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ذﺧرية اﳌﻬﻨﺪس اﳌﻌامري اﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ أﻳﺎﻣﻪ اﻷﻛﺎدميﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪,‬ﻳﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﺸﻌﺎر اﻟﺬي ﻳﺪﻋﻲ أن »اﻟﻌامرة ﻫﻲ اﻟﻌامرة‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻋﲆ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻋامرة« ﻫﻮ اﻟﺬي أﻇﻬﺮ اﻟﻌامرة‬ ‫ﻛﺄداة ﻏري ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﻐﺎﻳﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌﺸﺤﻮﻧﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬إذا مل ﻧﻜﻦ ﻋﲆ اﺳﺘﻌﺪاد ﻟﺘﺤﺪي اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻌﻠﻢ‬ ‫و ﻧﺘﺪﺑﺮ و منﺎرس ﺑﻬﺎ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ وﻧﻜﺘﺸﻒ ﺑﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻬﺮﻳﻦ وﻣﻨﺪﻓﻌني ﺑﺄي ﻣﴩوع ﺳﻴﺊ و ﺿﺎر ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺮؤﺳﺎء اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳني واﻟﺨﱪاء واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴني و‬ ‫أن ﻧﻜﻮن ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻳﻦ أﺧريا ﻹﺣﻼل اﻟﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة اﻟﻼواﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑـﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ »ﺳﻠﻮﺗﺮداﻳﻚ« )‪ (Sloterdijkean kynicism‬اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎوم و ﺗﺴﺘﻔﺰ و ﺗﻔﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ اﻹﺳﻬﺎم ﰲ‬ ‫أﻛرث اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺧﻄﻮرة ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً ﺳﻨﻜﻮن اﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳني‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰﻳﻦ مبﴩوع ﻋﺎم ‪١٩٨٤‬‬

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‫’ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﳌﻬﻨﺔ ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ و اﳌامرﺳﺔ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻊ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﴫي و اﻹﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﻐري ﺳﻴﺎﳼ‬ ‫اﻟﻐري ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺰاﺋﺪ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺪه ‪ -‬أن ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻘﺪي ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻇﺮوف‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻣﻜﺪﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻞ اﻟﻌامرة ﻫﻲ أﻗﻮى ﻣﺨﺪر‬ ‫أﻳﺪوﻟﻮﺟﻲ؟ ‘‬ ‫ﻣﴩوع ‪ .١٩٨٤‬ﻧﺎﺗﺎﱃ ﻓﺮاﻧﻜﻮﻓﺴىك و ﻛﺮوز ﺟﺎرﺳﻴﺎ‪.‬‬


architecture shifted from Nazism to fascism to communism to capitalism piling up a staggering amount of icons that oscillate from extreme historicist kitsch to extreme refined modernism. In fact, a closer inspection of the historical relationship between architecture and politics reveals that Iofan, Speer, and Terragni were not rare exceptions of a beautiful profession in search for tools for a better quality of life, but the blunt symptoms of a discipline with the dangerous aim to achieve its grandiloquent delirium at all cost. How can a profession whose education and practice –based on selling projects through visual manipulation and redundant, subjective, apolitical rhetoric— maintain a critical stance when the conditions in the real world are completely fueled by politics? Is architecture the ultimate ideological anesthetic? Cynical In this fictional prelude to 1984 it is not coincidental that the architects were used as instruments for propaganda and political control. With cynicism becoming systematically embedded in the architect’s intellectual repertoire since his academic days, the mantra that claims “architecture is architecture, and therefore should be judged as architecture” has been rendering architecture as an apolitical tool to serve politically charged ends. In the real world, unless we are ready to challenge the way we teach, think and practice architecture, and consciously discover what tempts us to contribute to whatever awfully detrimental projects are being planned by technocrats, CEOs and politicians, and finally become prepared to substitute the prevalent unconscious cynicism of the profession with a Sloterdijkean kynicism (the one that resists, provokes and subverts), we may not only continue being faithful contributors to some of the most dangerous regimes in the world, but we may even become the master architects of Project 1984

Project 1984 Minitruth Headquarters Entrance . ‫ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻣﻴﻨﻴﱰوث اﻻدارى‬١٩٨٤ ‫ﻣﴩوع‬ © WAI Architecture Think Tank

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Project 1984. WAI Architecture Think Tank Nathalie Frankowski and Cruz Garcia


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‫ﻣﴩوع ‪ .١٩٨٤‬ﻧﺎﺗﺎﱃ ﻓﺮاﻧﻜﻮﻓﺴىك و ﻛﺮوز ﺟﺎرﺳﻴﺎ‪.‬‬


‫‪MEDITERRANEAN CITIES, NEO‬‬‫*‪LIBERAL DRIFT AND REVOLTS.‬‬ ‫‪Salvatore Palidda‬‬

‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪*.‬‬ ‫َﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬


Salvatore Palidda was born in Sicily, he obtained his phd degree in Sociology

and European Studies of the ‘Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales’ of Paris, he is a professor of sociology at Genoa University. Since 1980 he works as researcher on international migrations and on military and police affairs. He has been responsible of several European research projects. He published several books and scientific texts in Italian, French, English and Spanish (as editor and/or author: Città mediterranee e deriva liberista 2011; Migrations critiques. Repenser les migrations comme mobilités humaines en Europe, Karthala, 2011; (ed. with Dal Lago) Conflict, Security and the Reshaping of Society. The Civilisation of War, Routledge, London, 2010; Racial Criminalisation of Migrants in the 21st Century, Ashgate, London 2010 (also in Spanish); Mobilità umane, Cortina, Milan, 2008; Polizia postmoderna, Milano, Feltrinelli, 2000; Analyse critique des violences policières et politiques en Italie, in La violence politique en Europe, La Découverte, Paris, 2010; Policy of Fear and Decline of Political Sphere, in Warlike Outlines of the Securitarian State. Life Control and Persons’ Exclusion, OSPDH-University of Barcelona, 2009; Istituzioni e mafia, Nuovo Dizionario di mafia e antimafia, EGA, Torino, 2008; Missions militaires italiennes à l’étranger : la prolifération des hybrides, in«Cultures & Conflits».

‫ وﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﲆ درﺟﺔ اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮراه ﰲ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامع واﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ‬،‫َﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴﺪّ ا وﻟﺪ ﰲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﺻﻘﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ وﻫﻮ أﺳﺘﺎذ‬.‫( ﰲ ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ‬Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales) ‫اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ .‫ ﻛﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﻬﺠﺮات اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﺸﺌﻮن اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﴩﻃﺔ‬١٩٨٠ ‫ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامع ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻨﻮة‬ ،‫ ﻧﴩ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﺘﺐ واﻟﻨﺼﻮص اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬.‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻً ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‬ (‫واﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ واﻻﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ واﻹﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﻛﻤﺤﺮر أو ﻣﺆﻟﻒ‬

Athens . ‫اﺛﻴﻨـــﺎ‬ Image Courtesy of: Midori Hasuike

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Preliminary remarks This text is the introduction of the book Mediterranean Cities and Neo-Liberal Drift, edited by the author, published in Italian by Mesogea, Messina in September 2011. The book describes the most important changes that occurred in the last twenty years until 2010 in Istanbul, Beyrouth, Tanger, Tunis, Alger, Barcelona, Marseille, Genoa and Naples. In all historical epochs the consequences of great social transformations manifest themselves most dramatically in the cities. The “second great transformation” that was sparked during the Seventies, i.e., the so called neo-liberal economic revolution and its globalization1 was responsible for changes running as deep as those occurring in Europe during the industrial revolution between the XVIII and the XIX centuries. Such changes included mass urbanization, the disruption of urban configurations, epidemics, constant revolts and revolutions. As the process of neo-liberal transformation accelerates in cities, it promotes amnesia and wipes out social memory, and not only among the youth. In his films, Ken Loach describes the collapse of English industrial society; movies like Blade Runner portray a tragic picture of American urban society in its process of becoming, bearing a stark resemblance to the Los Angeles described by Mike Davis. Few people remember the great mobilizations of workers and students of the 60s and 70s or many other social struggles, e.g., over housing. Their sizes are in stark contrast with today’s difficulty in achieving social aggregation, collective unity and political action, in spite of the success of recent demonstrations resisting the results of neo-liberal policies. Social conflict always materializes in cities because it ultimately has to do with the right of citizenships, a right that has been almost completely erased by neo-liberalism. Processes of reducing the power of city dwellers in Italy, as well as industrial decline which is replaced by a kind of segmented and heterogeneous submersion of manufacturing in the local social networks or family relationships with its proliferation of piecework at home, gang masters, chains of subcontractors, and finally the total dismantling of previous social and economic structures, the above elements describe the rise of a semi submerged and a total submerged or informal economy that caused the enslavement of ever increasing millions of people, including children and the elderly. 1 In order to avoid terminological misunderstandings, let me clarify that by “second great transformation” I mean the changes set in motion in the 1970s, i.e. the upheaval in economic, social, political and cultural structures caused by three revolutions: the technological revolution, including computers, communication and transportation; the financial revolution, and the political revolution (the accentuation of asymmetry in political, military-police, and administrative power). As in previous historical periods, globalisation is nothing more than the expansion on a world scale of this process dominated by neo-conservative liberalisation, which is in fact antithetical to the democratic liberalism theorised by Schumpeter, Polanyi, Keynes, Galbraith and practiced in Italy by Adriano Olivetti (as opposed to the Agnelli family and others who have always placed their bets on wars, super-exploitation and authoritarianism).

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Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda


‫*ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬

‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﺺ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻛﺘﺎب ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ واﻻﻧﺠﺮاف اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮه ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪ ،‬و ﻧُﴩ ﰲ اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫»‪ ،«Mesogea‬ﻣﻴﺴﻴﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪ .٢٠١١‬وﻳﺼﻒ اﻟﻜﺘﺎب أﻫﻢ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠١٠‬ﰲ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑريوت‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬اﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺷﻠﻮﻧﺔ وﻣﺮﺳﻴﻠﻴﺎ وﺟﻨﻮة وﻧﺎﺑﻮﱄ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺘﺠﲇ ﺑﻮﺿﻮح ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ اﳌﺪن‪ .‬إن »اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﻟﻜﺒري اﻟﺜﺎين«‬ ‫إن اﻵﺛﺎر اﳌﱰﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺒرية ﰲ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺤﻘﺐ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ّ‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫واﻟﺬي ﺑﺪأت ﴍارﺗﻪ ﺧﻼل ﻓﱰة اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت ‪ -‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ »ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮرة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ واﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ« ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺆوﻻً ﻋﻦ اﺣﺪاث‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴريات ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑني اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﴩ واﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻨﺎت اﻟﺤﴬ‪ ،‬اﻷوﺑﺌﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻤﺮدات واﻟﺜﻮرات اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة‪ .‬وأﺛﻨﺎء ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﱄ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ داﺧﻞ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺰز ﻓﻘﺪان اﻟﺬاﻛﺮة وﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺈﺑﺎدة اﻟﺬاﻛﺮة اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ذﻟﻚ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ أوﺳﺎط اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫أﻓﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﻒ )ﻛني ﻟﻮﺗﺶ( اﻧﻬﻴﺎر اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰي اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﰲ أﻓﻼم ﻣﺜﻞ )ﺑﻠﻴﺪ َرﻧﱠﺮ( ﺣني ﻋﺮض ﺻﻮرة ﻣﺄﺳﺎوﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺤﴬي‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳيك أﺛﻨﺎء ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎً ﺻﺎرﺧﺎً ﻣﻊ ﻟﻮس اﻧﺠﻠﻮس اﻟﺘﻲ وﺻﻔﻬﺎ )ﻣﺎﻳﻚ دﻳﻔﻴﺲ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻞ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ اﻟﻜﺒرية ﻟﻠﻌامل واﻟﻄﻼب ﰲ اﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎت و اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت أو اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ أﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻟﻜﻔﺎح اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل اﻟﻨﺰاع اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻲ‪ .‬إن ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﺎرخ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﺤﺠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎت اﻟﺤﺎﴐ ﰲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺘﱡﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ و وﺣﺪة ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ و اداء ﺳﻴﺎﳼ‪ ،‬و ذﻟﻚ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺠﺎح اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات اﻷﺧرية اﳌﻘﺎوﻣﺔ ﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬وإن اﻟﻨﺰاع اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ دامئﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺠﺴﺪ ﰲ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺤﻘﻮق اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‪ ،‬اﻷﻣﺮ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻢ ﻣﺤﻮه ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ِﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬إن ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺺ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ اﻻﻧﺤﺪار اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﺒﺪاﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻻﺧﻔﺎء اﳌﺘﺠﺰأ ﻏري اﳌﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﻌﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎزل‪ ،‬وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرات‪ ،‬وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎوﱄ اﻟﺒﺎﻃﻦ‪ ،‬وأﺧريا ً اﻻزاﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﻴﺎﻛﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬إن ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ اﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﻮﺻﻒ ﺻﻌﻮد اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﺷﺒﻪ اﻟﺨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬أو ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ واﻟﺬي أدي اﱄ‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد ﻟﻠﻤﻼﻳني اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﴩ‪ ،‬مبﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل واﳌﺴﻨني‪ .‬ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﺒﺪال اﻻﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴني ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﰲ‬ ‫وﻗﺖ ﻻﺣﻖ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ مبﺼﺎدر ﺧﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷامل اﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ و اوروﺑﺎ اﻟﴩﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﺣﺘﻲ اﺳﻴﺎ واﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐريات أوﺿﺤﺖ ﻣﺆﴍا ً ﻟﻨﺠﺎح اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺨﻔﻲ ﻟـ »ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ« ﻣﺆدﻳﺔ اﱄ اﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻟﻌﻞ ﻫﺬا »اﻟﺘﺤﻮل‬ ‫إن ﺗﻠﻚ ﱡ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺒري اﻟﺜﺎين« ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻً ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﺳﺎﳼ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻄﻠﺐ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد اﻟﺠﺪد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ميﻜﻦ اﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎدﻫﻢ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺼﻠﻮا اﱄ وﺿﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮين ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﲇ ﻧﺤﻮ أﺳﻮأ ﻳﺼﻠﻮا اﱄ وﺿﻊ اﻟﻨﻜﺮة اﳌﺠﺮد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق‪ .‬ﻫﻜﺬا ﺑﺪأت ﻃﻔﺮة اﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫‪ ١‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﻔﺎدي ﻋﺪم ﻓﻬﻢ اﳌﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت‪ ،‬دﻋﻮين أوﺿﺢ أن ﺑـ »اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﻟﻜﺒري اﻟﺜﺎين« ﻓﺈﻧﻨﻲ أﻋﻨﻲ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺮت ﰲ اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪ ،‬اي؛ اﻻﻧﻘﻼب ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺤﻀﺎرﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺛﻼث ﺛﻮرات‪ :‬اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ أﺟﻬﺰة اﻟﻜﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬اﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﻞ؛ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫)مبﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﺣﺪة اﻟﺘﻔﺎوت ﰲ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﴩﻃﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻدارﻳﺔ(‪ .‬ﻛام ﰲ ﻓﱰات ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻻ متﺜﻞ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ اﻣﺘﺪاد ﺑﺎﳌﻘﻴﺎس‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﻴﻤﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﰲ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﻣﺒﻴﱰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻻين‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﱪﻳﺚ وﻣﺎرﺳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ادرﻳﺎﻧﻮ اوﻟﻴﻔﻴﺘﻲ ﰲ اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ )ﻣﻌﺎرﺿﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ اﻧﻴﻠﲇ واﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا دامئﺎً ﻳﻘﺎﻣﺮون ﻋﲇ اﻟﺤﺮوب‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل واﻟﺘﺴﻠﻂ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬

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‫‪55‬‬


In many of these areas Italians would be later replaced by immigrants while at the same time manufacturing would be outsourced to North Africa, to East Europe and even to Asia and Africa. The changes above marked the triumph of submerged, “postmodern” economies causing the proliferation everywhere. This “second great transformation” of economic relations is mainly responsible for the growing demand for new individuals who can be enslaved, i.e., immigrants to be relegated to a new legally precarious status, or worse yet to the status of a non person, devoid of rights. This is how the “postmodern” economic boom came to be, with its reliance on the multiplication of uncontrolled interweaving of legal, illegal and criminal activities in all fields, construction speculation, corruption, tax evasion, pollution, and security based citizen mobilizations. Such mobilizations ignore a tragic lack of safety in the work places and in the dwellings of marginalized sectors of the population while insisting on the submission of the newly enslaved based on ethnicity. This model of development tends to destroy any economic, social, political and cultural configuration that fails to conform to the neo-liberal model. It creates mostly ephemeral products destined to ensure ever increasing profits and ignores posterity, i.e., the future. It treats young people who refuse to conform to the neo-liberal credo as “inconvenient posterity” or “the dregs of society”. Under neo-liberal management, expenditures of the political organization of society are to be allocated mostly for the privatization and maximization of profits to the detriment of the res publica and the future (suffice it to think of the management of the national health system, public works, transportation as well as the general attacks against the public sector, resulting in raids against utilities, waste management, public instruction, university and research). This is the neo-liberal model exported all over the world by the neoconservative managers of globalization, especially in medium and large cities. The outcome is a tendency towards homologation (uniformity) achieved through semi-standardized operations that rarely encounter any social and political opposition. The lack of energetic response is due to the erosion of collective action, the weakness of trade unions, and the almost complete disappearance of the left and truly democratic liberals.

The Neo-liberal City

Today it is impossible to find specific features that set cities of one continent apart from those of the others. The uniformity of architectural design and materials commonly used in construction are among the factors that intensify this homologation, along with the discourses on the “postmodern” city. These discourses emphasize the cult of decorum, morality and hygiene, all encompassed within an obsessive demand for security, making today’s cities similar to the cities of European colonialists. Whoever visits the different cities on the Mediterranean sea will find more or less the same architectural innovations and city planning features typical of European or North American cities, i.e., big Plexiglas skyscrapers, large parking lots or structures, new subway and light-rail systems, “postmodern” fortified districts (like the gated communities), camera surveillance everywhere, an ever increasing number of public and private guards and police, the obsessive presence of screens offering advertising or scaffolding used as billboards that are intentionally kept well after the facades have been refurbished for the sake of continuing advertising , new large public works or “installations” that aim to be ever more shocking, malls and shopping centers, boutiques, bars, restaurants, multi-screen cinemas, discotheques, pubs and

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Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda


‫اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘامدﻫﺎ ﻋﲇ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ اﳌﺰج اﳌﻄﻠﻖ ﻟﻼﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﳌﴩوﻋﺔ وﻏري اﳌﴩوﻋﺔ واﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻀﺎرﺑﺔ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎد‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮب ﻣﻦ اﻟﴬاﺋﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮث‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻃﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﻨﻘﺺ اﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻌﻨﴫ اﻷﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﳌﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﳌﻬﻤﺸﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﴫ ﻋﲇ ادﺧﺎل ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد ﻗﺎمئﺔ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ‪ .‬إن ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮر ﻳﺆدي اﱄ اﻧﻬﻴﺎر اي ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ ،‬واﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﺳﻴﺎﳼ وﺛﻘﺎﰲ ﻳﻔﺸﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﻛﺒﺔ‬ ‫منﻮذج اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻘﻮم ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺨﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎت ﻋﺎﺑﺮة ﴎﻳﻌﺔ اﻟﺰوال ﻣﻮ ّﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﻀامن اﻟﺮﺑﺢ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪ وﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞ اﻷﺟﻴﺎل‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛام ﺗﻘﻮم مبﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﺎب اﻟﺮاﻓﻀني ﳌﻮاﻛﺒﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻛﺄﻧﻬﻢ »اﺟﻴﺎل ﻣﺰﻋﺠﺔ« أو »ﺣﺜﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ«‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ادارة اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻧﻔﻘﺎت اﳌﻨﻈامت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻟﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ وﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ اﻻرﺑﺎح ﻣام‬ ‫ﻳﺆدي اﱄ ﴐر ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ و ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ )ﻳﻜﻔﻲ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰲ ادارة اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻷﻋامل اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫اﱄ اﻟﻬﺠﻮم ﻋﲇ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ،‬اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪاﻫﻤﺔ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت‪ ،‬ادارة اﳌﺨﻠﻔﺎت‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ ،‬اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ واﻟﺒﺤﺚ(‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺬا ﻫﻮ منﻮذج‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ اﳌﺼﺪّر ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ اﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈني اﻟﺠﺪد راﺋﺪي اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺪن اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ واﻟﻜﺒرية‪ .‬واﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮ اﺗﺠﺎه ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ )اﻻﻧﺘﻈﺎم( واﻟﺬي ﺗﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺷﺒﻪ‪ -‬ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺎدرا ً ﻣﺎ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اي ﻣﻌﺎرﺿﺔ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫أو ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺈن ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد ردود اﻓﻌﺎل ﺣامﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺘﺎﻛﻞ اﻻداء اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﺿﻌﻒ اﻻﺗﺤﺎدات اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻﺿﻤﺤﻼل اﻟﺘﺎم‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳني واﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴني اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴني ﺑﺤﻖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬

‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً اﻳﺠﺎد ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﻣﺤﺪدة ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺮﻳﻖ ﺑني ﻣﺪن ﻗﺎرة ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻏريﻫﺎ‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﻜﺮار ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﻌامري واﳌﻮاد‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﺎدة ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻫام ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ اﻟﺤﻮارات اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ مبﺪﻳﻨﺔ »ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫وأن ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺬوق‪ ،‬اﻷﺧﻼق واﻟﻨﻈﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ رﻏﺒﺔ ﻣﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻼﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣام ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﺪن اﻟﻴﻮم ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﻣﺪن‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻳﻦ اﻷوروﺑﻴني‪ .‬أﻳﺎً ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺰﻳﺎرة ﻣﺪن ﺣﻮض اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺠﺪ ان اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ اﱄ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري‪ ،‬ﻛام ﺳﻴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﳌﺪن اوروﺑﺎ و اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﺸامﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ؛ ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺎت اﻟﺴﺤﺎب اﻟﺰﺟﺎﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻼﻗﺔ‪ ،‬اﻣﺎﻛﻦ او ﻣﻨﺸﺄت ﻻﻧﺘﻈﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‪ ،‬ﻣﱰو اﻷﻧﻔﺎق وأﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﻚ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ اﻟﺨﻔﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﺎت »ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ« اﳌﺤﺼﻨﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ )اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت داﺧﻞ اﻷﺳﻮار(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣريات ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن‪ ،‬أﻋﺪاد ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎرﳼ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﺎم واﻟﺨﺎص واﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ اﳌﻔﺮط ﻟﺸﺎﺷﺎت اﻟﻌﺮض واﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪم اﻋﻼﻧﺎت أو دﻋﺎﺋﻢ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻮاﺟﻬﺎت ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻻﻋﻼﻧﺎت‪ ،‬اﻋامل ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫ﺿﺨﻤﺔ او ﻣﻨﺸﺌﺎت ﺗﻬﺪف ﻟﺘﻜﻮن ﺻﺎدﻣﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ ،‬اﺳﻮاق وﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﺴﻮق‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻼت‪ ،‬ﺑﺎرات‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻋﻢ‪ ،‬اﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﺧﺮي ﻗﺎمئﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ وﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻧﻼﺣﻆ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﺘﺘﺖ وﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎً ﺗﺤﻮل ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﱄ اﻧﺴﺎن آﱄ ميﻜﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ اذا ﻛﺎن ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺟﻴﺒﻪ ﻣﺎﻻً‪ ،‬أو اﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ اﺋﺘامن دوﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻮم اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺒري ﻋﻦ اﺳﺘﻤﺘﺎﻋﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻓﻜﺎر‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻟﺔ وﺳﻄﺤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬اﳌﻼﺣﻈﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ متﻴﻞ اﱄ ﺗﺠﺎﻫﻞ وﺿﻊ اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‪ ،‬اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﰲ ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ أو ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﻄﺎوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻢ دﻓﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ اﳌﻄﺎﺑﺦ أو اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ اﻷرض )ﻛام ﰲ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﱰوﺑﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻟـﻔﺮﻳﺘﺰ ﻻﻧﺞ‪ ،‬أو ﻓﻴﻠﻢ اﳌﻠﻚ واﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﻟـﺠﺮميﻮ وﺑريﻓﺮت(‪ .‬وذﻟﻚ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪه أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﻦ واﻗﻊ أن اﻟﻌامﻟﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﺘﻢ اﺧﻔﺎؤﻫﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﲇ أﻃﺮاف اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻘﻄﺎع ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻫﻠﻪ متﺎﻣﺎً ﰲ اﻻﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎت‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷدوات اﳌﻜﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪف ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﰲ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﻢ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫أو ﰲ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬﻢ وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺘﴫ ﻋﲇ اﺟﺮاء ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ميﻠﻜﻮن ﺧﻄﻮﻃﺎً ﺗﻠﻴﻔﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬وﻫﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻃﻨﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺴﻮري‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎل ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎً‪ .‬إن ﻛﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﻋﲇ ﻇﻼﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻲ واﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت ﻣﻊ اﻧﺘﺎج ﻓﺎﺋﺾ آدﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ؛ ﺑﴩ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺳﺒﻘﻮا اﻣﺎ ﺗﻬﺎﻟﻜﻮا أو‬ ‫مل ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻻ اﳌﻘﺪرة وﻻ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺠﺮأوا ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﻤﺮد‪» ،‬ﺣﺜﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ« ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻐﺠﺮ أو اﻟﻌامﻟﺔ ﻏري‬ ‫اﳌﻮﺛﻘﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﺠﺄت ﻟﻼﺧﺘﺒﺎء ﰲ أﻧﻔﺎق ﻋﲇ أﻃﺮاف اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ )ﻣﺜﺎل ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﰲ اﻟﻔﻮاﺻﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﻄﺮق اﻷﻣﺎﻣﻴﺔ واﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔ أو ﰲ اﳌﺼﺎرف(‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺆﻻء ���ﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻫﻠﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﻛﱪ‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﻜﱪي اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﺪن ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﺮﺷﻠﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎرﺳﻴﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻮا‪ ،‬اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‪ ،‬أﺛﻴﻨﺎ و اﻻن ﻣﺮة‬ ‫اﺧﺮي ﰲ ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻨﺠﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺪار اﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء‪ ،‬اﻟﺮﺑﺎط و ‪ ...‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ؛ ﻓﺈن ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ اﻻن ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛام ﻛﺎن اﻟﺤﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ وﻟﻌﻘﻮد ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺪن اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎت )ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﻴﺎد(‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺮض اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ )إﻛﺴﺒﻮ(‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬

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self-service restaurants, often built as a photocopy of existing ones. Everywhere we observe the same environment which atomizes and practically reduces city dwellers to robots who can circulate only if they have money in their pockets or, better yet, an international credit card. Everyone expresses his/ her enjoyment with trivial, superficial insights worthy of barstool sociology, observations that tend to be blind to the situation of the youth, those working in temporary positions or under the table, and the new slaves who are buried in kitchens or working underground (as in Fritz Lang’s Metropolis or Le Roi et l’oiseau by Grimault and Prevert). This is also reinforced by the fact that labour is often hidden in the outskirts of cities. This section of city dwellers is totally ignored in the polls, those costly tools that aim at investigating their victimization or their needs but then are confined to interviewing only owners of a landline, i.e., relatively well-to-do residents. Every city feeds on its “shadows”, outskirts and slums while producing human surplus, i.e., former humans who are too worn out or who have not had the ability or chance to adapt. Those who have dared to rebel, the “dregs of society” such as the Roma or the undocumented workers who have resorted to burrowing in tunnels in the outskirts of cities (for example, in the interstices under the frontage roads or the highways or in the sewers) are even more disregarded. The great transformations that took place in cities like Barcelona, Marseille, Genoa, Istanbul, Athens, and now again in Port Said, Tangiers, Casablanca, Rabat and… Milan; those transformations are now accomplished through the organization of big events, as has actually been happening for a few decades in every city of the world. It has been accomplished through the Colombiads, the World Expo, the Olympics, trade shows, festivals, by declaring a city the “European capital of culture” and so forth with increasing numbers of sensationally staged events, which by definition must be grandiose and international, with a component of artistic and cultural allure, or better yet, multicultural and democratic attractions. The game of financial speculation, woven together with real estate speculation and the unregulated intersection of legal, under the table and criminal activity, and now neo-enslavement, repeats itself as in a photocopy. Its elements include: big media and political ballyhoo, stock market launching, famous architects and city planners (often left leaning ones) battling it out with each other, throngs of real and fake companies vying for contracts. The destruction begins along with devastation, pollution, the sprouting of a few skyscrapers or mega-structures eventually in the name of postmodern architecture and city planning that are supposedly “sustainable and respectful of human rights”. To go along with this program, all you have to do is close your eyes to the multiple sub-contracting, the degradation of the suburbs and the various indirect consequences, including the awful quality of construction materials and the unsafe character of recent construction. It is shocking to recognize how similar these operations are to one another in all European and Mediterranean cities. For example, one can see on the Internet that the towers designed for Tunis are very similar to those designed for the Milan Expo or to those designed by “archistars”2 for that matter. 2 The category of «archstars» deserve a fun but also sad pamphlet. As known, they are a few famous architects, each one is in fact a transnational corporation, with offices of their offices (or “factories”), as well as various real estate properties, in major cities around the world. Their projects and most famous works (or monstrosities) are building everywhere especially in the last forty years (from the Pompidou Centre to the towers in the UAE and several countries). See Gabriella Lo Ricco, Silvia Micheli, Lo spettacolo dell›architettura. Profilo dell›archistar©, Milano, Bruno Mondadori, 2003; F. La Cecla, Against Architecture, PM Press/Green Arcade, 2011.

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Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda


‫اﻷﻟﻌﺎب اﻷوﻟﻴﻤﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﺮوض اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎﻧﺎت‪ ،‬أو ﺑﺈﻋﻼن ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻛﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ اوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻜﺬا ﻣﻊ اﻟﺰﻳﺎدة اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة‬ ‫ﰲ أﻋﺪاد اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻘﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻻﺑﺪ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻓﺨﻤﺔ ودوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ وﺟﻮد ﻋﻨﴫ ﻓﻨﻲ وﺟﺬب‬ ‫ﺛﻘﺎﰲ‪ ،‬واﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰارات دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت‪ .‬إن ﻟﻌﺒﺔ اﳌﻀﺎرﺑﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺣﺒﻜﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳌﻀﺎرﺑﺔ اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻞ ﻏري اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﺑني اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻐري اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻻن اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻜﺮر ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺎﴏﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ‪ :‬اﻋﻼم ﺿﺨﻢ ودﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺻﺎﺧﺒﺔ‪ ،‬اﻃﻼق ﺳﻮق اﳌﺎل‪ ،‬ﻣﻌامرﻳني و ﻣﺨﻄﻄني ﻣﻌﺮوﻓني )ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ميﻴﻠﻮن ﻟﻠﻴﺴﺎر( ﻳﺘﺼﺎرﻋﻮن ﻓﻴام ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻋﺪد ﺣﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﴩﻛﺎت اﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ واﳌﺰورة ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻌﻘﻮد‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﺪﻣري ﻳﺒﺪأ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺨﺮاب‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻠﻮث‪ ،‬اﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺎت اﻟﺴﺤﺎب أو اﻟﻬﻴﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺴﻤﻲ ﻋامرة ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ وﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻔﱰض ان ﺗﻜﻮن »ﻣﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ وﺗﺤﱰم ﺣﻘﻮق اﻻﻧﺴﺎن«‪ .‬وﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﺨﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﻫﻮ أن ﺗﻐﻠﻖ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎوﻻت اﻟﺒﺎﻃﻦ اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻫﻮر اﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻏري اﳌﺒﺎﴍة‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﺪﻫﻮر اﻟﺠﻮدة‬ ‫ﳌﻮاد اﻟﺒﻨﺎء واﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﻏري اﻻﻣﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺸﺂت اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬وإﻧﻪ ﳌﻦ اﳌﺼﺪم ان ﻧﺪرك‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑني ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﻟﻨﻈﺎﺋﺮﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺪن أوروﺑﺎ وﺣﻮض اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻔﺮد ان ﻳﺠﺪ ﻋﲇ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ اﻷﺑﺮاج اﳌﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻷﺑﺮاج اﳌﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﳌﻌﺮض ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ أو ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ »ﻧﺠﻮم‬ ‫اﻟﻌامرة«‪ .٢‬ﻳﺒﺪو أن ﺑﺮﻟﺴﻜﻮين‪ ،‬ﺑﺎرﻳﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﲇ‪ ،‬اﻟﻘﺬاﰲ وﺑﻮﺗني ﻗﺪ اﺗﻔﻘﻮا ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔ اﳌامﺛﻠﺔ واﳌﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼل ﺧﺼﺨﺼﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪول اﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫إن ﻓﺌﺔ »ﻧﺠﻮم اﻟﻌامرة« ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﴍﺣﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﺎً وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺤﺰﻧﺎً‪ .‬ﻛام ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم‪ ،‬اﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﳌﻌﺮوﻓني‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ميﺜﻞ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ دوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﳌﻜﺎﺗﺒﻬﻢ )أو »ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻌﻬﻢ«(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﳌﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت ﻋﻘﺎرﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة‪ ،‬ﰲ اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻣﴩوﻋﺎﺗﻬﻢ وأﻋامﻟﻬﻢ اﻷﻛرث ﺷﻬﺮة‬ ‫)أو أﻋامﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﻮﺣﺸﻴﺔ( ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻣﺒﺎن ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ اﻷرﺑﻌني ﺳﻨﺔ اﻷﺧرية )ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻣﺒﻴﺪو وﺣﺘﻲ أﺑﺮاج اﻻﻣﺎرات وﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول(‪ .‬اﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﻴﻼ ﻟﻮ رﻳﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻠﻔﻴﺎ ﻣﻴﺘﺸﻴﻠﲇ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮض‬ ‫اﻟﻌامرة‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻒ ﻧﺠﻮم اﻟﻌامرة‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮوﻧﻮ ﻣﻮﻧﺪادوري‪٢٠٠٣ ،‬؛ ف‪ .‬ﻻ ﺗﺸﻴﻜﻼ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﻌامرة‪ ،‬دار‬ ‫ﻧﴩ يب ام‪/‬ﺟﺮﻳﻦ ارﻛﻴﺪ‪.٢٠١١ ،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد‪ ،‬أﺣﺪ أﻛرث اﻟﺤﺎﻻت رﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻔﺘﻬﺎ وﻳﻜﻴﻠﻴﻜﺲ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺸﺂت اﻟﺘﺬﻛﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﺸﺄﺗﻬﺎ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﻳﺞ ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﺎن‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛام ذﻛﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻟﺖ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﱄ ﺟﻨﺔ – ﻋﲇ اﻷﻗﻞ ﻟﺴﻨﻮات ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ – ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺟﺸﻊ اﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮرﻳﺔ اﳌﺤﻜﻤﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﺎن‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ‪ ،٢٠١٠ ،CNRS‬ﻗﺎم ﺟﻮن ﺑﺎﺑﺘﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ أن ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﻮﻳﺞ وﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺘﻬﺎ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻤﻜﺲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﺎرﻛﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻜﱪي ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﺎن‪ ،‬ﺑﺪون ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺼﺎت‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﻋﻘﺎرﻳﺔ مل ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم أﺑﺪا ً‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻴﻠﻴﺠﺮام ﻟﻠﺴﻔﺎرة‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ذﻛﺮ أن اﻟﻔﺴﺎد واﳌﺤﺴﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻈﻞ اﳌﺸﻜﻼت اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﻴﺴﺘﺎن وأن اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﺑﻮﻳﺞ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺠﺤﺘﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﳌﺮﺑﺤﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻷﻧﻬام ﻗﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﻘﺎن ﺑﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬اﻧﻈﺮ ‪http://‬‬ ‫‪www.lemonde.fr/documents-wikileaks/article/2010/12/12/wikileaks-le-paradis‬‬‫‪ .turkmene-de-bouygues_1452460_1446239.html‬ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎت واﺿﺤﺔ ﺑني ﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ذﻛﺮه‬ ‫وﺑني ﻣﺎ أﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻈﻞ ﰲ اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ‪ ٢٠١١‬وﻣﺮوﺟﻲ أﻋامل اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﻻت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻜﱪي واﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻢ اﺗﻬﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ‪ ،٢٠١٠‬وميﻜﻦ ﻗﻮل ذات اﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮاﺟﺪات ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ وﻏري ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ دول أﺧﺮي‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻣري ﻏري ﺧﻼق وﻣﻨﺸﺎت ﺑﻼ ﻓﺎﺋﺪة او زاﺋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻟﻴﻮم أﺣﺪ أﻛرث اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺮﺑﺤﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﻠﻴﱪااﱄ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺴﺘﻮي اﳌﺤﲇ‪ ،‬اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ واﻟﺪوﱄ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪا‪ ،‬اﻻﻧﺴﺎن اﳌﺘﻨﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ص ‪١٥٥‬‬

‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬

‫‪‘...Whoever visits the‬‬ ‫‪different cities on the‬‬ ‫‪Mediterranean sea‬‬ ‫‪the same architectural‬‬ ‫‪innovations and city‬‬ ‫‪planning features‬‬ ‫‪typical of European‬‬ ‫‪or North American‬‬ ‫’‪cities ...‬‬

‫’أﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺰﻳﺎرة ﻣﺪن‬ ‫ﺣﻮض اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻴﺠﺪ ان‬ ‫اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‬ ‫اﱄ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري‪ ،‬ﻛام ﺳﻴﺠﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﳌﺪن اوروﺑﺎ و‬ ‫اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﺸامﻟﻴﺔ‘‬ ‫‪٥٩‬‬

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It seems that Berlusconi, Berisha, Ben Ali, Qaddafi and Putin have agreed on similar financial-real estate operations that are consistent with a neo-liberal model of privatization of the foreign policy of their respective countries.3 In this context, all the cities on the Mediterranean have increasingly become places of immigration, emigration, transit of human beings of every type (including the various types of tourism, commuters, shopping trips or business travel) . But at the same time, proliferating everywhere is the tendency towards protectionism, prohibitionism and criminalizing the enemy of the day, including the Roma and immigrants, and all other marginalized sectors of the population. Postmodern cities are in fact revolving doors through which the “good” can be selected and the “others” can be “consumed” and then expelled. In reality, integration, rejection, exclusion, divisions based on ethnicity and race coexist everywhere. Cities become a hybrid in which aspects of the past coexist with new transformations within dynamics that reduce the political organization of a society to a sort of management characterized more by violence than peacefulness, based on power being increasingly asymmetric, and a deepening polarization in profit and wealth distribution. Transportation, health, education, universities, research, security, social services, prisons, housing, urban development, public administration, crisis and “natural” catastrophe management, media: all these sectors are forced to adapt to a managerial logic aimed at maximizing profits to the detriment of the weakest sectors of society. The game of amplifying fears and insecurities unleashed by this type of development is configured as a “total political fact” of “postmodernity” thus manufacturing consent for the violent management of social disorder, i.e. for zero tolerance. This eliminates effective prevention and social recovery in favour solely of repression and penalization. The logic of war has become pervasive, whether it be war against terrorism or undocumented workers, war to make cities safe or war against graffiti and other “urban incivilities”. What passes for “governance” has become a petty management of urban society which may even provide jobs to some left leaning or anti-globalization artists, intellectuals, city planners and architects. It may even employ ecologists, garden guerrillas, or some graffiti or street artists who have gained a certain measure of fame. Such “governance” may even approve of wall gardens or creative people who have come up with such apparently original solutions while ignoring the expansion of submerged economies that have come to strongly resemble neo-slavery, or the expansion of security as a business and zero tolerance. The post-modern city may sparkle, may appear to be a place of freedom (for the rich and those in a dominant position), but as proved by the repressive events that transpired during the G8 summit 3 In this regard, one of the most emblematic cases revealed by Wikileaks concerns the huge quantities of monumental construction projects built in Turkmenistan by the French group Bouygues which, according to Le Monde, turned that country into its paradise – at least for a few years- thanks to the greediness of the hermetic, sultan-like dictatorship ruling over it.” In his book Turkmenistan, edizioni CNRS, 2010, Jean-Baptiste Jeangene Vilmer explains that Bouygues and its competing Turkish group Polimeks share almost all the big ... ...construction projects in Turkmenistan, without bids, to build real estate projects that are never used. In a telegram of the US Embassy it is noted that “corruption and nepotism remain the problems of Turkmenistan and that Turkish group and Bouygues were particularly successful in such a lucrative industry as construction because they mastered the local business environment” (www.lemonde.fr/documentswikileaks/article/2010/12/12/wikileaks-le-paradis-turkmene-de-bouygues_1452460_1446239.html). There are clear analogies between the above and the so-called P3 shadow government in Italy (2011) and the promoters of big public works scams who were indicted on July 2010, and the same could be said for known (and unknown) occurrences in other countries. Non-creative destruction and useless or ephemeral construction have become one of the most profitable sectors of the neo-liberal economy on a worldwide scale.

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Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda


‫وﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺪن اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻨﺰوح‪ ،‬و ﻟﻼﻧﺘﻘﺎل اﻟﺒﴩي ﺑﺠﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﻮاﻋﻪ )ﺷﺎﻣﻼً‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬رﺣﻼت اﻟﺘﺴﻮق‪ ،‬رﺣﻼت اﻟﻌﻤﻞ(‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻫﻮ اﻻﺗﺠﺎه ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل‬ ‫اﱄ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺤامﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺤﻈﺮ وﺗﺠﺮﻳﻢ اﻟﻌﺪو اﻟﺤﺎﱄ‪ ،‬مبﺎ ﰲ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﻐﺠﺮ و اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﻬﻤﺸﺔ اﻷﺧﺮي‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻣﺪن ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ ﻫﻲ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ أﺑﻮاب دوارة ميﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ »ﺟﻴﺪ« واﺳﺘﻬﻼك »اﻻﺧﺮ« ﺛﻢ ﻃﺮده‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬إن اﻟﺪﻣﺞ‪ ،‬اﻟﻨﺒﺬ‪ ،‬اﻻﻗﺼﺎء‪ ،‬اﻻﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎت اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻌﺮق واﻟﺠﻨﺲ ﺗﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻓﺎﳌﺪن ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺧﻠﻴﻄﺎً ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ اﳌﺎﴈ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎت ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﻘﻠﻴﺺ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﱄ ﻣﺠﺮد ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻻدارة‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻨﻒ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲇ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻏري ﻣﺘامﺛﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ‪ ،‬وﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎب ﰲ اﻟﺮﺑﺢ وﺗﻮزﻳﻊ اﻟرثوات‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻘﻞ واﳌﻮاﺻﻼت‪ ،‬اﻟﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬اﻷﻣﻦ‪ ،‬اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﺠﻮن‪ ،‬اﻻﺳﻜﺎن‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻻدارة‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬اﻷزﻣﺎت وادارة اﻟﻜﻮارث اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻻﻋﻼم‪ :‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ أﺟﱪت ﻟﺘﺒ ّﻨﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ اداري ﻳﻬﺪف ﻟﺘﻌﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺮﺑﺢ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻷﻛرث ﺿﻌﻔﺎً ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬إن ﻟﻌﺒﺔ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﻮر ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻮف واﻧﻌﺪام اﻷﻣﻦ اﻟﺬي أﻃﻠﻘﻪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﺌﺘﻪ ﻟﻴﻜﻮن »ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ« ﻟـ »ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ« وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻊ اﳌﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻻدارة اﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻼﺿﻄﺮاب اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ »إﻧﻌﺪام اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ«‪ .‬إن ذﻟﻚ ﻳﻘﴤ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻮﻗﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ واﻻﺻﻼح اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﰲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻘﻤﻊ واﳌﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ .‬إن ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﺤﺮب‬ ‫اﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺸﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺮﺑﺎً ﺿﺪ اﻻرﻫﺎب أو ﺿﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠني ﻏري اﻟﴩﻋﻴني‪ ،‬ﺣﺮب ﻟﺠﻌﻞ اﳌﺪن أﻛرث أﻣﻨﺎً أم ﺣﺮب ﺿﺪ اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﲇ اﻟﺠﺪران و »اﻷﻋامل اﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ« اﻻﺧﺮي‪ .‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ »ﺣﻜامً« أﺻﺒﺢ ادارة ﺿﻴﻘﺔ اﻷﻓﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين واﻟﺘﻲ ميﻜﻨﻬﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً أن‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﺮ وﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧني اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳني أو اﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀني ﻟﻠﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﻄﻄﻲ اﳌﺪن واﳌﻌامرﻳني‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ إﻧﻬﺎ أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﺗﻮﻇﻒ ﻋﻠامء‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﺘﻤﺮدﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﻓﻨﺎين اﻟﺮﺳﻢ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺠﺪران أو ﻓﻨﺎين اﻟﺸﺎرع واﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺣﻈﻮا ﺑﻘﺪر ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﻬﺮة‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ »اﻟﺤﻜﻢ« ميﻜﻨﻪ‬ ‫أﻳﻀﺎ ان ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺟﺪران اﻟﺤﺪاﺋﻖ أو اﳌﺒﺪﻋني واﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎد ﺣﻠﻮل ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮة ﰲ ﺣني أﻏﻔﻠﻮا اﻣﺘﺪاد اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺨﻔﻲ واﻟﺬي ﻳﺸﺒﻪ اﱄ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺒﺎد اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ أو اﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﰲ اﻷﻣﻦ ﻛﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة و ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ رمبﺎ ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻖ و ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻛﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺔ )ﻟﻸﻏﻨﻴﺎء وﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ(‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ وﻛام ﺛﺒﺖ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﻘﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺗﻀﺤﺖ أﺛﻨﺎء اﺟﺘامع ﻗﻤﺔ اﻟﺜامﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮا ﰲ ‪ ،٢٠٠١‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﴬر‬ ‫ﻋﲇ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻣﺠﺎل ﻟﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎق اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻋﲇ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ زﻟﺰال ﻻﻛﻴﻼ واﻟﺬﻳﻦ أﴏوا ﻋﲇ ﻋﺪم‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ميﺜﻠﻪ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻔﺬ »ﻧﻴﻮ ﺗﺎون« اﳌﻘﱰح ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺑﺮﻟﺴﻜﻮين‪ ،‬أو ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﺮﻋﺎة اﻷﺷﺪاء ﻣﻦ ﴎدﻳﻨﻴﺎ واﻟﺬﻳﻦ مل ﻳﺴﺘﺴﻠﻤﻮا ﻟﻼﻧﻘﺮاض‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٩٠‬مل ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻮاﻃﻨﻲ ﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ اﱄ ﺗﺄﺷرية زﻳﺎرة ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺎب اﱄ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ واﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ اﻟﺠﻨﻮيب ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻻن‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ اﻟﺠﻨﻮيب ﺗﻢ دﻓﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﴩق‪ ،‬اﻟﴩق اﻷﻗﴢ )اﻟﺼني(‪ ،‬واﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ .‬أﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ؟‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﻴﺪ؟ ﰲ ﻃﻨﺠﺔ أم ﻧﺎﺑﻮﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻮا‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺷﻠﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎرﺳﻴﻠﻴﺎ أم ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺴﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ اﻟﺬي ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻴﻮروﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ؟ ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻔﺮد ﺗﻔﺴري اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻏري اﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﺄن أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻮاﻧﺊ ﻃﻨﺠﺔ وﺑﻮرﺳﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﰲ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺘني أﻫﻢ ﻣﻮاﻧﺊ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨام ﺑﺪت ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ اﻟﺸامﱄ أﻛرث ﻓﺘﻮرا ً؟ ﻣﺎذا ميﻜﻦ أن ﻧﺼﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ذات ﻋﺪد ﺳﻜﺎن ﻳﻘﱰب ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٥‬ﻣﻼﻳني ﻧﺴﻤﺔ )ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻔﺖ أرﺑﻊ ﻣﺮات ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪي ﺳﻨﻮات ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ( ﰲ ﺣني أن ﻋﺪد‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻨﻮا ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﻟﻴﻘﱰب ﻣام ﻛﺎن ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪١٩٢١‬؟ ﻣﺎذا ميﻜﻦ أن ﻧﻘﻮل ﻋﻦ ﺟﻨﻮا وﻣﺎرﺳﻴﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘني ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎوﺗﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺎوﻻن اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﱄ ﻣﺮاﻛﺰ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ وﺧﺪﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨام اﳌﺪن واﳌﻮاﺻﻼت ﰲ اﳌﻐﺮب‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻧﺲ وﻏريﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﻄﻮرا ً ﴎﻳﻌﺎً ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇﺎً وﺗﺤﺴﻨﺎً‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺠﻮدة )مبﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﻜري ﰲ ﻗﻄﺎرات ﴎﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺑﻂ ﺑني ﻃﻨﺠﺔ و اﻟﺪار اﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء وﻣﺮاﻛﺶ(؟ ﻣﺎذا ﺗﻨﺘﺞ أوروﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﺦ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻧﻮع‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﺤامﻳﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻨﴫﻳﺔ اﻟﻴﻮروﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨام ﻫﻲ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻷﻣﺮ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻻﻣﺘﺪاد ﴍﻗﺎً ﺑﺨﻼف ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺪول ﰲ ﺣﻮض اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ؟ وﻣﺎذا ميﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل ﺑﺨﺼﻮص اﻻﺗﺤﺎد ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺪو ﺑﻼ أﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎر ﻓﺎرغ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﺳريﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻷورويب‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺎً ﻛﺎن ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻀﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ دول اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻳﻮروﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺎً ﺑﺪﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮروﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺎً؟ رمبﺎ ﺗﺒﺪو ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺳﺎذﺟﺔ وﺑﻼﻏﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛام ﻗﺪ ﻳﺒﺪو ﻟﻠﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎرﺿﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﻨﻒ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ أﺑﻄﺎل اﻟﺸامل واﻟﺠﻨﻮب ﺑﻐﻄﺎء دﻳﻨﻲ زاﺋﻒ أو ﻣﺘﻄﺮﰲ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ أو أﺗﺒﺎع ﺗﺠﺎرة اﻟﺤﺮب ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﺠﺎﻻت‬

‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬

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meeting in Genoa in 2001, the post-modern city is indeed ferocious against those who have no place in this new neo-liberal frame. These include, for example, the earthquake victims of L’Aquila who insist on not understanding what a stroke of genius the “new towns” proposed by Berlusconi are, or those obstinate Sardinian shepherds who are not resigned to becoming extinct . Until 1990, the citizens of North African countries did not need a visa to travel in Italy and there were intensive relations and exchanges between the northern and the southern shore of the Mediterranean. Today in fact the southern shore has been pushed towards the Arab countries, the East, the Orient (China) and the United States. Where does the future lie? In Port Said? In Tangiers or in Naples, Venice, Genoa, Barcelona, Marseille or Milan? What scenario can we expect on the economic and political horizon of the Euro-Mediterranean space? How should one interpret the unexpected fact that in less than two years the harbours of Tangiers and Port Said have become the most important ports in the Mediterranean, while those on the Northern shore seem to be languishing? What can we make of Istanbul, a city whose population is approaching 15 million (it quadrupled over a few years) while Genoa is going back to the same population it had in 1921? What can we say about Genoa and Marseille, two cities that with uneven results are attempting to turn themselves into tourist and services centers, while cities and transportation in Morocco, in Tunisia and elsewhere are undergoing an incredibly rapid modernization and improvement in quality (suffice it to think that high speed trains will connect Tangiers to Casablanca and to Marrakech…)? What does Europe produce as it becomes entrenched in a kind of protectionism accompanied by an often racist Eurocentrism, while in fact expanding to the East as opposed to other countries of the Mediterranean? And what can be said of the Union for the Mediterranean (UpM) which seems to be a hopeless, empty slogan, an almost surreal paradox compared to a process of construction of the European Union, which should logically include all countries on the Mediterranean hence being Euromediterranean rather than just Eurocentric? Perhaps these questions may appear naïve and rhetorical, as may seem for the demand for universal rights in opposition to the growing violence brought on by the champions of North and South fundamentalism with a pseudo religious cover or simply by militaristic fanatics or followers of the business of war in all fields and at any cost. Not to speak of the pettiness of local politicians devoted to local wars against the Roma people, immigrants or mosques who suddenly sing the praises of hygiene, morality, decorum and zero tolerance. They fail to realize that they are managing decline on behalf of the greediness of strong actors, leaving behind only scorched earth punctuated by new “towers” that perhaps won’t be standing for too long. Does it make any sense to be building new skyscrapers for the Expo in Milan 50 years after the building of Pirelli skyscraper? What will happen to “postmodern development” considering that the native population is growing older by leaps and bounds and shows no intention of leaving room for the future, exacerbating its racism towards those who at the moment are forced to live like slaves and even conduct their social life in hiding? How much corruption and violence, how many abuses will the neo-liberal revolution generate in the cities? But well beyond these concerns, the circles of power of all the great metropolis, together with their experts, show no signs of putting a stop to their paradoxical promotion of ever richer and attractive cities for the international middle classes, the so-called city users,

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Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda


‫وﺑﺄي مثﻦ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻫﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴني اﳌﺤﻠﻴني اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺳﻮا‬ ‫أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺤﺮوب اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻐﺠﺮ أو اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو اﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺠﺄة أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻐﺮد ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺎدات‪ ،‬اﻷﺧﻼق‪ ،‬اﻟﺬوق و‬ ‫ﻋﺪم اﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺪرﻛﻮن أﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺈدارة ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﺒﻮط ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻄﻤﻊ اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧني اﻷﻗﻮﻳﺎء‪ ،‬ﺗﺎرﻛني وراﺋﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ أرﺿﺎً ﺗﻢ ﺣﺮﻗﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﺨﻠﻠﻬﺎ »أﺑﺮاﺟﺎً« ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﻦ ﺗﻈﻞ ﻗﺎمئﺔ ﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﻞ ﻳﻌﻘﻞ أن ﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺎت‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺎب ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﻌﺮض »إﻛﺴﺒﻮ« ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﺧﻤﺴﻮن‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺎً ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺔ ﺳﺤﺎب ﺑريﻳﲇ؟ ﻣﺎذا ﺳﻴﺤﺪث ﻟـ »ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ« آﺧﺬﻳﻦ ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﺰﻳﺎدة اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﻘﻔﺰات ﴎﻳﻌﺔ وﻻ ﺗ ُﻈﻬﺮ أﻳﺔ ﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﱰك ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫أﺟﻞ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣام أدي اﱄ ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ اﻟﻌﻨﴫﻳﺔ ﺗﺠﺎه ﻫﺆﻻء‬ ‫ﻳﺠﱪون ﺣﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﻛﻌﺒﻴﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ أﻧﻬﻢ ميﺎرﺳﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ َ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺨﻔﺎء؟ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻢ اﻟﻔﺴﺎد واﻟﻌﻨﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎت ﺳﺘﻘﻮم اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺎﺟﻬﺎ‬ ‫داﺧﻞ اﳌﺪن؟ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺠﺎوز ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺨﺎوف‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ دواﺋﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮي ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﻮاﺻﻢ اﻟﻜﺒرية‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ ﺧﱪاﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اي ﺑﻮادر ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ وﺿﻊ ﺣﺪ ﻟﻠﱰوﻳﺞ اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻟﻠﻤﺪن‬ ‫اﻷﻛرث ﺛﺮاء وﺟﺎذﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﳌﺒﺪﻋﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺤني اﳌﺸﺎرﻛني ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺎً اﳌﻌﺮوﻓني ﺑﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫»اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺤني اﻟﺠﺎدﻳﻦ« ﻣام ﻳﺆدي اﱄ زﻳﺎدة ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬان اﻟﻌﻨﴫان أﺻﺒﺤﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀني متﺎﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪان‬ ‫ﻋﲇ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم ﻛﻮن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ »آﻣﻨﺔ« ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻲ‬ ‫واﻟﺴﺎﺋﺤني وﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲇ اﻻﻗﺼﺎء اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ وإن ﺗﻢ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔ‪.‬‬

‫اﳌﻘﺎوﻣﺔ واﻻﺣﺘامﻻت اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎك دﻻﺋﻞ واﺿﺤﺔ ﻋﲇ ﻓﺸﻞ ﺛﻮرة اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻛام ﻇﻬﺮ ﰲ اﻻﻧﻬﻴﺎر اﳌﺎﱄ‬ ‫وﻋﺪم اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲇ اﻗﱰاح ﺑﺪاﺋﻞ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ وﺻﻠﺒﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ مل ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﳌﺮﺟﺢ أن‬ ‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﻲ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة اﻟﺤﺮة ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺳﻮف ﻳﴫون‬ ‫ﻋﲇ اﺳﺘﻜامل ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪأوا وﺳﻮف ﻳﻬﺎﺟﻤﻮن ﺑﻜﻞ ﴍاﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎظ‬ ‫ﻋﲇ اﳌﻨﺎﺻﺐ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﻮﻳﺔ ﻣام ﺳﻴﺆدي اﱄ ﻛﻮارث اﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﺎدﻳﺔ اﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻞ ﺳﺘﻨﺠﺢ ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ‬

‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬

‫‪‘...Where does the‬‬ ‫‪future lie? In Port‬‬ ‫‪Said? In Tangiers or in‬‬ ‫‪Naples, Venice, Genoa,‬‬ ‫‪Barcelona, Marseille‬‬ ‫‪or Milan? What‬‬ ‫‪scenario can we expect‬‬ ‫‪on the economic and‬‬ ‫‪political horizon of the‬‬ ‫‪Euro-Mediterranean‬‬ ‫’?‪space‬‬

‫’‪...‬أﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ؟‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﻴﺪ؟ ﰲ ﻃﻨﺠﺔ‬ ‫أم ﻧﺎﺑﻮﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﻮا‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺷﻠﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎرﺳﻴﻠﻴﺎ أم‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺴﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺬي ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻪ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻴﻮروﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ؟‘‬

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the creative classes, a set of post mass tourists otherwise known as “serious tourists” even while proposing a new population increase. These two factors are antithetical today precisely because the concept of a city that is “safe” for the middle classes and tourists relies on the social exclusion of the lower classes even through violent means. Resistance & Possible Futures Over the past few years there have been evident signs of failure of the neo-conservative revolution as shown in the financial collapse and in its incapacity to propose reasonable and solid alternatives to economic trends that have no future. It is likely that the neo-conservative free trade economists will insist on treading water and will lash out as they desperately hold on to their positions of power causing additional human and material disasters. Will the resistance to neo-liberalism succeed in doing more than just survive and stand there licking its wounds? It is certainly difficult, but the only hope lies in people getting together to build a space for collective action, especially the victims of the submerged economies. There have been some encouraging signs in that direction, mature expressions of a capacity to maintain a critical stance in the face of a dominant discourse obsessed with growth and consumerism. This resistance is not carried on by small groups of people “who have dropped out from the world” but rather represents an ever spreading critical awareness of the need for “a fair and sustainable development” which turns into the ability to govern a “wise de-growth”. An example of this new movement that deserves attention is taking place in Totnes, a small town of 8000 people in the south west of England. It is what has been called a Transition town, i.e., a project designed and practiced as a grassroots effort by people who, home after home, street after street, have joined in to make it a reality. Since the project has been in place, families have been able to save a lot of money without giving up building very comfortable, high quality homes for themselves. They were also always able to guarantee efficient, clean public transportation that is affordable or even at zero cost. This type of experiments is not becoming generalized because it runs opposite to the interests and worldviews of the powers that be and their experts (social scientists, architects, etc.), with their obsession with growth through a rush to consumption, waste, financial and real-estate speculation. There are other positive experiences that deserve to be known and propangandate, for example the experience of Hamburg, which has become European Green Capital 2011 (http://hamburggreencapital.eu) through an extraordinary transformation under way for decades, especially with the active participation of majority of inhabitants. Unfortunately, now this experience is likely to fail; once again, the financial games seem to prevent a equity and solidarity perspective. The practice of parrhesia advocated by Foucault in his later works, appears to be ever more needed as the first step in critical ability and therefore the social construction of alternatives that can be truly put into place. And it is perhaps this attitude of “speaking truth to power” that inspires the living practices of the zerozero generation , especially the youth rebellions that exploded at the end of 2010 in London as well as in Algeria, Tunisia, Italy and other countries and perhaps soon enough all over Europe

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Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda


‫أﻛرث ﻣام ﻫﻮ ﻣﺠﺮد ﺑﻘﺎء وﺗﻘﻒ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺾ ﻋﲇ ﺟﺮاﺣﻬﺎ؟ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺬا ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺮ اﻟﺴﻬﻞ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻷﻣﻞ اﻷوﺣﺪ ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﰲ اﺟﺘامع‬ ‫اﻟﺒﴩ ﻣﻌﺎً ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﺠﺎﻻً ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺨﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻇﻬﺮت ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻮادر اﳌﺒﴩة ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒريات أﻛرث ﻧﻀﺠﺎً ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲇ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲇ وﻗﻔﺔ ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ ﺧﻄﺎب ﻣﻬﻴﻤﻦ ﻣﻬﻮوﺳﺎً ﺑﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﻨﻤﻮ واﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼك‪ .‬إن ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫اﳌﻘﺎوﻣﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺻﻐرية ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﴩ ﻣﻤﻦ »اﻧﺴﺤﺒﻮا اﱄ ﺧﺎرج اﻟﻌﺎمل« وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ متﺜﻞ وﻋﻴﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺎً ﻳﻨﺘﴩ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮص اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ اﱄ »ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﺔ وﻣﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ« وﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺤﻮل اﱄ ﻗﺪرة ﻋﲇ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ »ﺗﺮاﺟﻊ ﺗﻨﻤﻮي واع«‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎل ﻋﲇ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ اﻻﻫﺘامم ﻫﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺪث ﰲ »ﺗﻮﺗﻨﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺪة ﺻﻐرية ﻣﻦ ‪ ٨٠٠٠‬ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮب ﻏﺮب اﻧﺠﻠﱰا‪ .‬ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎن ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﺪة اﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اي؛ ﻣﴩوع ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻪ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲇ أﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻬﻮد اﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺎرﻛﻮا ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬وﺷﺎرع ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﺎرع‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ واﻗﻌﺎً‪ .‬وﻣﻨﺬ أن ﺑﺪأ اﳌﴩوع‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت ﺑﺘﻮﻓري اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﻮال دون اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﲇ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎزل ﻣﺮﻳﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ذات ﺟﻮدة ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﻢ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻟﻀامن وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﺎم ذات ﻛﻔﺎءة وﻧﻈﺎﻓﺔ وﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎر ﻣﻌﻘﻮل أو ﺣﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪون ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬إن ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺠﺮي ﻋﻜﺲ اﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ ووﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﺋﻨﺔ‬ ‫وﺧﱪاﺋﻬﺎ )ﻋﻠامء اﺟﺘامع‪ ،‬ﻣﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬اﻟﺦ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻫﺎﺟﺲ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﻧﺪﻓﺎع اﱄ اﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼك‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺒﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬واﳌﻀﺎرﺑﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻳﻀﺎً ﻫﻨﺎك ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻻﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ أن ﺗﻌﺮف وﺗﺮوج‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺎل ذﻟﻚ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺎﻣﺒﻮرج‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬ ‫اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﴬاء ﰲ ‪ (http://hamburggreencapital.eu) ٢٠١١‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﺤﻮل اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎيئ ﻳﺠﺮي ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﻘﻮد‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻼﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮﺟﺢ أن ﺗﻔﺸﻞ؛ ﻓﻤﺮة أﺧﺮي‪ ،‬اﻷﻻﻋﻴﺐ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﻮل دون ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﳌﺴﺎواة واﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ‪ .‬إن ﻣﺒﺪأ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺒري اﻟﺘﻲ دﻋﺎ اﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ ﰲ أﻋامﻟﻪ اﻷﺧرية‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪو أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ اﻻن ﻛﺨﻄﻮة أوﱄ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل‬ ‫اﱄ اﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﺤﺎﺳﻤﺔ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ ﻟﺒﺪاﺋﻞ ميﻜﻦ وﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ .‬ورمبﺎ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻠﻮك ‪» :‬ﻗﻮل اﻟﺤﻖ ﰲ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ«‬ ‫ﻫﻮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻠﻬﻢ اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﺤﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﻴﻞ اﻷﺻﻔﺎر‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﺎب اﳌﺘﻤﺮد اﻟﺬي ﺗﻔﺠﺮ ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ‪ ٢٠١٠‬ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ اﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ودول أﺧﺮي ورمبﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﺟﻞ ﺑﺠﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء أوروﺑﺎ‬

‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺷﻨﻐﻬﺎى ‪next pages: Shanghai .‬‬ ‫‪Image Courtesy of Midori Hasuike‬‬

‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬

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Mediterranean Cities, Neo-Liberal Drift & Revolts. Salvatore Palidda


‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻷﺑﻴﺾ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ‪ ،‬و اﻻﻧﺠﺮاف ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﺜﻮرات‪َ .‬ﺳﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮري ﺑﺎﻟّﻴ ّﺪا‬

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BETWEENLANDS Loris Savino and Marco Di Noia.

‫ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻷﻗﻄﺎر‬

‫ﻟﻮرﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﻓﻴﻨﻮ و ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ دي ﻧﻮﻳﺎ‬


Loris Savino is a photographer, born 1975 in Milan, where he is based. He started his photographic career with Grazia Neri Agency. From 2006 to 2008 he worked for several international magazines covering Middle East’s issues, stories about religious communities and social issues. In 2007 he won Baldoni’s prize for a reportage about boxing in Kibera’s slum. From 2009 he has been working on long-term and fine art projects. Marco Di Noia is a graphic designer and video-maker. Since 1998 he has worked as motion graphic designer, and started freelancing since 2003. He started his professional life as an interface designer, and in 2001 he moved to the broadcast field. He keeps himself busy doing design, animations and videos for events, corporate and commercial projects. Since the beginning of his career he has always found energy and time to make personal works in the field of video, print, and a/v projects; some of them have been exhibited nationally and internationally. ‫ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻌﺪة ﻣﺠﻼت دوﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ‬٢٠٠٨ ‫ إﱃ‬٢٠٠٦ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ ﺑﺪأ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻔﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ ﻣﻊ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﻧريي ﻏﺮاﺗﺴﻴﺎ‬.‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻘﻴﻢ‬،‫ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬١٩٧٥ ‫ وﻟﺪ ﻋﺎم‬،‫ﻟﻮرﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﻓﻴﻨﻮ ﻣﺼﻮر‬ ‫ وﻫﻮ‬٢٠٠٩ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ ﻓﺎز ﺑﺠﺎﺋﺰة ﺑﺎﻟﺪوين ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﳌﻼﻛﻤﺔ ﰲ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية ﰲ ﻛﻴﺒريا‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ وﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ﻋﻦ اﻟﻄﻮاﺋﻒ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬،‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺪأ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬. ٢٠٠٣ ‫ وﻛﺄﻋامل ﺣﺮة ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬،‫ ﻛﻤﺼﻤﻢ رﺳﻮم ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻛﺔ‬١٩٩٨ ‫ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ‬,‫ ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ دي ﻧﻮﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺟﺮاﻓﻴﻚ وﺻﺎﻧﻊ أﻓﻼم‬.‫ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﻔﻨﻮن اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻠﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ اﻷﺟﻞ‬ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ‬.‫ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻻً ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ واﻟﺮﺳﻮم اﳌﺘﺤﺮﻛﺔ واﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮ ﺳﻮاء ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت أو ﻟﻠﴩﻛﺎت واﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‬.‫ اﻧﺘﻘﻞ إﱃ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺒﺚ‬٢٠٠١ ‫ وﰲ ﻋﺎم‬،‫ﻛﻤﺼﻤﻢ واﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ .ً‫ واﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ واﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ؛ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺮض ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺎً ودوﻟﻴﺎ‬،‫ واﻟﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ‬،‫وﺟﺪ دامئﺎً اﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ واﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻷﻋامﻟﻪ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮ‬

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Since the beginning of 2011, the Mediterranean Sea has been both protagonist and spectator of a unique collective energy in an area always considered the Cradle of Civilization. This energy has generated profound change, triggered by Arab nations and landing at the gates of Europe. The force shocked several countries in search of new identities: Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, echoing into Lampedusa and Greece. The only common denominators: the square, the crowd, the community, and a deep yearning for freedom. BETWEENLANDS is based on this renewed sense of consciousness, dignity and responsibility that has recently spread across the Mediterranean. The story begins with the protagonists: the people, passionately expressing social needs and motivations. Courageous voices echoed through squares, demanding freedom, breaking down regimes and ultimately grasping the protagonist’s role of their own history. Change stemmed from the square and destroyed palaces of power: crippled by mankind’s frustration, leaving behind wreckages of defunct regimes. The desolation and scars remain active reminders of the atrocities and suffering, standing as symbols of rebirth. Through a collection of videos and images, BETWEENLANDS reveals a true testimony of the past year’s political events in the Mediterranean. This story began in Egypt, February 2011, and journeyed through Tunisia, Libya and Lampedusa. The documentations aim to dissect the intensity of the revolutions, describing an evolution of individuals who become a single force. The Arabs, who after years of censorship and repression, have achieved their purpose: freedom and democracy. The awakening of dignity

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Betweenlands. Loris Savino and Marco Di Noia


‫ُﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،٢٠١١‬وﻗﺪ ﻛﺎن اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻄﻼً وﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪا ً ﻟﺮواﻳ ٍﺔ متﺜﱠﻠﺖ ﰲ ﻃﺎﻗ ٍﺔ ُﻣﺘﺠ ﱢﻤﻌ ٍﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ٍة ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻟَﻄﺎﳌﺎ اﻋﺘُ َﱪت َﻣﻬﺪ اﻟﺤﻀﺎرات‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺗ ﱠﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻐﻴريا ً ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻠِﻘﺎً ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﺻﻮﻻً اﱄ ﺑﻮاﺑﺎت أوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻫ ﱠﺰت‬ ‫ﺻﺪي ﻟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻻﻣﺒﻴﺪوﺳﺎ واﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻘﻮي ﻋﺪدا ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪول ﺑﺤﺜﺎً ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﱠﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ :‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﴫ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬و َوﺟﺪت ً‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻘﻮاﺳﻢ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‪ :‬اﳌﻴﺪان‪ ،‬اﻟﺤﺸﻮد‪ ،‬اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬وﺗــــــﻮق ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻟـﻠــــﺤﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋﻲ‪ ،‬وﻛﺮاﻣ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي َﺳﺎد ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ً ﻋﱪ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻷﻗﻄﺎر( ﻣﴩوع ﻣﺒﻨﻲ أﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﻋﲇ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺸﻌﻮر اﳌﺘﺠﺪد ﻣﻦ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﱪﻳﻦ ﻋﻦ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬﻢ وﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪا ً اﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﻣﻊ أﺑﻄﺎل اﻟﺮواﻳﺔ‪ :‬اﻟﺸﻌﻮب‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻞ ﺣامﺳ ٍﺔ ﱢ‬ ‫أﺻﻮاتٌ ﺟﺮﻳﺌﺔ ﺗﺮددت ﰲ اﳌﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أدﱠت اﱄ اﻧﻬﻴﺎر أﻧﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﰲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ أن متﺴﻚ ﺑﺪور اﻟﺰﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺪﱠم اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻣﻦ اﳌﻴﺪان وﻗﺎم ﺑﺘﺪﻣري ﻗﺼﻮر اﻟﻘﻮة‪ :‬اﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎ ﺧﻴﺒﺔ أﻣﻞ اﻟﺒﴩ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎرﻛﺎً وراﺋِﻪ ُﺣﻄﺎم اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺎﺋﺪة‪ .‬وﻳﺒﻘﻲ اﻟﺪﻣﺎر وﺗﺒﻘﻲ اﻵﺛﺎر رﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺬﻛري ﺑﺎﻷﻋامل اﻟﻮﺣﺸﻴﺔ وﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎة اﻟﺸﻌﻮب‪ ،‬ﻗﺎمئﺔً‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﻹﻋﺎدة اﻹﺣﻴﺎء ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎت واﻟﺼﻮر‪ ،‬ﺗُﻘﺪﱢم )ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻷﻗﻄﺎر( ﺷﻬﺎد ًة ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣﻮض‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺪأﻧﺎ اﻟﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑـﻤﴫ‪ ،‬ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ ‪ ،٢٠١١‬ﺛﻢ اﺗﺠﻬﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﱄ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬و ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻻﻣﺒﻴﺪوﺳﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺪف ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ اﱄ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻮة اﻟﺜﻮرات‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗ َِﺼﻒ ﺗﻄ ﱡﻮر ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﻟـﻴﺼﺒﺤﻮا ﻗﻮة واﺣﺪة‪ .‬إن اﻟﻌﺮب‪ ،‬وﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ واﻟﻘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺣﻘﻘﻮا‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻬﻢ‪ :‬اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ واﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﻬـــــﺎ ﺻــﺤـــــــﻮة اﻟﻜــــــﺮاﻣــــــــﺔ‬

‫‪Scan the qr code to view the video‬‬ ‫‪documentaries, or go to:‬‬ ‫ﻗﻢ مبﺴﺢ اﻟﻜﻮد ﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪة اﻻﻓﻼم اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻘﻴﺔ‪ ,‬او ميﻜﻨﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﺬﻫﺎب إﱃ‪:‬‬ ‫‪www.vimeo.com/user9187177‬‬

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‫ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻷﻗﻄﺎر‪ .‬ﻟﻮرﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﻓﻴﻨﻮ و ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ دى ﻧﻮﻳﺎ‬


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‫ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻷﻗﻄﺎر‪ .‬ﻟﻮرﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﻓﻴﻨﻮ و ﻣﺎرﻛﻮ دى ﻧﻮﻳﺎ‬


www.betweenlands.net

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ARCHITECTURE & GEOPOLITICS TODAY. Stefano Boeri in an interview with Zawia.

.‫اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‬ .‫ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮى ﰱ ﺣﻮار ﻣﻊ زاوﻳﺔ‬


Stefano Boeri, born in 1956, is a Milan-based architect and from April 2011 he is Councillor for Culture, Design and Fashion for the Municipality of Milan. From 2004 to 2007 he was editor in chief of “Domus” international magazine. From 2007 to 2011 he was editor in chief of the international magazine “Abitare”. Professor of Urban Design at the Politecnico di Milano, he has taught as visiting professor at Harvard GSD, MIT and Berlage Institute among others. He is the founder of www.multiplicity.it, an international research network dedicated to the study of contemporary urban transformations. Co-author of different volumes such as Mutations (Actar, 2000), USE (Skirà, 2002) e Cronache del Abitare (Mondadori, 2007), Biomilano (Corraini, 2011) and author of “Anticittà” (Laterza, 2011). Stefano Boeri, with his texts and reflections, is a regular contributor to several magazines and newspapers.

٢٠١١ ‫ ﻣﻌامري ﻣﻘﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ وﻳﺸﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ أﺑﺮﻳﻞ‬،١٩٥٦ ‫ وﻟﺪ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬،‫ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮي‬ ‫ إﱃ‬٢٠٠٤ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ وﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻷزﻳﺎء ﰲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎن رﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬٢٠١١ ‫ إﱃ‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ ﻣﻦ‬.«‫ ﻛﺎن رﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ »دوﻣﻮس‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﻫﻮ أﻳﻀً ﺎ أﺳﺘﺎذ »اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺤﴬي« ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻜﻨﻴﻜﻮ دي‬.«‫ﻣﺠﻠﺔ »أﺑﻴﺘﺎري‬ ‫ وﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﺗﺸﻮﺳﺘﺲ‬،‫ ﻛام ﻗﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﻛﺄﺳﺘﺎذ زاﺋﺮ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺑريﻻﺟﻲ‬،‫ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬ www.multiplicity. ‫ وﻫﻮ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ‬.‫ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ وﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﺎرﻓﺎرد وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى‬ ‫ ﺷﺎرك ﰲ‬.‫ وﻫﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ أﺑﺤﺎث دوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺮﺳﺔ ﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬it ‫ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮي ﺑﻔﻀﻞ اﻓﻜﺎره وﺗﺄﻣﻼﺗﻪ وﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻪ أﺣﺪ‬.‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﻟﻔﺎت‬ .‫اﳌﺸﺎرﻛني اﻟﺪامئني ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﻼت واﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬

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[Zawia] How do we relate your research ’Uncertain States of Europe’ to the current political and economic situation in Italy and Europe and its affect today to existing models of architectural production and cities? [Stefano Boeri] To answer this I need to clarify important points: firstly I believe what is happening now represents what we saw some years ago as the main character of the European city. We had observed the fact that such cities are the result of an overlay of different periods, cultures and settlement principles. This overlay is still present, which is why I think European cities differ from other city typologies; they represent supreme positions of various periods of cultures, languages and architecture. The second point refers to another feature of those cities; the fact that the creation of Europe was largely based on foreign culture exchange of typologies. The continent remains alive and the merging of different social behaviour from other cultures is clearly evident in contemporary European city life. Here they are somewhat reinterpreted, requiring European cities to absorb like a sponge. Another aspect we explored is the fact that all these cultures and settlements have an amazing density, because when you observe European cities you basically discover a compact environment. This has changed a lot in the last 30 years, because a night satellite-map view clearly outlines what Europe is nowadays. You can also see very well the presence of different kinds of cities, which now surrounds all European metropolitan areas. These are places that are mainly composed of single-

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family houses, blocks and shopping malls. A final point refers to the nature of our research (USE Uncertain States of Europe): we were at a certain point at the end of the last century (about 30 years ago), where it was a plural approach to research. We were working with different research groups across Europe, and kept seeing something not very visible at that time: self-organisation. So when you see today’s changes in Europe, you basically see the changes in the process of transformation, the ‘Mutations’ [the research title]. It was produced by self-organised groups of people, which for us was a radically new change model, and it’s also a model of change opposite to what we were normally thinking of, which is the transformation done by the decision making from the top. Instead, what we saw was that; in relation with different kind of problems or expectations, cities were changing due to a group of people who decided to constitute an association, community or institution. At one point they were deciding to change because they had the economical, legal, political resources to do this. This was also changing because the nature of planning of public policies. Finally, the fact that every decision in Europe was undergoing a very complex, redefined decisionmaking process. All those five aspects, I believe, answer your question because they are facts which came up when we did the research, and have also arisen today. Therefore, from a certain point of view, if Europe at this point is not seen as a political union, as in a continent with a real clear strategy, there is a strong and unbelievable homogeneity in the nature of urban and social environments. From Lisbon to Istanbul and

Architecture And Geopolitics Today. Interview with Stefano Boeri.


‫]زاوﻳﺔ[ ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ رﺑﻂ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑني اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺨﺎص ﺑﻚ‬ ‫›‪ ‹Uncertain States of Europe‬و ﺑني اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‬ ‫واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﺤﺎﱄ ﰲ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ وأوروﺑﺎ وﺗﺄﺛريه اﻟﻴﻮم ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨامذج‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﺘﺎج اﳌﻌامري واﳌﺪن؟‬ ‫]ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮي[ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻨﻘﺎط اﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻺﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ذﻟﻚ‪ :‬أوﻻً أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث اﻵن ميﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ رأﻳﻨﺎه ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﻨﻮات‬ ‫ﳌﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬و ﻗﺪ ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ أن ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﳌﺪن ﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﺮاﻛامت ﻣﻦ ﻓﱰ ٍ‬ ‫ات ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔ ٍﺔ وﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎت وﻣﺒﺎدئ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة‪ .‬و ﻻ ﺗﺰال ﻫﺬه اﻟﱰاﻛامت واﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻼت ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة‬ ‫إﱃ اﻻن‪ ،‬وﻟﻬﺬا أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ أمنﺎط اﳌﺪن‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺮى ﻷﻧﻬﺎ متﺜﻞ ﻓﱰات ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت و اﻟﻠﻐﺎت واﻟﻌامرة‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ‪ ,‬وﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﺳﻤﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ ﺳامت ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن‪،‬‬ ‫وﻫﻲ ان ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ أوروﺑﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم ﻗﺪ اﻋﺘﻤﺪ إﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺗﺰال اﻟﻘﺎرة ﻋﲆ ﻗﻴﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‪ ،‬و ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﺿﻮح اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج اﻟﺬي ﻳﺤﺪث ﺑني اﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎت أﺧﺮى ﰲ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ أُﻋﻴﺪ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎت ﻣام ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻹﺳﻔﻨﺞ‪.‬‬ ‫ومثﺔ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ آﺧﺮ ﺗﻄﺮﻗﻨﺎ اﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﻮ أن ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ واﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻫﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺪرس اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺘﻜﺸﻒ ﰲ اﻻﺳﺎس ﺑﻴﺌﺔ ﻣﺪﻣﺠﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﻐري اﻟﻜﺜري ﰲ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﻮات ال ‪ ٣٠‬اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ إﱃ اﺣﺪى اﻟﺨﺮاﺋﻂ اﻟﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻗامر اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ان ﺗﺤﺪد ﺑﻮﺿﻮح ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ أوروﺑﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺤﺎﴐ‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻚ ان ﺗﺮى أﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﺸﻜﻞ واﺿﺢ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ وﺟﻮد‬ ‫أﻧﻮاع ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻴﻂ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن اﻟﺼﻐرية أﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎزل اﻷﴎة اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة‬ ‫واﻟﺒﻠﻮﻛﺎت اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬واﳌﻨﺎزل وﻣﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺘﺴﻮق‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫﻨﺎك ﻧﻘﻄﺔ أﺧرية ﺗﺸري إﱃ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺑﺤﺜﻨﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫)‪ ,(USE:UncertainStates of Europe‬اﻧﻦ ﻛﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﴈ ) ﻣﻨﺬ ﺣﻮاﱄ ‪ ٣٠‬ﻋﺎﻣﺎ(‪ ،‬وﻗﺖ ﻛﺎن اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺑﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟامﻋﻲ ‪ ,‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺑﺪأﻧﺎ ﻧﺮى ﺷﻴﺌﺎ مل ﻳﻜﻦ واﺿﺤﺎً ﰲ ذﻟﻚ‬

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‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ وﻫﻮ‪ :‬اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺬايت‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺮى اﻟﺘﻐريات ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻴﻮم ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻚ ﺗﺮى ﰲ اﻷﺳﺎس اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺮأت ﻋﲆ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﻮل‪» ،‬اﻟﻄﻔﺮات« و ﻫﻮ ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻄﻔﺮات‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ِﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﺮاد اﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺎً ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ منﻮذﺟﺎً ﺟﺪﻳﺪا ً ﺟﺬرﻳﺎً ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري‪ .‬و ﻫﻮ أﻳﻀﺎ منﻮذج ﻟﺘﻐﻴري‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻛﺲ ﳌﺎ ﻧﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﺎدةً‪ ,‬أﻻ وﻫﻮ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﻟﻘﺎدم ﻣﻦ ﻛﺒﺎر ﺻﻨﺎع‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺮار‪ .‬إذا اﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﳌﺸﻜﻼت واﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎت اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ ان‬ ‫اﳌﺪن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻐري ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﻗﺮروا ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ أو ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ أو ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻗﺮروا اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻷن‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ اﳌﻮارد اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ و اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ و اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﺎن ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻐﻴري أﻳﻀﺎً ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ .‬وأﺧريا ً ﻓﺈن اﻟﻘﺮارات ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ متﺮ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﺪة‬ ‫ﺟﺪا ً ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﻘﺮار‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻋﺘﻘﺎدي ان ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ اﻟﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺳﺆاﻟﻚ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﻇﻬﺮت ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑـﻬﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬وﻇﻬﺮت ﻣﺮة أﺧﺮى اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬إذا‬ ‫مل ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﱃ أوروﺑﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ وﺣﺪة ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬

‫‪‘cities were changing‬‬ ‫‪due to a group of‬‬ ‫‪people who decided‬‬ ‫‪to constitute an‬‬ ‫‪association, community‬‬ ‫’‪or institution.‬‬ ‫’ﻧﺠﺪ ان اﳌﺪن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻐري‬

‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﺮاد‬ ‫ﻗﺮروا ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ أو‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ أو ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‪‘.‬‬

‫اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮى‬


Stockholm to Palermo, cities and their way of changing are really similar. Therefore, trying to govern these changes are not so different. In my opinion, it is still extremely paradox to see how Europe has weakened in terms of capacity to produce foreign policies. For instance, if you think of the political crisis in Greece (considering Greece was Europe’s birthplace) this contradiction is related to the fact that this homogeneity was never capable of producing a capacity policy that can represent itself and the Union as one unique continent with a unique strategy. [ Z ] In a recent interview, you mentioned that 30% of world citizens live in informal settlements, how do you see Slums/Favelas in the next 50 years?

has forgotten the presence of Favelas, in a time of policy-making and urbanisation that was completely involved in Brazilia; the dream of a completely new urban plan. So for many years we somewhat disregarded this kind of phenomenon from our agendas. Then at a certain moment it was becoming impossible to move the gaze from this kind of environment. It was realised that the phenomenon was there with attempts explore ways of reducing and fighting it. There was a hard struggle to find the tools to move this phenomenon from the urban environment, mid-80s onwards, and was translated in many attempts to destroy slums from their formal environment and move the population in other social housing areas. For instance, to intervene

[ SB ] The evolution of worldwide informal cities is an amazing phenomenon today that will characterise the future of metropolitan environments. We observed different phases in our approach based on Western perspective of city evolution. It started in the period after the Second World War, a time of an attempt to avoid this fact and disregard to forget and an attempt to really neglect their existence. An amazing impact was growing in so many environments with these new informal urban textures as an extremely rapid process. It was interesting for me to observe the indifferent position of architects and urban planners who were absorbed and distracted by ideas of utopian new cities. In Brazil I ran a research called ‘Sao Paulo Calling’, a working group comparing what happened in Sao Paulo in the last 40-50 years with other cities all over the world. In Brazil it is really strange, and amazing, how policies and architectural culture

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Architecture And Geopolitics Today. Interview with Stefano Boeri.


‫ﺑﻞ ﻛﻘﺎرة ذات اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ واﻗﻌﻴﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ ان ﻫﻨﺎك ﺗﺠﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻮي و ﻻ ﻳﺼﺪق ﰲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﺒﻮﻧﺔ اﱃ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل و ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﻮﻛﻬﻮمل إﱃ ﺑﺎﻟريﻣﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ اﳌﺪن‬ ‫وﻃﺮﻳﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري إﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات ﻟﻦ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ رأﻳﻲ‪ ،‬اﺟﺪ ﻣﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﰲ ﻛﻴﻒ اﺻﺒﺤﺖ أوروﺑﺎ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ اﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ إﱃ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن )أﺧﺬا ً ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر‬ ‫ان اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻬﺪ أوروﺑﺎ( ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻳﻌﻮد إﱃ أن‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ اﻷورويب مل ﻳﻜﻦ ﻗﺎدرا ً ﻋﲆ إﻧﺘﺎج ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ميﻜﻦ أن‬ ‫متﺜﻞ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ,‬أو اﻻﺗﺤﺎد ﻛﻘﺎرة واﺣﺪة ﻓﺮﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪة ﰲ‬ ‫اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫] ز [ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﻜﻢ ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ذﻛﺮﺗﻢ أن ‪ ٪٣٠‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت ﻏري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺮون‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت ﰲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات ال ‪ ٥٠‬اﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ؟‬

‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺎً‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﺴﻨﻮات ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﺠﺎﻫﻠﻨﺎ اﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪاول أﻋامﻟﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﰲ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ,‬أﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﻏﺾ اﻟﺒﴫ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة اﺻﺒﺤﺖ واﻗﻌﺎً‪ ,‬ﻣﻊ وﺟﻮد ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت‬ ‫ﻻﺳﺘﻜﺸﺎف ﺳﺒﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ وﻣﺤﺎرﺑﺘﻬﺎ ‪.‬وﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﺜامﻧﻴﻨﻴﺎت‬ ‫ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪا ً ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك ﴏاع ﻟﻠﻌﺜﻮر ﻋﲆ اﻷدوات اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺮﺟﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﴫاع ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﺎوﻻت ﻟﺘﺪﻣري اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت و ﺧﻠﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺌﺘﻬﻢ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ وﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻜﺎن إﱃ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ أﺧﺮى ﻟﻺﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ اﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺠﻬﺎز اﻟﴩﻃﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ميﺜﻞ اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎً ﻗﻮﻳﺎً وﻧﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ آﺛﺎرا ً ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻴﺔ ﺣﺎدة ﰲ رﻳﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬مل ﺗﺨﺘﻔﻲ »اﻟﻔﺎﻓﻴﻼز« ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺪﻣﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺟ ٍﺰ ٍء ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ إﻻ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﺟﺰ ٍء آﺧﺮ‪ .‬اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت‬ ‫ﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻨﺎ و ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ أن ﻧﻜﻮن واﺿﺤني‬ ‫ﰲ أﻧﻨﺎ ﻻ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ أن ﻧﻐﺾ اﻧﻈﺎرﻧﺎ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ أن‬

‫] س ب [ ﺗﻄﻮر اﳌﺪن ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻇﺎﻫﺮة‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻫﺸﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ أن متﻴﺰ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة ﻋﲆ أﺳﺎس اﳌﻨﻈﻮر‬ ‫اﻟﻐﺮيب ﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪأت ﰲ ﻓﱰة ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻫﻲ ﻓﱰة ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺗﺠﻨﺐ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ إﻧﻜﺎر‬ ‫وﺟﻮدﻫﻢ ‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪأ ﺗﺄﺛ ًريا ﻛﺒريا ً ﰲ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺌﺎت ﻛﺜرية ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻨﺎت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﴎﻳﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﳌﺜري ﻟﻼﻫﺘامم ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﱃ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ اﳌﻮﻗﻒ اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني وﻣﺨﻄﻄﻲ اﳌﺪن اﻟﺬﻳﻦ اﻧﻐﻤﺴﻮا ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﰲ أﻓﻜﺎر‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺿﻠﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﰲ اﻟﱪازﻳﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ »ﺳﺎو ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﻨﺎدي«‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻋﺒﺎرة‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ورﺷﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑني ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪث ﰲ ﺳﺎو ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات‬ ‫اﻻرﺑﻌني أو اﻟﺨﻤﺴني اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪث ﰲ ﻣﺪن أﺧﺮى ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ واﳌﺬﻫﻞ ان ﺗﺮى ﰲ اﻟﱪازﻳﻞ ﻛﻴﻒ اﻣﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ان ﺗﺘﻨﺎﳻ وﺟﻮد اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية‬ ‫»اﻟﻔﺎﻓﻴﻼ« ‪ ،‬ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ﻓﻴﻪ ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت واﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎم ﻧﺤﻮ »ﺑﺮازﻳﻠﻴﺎ«; ﺣﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬ ‫’‪Stefano Boeri during the opening of ‘Sao Paolo Calling‬‬

‫ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮى أﺛﻨﺎء إﻓﺘﺘﺎح »ﺳﺎوﺑ���وﻟﻮ ﺗﻨﺎدى«‬

‫‪Source: www.saopaolocalling.org‬‬

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‫اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮى‬


in terms of police order and security issues, this kind of approach was strong and produced severe side-effects in Rio. However, Favelas were disappearing because they were simply destroyed in some part and were reborn in another part. Favelas are, at the moment, part of our city. We have to be clear that we cannot simply move it from our gaze. At the same time, we cannot think that this problem can be solve with an approach of neglecting the fact that they are so important in our city’s evolution, we have to study the positive character of Favelas. In general I dislike the term ‘Slums’, I prefer ‘Favelas’ because it is more open. Favelas from many points of views are opposite to the ‘Anti-city’. This is because Favelas have social communities that are not considered ‘ghettos’, rather, it is more like a real community mix of different cultures. Secondly, I think that sometimes Favelas – such as in Mumbai or Nairobi - are also part of the city where you can see an amazing dynamic of small sized industries; I try to produce in the art craft field and sometimes in the sustainability fields, food and agriculture. In some way you could say that there is a part of the city where we all see in a period of crisis as extremely dynamic, constantly changing and moving.

immigration finds hospitality. In Europe there is a very big difference because we have informal cities in a different form. If you exclude the Roma and Senti population- we don’t have large informal settlements, we have more of an archipelago of small settlements, which are growing both on the periphery and the [historical] centre. The ancient part of the city is more capable to withstand new population groups. This has caused big change, so we should not describe it as one process, because what is happening in Milan for example is different from Brussels or Rotterdam. So cities are changing, and the possibility of having a city which is composed of a series of additions of different population, ethnic groups and communities is evident. Another aspect my ‘Anti City’ book covers is the need recognise the dignity of every community to possibly find an identity of space. Additionally, it is important to urge the smaller communities to change their way of contributing to the worldwide city community. Ultimately, this should allow an equilibrium between the right to represent themselves and the necessity to change cultural traditions in order to eventually merge communities.

[ Z ] How do you see “Informality” in Europe? Do you see ‘Mobile Population’ of Europe either the case of the Senti/Roma population or Immigrant communities? Is this population the ‘Informal’ part of Europe? Why?

[ Z ] How do you see the current Geopolitical situation today in relation to the profession of architects?

[ SB ] In Europe, informal cities are considered the first step of immigration, so one of the reasons of their growth is related to the immigration process and globalisation. These environments are basically the first place

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[ SB ] For many years I have tried to explain the importance of local space; I try to underline how local spaces work like ‘’The eye of the needle’’ for globalisation. We could describe what is happening around us in the last three decades as the globalisation of cultures, information where everything is flowing.

Architecture And Geopolitics Today. Interview with Stefano Boeri.


‫ﻧﻌﺘﻘﺪ أن ﻫﺬه اﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ميﻜﻦ ﺣﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻫامل ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺰء ﰲ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﻮر ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﺨﻮاص‬ ‫اﻹﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية واﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت‪ .‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم ﻻ أﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ »اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت«‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﻲ أﻓﻀﻞ »اﻟﻔﺎﻓﻴﻼ« أو اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية‬ ‫ﻷﻧﻪ أﻛرث اﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣﺎً‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪ اﻟﻔﺎﻓﻴﻼ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ »اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﻀﺎدة«‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮاﺣﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻷن اﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻨﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻔﺎﻓﻴﻼ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺘﱪ »ﺟﻴﺘﻮ« )ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﺮﻗﻲ(‪ ،‬وإمنﺎ ﻫﻲ أﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن إﱃ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ ،‬أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ‪ -‬ﻛام ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎي أو ﻧريويب ‪ -‬ﻫﻲ أﻳﻀﺎً ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ميﻜﻨﻚ رؤﻳﺔ‬ ‫دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻣﺬﻫﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺎول اﻻﻧﺘﺎج ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﺤﺮف اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ و أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت اﻻﺳﺘﺪاﻣﺔ واﳌﻮاد اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺰراﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ ميﻜﻦ ان اﻗﻮل ﻟﻜﻢ ان ﻫﻨﺎك ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ان ﻧﺮاه ﰲ ﻓﱰات اﻻزﻣﺔ أﻛرث دﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐري‬ ‫واﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة‪.‬‬ ‫] ز [ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺮى »اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ« أو » اﻟﻐري رﺳﻤﻲ ” ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻫﻞ ﺗﺮى ’اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺘﺤﺮﻛني ’ ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺴﻨﺘﻲ و اﻟﻐﺠﺮ أو‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮة؟ ﻫﻞ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻫﻢ اﻟﺠﺰء ال«ﻏري رﺳﻤﻲ«‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أوروﺑﺎ؟ ﳌﺎذا؟‬ ‫] س ب [ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ اﳌﺪن ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﺨﻄﻮة اﻷوﱃ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬وﻫﻜﺬا ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ أﺣﺪ أﺳﺒﺎب منﻮﻫﺎ إﱃ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬ ‫وإﱃ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت ﻫﻲ أول ﻣﻜﺎن ﻳﺴﺘﻀﻴﻒ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة و‬ ‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﻓﺮق ﻛﺒري ﺟﺪا ﰲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻷن ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺪن ﻏري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻞٍ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ .‬إذا ﻣﺎ اﺳﺘﺜﻨﻴﻨﺎ ﺳﻜﺎن‬ ‫اﻟـ »ﺳﻨﺘﻲ« أو اﻟﻐﺠﺮ‪ ,‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت ﻏري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻞ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ أرﺧﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻤﻮ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪود‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وداﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫـﺎ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺠﺰء اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ أﻛرث‬ ‫ﻗﺪرة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺼﻤﻮد أﻣﺎم اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻐري‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺒري ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻟﻨﺎ وﺻﻔﻪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ واﺣﺪة‪ ،‬ﻷن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋام ﻳﺤﺪث ﰲ ﺑﺮوﻛﺴﻞ أو روﺗﺮدام‪.‬‬ ‫اﳌﺪن آﺧﺬة ﰲ اﻟﺘﻐري‪ ،‬و إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ وﺟﻮد ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ اﻷﺻﻞ اﺻﺒﺢ اﻣﺮا ً واﺿﺤﺎً‪ .‬ومثﺔ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ آﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻄﻴﻪ ﻛﺘﺎيب »اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﻀﺎدة«‪ ,‬ﻫﻮ ﴐورة اﻻﻋﱰاف ﺑﻜﺮاﻣﺔ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ إﻳﺠﺎد ﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻬﻢ أن ﻧ ُﺤﺚ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية إﱃ ﺗﻐﻴري ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ اﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ‬

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‫ﰲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﺳﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺤﺪوث ﺗﻮازن ﺑني‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﰲ متﺜﻴﻞ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﴐورة ﺗﻐﻴري اﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ‬ ‫دﻣﺞ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻄﺎف‪.‬‬ ‫] ز [ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺮون اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺠﻴﻮﺳﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﺮاﻫﻦ اﻟﻴﻮم ﰲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫مبﻬﻨﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني؟‬ ‫] س ب [ ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ ﻟﺴﻨﻮات ﻋﺪﻳﺪة أن أﴍح أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاغ أو اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و أﺣﺎول أن اوﺿﺢ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻛـ»ﻋني‬ ‫اﻹﺑﺮة« ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ وﺻﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻮﳌﺔ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت واﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ‪,‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻞ ﳾء‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ .‬وﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ‪ ,‬ﻓﺄن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﳌﻀﺎﻋﻒ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻐري ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺪﻓﻘﺎت ﰲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻬﺒﻮط ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬وﺗﺤﺘﺎج اﱃ ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎط ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻠﻌﺐ اﻟﻌامرة دور ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻨﻘﺎط‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ واﻟﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪﻓﻘﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻳﺠﺪ اﳌﻜﺎن‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻠﻬﺒﻮط‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﻮات‪ ,‬ﻛﻨﺖ أرﻳﺪ اﻗﱰاح وﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑني اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ واﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫إﱃ اﻟﻌامرة‪ ،‬وﻗﻤﺖ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﺸﺒﺎب اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﰲ روﺳﻴﺎ ﻟﻬﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﻐﺮض‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺖ أﺣﺎول اﻇﻬﺎر ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ان ﺗﻔﻌﻠﻪ اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ‬ ‫ادراك ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺖ أﺣﺎول ﻗﻮﻟﻪ أﻧﻨﺎ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ ﻋامرة‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺤﺴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ اﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎب وﺗﻔﺴري اﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﻬﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني و ﻧﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ أﺧﺮى ذات ﺻﻠﺔ ﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺻﻐرية‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻟﺪوﻟﻴني اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺨﺘﻤﻮن ﺑـﺘﻮﻗﻴﻌﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎمل وﻓﻘﺎً ﻟﺴﻴﺎﻗﻬﺎ اﳌﺤﲇ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫] ز [ أﺧريا ً و ﻛﺸﺨﺺ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻣﺪى اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺮى اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬام اﻟﻴﻮم؟‬ ‫] س ب [ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻌامرة إﻧﺘﺎج ﻓﺎﺋﻀﺎً ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ .‬روﺟﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﻌامرة اﻷﻓﻜﺎر ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻗﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ و ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﺣﻮل ﻧﻘﺎط اﻟﺨﻼف‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺤﻦ دامئﺎً ﻧﻨﺘﺞ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺴﻄﺢ اﻟﻔﺮاغ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﻳﻘﺪم ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻔﻌﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻪ‪ .‬وأﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن اﻟﻌامرة ﻫﻲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺪرﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻗﺮاءة ورﺻﺪ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﺬا ﻣﻬامً ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﱄ ﻷﻧﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﴈ‪ ,‬ﺣﺎول اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎ وﺻﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث ﻣﻦ دون‬

‫اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮى‬


Though this multiplication of growth didn’t change the nature of local environment because all these flows need to land sometimes, and they need local nodes. From another point of view, architecture can have the role of representing those local nodes, where the complexity and extension of global flows fit the place where they should land. Years ago I wanted to propose a manifesto related to the relation between geopolitics, globalisation and local space for architecture, I ran a competition for young architects in Russia. I was really trying to show what architecture should do in order to capture this complexity. Basically, I was saying that we need extremely sensitive architecture capable of absorbing and interpreting local contexts and concepts everywhere. That means we are observing the gradual end of architects and the formation of a discipline related to a small group of international architects stamping their autograph everywhere. We have to translate and interpret different parts of the world in relation to local contexts with some common language.

last century many of us were trying to describe what was happening without thinking about the fact that all this could be transposed in the planning activity. Consequently, the autonomy of the research is relative, thus, relating architecture to politics. The second point is that this relation is about the ‘space-ilisation’ of the politics we see nowadays that uses architecture to produce consensus anticipating something that will never happen. Sometimes, architecture can be used to render images and speed up some financial resources. This is an amazing risk, and the point is to test how architects react. My third point refers to how architecture and politics approach reality, which is not so different, and at the same time effective. We need to be inclusive in order to collect information and design a project. We also need to be exclusive because, ultimately, politicians and architects need to make a decision about space in relation to social issues. This schizophrenia between exclusion and inclusion is another point of similarity

[ Z ] Finally, as someone who has been, for the last years, operating somewhere between architecture and politics, how do you see the relationship between them today? [ SB ] Architecture can produce an excess of knowledge. At times architecture promoted ideas as a method to anticipate the future, and to collect data about conflict. Therefore, we are always producing information related to the surface of the space, which has a social utility in itself. I think that architecture is politics in itself with its capacity to read and observe reality. It was important for me because at the end of the

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Architecture And Geopolitics Today. Interview with Stefano Boeri.


‫اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﺸﺎط ﰲ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻫﻮ اﻣﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪,‬‬ ‫رﺑﻂ اﻟﻌامرة ﺑـﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬و اﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ أن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ متﺜﻞ‬ ‫»اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ«‪ ,‬واﻟﺬي ﻧﺮاه ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺤﺎﴐ ﰲ‬ ‫إﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻌامرة ﻹﻧﺘﺎج ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺗﻮاﻓﻘﻲ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﻊ إﱃ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫﺪف ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪوث‪ .‬ميﻜﻦ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﺼﻮر‬ ‫وﺗﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻮارد اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮة ﻣﺬﻫﻠﺔ و ﻳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﺧﺘﺒﺎرا ً ﻟﺮد ﻓﻌﻞ اﳌﻌامرﻳني‪ .‬اﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻼً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬وﻧﺠﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻓﻴام ﺑﻴﻨﻬام ﻛﺜريا ً‪ ،‬و ﻫﻮ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻓﻌﺎل‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻦ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫إﱃ اﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت وﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﴩوع‪ ,‬وﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫أﻳﻀﺎً إﱃ اﻟﺤﴫﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻄﺎف‪ ،‬ﻛﻼً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴني‬ ‫واﳌﻌامرﻳني ﰲ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻻﺗﺨﺎذ ﻗﺮار ﺣﻮل اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﺧﺬﻳﻦ ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر‬ ‫اﻻﺑﻌﺎد اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻻﻧﻔﺼﺎم ﺑني اﻹﻗﺼﺎء واﻹدﻣﺎج ﻳﻌﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻌﺮض )‪Exhibition of (USE Uncertain States of Europe‬‬ ‫‪Image Courtesy of www.stefanoboeri.net‬‬

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‫اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮى‬


THE BATTLE. Géraud Soulhiol

.‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛــــــﺔ‬

‫ﺟريوه ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮه‬

٢٠١١ ‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‬ “La Bataille” (The Battle) 2011 . Propelling pencil 0,3B on white Canson paper 240 x 42 cm


Géraud Soulhiol is a young French artist who lives and works in

Toulouse. Using the drawing as a means of expression, he questions the architecture, cartography, landscape, proliferation, enumeration and wandering drawn. He recently showed his work at the Salon de Montrouge, in the gallery. Projective City (Paris), and the festival Gamerz 07 (Aix en Provence). www.geraudsoulhiol.com

،‫ ﺑـﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒري‬.‫ﺟريوه ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮه ﻓﻨﺎن ﻓﺮﻧﴘ ﺷﺎب ﻳﻌﻴﺶ وﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻟﻮز‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﺖ أﻋامﻟﻪ‬.‫ واﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر‬،‫ واﳌﻨﺎﻇﺮ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬،‫ ورﺳﻢ اﻟﺨﺮاﺋﻂ‬،‫ﻳﻄﺮح ﺗﺴﺎؤﻻت ﰲ اﻟﻌامرة‬ (Gamerz 07) ‫ وﰲ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﺎن‬،“(‫ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮض ”ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ )ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ‬،‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ﰲ ﺻﺎﻟﻮن ﻣﻨﱰوج‬

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‘The Battle’ is a large-scale illustration made to show, in basic terms, the visual language of war paintings and great epic stories, as does Queen Matilda’s preserved tapestry (Bayeux, France). Here, a battle is being played motionless and silently. The opposing sides are positioned behind trees and electric pylons: a fight between nature and civilisation. The mechanical drawing represents deployed armies, echoing the idea of proliferation, conquest and destruction. The viewer is immersed in the chaotic landscape, becoming the visitor of this labyrinthic decoration. The illustration depicts Soulhiol’s childhood memories; where the concept of war was sometimes perceived as a game. He replays this battle through his perspective of our world today: a time of profound change

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The Battle. Géraud Soulhiol


‫»اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ« ﻫﻲ ﻟﻮﺣﺔ مبﻘﻴﺎس ﻛﺒري ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﺳﺎﳼ‪ ،‬اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺒﴫﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻮﺣﺎت اﻟﺤﺮب واﻟﻘﺼﺺ اﳌﻠﺤﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﰲ رﺳﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑـﺎﳌﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﻠﺪا )ﺑﻮﻳﻮه‪ ,‬ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ(‬ ‫وﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺧﻮض اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﻼ ﺣﺮاك وﰲ ﺻﻤﺖ‪ .‬اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺒني اﳌﺘﻌﺎدﻳني ﻫام اﻷﺷﺠﺎر‬ ‫وأﻋﻤﺪة اﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎء‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺑني اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ واﻟﺤﻀﺎرة‪ .‬وميﺜﻞ اﻟﺮﺳﻢ اﳌﻴﻜﺎﻧﻴيك اﻟﺠﻴﻮش‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺘﴩة‪ ،‬ﻣﺮددا ﻓﻜﺮة اﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر واﻟﻐﺰو واﻟﺪﻣﺎر‪ .‬ﻳﻨﻐﻤﺮ اﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻮﺿﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺼﺒﺢ زاﺋﺮا ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﺘﺎﻫﺔ اﳌﺰﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻳﺼﻒ اﻟﺮﺳﻢ ذﻛﺮﻳﺎت ﻃﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﺳﻮﻟﻬﻴﻮل؛ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎن ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﺤﺮب أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻌﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﻨﻈﻮره ﻟﻌﺎﳌﻨﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم‪:‬‬ ‫زﻣﻦ ﺗﻐﻴري ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‬

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‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﺟريوه ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮه‬


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The Battle. Géraud Soulhiol


‫‪١٠٣‬‬

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‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﺟريوه ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮه‬


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The Battle. Géraud Soulhiol


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‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﺟريوه ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮه‬


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The Battle. Géraud Soulhiol


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‫اﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﺟريوه ﺳﻮﻟﻴﻮه‬


‫‪THE GREY CITY.‬‬ ‫‪Pier Paolo Tamburelli‬‬

‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬


Pier Paolo Tamburelli studied architecture at the University of Genoa and at the Berlage Institute in Rotterdam. He collaborated with Domus in the period between 2004-2007. Tamburelli has taught at the PUSA Aleppo (Syria), at the Milan Politecnico, at TUM Munich, and he is currently unit professor at the Engineering Faculty of the University of Genoa and at Berlage Institute. Tamburelli has been the guest editor of OASE 79 James Stirling 1964-1992. A Non-Dogmatic Accumulation of Formal Knowledge. ‫ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﲇ درس اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻨﻮة وﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺑريﻻﺟﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ ﻗﺎم ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﲇ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺲ ﰲ‬.٢٠٠٧-٢٠٠٤ ‫ ﺗﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ دوﻣﺲ ﰲ اﻟﻔﱰة ﺑني‬.‫روﺗﺮدام‬ ‫ وﻫﻮ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬،‫( ﰲ ﻣﻴﻮﻧﻴﺦ‬TUM) ‫ وﰲ‬،‫( مبﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬Politecnico) ‫ وﰲ‬،‫( ﰲ ﺣﻠﺐ ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‬PUSA) ‫ وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﲇ‬.(Berlage) ‫أﺳﺘﺎذ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟﻨﻮة وﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ‬ .«‫ ﺗﺮاﻛﻢ اﳌﻌﺎرف اﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ‬١٩٩٢-١٩٦٤ ‫( ﺟﻴﻤﺲ ﺳﺘريﻟﻨﻎ‬٧٩ OASE)» ‫ﻛﻤﺤﺮر ل‬

Aleppo .

‫ © ﺣﻠﺐ‬Giovanna Silva

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I wrote this text in the spring of 2007 after living and working for three months in Aleppo (Syria). The text tries to generalize the Aleppo situation and to pay attention to a series of cities that are usually forgotten in the contemporary debate. Since 2007 the situation of many “grey cities” – particularly in the Middle East – significantly changed. Still I believe a detailed knowledge of the existing condition of the grey cities to be fundamental to imagine their transformation. “Change” can only be based on reality. “Change” will happen only if the elites of the grey city will start to look at the grey city without illusions and without contempt. I would like to thank Andrea Zanderigo for his fundamental contribution to some of the ideas expressed in this text. ‫ اﳌﻘﺎل ﻳﺤﺎول ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ‬.(‫ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﻗﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﳌﺪة ﺛﻼﺛﺔ أﺷﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺣﻠﺐ )ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ﻗﻤﺖ ﺑﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل ﰲ رﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ و ﻗﺪ ﺗﻐريت ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻠﺐ و ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﻻﻫﺘامم ﻟﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗُﻨﴘ ﻋﺎد ًة ﰲ اﻟﻨﻘﺎش اﳌﻌﺎﴏ‬ ‫أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﳌ ُﻔﺼﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻟﺔ‬, ‫ ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‬.– ‫« ﻻ ﺳﻴام ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬- ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ »اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺤﺪث »اﻟﺘﻐﻴري« اﻻ اذا ﺑﺪأت‬.‫ »اﻟﺘﻐﻴري« ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ إﱃ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‬.‫اﻟﺮاﻫﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪن اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﴐورﻳﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ أود أن أﺷﻜﺮ )اﻧﺪرﻳﺎ زاﻧﺪرﻳﺠﻮ‬.‫اﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﰲ » اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ« ﰲ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﱃ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ دون اوﻫﺎم ودون ازدراء‬ .‫ﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻪ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﻮاردة ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل‬

[01] The grey city is the city without qualities: it is big but not huge, it is poor but not desperate, it is growing but not booming.

‫ ﻛﺒرية و ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬،‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻤﻴﺰات‬١] ‫ ﺗﻨﻤﻮ و ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬، ‫ ﻓﻘرية وﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻳﺎﺋﺴﺔ‬،‫ﺿﺨﻤﺔ‬ .‫ﻣﺰدﻫﺮة‬

[02] The population of the grey city is between 1 million and 10 million inhabitants. The grey city is in a country with a GDP [per capita] higher than 3.000 USD and lower than 13.000 USD.

‫[ ﻳﱰاوح ﺳﻜﺎن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﻣﻠﻴﻮن و ﻋﴩة‬٢] (‫ ﻫﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰱ دوﻟﺔ ﻧﺎﺗﺠﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻰ )ﻟﻠﻔﺮد‬.‫ﻣﻼﻳني ﻧﺴﻤﺔ‬ .‫ دوﻻر‬١٣٠٠٠ ‫ دوﻻر و أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ‬٣٠٠٠ ‫أﻛرث ﻣﻦ‬

[03] Capitals are not grey city. Tabriz and Guadalajara are grey cities. Sao Paulo and Bucharest are not.

‫ ﺗﱪﻳﺰ )إﻳﺮان( و‬.‫[ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﻟﻌﻮاﺻﻢ مبﺪن رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٣] (‫ ﺳﺎوﺑﺎوﻟﻮ )اﻟﱪازﻳﻞ‬،‫ﺟﻮاداﻻﺧﺎرا )اﳌﻜﺴﻴﻚ( ﻣﺪن رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ .‫و ﺑﻮﺧﺎرﻳﺴﺖ )روﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎ( ﻟﻴﺴﺘﺎ مبﺪﻳﻨﺘني رﻣﺎدﻳﺘني‬

[04] The grey city is not on the sea.

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.‫[ ﻻ ﺗﻄﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ‬٤]

The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli


[05] The grey city is not tropical. Winter is cold in the grey city. Summer is hot.

‫ ﺷﺘﺎؤﻫﺎ ﺑﺎرد و ﺻﻴﻔﻬﺎ‬،‫[ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ إﺳﺘﻮاﺋﻴﺔ‬٥] .‫ﺣﺎر‬

[06] The aggregate population of the grey city is in the order of 200 million inhabitants. After China, India, USA and Indonesia, the grey city is the fifth most populated country in the world.

‫[ إﺟامﱃ ﻣﺠﻤﻮع ﺳﻜﺎن اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻳﻘﺎرب‬٦] ،‫ ﻣام ﻳﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺄىت ﰱ اﻟﱰﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺼني‬،‫اﳌﺎﺋﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻴﻮن ﻧﺴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ و إﻧﺪوﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻛﺨﺎﻣﺲ أﻛﱪ‬،‫ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻬﻨﺪ‬ .‫دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺪاد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‬

[07] The grey city is the product of a globalization without heroes. In the grey city Philippines housekeepers take care of retired Egyptian lawyers. Mediocre Polish engineers teach mathematics to the spoiled kids of the Indonesian bourgeoisie. [08] Like in a Richter monochrome, the grey of the grey city is dense. The grey city has a history that has not been erased. The grey city is not losing identity. It has nothing to do with tabula rasa. The identity of the grey city is not lost, but blurred. [09] The grey city has been colonized. Usually in the grey city colonialism was French, if not Spanish, Belgian, Italian. In the most unbelievable grey cities colonialism was German. [10] The grey city is naïve. Toothpaste still smells of strawberry in the grey city. [11] In the grey city people is young. [12] The grey city is un-metropolitan, and it will always be. Does not matter the increase of its population.

‫ ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬.‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬

‫ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬.‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻰ ﻧﺘﺎج ذاىت ﻟﻠﻌﻮﳌﺔ‬٧] ،‫ﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﻣﺪﺑﺮات اﳌﻨﺰل اﻟﻔﻠﺒﻴﻨﻴﺎت اﳌﺤﺎﻣني اﳌﴫﻳني اﳌﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫و ﻳُ ّﺪرِس اﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳﻮن اﻟﺒﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﻮن ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻰ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎت‬ .‫ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل اﳌﺪﻟﻠني ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻹﻧﺪوﻧﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ رﻣﺎدى اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬،‫[ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدى ﻋﲆ ﻣﻘﻴﺎس رﻳﺨﱰ‬٨] ‫ ﻻ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ مل ميﺤﻰ‬.‫ﻛﺜﻴﻒ‬ ‫ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ‬.‫ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﱪات اﳌﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ‬.‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎ‬ .‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻏري ﻣﻔﻘﻮدة و ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻏري واﺿﺤﺔ‬ ‫ ﰱ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﻛﺎن ﻫﺬا‬.‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺗﻢ إﺳﺘﻌامرﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬٩] ‫ ﰱ‬.ً‫اﻹﺳﺘﻌامر ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴﺎً أن مل ﻳﻜﻦ إﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎً أو ﺑﻠﺠﻴﻜﻴﺎً أو إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ .ً‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﳌﺒﻬﺮة ﻛﺎن اﻹﺳﺘﻌامر أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰال ﻣﻌﺠﻮن اﻷﺳﻨﺎن ﺗﻔﻮح‬.‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺳﺎذﺟﺔ‬١٠] .‫ﻣﻨﻪ راﺋﺤﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاوﻟﺔ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ .‫[ اﻟﻨﺎس ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬١١] ‫ ﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ‬.‫ و ﺳﺘﻈﻞ ﻫﻜﺬا‬،‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺎﴐة‬١٢] .‫اﻟﺰﻳﺎدة ﰱ ﺗﻌﺪاد ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬

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[13] The grey city is a province without a capital, too big to refer to other cities, too marginal to be noticed by the rest of the world.

ً ‫ ﻛﺒرية ﺟﺪا‬،‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ُﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈَﺔ ﺑﺪون ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬١٣] ‫ و ﻫﺎﻣﺸﻴﺔ ﺟﺪا ً ﻟىك ﺗُﻼﺣﻆ ﻣﻦ‬،‫ﻟﻺﺷﺎرة إﱃ ﻣﺪن أﺧﺮى‬ .‫اﻟﻌﺎمل‬

[14] Public transport is by bus. Trains survive as pure extravaganza. Underground is out of discussion. Half of the cars are cabs. Cabs are yellow (this demonstrates that, for certain aspects, the grey city is far more civilized than contemporary European cities).

‫ اﻟﻘﻄﺎرات ﺑﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻛﻌﺮض‬.‫[ اﻷﺗﻮﺑﻴﺲ ﻫﻮ اﳌﻮاﺻﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬١٤] ‫ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻋﺪد‬.‫ ﻣﱰو اﻷﻧﻔﺎق ﺧﺎرج اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬.‫ﺗﺮﻓﻴﻬﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ‬ ‫ ﺳﻴﺎرات اﻷﺟﺮة ﺻﻔﺮاءاﻟﻠﻮن‬.‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎرات اﻷﺟﺮة‬ ‫ أن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ أﻛرث‬-‫)ﻳﺸري ﻫﺬا – ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ‬ .(‫ﺗﺤﴬا ً ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬

[15] Buses relate the grey city with other cities. Minibuses relate the grey city with the countryside.

‫ و‬.‫[ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ اﻷﺗﻮﺑﻴﺴﺎت اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪن اﻷﺧﺮى‬١٥] .‫اﻷﺗﻮﺑﻴﺴﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية ﺗﺮﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻳﻒ‬

[16] The failure of cumbersome, rigid technologies is balanced in the grey city by the success of light, flexible ones. As much as trains and fixed phones fail, minibuses and cell phones success. [17] The grey city is a place where to come back. Emigrants come back to the grey city when they think they have enough money to venture business in the grey city. [18] Money comes back to the grey city by Western Union. [19] The grey city is a safe investment. It is the only escape from bubbles. The grey city is a refugecommodity. The grey city does not know booms or crises.

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‫[ ﻓﺸﻞ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﺪة اﳌﺘﻬﺎﻟﻜﺔ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬١٦] ‫ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺸﻞ‬.‫ﻳﻮازﻳﻪ ﻧﺠﺎح ﰱ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻟﺨﻔﻴﻔﺔ و اﳌﺮﻧﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ اﻷﻧﻮﺑﻴﺴﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية و‬،‫اﻟﻘﻄﺎرات و اﻟﻬﻮاﺗﻒ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ‬ .‫اﻟﻬﻮاﺗﻒ اﳌﺤﻤﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ‬.ً ‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻰ اﳌﻜﺎن ﻟﻠﻌﻮدة ﻣﺠﺪدا‬١٧] ‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون إﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪون أن ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ اﳌﺎل اﻟﻜﺎﰱ‬ .‫ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺎﻣﺮة ﰱ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﺗﺠﺎرﻳﺔ ﻫﻨﺎك‬ ‫[ ﺗﻌﻮد اﻷﻣﻮال ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ » وﻳﺴﱰن‬١٨] «‫ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮن‬ ‫ إﻧﻬﺎ اﳌﻬﺮب اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ‬.‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ اﺳﺘﺜامر آﻣﻦ‬١٩] ‫ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺮف‬.‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻠﺠﺄً ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻊ‬.‫اﻟﺘﻀﺨﻢ اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎدى‬ .‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ اﻹزدﻫﺎر أو اﻷزﻣﺎت اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬

The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli


[20] The grey city is a market. There is a complete group of products made for the grey city. Iranian and Romanian cars: Saipa, Dacia, … [21] The grey city is not an industrial city. The grey city tried to become an industrial city for a while, but it did not happen.

‫ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ‬.‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺳﻮق‬٢٠] ‫ اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات اﻹﻳﺮاﻧﻴﺔ و‬.‫اﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎت ﻣﺼﻨﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ .... «‫ »داﺗﺸﻴﺎ‬، «‫ »ﺳﺎﻳﺒﺎ‬: ‫اﻟﺮوﻣﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ‬.‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ مبﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬٢١] ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ أن ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﱰ ٍة ﻣﺎ و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬا‬ .‫مل ﻳﺤﺪث‬

[22] The grey city is at ease with post-modernism. Having been modern only for a short while [usually after modernism already expired], the grey city has definitely no fear of postmodernism.

.‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻮامئﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻋامرة ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‬٢٢] ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺘامﺷﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ ﻟﻔﱰة وﺟﻴﺰة )ﻋﺎدة ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪي اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬،(‫إﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﺣﻘﺒﺔ اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬ .‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺧﻮف ﻣﻦ ﻋامرة ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‬

[23] Without a serious attempt with modernism, post-modernism is, for the grey city, more like a prosecution of a pre-industrial approach. Here lies the complication of the grey city, and the opportunity as well.

‫ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‬،‫[ ﺑﺪون ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺟﺎدة ﻟﻠﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‬٢٣] ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ أﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺣﻘﺔ‬ ‫ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪ‬.‫اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ .‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ و ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻜﻤﻦ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ‬

[24] The grey city is made of the inexhausted repetition of the same five storeys apartment block and two storeys house. Somewhere in this sea of houses something emerges: it can be ugly skyscrapers or dusty mountains, unfinished cathedrals or crumbled fortresses.

‫[ ﺗﺘﻜﻮن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻜﺮار اﻟﺬى ﻻ ميﻞ‬٢٤] ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺒﺎىن اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ذات اﻟﺨﻤﺲ ﻃﻮاﺑﻖ و اﻟﺒﻴﻮت ذات‬ ‫ ﰱ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻣﺎ ﰱ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺒﺎىن اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‬.‫اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻘني‬ ‫ رمبﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺔ ﺳﺤﺎب ﻗﺒﻴﺤﺔ أو ﺟﺒﺎل‬،‫ﺷﺊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻠﻮ‬ .‫ﺗﻐﻄﻴﻬﺎ اﻷﺗﺮﺑﺔ أو ﻛﺎﺗﺪراﺋﻴﺔ ﻏري ﻣﻜﺘﻤﻠﺔ أو ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎرة‬

[25] The five storeys matter includes everything. Except for power plants and oil refineries factories are not distinguishable from the rest. Factories are just five storeys buildings with lifts on the facades. They accommodate generic workforce ready for every kind of cheap work.

‫ ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء‬.‫[ ﺗﻀﻢ ﻣﺒﺎىن اﻟﺨﻤﺲ ﻃﻮاﺑﻖ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺊ‬٢٥] ‫ﻣﺤﻄﺎت اﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎء و ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﺮ اﻟﺒﱰول ﺣﻴﺚ ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ اﳌﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﻫﻰ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﺒﺎىن ﻣﻦ‬.‫ﺗﻔﺮﻳﻘﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ اﳌﺒﺎىن اﻷﺧﺮى‬ ‫ ﺗﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ‬.‫ﺧﻤﺲ ﻃﻮاﺑﻖ ﻣﻊ وﺟﻮد ﻣﺼﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﻗﻮة ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺎﻫﺰة ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﰱ ﻛﻞ أﻧﻮاع‬ .‫اﻷﻋامل اﻟﺮﺧﻴﺼﺔ‬

‫ ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬.‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬

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The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli


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‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬


[26] Two-storeys urban matter is everything that is not able to reach the fifth level. It can be informal settlements or historical tissue. In the grey city five storeys means (at least) decent and two storeys means poor. Of course the historical city is poor. [27] In the grey city it is still fashionable to sell medieval houses in the centre to buy apartments in the periphery. The grey city is not learning from the experience of the western city. Suburbanization will happen exactly the same way. Gentrification, if ever, will happen exactly the same way. [28] There is a European quarter in the grey city. Usually the European quarter has been planned during the colonial period. The European quarter is, since its realization, the fancy of the grey city. The elite of the grey city lives there. [29] Informal settlements are not the majority of the grey city. As usual, the grey city dislikes tragedy. [30] The grey city is Athens less the Parthenon (not less the Acropolis). [31] There are no leftovers in the grey city. The grey city is the final confutation of the miserable superstition of the non-places. Non-places do not exist. Every spot of the grey city is filled with uses, stories, and dirt. Everywhere in the grey city is possible to detect traces. Concerning the urbanism of the grey city, Aristotelianism is still right: urbs abhorret vacuum.

‫[ اﳌﺒﺎىن ذات اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻘني ﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ اﳌﺒﺎىن اﻟﺘﻰ مل ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻊ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل‬٢٦] ‫ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﰱ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ‬.‫إﱃ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻖ اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ‬ ‫ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻃﻮاﺑﻖ ﺗﻌﻨﻰ‬.‫أو ﰱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ و ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺈن اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬.‫ﺟﻴﺪ – ﻋﲆ اﻷﻗﻞ – و ﻃﺎﺑﻘني ﺗﻌﻨﻰ ﻓﻘري‬ .‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻓﻘرية‬ ‫[ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺰال ﻣﺄﻟﻮﻓﺎً أن ﺗﺒﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺰﻻً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺼﻮر‬٢٧] ‫ ﻻ‬.‫اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﰱ وﺳﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﴩاء ﺷﻘﺔ ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪود اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗ ُﺒﻨﻰ اﻟﻀﻮاﺣﻰ‬.‫ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﱪة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﺣﻠﻮل اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺎن‬.‫ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪود اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‬ .‫اﻟﻔﻘرية ﺑﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ – إن ﺣﺪث – ﺳﻴﺤﺪث أﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻪ ﰱ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ‬.‫[ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺣﻰ أوروىب ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٢٨] ‫ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﺤﻰ اﻷوروىب ﻣﻨﺬ إﻧﺸﺎؤه ﺣﻠﻢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫ﺧﻼل ﻓﱰة اﻹﺳﺘﻌامر‬ .‫ ﺗﺴﻜﻦ ﺻﻔﻮة ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻨﺎك‬.‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬

‫ ﻛﺎﳌﻌﺘﺎد ﻻ‬.‫[ ﻻ ﺗﻐﻠﺐ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٢٩] .‫ﺗﺤﺒﺬ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ اﳌﺄﺳﺎة‬ ‫[ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻰ أﺛﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺪون »اﻟﺒﺎرﺛﻴﻨﻮن« )و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ‬٣٠] .(«‫ﺑﺪون »اﻷﻛﺮوﺑﻮﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫[ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ أراﴇ ﻓﻀﺎء ﻏري ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٣١] ‫ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬.‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻰ اﻟﺪﺣﺾ اﻟﻨﻬﺎىئ ﻟﺨﺮاﻓﺔ »اﻟﻼﻣﻜﺎن« اﻟﺒﺎﺋﺴﺔ‬ ،‫ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻘﻌﺔ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت‬.«‫»اﻟﻼﻣﻜﺎن‬ .‫ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻌﻘﺐ أﺛﺎر ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎن ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬.‫ و اﻟﻘﺬارة‬،‫اﻟﺤﻜﺎﻳﺎت‬ «‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮص اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﺒﺪأ »اﻷرﺳﻄﻴﺔ‬ .«‫ »اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﺎرض ﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﺮاغ‬: ً‫ﻣﺎزال ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺎ‬

‫[ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰال اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺳﺎرﻳﺎً ﻛﺄﻣﺮ أﺳﺎﳻ إﱃ‬٣٢]

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The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli


[32] Planning is still at work in the grey city as an extremely basic order: concentric infrastructure and the repetition of the same block in more or less uniform grids. [33] The disaster of European planning for the grey city took place after the end of the colonial period. Europeans destroyed the grey city not as rulers but as advisors. [34] There are gated communities in the grey city. Mainly for people retiring to the grey city after making money abroad. Somehow they cannot live anymore in the grey city. Inside of the enclosures where they live, the inhabitants of these gated communities are condemned to a desperate double nostalgia: nostalgia of Belgium [or Michigan] and nostalgia of the grey city as it has never been. [35] Is the grey city expanding? The more the difference in wealth among a limited elite of cities and the rest of the world will grow, the more the European and American cities will become grey. Are Napoli, St. Louis, Leipzig on their way to become grey cities? It is possible to use the grey city to understand large pieces of cities that are not grey: Mexico City? Mumbai? A large part of these megacities is made of grey matter. And arguably, in these cities, the percentage of grey parts will increase with the increase of wealth. [36] It is not possible for a city to become grey just because of pure decadence. Rome, Rio, Moscow, Istanbul, Berlin all declined at various times, but never became grey cities. What protected these cities is, surprisingly enough, just their architecture.

‫ ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬.‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬

‫ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ و ﺗﻜﺮار ﻧﻔﺲ اﳌﺠﺎورة‬: ‫أﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪود‬ .‫اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أو ﺑﺄﺧﺮ ﻋﲆ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫[ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻛﺎرﺛﺔ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻷوروىب ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٣٣] ‫ دﻣﺮ اﻷوروﺑﻴﻮن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫ﺑﻌﺪ إﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﻓﱰة اﻹﺳﺘﻌامر‬ .‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺤﻜﺎﻣﻬﺎ و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎرﻳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ ﻳﻘﻄﻦ‬.‫[ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺪن ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ ُﻣ ّﺴﻮ َرة ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٣٤] ‫ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺪن اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﰱ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ أﺷﺨﺎص ﺟﺎءوا ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ .‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ اﻷﻣﻮال ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﺎرج‬ ً ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞٍ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻫﺆﻻء اﻷﺷﺨﺎص اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﻣﺠﺪدا‬ ،‫ داﺧﻞ أﺳﻮار ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‬.‫ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ ﺣﻨني‬:‫ﻳُﻌﺰى ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻮﻫﺎ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﻮﻋني ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻨني اﻟﺒﺎﺋﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻠﺠﻴﻜﺎ )أو ﻣﻴﺘﺸﺠﺎن( و ﺣﻨني ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻛام مل‬ .‫ﺗﻜﻦ ﰱ ﻳﻮم ﻣﻦ اﻷﻳﺎم‬

‫[ ﻫﻞ ﺗﺘﻤﺪد اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ؟ ﻣﻊ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻔﺎرق ﰱ اﻟرثوة‬٣٥] ‫ ﺳﻴﺰداد ﻋﺪد‬،‫أﻛرث ﺑني ﻣﺪن اﻟﺼﻔﻮة و ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﺪن اﻟﻌﺎمل‬ .‫اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ و اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺪن رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﻞ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﱃ« و »ﺳﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ« و »ﻻﻳﺒﺰج« ﰱ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺪن رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ ميﻜﻦ إﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ »ﻣﻴﻜﺴﻴﻜﻮ‬: ‫ﻟﻔﻬﻢ أﺟﺰاء ﻛﺒرية ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻐري رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺘﻰ«؟ »ﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎى«؟ ﺟﺰء ﻛﺒري ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن اﻟﻌﻤﻼﻗﺔ‬ ،‫ أﻧﻪ ﰱ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن‬،‫ و ميﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل‬.‫ﻣﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎدة رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ .‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻷﺟﺰاء اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﺳﺘﺰداد ﻣﻊ ازدﻳﺎد اﻟرثوة‬ ‫[ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤ���ﻦ أن ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺎ رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﳌﺠﺮد‬٣٦] ،«‫ »ﻣﻮﺳﻜﻮ‬،«‫ »رﻳﻮ دى ﺟﺎﻧريو‬،«‫ ﻣﺮت »روﻣﺎ‬.‫ﺗﺪﻫﻮرﻫﺎ‬ ‫ و ﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ‬،‫ »ﺑﺮﻟني« ﺑﺄوﻗﺎت ﻛﺜرية ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺤﺪار‬،«‫»اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‬ ‫ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﻟﻠﺪﻫﺸﺔ اﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ‬.‫مل ﻳﺼﺒﺤﻮا أﺑﺪا ً ﻣﺪﻧﺎً رﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ .‫ﺣﻤﻰ اﻳﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺪن ﻫﻮ ﻣﺠﺮد ﻋامرﺗﻬﺎ‬

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[37] The intelligence of the grey city is hidden.

.‫[ ذﻛﺎء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻔﻰ‬٣٧]

[38] The grey city possesses an architectural order. It has a structure. Contrary to contemporary superstition about cities, the grey city is understandable in terms of architecture.

‫ إﻧﻬﺎ متﻠﻚ‬.‫[ متﺘﻠﻚ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ منﻂ ﻣﻌامرى‬٣٨] ‫ ميﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬،‫ ﺧﻼﻓﺎً ﻟﻠﺨﺮاﻓﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة ﻟﻠﻤﺪن‬.‫ﺑﻨﻴﺔ‬ .ً‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻌامرﻳﺎ‬

[39] It is possible to understand the grey city. And it is possible to understand it by analysing its architecture. Still the only form of knowledge able to tell something about cities. Still the only way to decode distances, positions of entrances, number of floors, width of streets. Let say, context? After all, context? Architecture as a way to understand contexts?

‫ و ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ‬.‫[ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٣٩] ‫ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰال اﻟﻌامرة‬.‫أﻳﻀﺎً ﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋامرﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﻟﻘﺎدرة ﻋﲆ ﻗﻮل ﺷﺊٍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎزاﻟﺖ ﻫﻰ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة ﻟﻔﻚ ﺷﻔﺮة‬.‫ﻋﻦ اﳌﺪن‬ ‫ ﻋﺮوض‬،‫ ﻋﺪد اﻟﻄﻮاﺑﻖ‬،‫ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺒﻮاﺑﺎت‬،‫اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺎت‬ ،‫ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ )اﻟﺴﻴﺎق(؟ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻞ ذﻟﻚ‬،‫ دﻋﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮل‬.‫اﻟﻄﺮق‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻴﻂ )اﻟﺴﻴﺎق(؟ اﻟﻌامرة ﻛﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫)اﻟﺴﻴﺎق(؟‬

[40] To understand the grey city is not charity. The grey city has the potential to suggest amazing urban solutions. The grey city is the most challenging test case for contemporary architecture. The grey city offers the extreme experimental condition for contemporary architecture.

‫ ﻟﺪي‬.ً‫[ ﻓﻬﻢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻤﻼً ﺧريﻳﺎ‬٤٠] ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺣﻠﻮل ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ً‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻰ اﻹﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﻷﻛرث ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎ‬.‫ﻣﺪﻫﺸﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﻘﺪم اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻇﺮوف‬.‫ﻟﻠﻌامرة اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬ .‫اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﺼﻮى ﻟﻠﻌامرة اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬

[41] The grey city does not understand avant-garde. You may be avant-garde as you like, no one will notice it. So please no polemics. [42] Given the relative lack of other luxury, the possible quality of the buildings of the grey city is space. (even if the real passion of the inhabitants of the grey city is decoration)

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.‫[ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ اﻷﻋامل اﻟﻄﻠﻴﻌﻴﺔ‬٤١] ،‫ميﻜﻨﻚ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ذو أﻋامل ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮة و ﻃﻠﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻛام ﺗﺸﺎء‬ ‫ ﻟﺬا ﻣﻦ اﻻﻓﻀﻞ اﻟﻜﻒ ﻋﻦ‬.‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻦ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ أﺣﺪا ً ذﻟﻚ‬ .‫اﳌﻬﺎﺗﺮات‬ ‫[ ﻣﻊ اﻷﺧﺬ ﰱ اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻨﻘﺺ اﻟﻨﺴﺒﻰ ﰱ رﻓﺎﻫﻴﺎت‬٤٢] .‫ اﻟﻔﺮاغ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ اﳌﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﳌﺒﺎىن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬،‫أﺧﺮى‬ ‫)ﺣﺘﻰ و إن ﻛﺎن اﻟﺸﻐﻒ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻰ ﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ .(‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺪﻳﻜﻮر‬

The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli


[43] Architecture for the grey city should be a space-intensive, labourintensive commodity, using relatively simple and cheap technologies.

‫[ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋامرة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٤٣] ،‫ وأن ﺗﻜﻮن ﺳﻠﻌﺔ ﻛﺜﻴﻔﺔ اﻟﻌامﻟﺔ‬،ً‫ﻛﺜﻴﻔﺔ ﻓﺮاﻏﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺨﺪام أﺳﻬﻞ و أرﺧﺺ أﻧﻮاع اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‬ .ً‫ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎ‬

[44] Architecture for the grey city has to be humble. As humble as necessary for a city where people are still happy to camp in the thin strips of “park” running along the highway to have a barbecue on Sunday [Friday].

‫[ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋامرة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٤٤] ‫ ﻣﺘﻮاﺿﻌﺔ ﺑﻘﺪر ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﴐورﻳﺔ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫ﻣﺘﻮاﺿﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺎزال ﻳﻔﺮح أﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺨﻴﻴﻢ و اﻟﺨﺮوج ﻟﻠﴩﻳﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻗﻴﻖ »اﻟﺤﺪﻳﻘﺔ« اﳌﻮازى ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ‬ .(‫ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﻔﻞ ﺷﻮاء أﻳﺎم اﻷﺣﺪ )أو اﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‬

[45] Architecture for the grey city should not care about authorship. It just has to work. Architecture for the grey city should be able to learn from every possible source. In the grey city it is possible to crack architecture as any other software. It is allowed to copy. [46] The grey city shows a possibility for a simple approach to the resources of architecture. A possibility to rethink architecture as public knowledge. In the grey city to produce architecture out of existing architecture is not an allusion to a personal memory; it is just a pragmatic application of available resources. In the grey city postmodernism finally makes sense because of forced austerity. [47] Possibly it is exactly its openness to further developments, the intimate accessibility of its code, what defines good architecture. Solutions that can be de-coded and re-coded.

‫ ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬.‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬

‫[ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻻ ﺗﻬﺘﻢ ﻋامرة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬٤٥] .‫ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أن ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ‬.‫ﺑﺄﺻﻞ اﳌﺆﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋامرة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻗﺎدرة‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن‬.‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺼﺪر ﻣﺘﺎح‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻚ ﺷﻔﺮة اﻟﻌامرة ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻛﺄى‬ .‫ اﻟﻨﻘﻞ )اﻟﻨﺴﺦ( ﻣﺴﻤﻮح ﺑﻪ‬.‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻛﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ‬ ‫[ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ‬٤٦] ‫ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ إﻋﺎدة‬.‫اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﱃ ﻣﺼﺎدر اﻟﻌامرة‬ ‫ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰱ اﻟﻌامرة ﻛﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻠﻤﻴﺤﺎً ﻟﺬﻛﺮى ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬ ‫ إﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬،‫ﻹﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ ﻋامرة ﻗﺎمئﺔ‬ ‫ ﻋامرة ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‬.‫ﻋﻤﲆ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎدر اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﺘﻘﺸﻒ‬ .‫اﻟﻘﴪى‬ ‫[ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ متﺎﻣﺎً أن اﻹﻧﻔﺘﺎح ﻋﲆ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬٤٧] ‫اﻹﺳﺘﺜامرات و ودﻳﺔ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﱃ ﺷﻔﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ ﺣﻠﻮل ميﻜﻦ ﻓﻚ‬.‫ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳُﻌﺮِف اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺠﻴﺪة‬ .‫ﺷﻔﺮﺗﻬﺎ أو إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺸﻔريﻫﺎ‬

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The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli


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‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬


[48] Is it possible to imagine such an easy and cheap strategy as: building the city through public buildings that works exactly the same way as other good buildings already existing somewhere else? Is this a possible program for the architecture of the grey city?

‫[ ﻫﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ إﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺳﻬﻠﺔ و رﺧﻴﺼﺔ‬٤٨] ‫ ﺑﻨﺎء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎىن ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ متﺎﻣﺎً ﺑﻨﻔﺲ‬:‫ﻛﻬﺬه‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺒﺎىن ﺟﻴﺪة ﻗﺎمئﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﰱ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى؟‬ ‫ﻫﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ان ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﺬا ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻟﻠﻌامرة ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ؟‬

[49] Roman cities in the Near East and North Africa (Apamea, Bosra, Djemila, Djerash, Leptis Magna, Palmyra, Timgad) provide a possible model for the grey city. Standard architecture for amazing urbanism. Architecture deprived of any ambition apart from performing into the city. But architecture, nothing less than architecture. And for all kind of buildings. Roman architects were humble enough to believe that all parts of the city -except housing- deserved architecture.

‫[ اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮوﻣﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰱ اﻟﴩق اﻷدىن و ﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‬٤٩] ,‫ ﺗﺪﻣﺮ‬,‫ ﻟﺒﺪة اﻟﻜﱪى‬,‫ ﺟﺮش‬,‫ ﺟﻤﻴﻠﺔ‬,‫ ﺑُﴫى‬,‫)أﻓﺎﻣﻴﺎ‬ ‫ ﻋامرة‬.‫ﺗﻴﻤﺠﺎد( ﺗﻌﻄﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻻً ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ ﻋامرة ﻣﺤﺮوﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ‬.‫منﻮذﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻋﻤﺮاىن ﻣﺬﻫﻞ‬ ‫ ﻟﻜﻦ‬.‫ﻛﻞ اﻟﻄﻤﻮﺣﺎت ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء أداء وﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ ﻛﺎن‬.‫ و ﻟﻜﻞ أﻧﻮاع اﳌﺒﺎىن‬.‫ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌامرة‬،‫ﻋامرة‬ ٍ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن اﻟﺮوﻣﺎن ﻣﺘﻮاﺿﻌني ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎف ﻟﻴﺆﻣﻨﻮا أن‬ ‫ﻛﻞ أﺟﺰاء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ اﻟﻌامرة – ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﺎء اﳌﻨﺎزل‬ . -‫اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‬

[50] In principle all of these Roman cities are the same. There is no claim for identity. As soon the local aristocrats have money, they improve the list of the available facilities. And the facilities do not appear in the city. Buildings have no exterior. No character. The city is a machine that needs no explanations, it just has to work. It is just a collection of rooms at disposal for citizens.

‫[ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮوﻣﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ‬٥٠] ‫ ﻳﻘﻮم اﻷرﺳﺘﻘﺮاﻃﻴﻮن‬.‫ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ادﻋﺎء ﻟﻠﻬﻮﻳﺔ‬.‫اﳌﺒﺪأ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻠﻴﻮن ﺑﺘﺤﺴني ﻗﺎمئﺔ اﳌﺮاﻓﻖ اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ مبﺠﺮد ﺗﻮاﺟﺪ‬ ‫ ﻟﻴﺲ‬.‫ و ﻻ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﳌﺮاﻓﻖ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬. ‫اﻷﻣﻮال ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ‬ ‫ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬.‫ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬.‫ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎىن ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺧﺎرﺟﻰ‬ .‫ ﺗﺤﺘﺎج ﻓﻘﻂ ﻷن ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬،‫ﻛﺎﳌﺎﻛﻴﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﻻ ﺗﺤﺘﺎج ﻟﴩح‬ .‫إﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺮد ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﺮف ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﴫف اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني‬

[51] The city is made of the relations among the places occupied by the different public buildings. Given that space is only internal space, buildings can happen wherever in the grid. The grid just preserves the possibility for buildings to happen, to be reachable. There is no rule for the placement. The grid is just the most basic tool to have a bit of order for a residential city that is supposed without quality from the very beginning. Public buildings can fall everywhere, just as meteors.

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‫[ ﺗﺘﻜﻮن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﺑني اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﳌﺸﻐﻮﻟﺔ‬٥١] ‫ ﻣﻊ اﻷﺧﺬ ﰱ اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﺑﺄن اﻟﻔﺮاغ‬.‫ﺑﺎﳌﺒﺎىن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬ ‫ ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎىن ان ﺗﺘﻮاﺟﺪ‬،‫ﻫﻮ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﺪاﺧﲆ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ ﺗﺤﻔﻆ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺒﺎىن‬.‫ﰱ أى ﻣﻜﺎن ﰱ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‬ .‫ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﳌﺒﺎىن‬.‫ﻟﻠﻮﺟﻮد و ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻫﻰ أﻛرث أداة أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺟﻮد اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬ ‫ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ ُﻣﻔﱰض ﻟﻬﺎ ان ﺗﻜﻮن ﺑﺪون ﻣﻤﻴﺰات ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺘﺴﺎﻗﻂ اﳌﺒﺎىن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰱ أى ﻣﻜﺎن‬.‫اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ‬ .‫ﻣﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺸﻬﺐ‬

The Grey City. Pier Paolo Tamburelli


[52] Is the grey city a tool to understand the Roman city? Is it possible to measure the perfect performance of the Roman city against the dusty infinitude of the grey city? What about types, if merged in the endless grey city? Types without character? Is it possible to develop a critique of the neoclassical (from Boullee to Rossi) understanding of types starting for the grey city? To go back to a Roman understanding of types through the grey city?

‫[ ﻫﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ أداة ﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮوﻣﺎﻧﻴﺔ؟‬٥٢] ‫ﻫﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﻗﻴﺎس اﻷداء اﳌﺜﺎﱃ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮوﻣﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫أﻣﺎم اﻟﻐﺒﺎر اﻟﻼﻣﺘﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ؟ ﻣﺎذا ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ إذا ﺗﻢ دﻣﺠﻬﺎ ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻼﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ؟‬،‫اﻷمنﺎط‬ ‫أمنﺎط ﺑﺪون ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ؟ ﻫﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻜﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة )ﻣﻦ »اﻳﺘﻴﺎن ﻟﻮﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﻪ« إﱃ‬ ‫»أﻟﺪو روﳻ«( ﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﻷمنﺎط ﺑﺪءا ً ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺟﻮع إﱃ ﻓﻬﻢ روﻣﺎىن ﻟﻸمنﺎط ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ؟‬

[53] Is the grey city the perfect location for a contemporary classicism? For classic, I mean a tradition that is immediately public, common. Something used just because of its intimate efficiency. Not classic in terms of a tradition, or even worse our tradition, but classic as universal. Classic as something that is daring enough to think in terms of majority: architecture for the grey city is architecture for the big numbers, architecture for all (Architecture for all! Something that is as honest and ridiculous as the title of a heavy metal song). Classic means in general: Brazilian solutions repeated in Morocco, Rumanian technology applied in Pakistan

‫[ ﻫﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻰ اﳌﻜﺎن اﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻠﻜﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬٥٣] .‫ أﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻋﺎم و ﻣﺸﱰك‬،‫اﳌﻌﺎﴏة؟ اﻟﻜﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬.‫ﺷﺊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻛﻔﺎءﺗﻪ‬ ‫ ﻟﻜﻦ‬،‫ أو أﺳﻮأ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻧﺎ‬،‫ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪ‬ ‫ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻛﺸﺊ ﺟﺮئ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﻜري‬.‫ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻛﺸﻤﻮل‬ ‫ ﻋامرة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ ﻫﻰ ﻋامرة‬: ‫ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻮم‬ ‫ اﻟﻌامرة ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ )اﻟﻌامرة ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ! ﺷﺊ‬،‫ﻟﻸﻋﺪاد اﻟﻜﺒرية‬ .(«‫ﺻﺎدق و ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﻛﻌﻨﻮان ﻷﻏﻨﻴﺔ »ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ اﳌﻴﺘﺎل‬ ‫ ﺣﻠﻮل ﺑﺮازﻳﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻜﺮر ﰱ‬: ‫ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ روﻣﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻖ ﰱ ﺑﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎن‬،‫اﳌﻐﺮب‬

‫ ﺑﻴري ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺗﺎﻣﺒﻮرﻳﻠﲆ‬.‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‬

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CHANGE: Architecture and Engineering in the Middle East, 2000 to Present. Hassan Radoine

‫ ﻣﻦ‬،‫ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬:‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴــــﺮ‬ .‫ إﱃ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺤﺎﴐ‬٢٠٠٠ ‫ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ رﺿﻮان‬


Hassan Radoine is currently the Head of the Architectural Engineering Department

at University of Sharjah, UAE. A former Fulbright Scholar, he holds a M.Sc. (2003) and Ph.D. (2006) in Architecture from University of Pennsylvania. As a Prince of Wales’ Scholar, he received an M.Phil. in Architecture from the Prince of Wales Institute of Architecture in London (1997). His first Diploma of Architecture is from the ‘Ecole Nationale d’Architecture’ in Rabat (1993). He has held several senior positions and was a key architect-planner responsible for establishing the conservation strategy for UNESCO World Heritage City of Fez. He has been an active professional consultant for international bodies such as UNESCO, ICOMOS, ICCROM, Aga Khan Award, and World Bank. His research interest includes Theory & Criticism of Architecture, Urban Conservation, Islamic Architecture, and Urbanism in the MENA region. He published several chapters in books, journal papers, and technical reports.

‫ وﻫﻮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﲆ‬.‫ ﺑـﺎﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬،‫ﺣﺴــﻦ رﺿـــﻮان ﻫﻮ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ‬ ‫ ﻛﺒﺎﺣﺚ أﻣري‬.‫( ﰲ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﻠﻔﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬٢٠٠٦) ‫( واﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮراه‬٢٠٠٣) ‫ ودرﺟﺔ اﳌﺎﺟﺴﺘري‬،‫ﻣﻨﺤﺔ ﻓﻮﻟﱪاﻳﺖ‬ ‫ أول‬.(١٩٩٧) ‫ ﰲ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ أﻣري وﻳﻠﺰ ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن‬M.Phil. ‫ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﲆ درﺟﺔ‬،‫وﻳﻠﺰ‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻋﺪة ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬.(١٩٩٣) ‫دﺑﻠﻮم ﰲ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌامرة ﰲ اﻟﺮﺑﺎط‬ ‫ وﻛﺎن أﺣﺪ اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴني اﳌﺴﺆوﻟﻴني ﻋﻦ وﺿﻊ اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﳌﴩوع اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﱰاث ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬،‫ﻛﺒرية‬ ‫ اﻳﻜﺮوم وﺟﺎﺋﺰة‬،‫ أﻳﻜﻮﻣﻮس‬،‫ وﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱃ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎن ﺧﺒريا اﺳﺘﺸﺎرﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎ ﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت دوﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‬.‫ﻓﺎس‬ ‫ واﻟﻌامرة‬،‫ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‬, ‫ وﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﻫﺘامﻣﺎﺗﻪ اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻨﻘﺪ‬.‫ واﻟﺒﻨﻚ اﻟﺪوﱄ‬،‫اﻷﻏﺎ ﺧﺎن‬ ‫ وﻣﺠﻼت‬، ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻧﴩ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻋامﻟﻪ ﰲ ﻓﺼﻮل ﰲ ﻛﺘﺐ وأوراق ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ‬.‫اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﺮان ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬ .‫دورﻳﺔ وﺗﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ‬

Change: architecture and engineering in the ‫ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬:‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‬ Middle East is an exhibition organized by ‫ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺮض ﻳﻨﻈﻤﻪ اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻷﻣﺮﻳيك ﻟﻠﻤﻬﻨﺪﺳني‬ the American Institute of Architects. .(‫ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‬،AIA) ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳني‬ Image courtesy of AIA, New York Chapter.

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Change: architecture and engineering in the Middle East is an exhibition organized by the American Institute of Architects (AIA, New York Chapter) and curated by the author of this paper. It is presented at the Center for Architecture in New York from February 22nd to June 23, 2012. The exhibition explores how designers, architects and engineers have translated the rapid change as well as the rich geographical, cultural and economic elements of the Middle East in the making of a contemporary architecture and engineering since 2000.

Introduction

Despite the fact that it has been essentialized as one monotonous cultural construct, the Middle East has been throughout history a strategic zone of continuous cultural, religious, political and economic encounters. The encounter of the Middle East with the neighboring West prompted a continuous modernization and industrialization since 1900, and has mutated its cityscapes from traditional urban fabrics to modern megalopolises such as Cairo, Istanbul, Tehran, Baghdad, Casablanca, and Damascus. However, with the discovery of oil in the Gulf region around the seventies, the fast changing Middle Eastern built environment will take another turn with erecting entirely new high-rise cityscapes— in time record—in the Arabian Desert such as Dubai, Riyadh, Doha, and Abu Dhabi. Accordingly, the architectural production in the Middle East ranges from preservation of heritage, social housing, governmental buildings, and touristic resorts to mega theme parks, tallest skyscrapers, knowledge cities, sustainable cities, and artificial islands. The term “Change” is, therefore, very revealing of the continuous architectural and urban transformations taking place in a world that is still reigned by multiple dichotomies, contradictions, contrasts, and perplexing old and new images. In addition, the current Arab Spring that would certainly have an impact on architectural and urban making is worth considering when dealing with change in the Middle East.

Change in the Middle East

Since the 70s, different governments have launched different programs to meet the growing social urban needs such as housing and infrastructure. As noticed in the last Arab Spring, most voices of change came from urban areas, and in cities where economic and social disparities are more exposed and felt. This is exposed through the number and size of urban slums that plagued all Middle Eastern cities creating their own informal urbanism—escaping the heavy technocratic arsenal of urban rules. This is a significant sign of poverty with 25% of Middle-Eastern and North-African urban population lives below poverty line. In the case of Gulf States, the cities did not pursue a long tradition of urbanization but instead have been the result of more a traffic engineering and parachuted architectural theme parks. On the other hand, fostering some of the most significant UNESCO’s world heritage monuments and

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Change: Architecture and Engineering in the Middle East. Hassan Radoine


‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ :‬اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺮض ﻳﻨﻈﻤﻪ اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻷﻣﺮﻳيك ﻟﻠﻤﻬﻨﺪﺳني اﳌﻌامرﻳني )‪ ،AIA‬ﻓﺮع ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك( وﻧﺴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل ‪ .‬وﻳﺘﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﰲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢٢‬ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ إﱃ ‪ ٢٣‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪ .٢٠١٢‬وﻳﺴﺘﻜﺸﻒ اﳌﻌﺮض ﻛﻴﻒ ﻗﺎم‬ ‫اﳌﺼﻤﻤني واﳌﻌامرﻳني واﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳني ﺑـﱰﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑـﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪.٢٠٠٠‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬

‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻛﱰﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ رﺗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻇﻞ ﻃﻮال ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ إﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻠﻘﺎءات‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ و اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﺿﻌﺖ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻐﺮب ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎت ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ واﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪،١٩٠٠‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻬـﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﺤﴬي اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪي إﱃ ﻣﺪن ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ وﻋﻤﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪ ،‬واﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‪ ،‬وﻃﻬﺮان وﺑﻐﺪاد‪ ،‬اﻟﺪار اﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء ودﻣﺸﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﻊ اﻛﺘﺸﺎف اﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﰲ اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت اﺗﺨﺬت اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ اﺗﺠﺎه آﺧﺮ ﻟﺘﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺔ اﻟﺴﺤﺎب – ﰲ وﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﺎﳼ– ﰲ اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ديب واﻟﺮﻳﺎض واﻟﺪوﺣﺔ وأﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ‪ .‬وﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﲆ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﱰاوح اﻹﻧﺘﺎج اﳌﻌامري ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﺑني اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﱰاث واﻹﺳﻜﺎن اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ ،‬واﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﻨﺘﺠﻌﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ إﱃ ﻣﻼﻫﻲ اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ وأﻃﻮل ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺎت اﻟﺴﺤﺎب‪ ،‬وﻣﺪن اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ واﳌﺪن‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ واﻟﺠﺰر اﻻﺻﻄﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺈن ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ »ﺗﻐﻴري« ﻫﻮ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻣﻌﱪ ﺟﺪا ً ﻋﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﺎج ﻋﺪة ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎت وﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﺎت وﺣرية ﺑني اﻟﺼﻮر اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ واﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺗﺄﺛري ﻋﲆ ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﻌامرة‬ ‫واﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ وﻳﺠﺐ اﻻﻟﺘﻔﺎت إﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪.‬‬

‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺬ اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪ ،‬ﴍﻋﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن واﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻛام ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب‪ ،‬ﺟﺎءت ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﺻﻮات اﳌﻨﺎدﻳﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﰲ اﳌﺪن ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﻀﺢ ﺑﻘﻮة اﻟﺘﻔﺎوﺗﺎت‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻫﺬا ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻋﺪد وﺣﺠﻢ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية واﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻇﻬﺮت ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺪن اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ وأﻧﺸﺄت‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺣﴬي ﻏري رﺳﻤﻲ ﺧﺎص ﺑﻬﺎ وﻫﺮﺑﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻘﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮاﻧني اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺤﴬي اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‪ .‬وﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﻫﺬا دﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ‪ ٢٥‬ﰲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎن اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ وﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺧﻂ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺪول اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن اﳌﺪن‬ ‫مل ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻹرﺳﺎء ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﴬ‪ ،‬وإمنﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻫﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﻣﺮورﻳﺔ وﻋامرة ﻣﺴﺘﻮردة ﳌﺪن اﳌﻼﻫﻲ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺘﱪ‬ ‫اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً ﻟﻠﻌﻮﳌﺔ اﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔ اﻟﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ,‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﺣﺘﻮاﺋﻪ ﻋﲆ أﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺎمل وﻣﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﱰاث اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ أﺛﺮﻳﺔ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﺗﺮاث ﻏري ﻣﺎدي ﻣﺘﻤﻴﺰ‪ .‬وﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑني ﺻﻤﻮد اﻟﱰاث واﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﳌﻌﺎﴏ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً ﺟﺪﻳﺮا ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮض‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺈن وﺳﻂ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪي أﺻﺒﺢ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﺎء ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺤﴬي اﻟﺠﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻨﺬ اﻟﺜامﻧﻴﻨﺎت واﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪ .‬اﺳﺘﺴﻠﻤﺖ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬إﱃ إميﺎﻧﻬﺎ اﻟﺨﺎص ﺑﺘﻮﻓري اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺮوﻣني ﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻛام ﻛﺎن ﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬وﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﻮرة‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎت واﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ ميﻜﻦ اﻛﺘﺸﺎف ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷمنﺎط اﳌﺘﻜﺮرة ﰲ اﳌامرﺳﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬ ‫وﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎﺗﻬﺎ وﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ .‬وﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻮد ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎت ﻋﺪة ﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻢ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﻨﻚ اﻟﺪوﱄ‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬وﻣﺎ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن اﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﲆ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﰲ واﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ :‬اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬إﱃ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺤﺎﴐ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ رﺿﻮان‬


sites, with rich archeological remains and living intangible heritages, the Middle East is also a place of a fast ongoing globalization. This contrast between the resilience of heritage and the overwhelming contemporary change makes the current Middle East a place worthy of presentation. Hence, the conventional center of the city becomes but a convergent point of multiple developments meagerly observing the rigid master planning of the 80s and 90s. The city succumbed, consequently, to its own faith of dwelling its unsheltered rather than being the ideal city as planned by technocrats. Whilst it is risky to synthesize the built environment into a clear-cut categorization, the current practice of architecture and engineering in the Middle East has followed hitherto some patterns that ought to be explored according to its diverse economies and geographies. Despite the fact that there are several clustering of regions of the Middle East by United Nations, World Bank, UNESCO, and so forth, the clustering explored herein is more creative for the sake of grouping different submitted projects in order to attain a certain meaningful classification by geography and typology.

Regional overview of Change

Gulf Region: Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Bahrain, and Oman: Oil production has accelerated development in the Gulf States. Global architecture and engineering firms have contributed to projects in these cities, producing a broad range of typologies: mixed-use towers, theme parks, beach resorts, universities, and cultural institutions. Other building types, such as workers’ housing, have been equally vital to the realization of the new urban fabric, though lesser known. Turkey, Iran and Iraq: The rapid growth in Turkey, Iran and Iraq has engendered new urban forms, including large social housing projects that have an immense impact on their cityscapes. Consequently, the “ideal city” as planned by technocrats and politicians has succumbed to convergent developments. Architecture within these powerful territories has been subject to an enduring nationalist ideology, from the powerful symbolism of Attaturk and Shah to Saddam. Among the different public institutions such as courts, hospitals, authority headquarters, libraries, and national banks, it is striking to see how neo-colonial styles have become intertwined with Neo-classicism and Art Deco to assert an architectural language of power.

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Change: Architecture and Engineering in the Middle East. Hassan Radoine


‫ﻧﻈﺮة ﻋﺎﻣﺔ إﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري‬

‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ دول اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ :‬اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﻹﻣﺎرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‪ ،‬وﻗﻄﺮ واﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ وﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻋامن‪ :‬أدى إﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻨﻔﻂ إﱃ ﺗﺴﺎرع وﺗرية‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ دول اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬وﺳﺎﻫﻤﺖ ﴍﻛﺎت اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬ﰲ إﻧﺘﺎج ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨامذج اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﻴﺔ‪ :‬أﺑﺮاج ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﻫﻲ وﻣﻨﺘﺠﻌﺎت ﺳﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛام ﻇﻬﺮت أﻧﻮاع أﺧﺮى ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻷﻋامل‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ اﻟﺤﴬي اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬وأن ﻛﺎﻧﺖ أﻗﻞ ﺷﻬﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌامل‪.‬‬

‫داﺧﻞ اﳌﻌﺮض ‪Inside the exhibition .‬‬ ‫‪Image courtesy of Hassan Radoine‬‬

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‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ :‬اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬إﱃ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺤﺎﴐ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ رﺿﻮان‬


Sham: Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and the Palestinian Territories: Sham’s major cities are Damascus, Aleppo, Beirut, and Nablus, and arguably, Jerusalem. The urban centers of these countries, with small populations and economies, have always been volatile with continuous population movement and instability. Contemporary architecture and urbanism is prevalent in these urban areas, but since 2000, other cities, such as Amman, have gained a reputation for careful master planning. All Sham’s cities are struggling with the crisis of adequate social housing and urban sprawl. North Africa: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt: With its proximity to Europe, North Africa has generated an architecture and urbanism that is an amalgam of the distinct forms and vocabularies from the many cultures that have inhabited its lands. The region has undergone a rapid urbanization since its countries gained their independence, creating new urban and architectural challenges. North African governments responded in the 1970s, creating housing and infrastructure programs to meet the needs of its growing urban population, yet cities such as Cairo, Tunis, Algiers, and Casablanca remain places of great economic and social disparities. In general, these cities have been relatively immune to globalization, maintaining an urban fabric of human scale. Israel: Since its founding in 1948, Israel has been viewed by its neighboring Middle Eastern countries as a Western country. The architecture of Israel is more modernist in style, reflecting a character typical to nascent states. This pervasive style makes Israel’s architecture less contextual and regional when compared with neighboring Eastern countries where identity is at the center of architectural debate. There are two main types of architecture in Israel: one that seeks to symbolize the legitimacy of the modern State, and the other that deals with the daily lives of a newly settled urban population. The continuous immigration and formation of new settlements has exacerbated the order of its cities and has created the ongoing need for high-density housing projects

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‘... the term “Change” is, therefore, very revealing of the continuous architectural and urban transformations taking place in a world that is still reigned by multiple dichotomies, contradictions, contrasts, and perplexing old and new images.’

Change: Architecture and Engineering in the Middle East. Hassan Radoine


‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ وإﻳﺮان واﻟﻌﺮاق‪ :‬أدى اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ وإﻳﺮان واﻟﻌﺮاق ﻟﻈﻬﻮر أﺷﻜﺎل ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛري ﻫﺎﺋﻞ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺪن‪ .‬وﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﺳﺘﺴﻠﻤﺖ »اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ« ﻛام ﻛﺎن ﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻗﺮاط واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴني ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮرات اﳌﺘﻼﺣﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﻘﺎرﺑﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﺧﻀﻌﺖ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ دامئﺎ ﻻﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﻣﺰﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﻟـ أﺗﺎﺗﻮرك واﻟﺸﺎه إﱃ ﺻﺪام‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﳌﺜري ﻟﻠﺪﻫﺸﺔ أن ﻧﺮى ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻜﺖ اﻟﻄﺮز اﻻﺳﺘﻌامرﻳﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻊ ﻃﺮز اﻟﻨﻴﻮ‪-‬ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺔ واﻻرت دﻳﻜﻮ وارﺗﺒﻄﺖ ارﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎً وﺛﻴﻘﺎ ﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻮة‪ ,‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت واﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﺤﺎﻛﻢ واﳌﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎت‪ ،‬وﻣﻘﺮ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ واﳌﻜﺘﺒﺎت واﳌﺼﺎرف اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺎم‪ :‬ﺳﻮرﻳﺎ وﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬واﻷردن واﻷراﴈ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬اﳌﺪن اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺸﺎم ﻫﻲ دﻣﺸﻖ وﺣﻠﺐ‪ ،‬وﺑريوت‪ ،‬وﻧﺎﺑﻠﺲ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﺪس‪.‬وﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪ دامئﺎً اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ ,‬ﻣﻊ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻋﺪد ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ واﻗﺘﺼﺎداﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻘﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮة وﻋﺪم اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‪ .‬ﺗﺴﻮد ﰲ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻌﻤﺮان اﳌﻌﺎﴏﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬اﻛﺘﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺪن أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋامن‪ ،‬ﺳﻤﻌﺔ ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﺑﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺢ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺪن اﻟﺸﺎم ﻟﺤﻞ أزﻣﺔ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ اﻟﺤﴬي‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ :‬اﳌﻐﺮب‪ ،‬واﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮ‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﻧﺲ وﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ وﻣﴫ‪ :‬ﻣﻊ ﻗﺮﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬أﻧﺘﺠﺖ ﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﻋامرة وﻋﻤﺮان ﻫﻮ ﺧﻠﻴﻂ ﻣﻦ أﺷﻜﺎل ﻣﻤﻴﺰة‬ ‫وﻣﻔﺮدات ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺷﺖ ﻋﲆ أراﺿﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺪت دول اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﺤﴬا ً ﴎﻳﻌﺎً ﻣﻨﺬ أن ﻧﺎﻟﺖ اﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﺧﻠﻖ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ وﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت دول ﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎء اﻹﺳﻜﺎن واﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت ﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﺤﴬ اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻞ ﻣﺪن ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة وﺗﻮﻧﺲ واﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮ واﻟﺪار اﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎء أﻣﺎﻛﻦ وﺟﻮد ﺗﻔﺎوﺗﺎت اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻛﺒرية‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﻇﻠﺖ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن‪ ,‬ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻨﺄى ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ ﻧﺴﻴﺞ ﺣﴬي ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﻴﺎس اﻟﺒﴩي‪.‬‬ ‫إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٤٨‬ﺗﻨﻈﺮ دول اﻟﴩق‬ ‫اﻷوﺳﻂ اﳌﺠﺎورة ﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺒﻠﺪ ﻏﺮيب‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻋامرة‬ ‫إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ أﻛرث ﺣﺪاﺛﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻤﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣام ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪول اﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪة‪ .‬ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻂ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﻋامرة إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫أﻗﻞ ارﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎ ﺑـﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎق اﳌﺤﻴﻂ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ إذا ﻣﺎ ﻗﻮرﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪول اﻟﴩﻗﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﺤﻮر اﻟﻨﻘﺎش‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﻧﻮﻋﺎن رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎن ﻟﻠﻌامرة ﰲ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫أﺣﺪﻫام ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻷن ﻳﻜﻮن رﻣﺰا ﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫واﻵﺧﺮ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﺤﴬ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أدت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة وإﻧﺸﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة إﱃ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﰲ اﳌﺪن وأوﺟﺪت‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﻋﺎﱄ اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ‬

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‫’‪ ...‬إن ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ »ﺗﻐﻴري«‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻣﻌﱪ ﺟﺪاً ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﺎج‬ ‫ﻋﺪة ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎت وﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﺎت‬ ‫وﺣرية ﺑني اﻟﺼﻮر اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪‘.‬‬

‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ :‬اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬إﱃ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﺤﺎﴐ‪ .‬ﺣﺴﻦ رﺿﻮان‬


RE-USE: The Construction of a Common Good Through the Temporary Re-use of “Left-Over” Urban Settings.

Isabella Inti

‫ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل إﻋﺎدة‬:‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬-‫إﻋﺎدة‬ .‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺆﻗﺖ ﻟـ »ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ« اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﺤﴬي‬

‫اﺑﻴﻼ إﻧﺘﻰ‬ ّ ‫إﻳﺰ‬


Isabella Inti Born in 1971 in Milan and in 1997 graduated in Architecture at ‘Politecnico di Milano’ University. Has worked for several offices in Milan as Boeri Studio and Studio Macchi Cassia and abroad at WEST 8, Rotterdam and Tischer büro in Berlin. In 1998 she qualified as “landscape expert” in Rome. In 1999 has been urban planner research grant for ‘Regione Lombardia’ local authority and in 2000 urban planner advisor for IReR Institut of Research. In 2001 she has joined Multiplicity (www.multiplicity.it), a network of urban planners, sociologists, photographers, filmmakers which develop research over territorial transformation and she collaborated to realize national and international exhibitions. Since 2005 she is PhD doctor in Urban Planning and Public Policies at IUAV, University of Venice with the dissertation “urban residual areas /temporary actions”, which has included a research period through some USA Universities as Berkeley, Pratt Institute and UCLA. Since 2005 She teaches Urban Planning at ‘Politecnico di Milano’ University and she co-directs the research laboratory ‘Multiplicity Lab’ overseeing relevant researches on living conditions and landscape planning. From 2008 she promotes ‘Temporiuso’ (www. temporiuso.org) an action-research project with propose of reactivate existing and abandoned buildings with associations stat up projects, granting temporary use contracts in a rent control. She is also activist and president of ADA Stecca a network of cultural associations with which since 2001 she experiments tools and modalities of public participation in the design of the Garibaldi/Repubblica open spaces in Milan (www.lastecca.org).

ّ ‫إﻳﺰ‬ ‫ وﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻜﺎﺗﺐ‬.‫ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻜﻨﻴﻜﻮ دي ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﰲ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬١٩٩٧ ‫ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ وﺗﺨﺮﺟﺖ ﻋﺎم‬١٩٧١ ‫اﺑﻴﻼ إﻧﺘﻰ وﻟﺪت ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻛﺨﺒري ﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬١٩٩٨ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ ﺑﺮوﺗﺮدام وﺗﻴﴩ ﺑريو ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‬٨ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮي وﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﻣﺎﺗﴚ ﻛﺎﺳﻴﺎ ومبﻜﺎﺗﺐ أﺧﺮى ﺧﺎرج اﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ وﺳﺖ‬ “IReR” ‫ ﻓﺎزت مبﻨﺤﺔ ﺑﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎردﻳﺎ ﻛام ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺴﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺤﴬي ﺑـﻤﻌﻬﺪ‬١٩٩٩ ‫ وﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.‫اﳌﻮاﻗﻊ ﰲ روﻣﺎ‬ ‫ وﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ اﻷﻓﻼم‬،‫ واﳌﺼﻮرﻳﻦ‬،‫ وﻋﻠامء اﻻﺟﺘامع‬،‫ وﻫﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺨﻄﻄني اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴني‬،multiplicity (www.multiplicity.it)‫ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﺖ ﺑـ‬٢٠٠١ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬. ٢٠٠٠ ‫ﻟﻠﺒﺤﻮث ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﺔ دﻛﺘﻮراه ﰲ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺤﴬي واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت‬٢٠٠٥ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ ﻛام ﺗﻌﺎوﻧﺖ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎرض اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬.‫ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﻓﱰة ﺑﺤﺚ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬،«‫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع »اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ اﳌﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ واﻹﺟﺮاءات اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ‬، IUAV ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﺪرﻳﺲ »اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين« ﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻜﻨﻴﻚ دي ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﻛام ﺗﺪﻳﺮ وﺗﴩف ﻋﲆ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‬٢٠٠٥ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬. UCLA‫ وﺑﺮات و‬،‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻛﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑريﻛﲇ‬ ‫ وﻫﻮ ﻣﴩوع ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻤﲇ ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺗﻨﺸﻴﻂ اﳌﺒﺎين اﳌﻬﺠﻮرة واﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﻨﺢ‬temporiuso (www.temporiuso.org) ‫ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻟﱰوﻳﺞ ل‬٢٠٠٨ ‫ ﻣﻦ‬.Multiplicity lab ‫ ﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ أدوات وأﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬٢٠٠١ ‫ وﻫﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﳌﻨﻈامت ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬ADA Stecca ‫ وﻫﻲ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﺔ ورﺋﻴﺲ‬.‫ﻋﻘﻮد اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‬ .(www.lastecca.org) ‫رﻳﺒﻮﺑﻠﻴﻜﺎ‬/‫اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﰲ ﻏﺎرﻳﺒﺎﻟﺪي‬ “Drilled Architectures?” «‫»ﻣﺒﺎىن ﻣﺜﻘﻮﺑﺔ؟‬ Image Courtesy of: Isabella Inti

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What are the strategies for reconstructing liberated territories after the “Arab Spring”? How to deal with public and private buildings, monuments, squares and public gardens which bear witness to the tyrannical domination of a deposed political and economic class? Urban skeletons which have been blackened by bombs and drilled by bullets replace landmark buildings of a deposed regime: the NDP (National Democratic Party)/Hosni Mubārak government buildings of Cairo or Mu’ammar Gheddafi’s Bab Al Azizya complex in Tripoli. Architects, urban planners, designers and activists face a dilemma: demolish and rebuild new landmark buildings or rethink and reenable those sites for public value. The third possibility– to leave them blank as monuments and witnesses of the past– is not viable. Choosing the second way requires proposing the strategy of temporarily re-using abandoned spaces to the local population and new ruling elite. Buildings, urban areas and open spaces are subject to cycles of high and low utilisation, with moments of transition, uncertainty and immobility. Financial instability, de-industrialisation, political changes– as occurred in Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Jordan, Djibouti, Libya and Syria– often diminish the former intended use, leaving a “time gap”, even when there aren’t new projects. The causes of delay in redeveloping abandoned spaces are varied, often due to the high cost of environmental remediation and redevelopment, political instability (political oppositions and protests for local projects), or slowness in approving restoration plans. In this “time-in-between” it is possible to implement temporary projects and activities (use ad interim)1 , offering new urban regeneration scenarios. A closer look at many vacant lots across European cities, with no current definitive use, shows us how, in the absence of real estate development or government plans, many areas have become a testing ground for different populations. These include new forms of art, music, pop culture, as well as the place for start-up associations related to local community projects, short-term student housing, events and informal trade markets. The uncertainty and openness of such places has catalysed new forms of cities (Oswalt 2003)2 , inspired temporary activities, self-organised informal economies and brought new services to local contexts.

1 “Constituting the Interim”, the Interim Constitution (the in between status) is a research of STEALTH.unlimited (Ana Dzokic, Marc Neelen) and Iris de Kievith, launched to provide a frame of shared rules and tools for actors who initiate temporary reuse projects and prefiguring scenarios of urban transformation. The publication of the research is ongoing and has been started by invitation of Optrek/laboratorium van de tussentijd, 2010. 2 From 2001 to 2003, the international and interdisciplinary research "Urban Catalyst", directed by Philipp Oswalt, Klaus Overmeyer and Philipp Misselwitz of theTU Berlin University, has examined strategies for temporary use in five European cities, Berlin, Amsterdam, Napoli, Wien and Helsinki.

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RE-USE . Isabella Inti


‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻻﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ إﻋﺎدة ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺤﺮرة ﺑﻌﺪ »اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب«؟ وﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ ,‬واﳌﻌﺎمل اﻵﺛﺮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫واﳌﻴﺎدﻳﻦ واﻟﺤﺪاﺋﻖ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪت ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ اﺳﺘﺒﺪادﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﳌﻌﺰول؟ إن اﻟﻬﻴﺎﻛﻞ اﳌﻨﺸﺂة واﻟﺘﻲ ُﺳ ّﻮدت ﺑﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻨﺎﺑﻞ و ُﺣﻔﺮت ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺻﺎص ﻗﺪ ﺣﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ اﳌﻌﺎمل اﳌﻤﻴﺰة ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم اﳌﺨﻠﻮع‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺮ اﻟﺤﺰب اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻲ‪/‬ﻣﺒﺎين ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ ‫أو ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰﻳﺔ ﳌﻌﻤﺮ اﻟﻘﺬاﰲ ﰲ ﻃﺮاﺑﻠﺲ‪ .‬إن اﳌﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬وﻣﺨﻄﻄﻲ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬واﳌﺼﻤﻤني واﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻮن ﻣﻌﻀﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﺪم وإﻋﺎدة ﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎمل ﻣﻤﻴﺰة ﺟﺪﻳﺪة أم إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻔﻜري وإﻋﺎدة متﻜني ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻮاﻗﻊ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻻﺣﺘامل اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ – أن ﺗ ُﱰك ﻓﺎرﻏﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﺎمل أﺛﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫أو ﺷﺎﻫﺪا ً ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ – ﻫﻮ اﻗﱰاح ﻏري ُﻣﺠﺪي‪ .‬إن اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﻷﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺜﺎين ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ اﻗﱰاح اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻹﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﻬﺠﻮرة‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺤﻠﻴني وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﻘﺮات ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‪ .‬إن اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻌ ّﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﺪورات ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﻜﺜﻒ‬ ‫واﳌﻨﺨﻔﺾ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ أوﻗﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ و ﻋﺪم اﻟﻴﻘني واﻟﺠﻤﻮد‪ .‬ﻋﺪم اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار اﳌﺎﱄ‪ ،‬اﻟﻼ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻊ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ – ﻛام ﺣﺪث ﰲ اﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﴫ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬اﻟﻴﻤﻦ‪ ،‬اﻷردن‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺒﻮيت‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ وﺳﻮرﻳﺎ ‪ -‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﴤ ﻋﲇ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﺗﺎرﻛﺔ »ﻓﺠﻮة زﻣﻨﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ وإن مل ﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﺧﻄﻄﺎ ﳌﴩوﻋﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫إن أﺳﺒﺎب اﻟﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﰲ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﳌﻬﺠﻮرة ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬وﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﺒﺎﻫﻈﺔ ﻟﻺﺻﻼح وإﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪم اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‬ ‫)اﳌﻌﺎرﺿﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت ﻟﻠﻤﴩوﻋﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺒﻂء ﰲ اﻋﺘامد ﺧﻄﻂ اﻟﱰﻣﻴﻢ‪ .‬و »ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬه اﻟﻔﱰة« ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ واﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ )اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺮﺣﲇ(‪ ، ١‬ﺑﺎﻗﱰاح ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮﻫﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ اﱄ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻄﻊ اﻟﺸﺎﻏﺮة ﻋﱪ‬ ‫اﳌﺪن اﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺤﺪد ﺑﺄي اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﺣﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣام ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬أﺛﻨﺎء ﻏﻴﺎب اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻌﻘﺎري أو اﻟﺨﻄﻂ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﱄ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﺠﺎرب ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ .‬وذﻟﻚ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ أﺷﻜﺎﻻً ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻨﻮن‪ ،‬اﳌﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺑﺪء ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺎت ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﺆﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﻄﻠﺒﺔ و ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت وأﺳﻮاق ﺗﺠﺎرﻳﺔ ﻏري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻐﻤﻮض واﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎح‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺣﺎﻓﺰ ﻟﻈﻬﻮر أﺷﻜﺎل ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن )اوزوﻟﺖ ‪ ، ٢(٢٠٠٣‬و أوﺣﺖ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ ،‬واﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﻏري‬ ‫رﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ذايت ﻛام اﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻨﻄﺎﻗﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت ﻏري اﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ دﻋﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻻﺻﻼح‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ .٣‬واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت ﻏري اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ميﻜﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻴﺎً ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺎً ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ اﻷﺣﻼم اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ‪ .٤‬ﻟﻌﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺒﺎين‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑني ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺐ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﳌﺤﲇ‪ ،‬ورأس ﻣﺎل )اﺟﺘامﻋﻲ(‬ ‫ﺧﺼﺐ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻤﺮاين أﻃﻮل أﻣﺪا ً‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮاغ اﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻫﻮ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺒﺎﻻﺳﺖ )اﻟﻘﴫ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮري‪/‬ﻗﴫ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ( ‪ -‬اﻟﱪﳌﺎن )و رﻣﺰ( اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴﺔ اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن‬ ‫ﻋﻮدة اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ ١٩٨٩‬ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني ﺗﻐﻴريات ﺟﺬرﻳﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻧﻬﺎء اﻟﺘﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺑني اﻟﴩق واﻟﻐﺮب ﰲ دﻋﻢ اﳌﻮاﻃﻦ‪ ،‬وﺣﺪوث اﻧﻬﻴﺎر‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻟﻠﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎت ﻣام أدي اﱄ ﺳﻘﻮط اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد و ﻇﻬﻮر اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻛﺒرية‪ .‬إن اﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻣﺎ زال ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﻇﻮاﻫﺮ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺼﺪع ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﳌﻨﻔﺘﺤﺔ واﳌﺠﺰأة‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﺷﺎﺳﻌﺔ وأراﴈ ﻓﻀﺎء‪.‬‬ ‫‪» ١‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﳌﺮﺣﻠﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬إن ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ )اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺮﺣﻠﻴﺔ( ﻫﻮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟـ ﺳﺘﻴﻠﺚ ان ﻟﻴﻤﻴﺘﺪ )اﻧﺎ دزوﻛﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎرك ﻧﻴﻠﻦ( واﻳﺮﻳﺲ دي ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺚ‪ ،‬اﻃﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻃﺎر ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮاﻧني واﻻدوات اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻨﺎﻧني اﳌﺒﺎدرﻳﻦ مبﴩوﻋﺎت إﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ واﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺑﺴﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮﻫﺎت ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻮل اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ .‬إن ﻃﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮة وﻗﺪ ﺑﺪأت‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻋﻮة اوﺑﱰﻳﻚ‪/‬ﻣﺨﺘﱪ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪٢٠١٠ ،‬‬ ‫‪ ٢‬ﰲ اﻟﻔﱰة ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢٠٠١‬اﱄ ‪ ،٢٠٠٣‬ﻗﺎم »اﳌﺤﻔﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين« اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ اﻟﺪوﱄ واﳌﺘﻌﺪد اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎت‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﰲ ‪ ٥‬ﻣﺪن اوروﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟني‪،‬‬ ‫اﻣﺴﱰدام‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﱄ‪ ،‬وﻳﻦ وﻫﻠﺴﻨيك‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ٣‬ازاﺑﻴﻼ اﻧﺘﻲ‪» ،‬اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ واﻷﻋامل اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻋﺎدة ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻻﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﻨﻴني واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬رﺳﺎﻟﺔ دﻛﺘﻮراه‪ ،‬ﰲ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ‪.٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬ ‫‪ ٤‬ﺗﺮاﻧﺲ ﺑﺎرادﻳﺰو )ﺑﺎرﺑﺮا ﻫﻮﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮل راﺟﺎﻛﻮﻓﻴﻜﺲ(‪» ،‬اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺸﺎﻏﺮة واﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين« ﰲ »اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ﺑريﻛﻬﺎوﴎ‪٢٠٠٧ ،‬‬

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‫إﻳﺰاﺑﻴﻼ إﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل إﻋﺎدة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺆﻗﺖ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ »ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ« أو اﳌﺒﺎين‪.‬‬


Unexpected uses have often accelerated processes of economic recovery3. The empty spaces can be considered urban reserves for testing collective dreams4. Introducing temporary projects in old buildings allows design experimentation, sharing knowledge of different populations, as well as the sedimentation of local economies, fertile (social) capital for longer lasting urban regeneration processes. Berlin’s temporary reuse space is Volkpalast (Palast der Republik/ the Palace of the People) -–the parliamentary seat (and symbol) of the German Democratic Republic (DDR). The political reunification after 1989 where Berlin was accompanied by radical changes of an end to East vs West citizen subsidisation, and a delayed collapse of industries leading to economic free fall and high unemployment. Berlin’s urban fabric today still bears the signs of this collapse with its fragmented and open nature. Dense urban areas are situated between vast open spaces and wastelands. The expectation of massive economic and demographic growth that would follow the reinstallation of the German Federal Government fuelled an intense, developer driven urbanism which the city tried to control through rigid planning rules based on c19 high-density urban typologies. Though, in early 2000 it became clear that this expected growth failed to materialise. Vast remaining inner city wastelands, buildings, high vacancy rates of new housing developments, offices and commercial spaces, led to the real estate market downfall. Today, developers prefer to “wait for better times” while Berlin’s virtually collapsed economy adds further strain on municipal budgets whose action has been tide by strict national fiscal restrictions. Urban planners, economists, researchers and activists for radical reassessment of current planning and development models could consider this crisis as a chance. Throughout the 1990s, uncertainty and openness helped generate a unique culture of informal and temporary uses that occurred mostly outside prescribed planning processes. From 2001 Urban Catalyst office5 together with the Senate of Berlin developed the (Zwischennutzungs)fond concept (round table for temporary use), which will bring together the municipal government, large property owners, investors and temporary activists in order to discuss possibilities of temporary use as an urban development device. Such discussions will help promote an understanding of the advantages and potential of these new instruments into a strategic planning process. In this socio-cultural, economic and urban planning context we will observe the temporary reuse Volkpalast project. In 2002, the building was home to art installations, a hostel and numerous public meetings edited by the architects and researchers of Urban Catalyst. One of the project installations, run by the Raumlaborberlin collective, is the much-discussed “Der Berg” (The Mountain). Here, Raumlaborberlin not only assumed artistic direction, but also developed a “Philosopher’s Walk” and “Gasthof Bergkristall”, where guests could spend the night on-site at the Schlossplatz in the heart of Berlin. Despite the cultural fermentation generated by these public activities, in 2003 the Government demolished the Palast der Republik and removed that symbol. Additionally, the legacy was that the group of activists, architects, researchers, artists and citizens was strong enough to trigger discussion on 3 Isabella Inti, “Spazi Urbani Residuali e Azioni Temporanee, un’occasione per ridefinire i territori, gli attori e le Politiche urbane/ "residual urban spaces and temporary actions, an opportunity to redefine the territories, stakeholders and Urban Policies “,doctoral dissertation DrPPT_Dottorato in Pianificazione Territoriale e Politiche Pubbliche del Territorio, IUAV_ Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia, 2005. 4 transparadiso (Barbara Holub, Paul rajakovics), “Vacancies and urban reserves” in “Temporary urban spaces”, ed. Birkhauser, 2007 5 see footnote n.2

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‫وﻟﻌﻞ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﺣﺪوث منﻮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وﺳﻜﺎين ﻫﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ اﻋﺎدة‬ ‫ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻻﺗﺤﺎدﻳﺔ اﻷﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻗﺎم ﺑﺪﻋﻢ اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎدا ً ﰲ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻋﺎً ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﻄﻮرﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﻌﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻗﻮاﻧني‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺰﻣﺘﺔ ﻗﺎمئﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻷمنﺎط اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ )‪ .(c١٩‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺎت اﻷﻟﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬وﺿﺢ أن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ مل ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ‬ ‫أدت ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷراﴈ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﺸﺎﺳﻌﺔ اﳌﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ داﺧﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫واﳌﺒﺎين‪ ،‬وارﺗﻔﺎع ﻣﻌﺪﻻت اﻻﺷﻐﺎل ﰲ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻻﺳﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬واﳌﻜﺎﺗﺐ واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﱄ اﻧﻬﻴﺎر ﺳﻮق‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات‪.‬‬ ‫واﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﻀﻞ اﳌﻄﻮرون »اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﺗﻮﻗﻴﺖ أﻓﻀﻞ« ﺑﻴﻨام‬ ‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﺑﺮﻟني اﳌﻨﻬﺎر ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺎً ﻳﻀﻴﻒ ﺿﻐﻮﻃﺎً ﻋﲇ ﻣﻴﺰاﻧﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻴﺪت ﻣﻮاﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﻮد ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ وﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﺎرﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ﳌﺨﻄﻄﻲ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬وﻋﻠامء اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني وﻧﺸﻄﺎء‬ ‫اﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﻟﺠﺬري ﻟﻠﻨامذج اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬أن ﻳﻌﺘﱪوا ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷزﻣﺔ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻋﺪ اﻟﻐﻤﻮض واﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎح ﻋﲇ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ وﻏري‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻇﻬﺮت ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﺧﺎرج ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﻘﺮرة‪.‬‬

‫‪The mountain, Palast der Republik‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺒﻞ‪,‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﺎرج و اﻟﺪاﺧﻞ‪ ,‬ﺑﺮﻟني ‪outside and inside, Berlin .‬‬ ‫‪Copyright Raumlaborberlin.‬‬

‫وﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﻗﺎم ﻣﻜﺘﺐ )اﳌﺤﻔﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين(‪ ٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺸﻴﻮخ ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني ﺑﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم »ﻣﺎﺋﺪة ﻣﺴﺘﺪﻳﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬ ‫اﳌﺆﻗﺖ«‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﻘﻮم ﺑﺠﻤﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وأﺻﺤﺎب اﻷﻣﻼك اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء اﳌﺆﻗﺘني ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ اﺣﺘامﻻت اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺠﻬﺎز ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت ﺳﺘﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﲇ اﻟﱰوﻳﺞ ﻻدراك ﻣﺪي اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة وﺣﺠﻢ اﻻﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت ﻟﻬﺬه اﻷدوات اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻻﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﺳرنﺻﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﳌﴩوع ﻓﻮﻟﻜﺒﺎﻻﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﰲ ‪ ،٢٠٠٢‬ﻛﺎن ﻳﻌﺪ اﳌﺒﻨﻲ ﻣﻀﻴﻔﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺸﺂت اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻧﺰل اﻗﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﳌﺪارة ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني واﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني ﺿﻤﻦ )اﳌﺤﻔﺰ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين(‪.‬‬ ‫أﺣﺪ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت‪ ،‬اﳌﺪار ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ راوﻣﻼﺑﻮرﺑﺮﻟني‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ اﳌﴩوع اﻟﺬي ﻧﻮﻗﺶ ﻛﺜريا ً »اﻟﺠﺒﻞ«‪ .‬وﻫﻨﺎ مل ﺗﻘﻢ راوﻣﻼﺑﻮرﺑﺮﻟني ﺑﺎﻓﱰاض اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎً‬ ‫ﻓﻨﻴﺎً ﻓﺤﺴﺐ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻃ ّﻮرت »ﻣﻤﴚ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮف« و »ﻧﺰل ﺟﺒﻞ اﻟﻜﺮﻳﺴﺘﺎل«‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻀﻴﻮف اﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﰲ ﺷﻠﻮﺗﺰﺑﻼﺗﺲ ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟني‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺧﺘامر اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ اﳌﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﻬﺪم اﻟﻘﴫ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮري وازاﻟﺔ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻌﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺒﺼﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻛﻮن ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء‪ ،‬اﳌﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني‪ ،‬اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧني واﳌﻮاﻃﻨني ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻻﻃﻼق ﺣﻮار ﺑﺨﺼﻮص‬ ‫اﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﺠﻠﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة اﱄ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ٥‬اﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ رﻗﻢ ‪٢‬‬

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‫إﻳﺰاﺑﻴﻼ إﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل إﻋﺎدة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺆﻗﺖ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ »ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ« أو اﳌﺒﺎين‪.‬‬


temporarily reusing abandoned spaces. As a result, they opened public policies to bring new activities into old public spaces. Another example is the temporary reuse of former General Stores Falck in Sesto San Giovanni (Milan’s outskirts), witnesses of an industrial past run by oligarchic families. Here, after few initial pilot projects, the Municipality of Sesto San Giovanni welcomed the proposal of Temporiuso6 researchers (www. temporiuso.org) –supported by multiplicity.lab, DiAP Politecnico di Milano, to temporarily reuse [2011-13] the former Magazzini Generali Falck (General Stores Falck). This became Made in Mage: “a hub for the creative, sustainable, production and Industrial heritage enhancement”. In Sesto San Giovanni, Italy’s former Stalingrad, around one million five thousand square meters of abandoned areas are still waiting on funding for remediation and permanent conversion. Public administration has posed a challenge to promoters and cultural events planners, leaving pending projects related to prestigious international competitions and the new Falck masterplan [signed by architect Renzo Piano and the PGT (Piano di Governo del Territorio –Government Plan of the Territory)]. Ultimately, Made in Mage supports sustainable fashion and design, encourages reusing empty or underused spaces, and combines new production activities with the enhancement of industrial archaeological heritage of Sesto. From January 2011 to December 2013 the Municipality of Sesto San Giovanni provides for 15 projects selected by a “Creativity Call”: a space for ateliers, studios and laboratories on free loan, management and start-up costs for 3 years. The project ¬–conceived by Temporiuso– is managed by ARCI Milano and with the involvement of experts in critical fashion, sustainable production, urban events and active citizenship, in close collaboration with the Municipality of Sesto. The winners are: Alíta, Artedì, Atelassé, Alice Cateni, Effemeridi, FabbricantidiGioie, Nicoletta Fasani, GarbageLAB, GHOSTZIP, LAAFIA, RiCreazioni, Semi di sesamo, Tabata&Pez, Tea_TIME. To invest in these projects does not mean for public administration to abdicate final plans, but to experiment practices, functions and emerging economies, which could then regenerate parts of the city.

6 Temporiuso is an action-research project initiated in 2008 by cantieri isola association in partnership with precare.it group, today united in Temporiuso.net, under the patronage of Department of Culture of the Province of Milan and Territory Development Department and the City of Milan. Since 2009 the research has had the support and contribution of researchers and trainees of the laboratory multiplicity. lab, DiAP Politecnico di Milano and has been launched temporiuso.net, a network of local and international partnerships with associations, activists and researchers. The project is addressed, for the moment, to the Municipality and the Province of Milan and it proposes to use the existing public and private buildings and open spaces, voids, abandoned or underused, to reactivate them with projects related to the world of culture and associations, of handicrafts and small business, temporary hospitality for students and youth tourism, with temporary use contracts in rent control.

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RE-USE . Isabella Inti


‫ﻓﻨﺎﻧﻮن‪ ,‬ﻣﺼﻤﻤﻮن و ﻣﺼﻤﻤﻰ ازﻳﺎء أﺛﻨﺎء »ﺻﻨﻊ ﰱ ﻣﺎج ‪Artisans, designers, stylists at Made in Mage 2012 . «٢٠١٢‬‬ ‫‪Copyright: D Repubblica magazine.‬‬

‫وﻣﺜﺎل آﺧﺮ ﻫﻮ اﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺎﺟﺮ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻓﺎﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻮ ﺳﺎن ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎين )ﻋﲇ أﻃﺮاف ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻬﺪاء ﻋﲇ اﳌﺎﴈ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫واﳌﺪار ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﻋﺎﺋﻼت اوﻟﻴﻐﺎرﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬وﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﳌﺒﺪﺋﻴﺔ اﻟﺮاﺋﺪة‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻮ ﺳﺎن ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎين ﺑﺎﻟﱰﺣﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﻗﱰاح‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻲ متﺒﻮرﻳﻮﺳﻮ‪ – (www.temporiuso.org) - ٦‬واﳌﺪﻋﻮم ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﻜﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ )‪ (٢٠١٣-٢٠١١‬ﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮ ﻓﺎﻟﻚ‪ .‬واﻟﺘﻲ اﺻﺒﺤﺖ »ﺻﻨﻊ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺞ« ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻻﻧﺘﺎج اﻻﺑﺪاﻋﻲ اﳌﺴﺘﺪام وﺗﺤﺴني اﻻرث‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ«‪ .‬ﰲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻮ ﺳﺎن ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎين‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﺠﺮاد اﻻﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺣﻮاﱄ ﻣﻠﻴﻮن وﺧﻤﺴﺔ اﻻف ﻣﱰ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﻄﺤﺎت اﳌﻬﺠﻮرة ﰲ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﳌﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ واﻟﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﺪاﺋﻢ‪ .‬وإن اﻻدارة اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺷﻜﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻌﻬﺪﻳﻦ وﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎرﻛﺔ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺮﻣﻮﻗﺔ وﻣﺨﻄﻂ ﻓﺎﻟﻚ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ )اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌامري رﻧﺰو ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻮ و ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ(‪ .‬ﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن »ﺻﻨﻊ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺞ« ﺗﺪﻋﻢ اﳌﻮﺿﺔ واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﺴﺘﺪام‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﲇ اﻋﺎدة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت ﻏري اﳌﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ أو ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﺑﻘﺪر‬ ‫ﻛﺒري‪ ،‬وﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑني ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎت اﻻﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ و ﺗﺤﺴني اﻻرث اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ اﻻﺛﺮي ﰲ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻮ‪ .‬ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪ ٢٠١١‬وﺣﺘﻲ دﻳﺴﻤﱪ ‪ ٢٠١٣‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻮ ﺳﺎن ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎين ﺑﺘﻮﻓري ‪ ١٥‬ﻣﴩوع ﺗﻢ اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﲇ »دﻋﻮة ﻟﻼﺑﺪاع«‪ :‬ﻓﺮاغ ﻟﻮرش اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎت‪ ،‬وﻣﻌﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺮض ﻣﻌﻔﻲ‪ ،‬واﻻدارة‬ ‫وﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﺑﺪء اﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﳌﺪة ‪ ٣‬ﺳﻨﻮات‪ .‬اﳌﴩوع – اﻟﺬي اﻓﱰﺿﺘﻪ متﺒﻮرﻳﻮﺳﻮ‪ -‬ﻳﺪار ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ اريك ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﱰاك ﻣﻊ ﺧﱪاء ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎدي‪،‬‬ ‫‪ ٦‬متﱪﻳﻮﺳﻮ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻣﴩوع ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﺑﺪأ ﰲ ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺘريي اﻳﺰوﻻ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﱰاك ﻣﻊ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﻜري ات‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺣﺪت اﻟﻴﻮم ﰲ متﱪﻳﻮﺳﻮ‪.‬ﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ رﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ وﻗﺴﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻻﻗﻠﻴﻢ وﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٠٩‬واﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻲ دﻋامً وﻣﺸﺎرﻛ��� ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني واﳌﺘﺪرﺑني ﰲ ﻣﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻌامرة‬ ‫واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﻜﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ اﻃﻼق متﱪﻳﻮﺳﻮ‪.‬ﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﴩاﻛﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ ﺑني اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎت‪ ،‬اﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء واﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني‪ .‬اﳌﴩوع‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻨﺎول اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ وﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‪ ،‬وﻳﻘﺪم اﻗﱰاح ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﰲ اﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﻏري اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ وﻏري اﳌﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ أو ﻏري اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪر اﻟﻜﺎﰲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻨﺸﻴﻄﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻌﺎمل اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ وﺟﻤﻌﻴﺎت اﻟﺤﺮف اﻟﻴﺪوﻳﺔ واﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺼﻐرية واﻻﻗﺎﻣﺔ اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻠﺒﺔ او اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻘﻮد ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﻟﻀﺒﻂ اﻻﻳﺠﺎرات‪.‬‬

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‫إﻳﺰاﺑﻴﻼ إﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل إﻋﺎدة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺆﻗﺖ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ »ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ« أو اﳌﺒﺎين‪.‬‬


“(...) For me it is very exciting to see today the Magazzini Generali Falck transformed into “Made in mage-incubator of fashion and sustainable design”, also because I saw this space when it was a factory, where approximately 300 women were working there. So this temporary reuse project of a historical structure of the city with a new youth and employment function, I think it is extraordinarily important for our administration(…). As a temporary reactivation will last three years, Of course around here is rising the Falck masterplan, so I think that in that context, this project will later find its final location”. Giorgio Oldrini – Mayor of Sesto San Giovanni These intervention tactics are comparable to the ‘anticipatory architecture’ and ‘beneficial change’ of Cedric Price7, also detectable in Fun Palace. This project designed for the agit-prop theatre director, Joan Littlewood, whose brief for a show allowed the audience themselves to became players– was the perfect foil for testing Price’s ideas on interactive environments that put users in charge. Price’s approach perhaps most clearly embodies the role of the architect as spatial agent. What vision, purposes and results do we suggest, or even activate, in our urban environments? Economic and urban planning aims for regeneration through temporary reuse projects i.e. redevelopment of the building patrimony, subtracting vandalism, containing land use and possibly reintroducing a production cycle during the “time in between” of abandoned buildings or spaces. This would serve as a “free-zone and testing zone” (Breek, de Graad 2001), to look at new forms of cohabitation, self-management of living and working spaces: “(...) If the new projects and activities are successful, well, here we can benefit from new urban spaces and activities, otherwise we always have time to go back (De Klerk, 2008)”. The social goals visible in many existing temporary reuse projects will be the ability to accommodate people from different cultures or disciplines and consequently exchange knowledge and leaving behind social capital sedimentation. Those buildings could become urban reserves (Temel 2007) to test new economies for the basis of redefining a collective imaginary. A final consideration concerns our role as planners, architects and social workers. In a context where individual trajectories are on the move, can you pursue a profession that teaches building spaces with no time-use? How can we adapt our design skills to the speed of the changing needs of contemporary society? We should perhaps take this “transit of people and places as an opportunity to renew our design tools” (Saskia van Stein 2010). Some examples of similar projects in Europe and the first experiments in Milan TempoRiuso research provide some tools. Methodological suggestions included: launching competitions for ideas behind the reuse of abandoned areas, creating an accessible database to match supply vs demand, and identifying a management model through a “temporary use desk”. Finally, the hope of this research, combined with ZAWIA’s open call for contributions and international researchers and activists, is to demand a better synergy and ensure temporary reuse practices are part of public policy agendas for Arab cities, considering the management model appropriate to the local context 7 Cedric Price, ‹Life Conditioning›, Architectural Design, 36 ,October 1966, p 483

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RE-USE . Isabella Inti


‫اﻻﻧﺘﺎج اﳌﺴﺘﺪام‪ ،‬اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ واﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻮ‪ .‬اﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰون ﻫﻢ‪ :‬اﻟﻴﺘﺎ ارﺗﻴﺪي‪ ،‬اﺗﻴﻼﳼ‪ ،‬اﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺗﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬اﻓﻴﻤريﻳﺪي‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺑﺮﻳﻜﺎﻧﺘﻲ دي ﺟﻮﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻴﺘﺎ ﻓﺎﺳﺎين‪ ،‬ﺟﺎرﺑﻴﺞ ﻻب‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺳﺖ زﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻻ اﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ري ﻛﺮﻳﺎﺗﺰﻳﻮين‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻤﻲ دي ﺳﻴﺴﺎﻣﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﺎﺗﺎ و ﺑﻴﺰ‪ ،‬يت ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‪ .‬وإن اﻻﺳﺘﺜامر‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﴬورة ان ﺗﺘﻨﺎزل اﻻدارة اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺨﻄﻂ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ان ﺗﺨﺘﱪ اﳌامرﺳﺎت‪ ،‬اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدات اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻌﻴﺪ اﻧﺸﺎء اﺟﺰاء ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫» ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﱄ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ اﻣﺮا ً ﻣﺜري اﻟﻴﻮم أن ﻧﺮي ﻣﺘﺎﺟﺮ ﻓﺎﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ اﱄ »ﺻﻨﻊ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺞ ‪ -‬ﺣﺎﺿﻨﺔ اﳌﻮﺿﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﺴﺘﺪام«‪ ،‬وأﻳﻀﺎً ﻷﻧﻨﻲ رأﻳﺖ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻜﺎن ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺼﻨﻌﺎً‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮاﱄ ‪ ٣٠٠‬اﻣﺮاة‪ .‬اذا ً ﻓﻬﺬا اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﻨﻲ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬ ‫وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪ ،‬أﻋﺘﻘﺪ اﻧﻪ أﻣﺮا ﰲ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻻدارﺗﻨﺎ )‪ .(....‬وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻼ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺎً ﻓﺈﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﳌﺪة ﺛﻼث ﺳﻨﻮات‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ ﻳﻨﻤﻮ ﻣﺨﻄﻂ ﻓﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﻟﺬا ﻓﺈﻧﻨﻲ أﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺼﺪد‪،‬‬ ‫أن ﻫﺬا اﳌﴩوع ﺳﻮف ﻳﺠﺪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻪ اﻟﻨﻬﺎيئ ﰲ وﻗﺖ ﻻﺣﻖ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮرﺟﻴﻮ أوﻟﺪرﻳﻨﻲ ‪ -‬ﻋﻤﺪة ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻮ ﺳﺎن ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎين‬ ‫إن ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﳌﺘﺪاﺧﻠﺔ ميﻜﻦ ان ﺗﻘﺎرن ﺑـ »اﻟﻌامرة اﻻﺳﺘﺒﺎﻗﻴﺔ« و »اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﳌﻔﻴﺪ« ﻟـ )ﺳﻴﺪرﻳﻚ ﺑﺮاﻳﺲ‪ ، (٧‬وأﻳﻀﺎً ميﻜﻦ اﻳﺠﺎدﻫﺎ ﰲ )ﻓﻦ ﺑﺎﻻس(‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻫﺬا اﳌﴩوع ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ اﳌﴪح اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮان ﻟﻴﺘﻠﻮود‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﺗﻪ ﺑﺄن ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ أن ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻮا ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮض – واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ راﺋﻌﺔ ﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎر أﻓﻜﺎر ﺑﺮاﻳﺲ ﺣﻮل اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﳌﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻊ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني ﰲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ اﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺑﺮاﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺿﻮح أﻛرث ﻳﺠﺴﺪ دور اﳌﻌامري ﻛﻮﻛﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻔﺮاغ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﻷﻫﺪاف واﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻗﱰاﺣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﺘﻔﻌﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ وﺳﻄﻨﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين؟ إن‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﻳﻬﺪف اﱄ إﻋﺎدة اﻻﺣﻴﺎء ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت اﻋﺎدة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺆﻗﺖ‪ ،‬اي؛ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎين اﻟﱰاﺛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻧﻬﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬اﺣﺘﻮاء اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻷراﴈ ورمبﺎ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ دورة اﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻔﱰة اﻟﺰﻣﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎين واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﻬﺠﻮرة‪ .‬واﻟﺘﻲ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻛـ«ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﺮة و ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﺧﺘﺒﺎر« )ﺑﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬دي ﺟﺮاد ‪ ،(٢٠٠١‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ أﺷﻜﺎل ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ادارة اﻟﺬات ﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫»)‪(...‬اذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻧﺎﺟﺤﺔ‪ ،‬اذن‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎت‪ ،‬وان مل ﺗﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ دامئﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﻌﻮدة )دي ﻛﻠريك‪.(٢٠٠٨ ،‬‬ ‫إن اﻷﻫﺪاف اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت اﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻫﻰ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲇ اﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎب اﻷﻓﺮاد ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت واﳌﺠﺎﻻت وﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺒﺎدل اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺗﺎرﻛﺔ وراﺋﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺐ رأس اﳌﺎل اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺒﺎين ميﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻷن ﺗﺼﺒﺢ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻴﺎً ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫)ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻞ ‪ (٢٠٠٧‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﻗﺘﺼﺎدات ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻋﲇ أﺳﺎس إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺼﻮر ﻣﺸﱰك‪ .‬وﻫﻨﺎك اﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﺧري ﺑﺨﺼﻮص دورﻧﺎ ﻛﻤﺨﻄﻄني‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬وﻋﺎﻣﻠني ﰲ اﳌﺠﺎل اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎق ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺴﺎرات اﻷﻓﺮاد ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﻣامرﺳﺔ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻨﺎ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت ﺑﺪون اﺳﺘﺨﺪام زﻣﻨﻲ؟ ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ان ﻧﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻬﺎراﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ ﴎﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﻌﺎﴏ؟ رمبﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ أن‬ ‫ﻧﻌﺘﱪ »اﻟﻔﱰة اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ« ﻟﻠﻨﺎس واﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ أدواﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ« )ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ﻓﺎن ﺳﺘني ‪.(٢٠١٠‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﳌﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ اﻷوﱄ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ؛ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺗﻴﻤﺒﻮرﻳﻮﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪم ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷدوات‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﻗﱰاﺣﺎت اﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ‪ :‬اﻃﻼق‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎت ﻟﻸﻓﻜﺎر ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻋﺎدة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻏري اﳌﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪة ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﳌﻘﺎرﻧﺔ اﻟﻌﺮض واﻟﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬وﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ منﻮذج اداري‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل »ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ«‪ .‬وأﺧريا ً‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﺪف ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ دﻋﻮة زاوﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺎت واﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜني واﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء اﻟﺪوﻟﻴني‪ ،‬اﱄ اﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎء ﺷﻜﻞ‬ ‫أﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺎﻓﺮ وﻟﻠﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﲇ أن ﻣامرﺳﺎت اﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ اﻷﺧﺬ ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر‬ ‫ﻣﻼمئﺔ منﻮذج اﻻدارة ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﳌﺤﲇ‬

‫‪ ٧‬ﺳﻴﺪرﻳﻚ ﺑﺮاﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻴﻒ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﻌامري‪ ،٣٦ ،‬اﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ ،١٩٦٦‬ص ‪٤٨٣‬‬

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‫إﻳﺰاﺑﻴﻼ إﻧﺘﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل إﻋﺎدة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺆﻗﺖ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ »ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ« أو اﳌﺒﺎين‪.‬‬


EMPOWERING THE MIGRANT: A Paradigm Shift in Migration & Life After Death of the Architect. Quentin Seik

‫ منﻮذج ﺗﺤﻮﱃ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬:‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ‬ .‫و ﺣﻴﺎة اﳌﻌامري ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻮﺗﻪ‬

‫ﻛﻮﻳﻨنت ﺳﺎﻳﻚ‬


Quentin Seik was born in South London and raised on the

Dorset coast, he is an Architect, designer, and writer currently living and working in Melbourne, Australia. In his previous role at LCE Architects he worked on a number of large, high profile projects in the UK, North Africa and the Middle East. He was also an invited studio critic at both the Architectural Association in London and at the University of Brighton, and he exhibited his work both in the UK and Internationally.

‫ وﻫﻮ ﻣﻬﻨﺪس‬،‫ﻛﻮﻳﻨﺘني ﺳﺎﻳﻚ وﻟﺪ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮب ﻟﻨﺪن وﺗﺮىب ﻋﲆ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ دورﺳﻴﺖ‬ ‫ ﰲ دوره اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﰲ‬.‫ أﺳﱰاﻟﻴﺎ‬،‫ وﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ وﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻠﺒﻮرن‬،‫ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ‬،‫ﻣﻌامري‬ ‫ ﻛﺎن ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ اﻟﻜﺒرية ﰲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬LCE ‫اﳌﻜﺘﺐ اﳌﻌامري‬ ‫ ﻛام دﻋﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﻗﺪ وﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﰲ‬.‫وﺷامل أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ واﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻧﴩت أﻋامﻟﻪ ﰲ‬،‫ وﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺮاﻳﺘﻮن‬،‫( ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن‬Architectural Association) .‫اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة و دوﻟﻴﺎ‬

EXIT Animated map: Political Refugees & Forced Migration.

.‫ اﻟﻼﺟﺌني اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴني و اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﳌﻔﺮوﺿﺔ‬:‫»ﺧﺮوج« ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﻛﺔ‬

Exhibition Native Land, Stop Eject, created by Fondation Cartier pour l’art, Paris (2008-2009). © Grégoire Eloy

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“Belief in the significance of architecture is premised on the notion that we are, for better or worse, different people in different places—and on the conviction that it is architecture’s task to render vivid to us who we might ideally be.” Alain de Botton The subject of ‘change’, like that of ‘time’ or ‘nature’ is innately vast. It is a theme generally explored in the macro, yet its impact is felt on the micro scale without a clear understanding of forces that shape the minutiae of our existences. Change is paradoxically both deeply empowering and inherently divisive. Its pursuance, or otherwise, is the core ideology that separates the two opposing political factions in most Western economies. USA’s conservative Republicans resist change to maintain the status quo, whilst Democrats seek a progressive agenda of change. This political fault line means that questions of change typically fall into electoral cycles of varying years depending on the country, state or region. Yet, whilst these are important areas of understanding, this essay focuses on a larger cyclical trend. Migration is, like change, primarily studied and recorded on the macro scale, but deeply felt in the micro scale with personal experiences weighing heavily on human responses to the subject. For this reason, it is inherently an issue of significant political importance. Reams of data, statistics and reports are dedicated to pointing out migration trends, but these numbers unsatisfactorily account for an emotionally charged topic for all participants. This engagement makes migration an interesting vehicle for understanding socio-economic change, its roots and likely impact on tomorrow’s world. Capitalism’s economic model– to keep profits rising year on year in a finite world– requires a fluid labour pool for investment; transcending geographical and political boundaries by moving operations to cheaper labour markets. This can hugely damage towns, cities, regions and even whole countries. Consequently, the political leverage gained by companies with the power to move operations has further fed the current rotten culture of corporate irresponsibility and widespread social injustice. These links between the movement of people and wider societal concerns, and the impact people’s increased transience has on building and maintaining communities makes it highly relevant for architects to study. Having recently emigrated from the UK to Australia, it is also a personal motive to explore this subject. More so, I have a professional need to understand how external pressures will shape our cities of tomorrow and how to steer these in positive directions. As a newly qualified architect, I am thrust into a profession in crisis, with the role of architects eroding to the point that many question its future. But perhaps there is hope. The world’s most vulnerable societies are being failed by capitalism. Thus, we increasingly need to understand the macro pressures exerting a crushing influence on our profession. This may unravel new opportunities to solve such problems on a micro scale, connecting with needs of ordinary people, and with that relationship restored, begin to build stronger, healthier societies.

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Empowering The Migrant. Quentin Seik


‫»ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ اﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎد ﰲ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﻋﲆ ﻓﻜﺮة أﻧﻨﺎ أﺷﺨﺎص ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻮن ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻋﲆ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ أن دور اﻟﻌامرة ﻫﻮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﻧﻜﻮن ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫آﻻن دو ﺑﻮﺗﻮن‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع »اﻟﺘﻐﻴري«‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﰲ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﺜﻞ »اﻟﻮﻗﺖ« أو »اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ«‪ ,‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎً واﺳﻌﺎً ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ‪ .‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﻜﺸﺎﻓﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم )ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﻤﻞ(‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺘﻢ دراﺳﺔ ﺗﺄﺛريه ﻋﲆ ﻧﻄﺎق ﻣﻔﺼﻞ وﺟﺰيئ وﻟﻴﺲ دامئﺎً ﻣﻊ ﻓﻬﻢ واﺿﺢ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻘﻮات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ وﺟﻮدﻧﺎ‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﺪ ذاﺗﻪ وﺳﻴﻠﺔ متﻜني ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ وﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ وﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺜرية ﻟﻼﻧﻘﺴﺎم‪ .‬إن اﻹﴏار ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ اﻟﻔﻜﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻔﺼﻞ ﺑني اﻟﻔﺼﻴﻠني اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴني‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻌﺎرﺿني ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدات اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜﻼً ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﺎن اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳني اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈني ﻳﻘﺎوﻣﻮن اﻟﺘﻐﻴري وﻳﺴﻌﻮن إﱃ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺮاﻫﻦ‪ ،‬وﰲ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﻮن إﱃ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ ﻗﺪر ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎً ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺨﻂ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﻔﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻘﻊ‬ ‫اﳌﻮاﺿﻴﻊ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﻐري ﻋﺎدة ﰲ دورات اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻨﻮات ﻣﺘﻔﺎوﺗﺔ ﺗﺒﻌﺎً ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ أو اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ أو اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻮاﺿﻴﻊ اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺔ واﻟﻔﻬﻢ إﻻ أن ﻣﺤﻮر ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل ﻫﻮ اﺗﺠﺎه أﻛﱪ وأﻛرث ﺷﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ ,‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻳﺘﻢ دراﺳﺘﻪ وﺗﺴﺠﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫وﺷﻤﻮﱄ ﰲ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻜﲇ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺗﺄﺛريه اﻟﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ اﻟﺨﱪات اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ دورا ً ﻛﺒريا ً ﰲ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬وﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ذو أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﺒرية‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻹﺣﺼﺎءات واﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت واﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ ﻟيك ﺗﺸري إﱃ اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪،‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﻈﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻷرﻗﺎم واﻟﺤﺴﺎﺑﺎت ﻏري ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻻﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻت اﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛني ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻻﻃﺮاف‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻻرﺗﺒﺎط اﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ ،‬وﺟﺬوره‪ ،‬وﺗﺄﺛريه اﳌﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬ ‫اﻟﺮأﺳامﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ ارﺗﻔﺎع اﻷرﺑﺎح ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎم إﱃ ﻋﺎم‪ ,‬ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﻮﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻌامل‪ ،‬واﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل إﱃ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎج وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎوز اﻟﺤﺪود اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ إﱃ أﺳﻮاق اﻟﻌامﻟﺔ اﻟﺮﺧﻴﺼﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﺬا ﺑﺄﴐار ﺿﺨﻤﺔ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺪن واﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫واﻟﺒﻠﺪان‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ وﺑﺎزدﻳﺎد اﻟﻨﻔﻮذ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﺬي اﻛﺘﺴﺒﺘﻪ اﻟﴩﻛﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ إﱃ أﺧﺮى ﻓﻘﺪ ازدادت أﻳﻀﺎً‬ ‫ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻼﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺳﺪة واﻟﻈﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻋﲆ ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ‪ .‬إن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺮواﺑﻂ ﺑني ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻨﺎس واﻻﻫﺘامﻣﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى‪ ،‬وﺗﺄﺛري اﻟﺤﺮاك‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد ﻋﲆ ﺑﻨﺎء وﺻﻴﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻳﺠﻌﻞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻮﺿﻮع دراﺳﺔ ذو أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﻫﺎﺟﺮت ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة إﱃ أﺳﱰاﻟﻴﺎ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ ﻟﺪي أﻳﻀﺎ داﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﴢ ﻻﺳﺘﻜﺸﺎف اﳌﻮﺿﻮع‪ .‬وﻟﺪي أﻳﻀﺎ اﺣﺘﻴﺎج ﻣﻬﻨﻲ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺗﺄﺛري اﻟﻀﻐﻮط اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ وﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺄﺛريات ﰲ اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت إﻳﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ دﻓﻌﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺄﻫﲇ‬ ‫‪‘Change is‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎً ﻛﻤﻬﻨﺪس ﻣﻌامري‪ ،‬إﱃ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﰲ أزﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ أن ﺗﺂﻛﻞ‬ ‫’‬ ‫دور اﳌﻬﻨﺪس اﳌﻌامري إﱃ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻳﺘﺴﺎءل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻜﺜريون‬ ‫‪paradoxically‬‬ ‫ﻋام إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﻼق‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ رمبﺎ‬ ‫‪both deeply‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك أﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﺎمل ﺑﺪأت ﺗﺨﺬل ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻷﻛرث ﺿﻌﻔﺎً ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺤﻦ‬ ‫‪empowering‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪة إﱃ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻀﻐﻮط اﻟﺸﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪and inherently‬‬ ‫ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﺗﺄﺛريا ﺳﺎﺣﻘﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻬﻨﺘﻨﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻓري‬ ‫ﻓﺮص ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﺤﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ واﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﻣﻊ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت‬ ‫’‪divisive‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺎس اﻟﻌﺎدﻳني‪ ،‬وﺑـﺎﺳﺘﻌﺎدة ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺪأ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫‘‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت أﻗﻮى وأﺻﺢ‪.‬‬

‫إن اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ذاﺗﻪ وﺳﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫متﻜني ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫وﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫وﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺜرية‬ ‫ﻟﻼﻧﻘﺴﺎم‬

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‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﻨنت ﺳﺎﻳﻚ‬


The Delicate Balance of Immigration

Mass migration has existed throughout human history. Since the 19th century, a growing percentage of migrants have moved out of free will, as opposed to being coerced or forced to leave their homeland. These last two centuries have also seen transportation costs for long distances fall dramatically, causing an increase in immigration numbers. During this time, migration has been mainly driven by a single factor; the will of individuals to improve their own, or their family’s, life. This desire may be a consequence of many reasons; whether the need to flee conflict or persecution, or seeking preferable economic circumstances. Most of the 60 million Europeans who immigrated to North America between 1820 and 1920 did so to escape poverty. At this time immigration was overwhelmingly seen as a positive for the US, with abundant space, required an entirely new labour force, both highly skilled and those with practical trades in order to build an economic power from the ground up. However, there comes a point in all mass migrations where the quality (i.e. the value of skills in the host country’s labour market) of the average immigrant is lower than that of the often better educated native-born labour. This results in either the host country putting up barriers to entry to protect the native populace, or that these later immigrants face substantially lower incomes. The consequential capital wealth inequalities cause deep societal rifts and harm the integration process of immigrants. Stripping developing countries’ of not only their ‘best minds’, but also of many useful skilled workers, is hugely detrimental to their economic and social development. This is exaggerated by migrants ploughing life savings into criminal hands and black market entrepreneurs rather than back into their home economies. Given the vast disparity in wealth and, more importantly, education and skills, levels between the First and Third worlds, it is unclear how we can ever return to valuable migration to the host country. Therefore, a radical rethink of how we approach the migration issues is required to try and bridge this divide and empower developing nations to develop sustainably with greater social equality.

A Paradigm Shift in Migration

The 21st century has seen unprecedented sea-changes in economic, political and social systems. We are living in uniquely challenging times, where global instability of money markets makes predicting future trends very difficult. Many observers have used the 1930s’ Great Depression as a guide to how economic and social forces, during prolonged economic decline, will shape our world. The spectre of the Second World War looms over this period of history. While the global structural problems of the 1930s, particularly those in Germany or Japan, had a significant influence on the road to war, it is presumptuous to speculate that the current economic crisis will lead to conflict on such a horrific scale. Yet it is fairly apparent that it will profoundly change our current world. Whether, for example, Greece is bailed out and stays in the European Union or defaults on its debts and sets out its own path, what is almost certain is that it will be a very different place in ten years time. Even if we assume that this global economic depression will not lead to global conflict as in the Great Depression, history demonstrates that these upheavals will have similar significant ramifications for migration patterns. Given such wealth disparities between the developed and the developing world, what is also clear is that the number of people looking to migrate to developed countries for a better standard of living will continue to rise. This situation neither helps the host country’s problematic immigrant influx and border protection costs,

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Empowering The Migrant. Quentin Seik


‫اﻟﺘﻮازن اﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة‬

‫وﺟﺪت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة اﻟﺠامﻋﻴﺔ ﻃﻮال اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺒﴩي‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻨﺬ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩ اﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻦ رﻏﺒﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻨﻪ ﻗﴪا ً‬ ‫أو ﺟﱪا ً ﻋﲆ ﻣﻐﺎدرة أوﻃﺎﻧﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪ اﻟﻘﺮﻧﺎن اﻷﺧريان أﻳﻀﺎ اﻧﺨﻔﺎض ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﳌﺴﺎﻓﺎت ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒري‪ ،‬وﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ازدادت أﻋﺪاد‬ ‫اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﰲ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﺎن ﻳﻘﻮد ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻋﺎﻣﻞ واﺣﺪ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ رﻏﺒﺔ اﻟﻔﺮد ﰲ ﺗﺤﺴني ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﻫﻮ وأﴎﺗﻪ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫رﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ أي ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳﺒﺎب‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻔﺮار ﻣﻦ اﻟﴫاع أو اﻻﺿﻄﻬﺎد‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﻈﺮوف اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ أﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻫﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﺴﺘﻮن ﻣﻠﻴﻮن‬ ‫أورويب إﱃ أﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﺸامﻟﻴﺔ ﺑني ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ ١٨٢٠‬و ‪ ١٩٢٠‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻬﺮوب ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ‪ .‬وﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﺎن ﻳُﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﳾء إﻳﺠﺎيب ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ متﺘﻠﻚ ﻣﺴ���ﺣﺎت ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻷراﴈ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء وﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻞ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻣﻦ ذوي‬ ‫اﳌﻬﺎرات اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ أو ذوي اﳌﻬﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬وﺑﻨﺎء ﻗﻮة اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻟﻒ إﱃ اﻟﻴﺎء‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﺄيت ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻬﺠﺮات اﻟﺠامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ )أي ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻬﺎراﺗﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺳﻮق اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻀﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ( اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴني واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋﺎدة‬ ‫أﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴام أﻳﻀً ﺎ‪ .‬وﻳﻨﺘﺞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا إﻣﺎ أن ﻳﻀﻊ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻀﻴﻒ ﺣﻮاﺟﺰ أﻣﺎم دﺧﻮل اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤامﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﺻﻠﻴني‪ ،‬أو أن ﻳﻮاﺟﻪ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون‬ ‫اﻟﻼﺣﻘﻮن دﺧﻞ أﻗﻞ ﺑﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ .‬وﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺪم اﳌﺴﺎواة ﰲ اﻟﺪﺧﻮل واﻟرثوة ﺗﺤﺪث اﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎت ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺗﴬ ﺑـﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ دﻣﺞ‬ ‫ﻫﺆﻻء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻷﺻﲇ‪ .‬ﻛام ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻮﻟﻬﺎ وﻛﻔﺎءاﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامل اﳌﻬﺮة‪ ,‬ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﴐرا‬ ‫ﻛﺒريا ﰲ ﻣﺴرية ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎً واﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎً‪ .‬وﻳﺰداد ﻫﺬا اﻟﴬر ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﻊ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮون ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﺧﺮاﺗﻬﻢ ﰲ أﻳﺪي رﺟﺎل اﻷﻋامل اﻹﺟﺮاﻣﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻮق‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻮداء ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ اﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدات ﺑﻼدﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎوت اﻟﻜﺒري ﰲ اﻟرثوة وﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ واﳌﻬﺎرات ﺑني اﻟﻌﺎﳌني اﻷول واﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ اﻟﻌﻮدة ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮى ﻓﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻀﻴﻒ‪ .‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻔﻜري اﻟﺠﺬري ﰲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﺳﺪ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻔﺠﻮة‪ ،‬ومتﻜني اﻟﺪول اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ وﺷﻌﻮﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﳌﺴﺘﺪام وﻗﺪر أﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺎواة‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻘﻠﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬

‫ﺷﻬﺪ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺤﺎدي واﻟﻌﴩون ﺗﻐﻴريات مل ﻳﺴﺒﻖ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﻧﻌﻴﺶ اﻵن‬ ‫ﰲ أوﻗﺎت اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﺣﺮﺟﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑـﻌﺪم اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻷﺳﻮاق اﳌﺎل واﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﻌﻞ اﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﺑـﺎﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺻﻌﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﺨﺪم اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮاﻗﺒني ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻟﻜﺴﺎد اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٣٠‬ﻛﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪى ﺗﺄﺛري اﻟﻘﻮى اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﺎمل‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﺧﻼل ﻓﱰة ﺗﺮاﺟﻊ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻠﻮح ﺷﺒﺢ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻮق ﻫﺬه اﻟﻔﱰة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٣٠‬وﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻲ ﰲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ واﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎن‪ ,‬ﻛﺎن ﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛري ﻛﺒري ﻋﲆ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﺮب‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن اﻟﺘﻜﻬﻦ ﺑﺄن اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺆدي إﱃ ﴏاع ﻋﲆ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻄﺎق ﻫﻮ ﺗﻜﻬﻦ ﻣﺮوع‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ متﺎﻣﺎً أن ﻫﺬه اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﺳﺘﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﺗﻐﻴري ﺟﺬري ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺬي ﻧﻌﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﺗﻢ إﻧﻘﺎذ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎن ﻣﻦ أزﻣﺘﻬﺎ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ وﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﰲ اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻷورويب أو ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺳﺪاد دﻳﻮﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫واﻧﻔﺼﻠﺖ وذﻫﺒﺖ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ اﻟﺨﺎص‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻣﺆﻛﺪ ﻫﻮ اﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺧﻼل ﻋﴩ ﺳﻨﻮات ﺳﺘﻜﻮن اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺎً ﺟﺪا ً‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ إن اﻓﱰﺿﻨﺎ أن‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﻜﺴﺎد اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺆدي ﺑﺪوره إﱃ ﴏاع ﻋﺎﳌﻲ ﻣﺜﻠام ﻓﻌﻞ اﻟﻜﺴﺎد اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٣٠‬ﻓﺎن اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻨﺎ أن ﻫﺬه اﻻﺿﻄﺮاﺑﺎت‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ اﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎت ﻛﺒرية ﻋﲆ أمنﺎط اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎوت اﻟﻜﺒري ﰲ اﻟرثوة ﺑني اﻟﺪول اﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ واﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ أن ﻋﺪد اﳌﺘﻄﻠﻌني إﱃ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة إﱃ اﻟﺪول اﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺳﻮف ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ اﻻرﺗﻔﺎع‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﱃ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺔ أﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬وﻳﴬ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑـﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﳌﻀﻴﻒ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ وﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺣامﻳﺔ ﺣﺪوده‪ ،‬وإمنﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﻷم ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ أﻓﻀﻞ اﳌﻮاﻫﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ إذا ﻣﺎ اﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺎدف‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ دﻓﻊ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﻫﺎﺗﺎن اﻷﺟﻨﺪﺗﺎن اﳌﺘﻌﺎرﺿﺘﺎن ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺼﺎدم اﻟﺤﺘﻤﻲ‪ .‬إن اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻛﺪة ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة ﻫﻲ‬ ‫أﻧﻬـﺎ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ وﺟﻮد اﳌﺎل‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻘﺮﻧني اﳌﺎﺿﻴني ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻐﺮب‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮ اﳌﺎل‪ .‬وﻣﻊ اﺗﺴﺎع اﻟﻔﺠﻮة ﰲ اﻟرثوة وﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ازدادت رﻏﺒﺔ اﻟﻨﺎس ﰲ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‪ .‬إن ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ وﻛﻠام أﴎﻋﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻛﺎن ذﻟﻚ‬ ‫أﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬اﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﺛري ﻋﲆ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﻨﺎس ﻫﻮ إﺟﺮاء ﺗﻐﻴريات ﻋﲆ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟرثوة واﻟﺪﺧﻞ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺪث اﻟﻨﻘﻼت اﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﻄﺮ‬

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‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﻨنت ﺳﺎﻳﻚ‬


or the country left behind losing their labour force’s best talent required to drive economic growth. These two opposing agendas, each unsustainable in their own right, are headed on a collision course. The one universal truth of migration is that it flows towards the money. For the past two centuries migration has flowed towards money: the West. The gap in wealth and living standards widened significantly during the 20th century, increasing the desire for people to emigrate. The flow is inexorable and the sooner we realise this, the better. The only way to influence the flow of people is to change the flow of income. Paradigm societal shifts occur when the whole society needs to adjust to inequalities that stretch the fabric of social cohesion to breaking point. Change, often radical, is the inevitable consequence of shortterm thinking and governance that does little to combat the spectre of social injustice.

A Global Phenomenon

‘The world is shrinking’, a cliché we hear all too frequently describing advances in technology and its impact on bringing geographically separate people together. Yet, it is also a falsehood. Can we say for example that because Skype exists, the impact of all working age males leaving Pakistani villages to work on Middle Eastern construction sites is anything other than detrimental to their communities? Of course we can’t. We can only guess the impact of absent father figures on the children growing up in these places. Technology can only truly ‘shrink’ the world by making it a more equal place for its inhabitants. Cities like London formed by gradually expanding, swallowing hamlets, villages and towns until being absorbed into one urban mass and a large singular identity. Western cities in general have swelled, urban fabrics have evolved, and buildings have hybridized; accommodating new peoples, cultures, and ways of urban existence. It is tempting to think of the migration flow as one that happens from East to West. Indeed it has been the case for so long that this complacency is understandable. However, the current instabilities in global financial markets are creating unprecedented exponential fluctuations in migration in previously relatively stable Western societies. Communities are typically formed by people finding conditions stable enough to put down roots, and form social bonds with others. There is a theme of permanence that pervades them, which is threatened by people’s increased transience. Yet, in many Western cities, voids exist where ties within communities and a sense of shared experience and civic duty have broken down. This dysfunction is visible in wealthy and poor areas alike, with swathes of Western cities seeming homogenous and their uniqueness only expressed by increasingly Disney-fied tourist attractions. Globalisation has been with us for some time, but its impact on people’s geographical transience was relatively limited in the West as local, regional and national economies have been generally beneficial enough not to warrant large-scale migrations. Now, as the consequences of the Global Financial Crisis deepen, people react by looking to pastures, searching for better economic circumstances and sometimes for salvation. As the rising super-powers of China, India and Brazil have seen increased urbanisation within their own borders and their wealth grows, inevitably the flow of migrants will shift towards them. But how will countries with vast borders and huge populations cope with this new migrancy trend? Perhaps, more pertinently, what are the consequences for architects and urban designers of integrating large numbers of Western and Third world migrants into these rapidly expanding metropolises? It seems likely established notions of density, urban relationships (both spatial and social), and man’s relationship with nature and himself will be radically challenged.

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Empowering The Migrant. Quentin Seik


‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻜﻞ إﱃ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﻮارق اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺰداد ﰲ ﻧﺴﻴﺞ اﻟﺘامﺳﻚ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ إﱃ ﺣﺪ اﻻﻧﻬﻴﺎر‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮن اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ ،‬وﻛﺜريا ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺟﺬرﻳﺎً‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﻜري ﻋﲆ اﳌﺪى اﻟﻘﺼري‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺬي ﻻ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﺳﻮى اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﳌﺤﺎرﺑﺔ ﺷﺒﺢ اﻟﻈﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺔ‬

‫»إن اﻟﻌﺎمل آﺧﺬ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﺺ« ﻫﻲ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻛﺜريا ً ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﻤﻌﻬـﺎ ﻟﻮﺻﻒ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم ﰲ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ وﺗﺄﺛريﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﱰاﺑﻂ ﺑني أﻧﺎس ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻠني ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ أﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﺎﻃﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻞ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻘﻮل ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل أﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ وﺟﻮد ﺳﻜﺎﻳﺐ )‪ ،(skype‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﺄﺛري ﻣﻐﺎدرة ﻛﻞ اﻟﺬﻛﻮر ﰲ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﺮى اﻟﺒﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺎب واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﻏري ﺿﺎر ﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ؟ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻻ‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ أن ﻧﺨﻤﻦ ﺗﺄﺛري‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺎب اﻷب ﻋﲆ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻨﺸﺄون ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺘﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺣﻘﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺟﻌﻞ اﻟﻌﺎمل أﺻﻐﺮ ﺣﺠام ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً أﻛرث ﻣﺴﺎواة‬ ‫ﺑني ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻜﻠﺖ ﻣﺪن ﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻨﺪن ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺎً‪ ،‬واﺑﺘﻼع اﻟﻘﺮى واﻟﺒﻠﺪات اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺑﻬﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﻠﺔ واﺣﺪة ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ إﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري ﻣﻔﺮدة‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻀﺨﻤﺖ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬وﺗﻄﻮرت اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ واﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻇﻬﺮت ﻣﺒﺎين ﻣﻬﺠﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎب اﻟﺸﻌﻮب اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت‪ ،‬وﺳﺒﻞ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﳌﻐﺮي اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰲ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻳﺤﺪث ﻣﻦ اﻟﴩق إﱃ اﻟﻐﺮب‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻇﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﻟﻔﱰة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ .‬إﻻ أن ﻋﺪم اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار اﻟﺤﺎﱄ ﰲ اﻷﺳﻮاق اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻟﺨﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻠﺒﺎت ﻛﺒرية مل ﻳﺴﺒﻖ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮة ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎً ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎدة اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أﻧﺎس‬ ‫ﻳﺴﻜﻨﻮن ﻣﻨﻄﻘ ًﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬وﻳﺠﺪون ﻇﺮوف ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮة مبﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﻐﺮس ﺟﺬورﻫﻢ‪ ،‬وﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ رواﺑﻂ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺎن ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار‬ ‫واﻟﺪوام ﻳﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﻔﻜﺮة ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‪ ،‬وﻳﻬﺪدﻫﺎ اﻟﺰوال ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ اﻟﺸﻌﻮب اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن ��ﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﺮاﻏﺎت‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻼﺷﺖ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت داﺧﻞ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻧﻬﺎر إﺣﺴﺎس اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻛﻮاﺟﺐ ﻣﺪين‪ .‬وﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺨﻠﻞ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻔﻘرية‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺒﺪو ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت واﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ وﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ وﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺎﺑﻌﻬﺎ اﻟﻔﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺠﺬب اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ دﻳﺰين‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﳽ ٌء ﻣﺴﻠ ٌﻢ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن ﺗﺄﺛريﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ واﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﰲ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﻮب ﻣﺤﺪود ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎً ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻐﺮيب‪ ,‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدات اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺿامﻧﺔ ﻟﻌﺪم ﺣﺪوث اﻟﻬﺠﺮات ﻋﲆ ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻵن وﻣﻊ ازدﻳﺎد ﻋﻮاﻗﺐ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈن اﻟﻜﺜريﻳﻦ ﻳﻨﻈﺮون إﱃ آﻓﺎق ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺜﺎً ﻋﻦ ﻇﺮوف اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ أﻓﻀﻞ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺤﺎﻻت ﻋﻦ اﻟﺨﻼص‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻊ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺪﻻت اﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﰲ دول‬ ‫اﻟﺼني واﻟﻬﻨﺪ واﻟﱪازﻳﻞ وﻣﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﺘﺤﴬ داﺧﻞ ﺣﺪودﻫﺎ ومنﻮ ﺛﺮواﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺆﻛﺪ أن اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﻬﺠﺮة ﺳﺘﺘﺤﻮل ﰲ اﺗﺠﺎﻫﻬﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﺒﻠﺪان ذات ﺣﺪود واﺳﻌﺔ وﺗﻌﺪاد ﺳﻜﺎن ﻛﺒري أن ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﺮة؟ وﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ دور اﳌﻌامرﻳني واﳌﺼﻤﻤني‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬﻳني ﰲ دﻣﺞ أﻋﺪاد ﻛﺒرية ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻐﺮيب واﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻤﻮ ﺑﻮﺗرية ﴎﻳﻌﺔ ﺟﺪا؟ وﻳﺒﺪو أن ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮة‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ أو اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﻣﻊ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺬري‪ .‬إن ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪم اﻟﻮﺿﻮح ﺑﺸﺄن‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻨﻲ أن أي ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎت ﻣﺤﺪدة ﺣﻮل اﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ وﻏري دﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ ,‬وان أي ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ذات ﻣﻐﺰى ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﻻ ﻳﺘﺴﻊ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎك ﺳﺆاﻟني ﻣﻠﺤني‬ ‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﻤﻌامرﻳني اﻟﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﻬام ﺣﺘﻰ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﺑـﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪ .‬أوﻻ ﻛﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﰲ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﻣﻬﻦ اﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎر‪ ,‬ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺎت ﺗﻜﺎﻓﻠﻴﺔ أﻗﻮى ﻣﻊ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ ،‬وﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ اﳌﺒﺎين وﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ؟ وﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ متﻜني اﻟﻨﺎس ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺎة أﻓﻀﻞ ﰲ اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ؟‬

‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﺑﻌﺪ اﳌﻮت ﳌﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬

‫متﺜﻞ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ منﻮذﺟﺎً ﻣﺼﻐﺮا ً ﻣﻦ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ أدت آﺛﺎر اﻷزﻣﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺟﺪا ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ أﺛﺮت ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﲆ اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻟﺸﺒﺎب واﻟﻄﻼب ﰲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻻﺗﻬﻢ ﻻﻛﺘﺴﺎب اﻟﺨﱪة اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛام أن ﻃﻮل ﻓﱰة اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﳌﻌامري ﺗﺼﻴﺐ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺑـﺪﻳﻮن ﺿﺨﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﺑﺪوره ﻳﺆدي إﱃ ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﻧﺨﺒﻮﻳﺔ ﻻ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻓﻴﻬﺎ إﻻ ﻷﺻﺤﺎب اﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺎت اﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮن ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﴫوﻓﺎت دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻌامرة‪ .‬ﻋﺪم ﻗﺪرة اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺪام ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺨﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬

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‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﻨنت ﺳﺎﻳﻚ‬


The uncertainty over global economic forces means specific predictions about how our cities will be shaped by these societal changes is a speculative subject and so huge, that its meaningful discussion sadly falls beyond the scope of this article. However, there are two pressing questions which we, as architects, can undertake to remain active participants in this process of change. Firstly, as a profession at the forefront of innovation, how can we utilise new technologies to forge stronger, symbiotic relationships with ordinary people: the users of our buildings and cities? Secondly, how can we empower people to achieve a better quality of life in their existing environment? Life After Death for the Architectural Profession The problems facing the architectural profession are a microcosm of the wider world. The effects of the GFC have led to high levels of unemployment, much of it stunting careers of younger professionals or students trying to gain experience. The length of education leaves many with huge crippling debts, creating an elitist culture where only those from wealthy backgrounds can undertake full-length studies. The inability of architecture to adequately create a sustainable future for itself, makes a mockery of its visions of a sustainable future for the built environment. How can it look after society when it can’t even look after itself ? The human toll of creating the great architectural wonders of the ancient or medieval worlds is well known, the numbers of people forced to work and die creating the visions of monarchs and aristocrats. In The Death & Life of Great American Cities, Jane Jacobs spoke about this aspect of architecture, and the built environment generally, writing that “cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.” Perhaps future historians will look back at our time and scorn our abuses of the Third world and the poorest in society to build gleaming skyscrapers on Wall Street. Architects have often been seen as the rich man’s plaything, fulfilling their own ambitions through the whims of the wealthy and powerful. Over the last 20-30 years the profession has lost influence. Architects’ roles and fees have been eroded by professionals specialising in aspects of the construction process that only architects had previously assumed. With the financial crisis causing the wealthy to err on the side of caution, and restrict the number and ambition of projects, the profession is under attack from both sides. Perversely these immense challenges facing the architectural world also offer its greatest source of redemption, some would say salvation. Where societal change occurs, creativity, vision and positive direction are ultimately required to smoothen the transition. Architects have a huge role to play in this revolution, but in order to fully participate and thrive; they must rethink their processes to remain relevant. They have the key advantage, perhaps more so than any of the creative disciplines, of combined creativity and exacting pragmatism. Architects must realise that above all, they are great collaborators by nature, and that these weapons must be directed at empowering ordinary people, in order to achieve the dual aims of the profession’s survival to create a better, more equal world

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Empowering The Migrant. Quentin Seik


‫ﺑـﺘﺼﻮر ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺪام ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻨﻬـﺎ أن ﺗﺮﻋﻰ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﻏري ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ أن ﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ؟ وﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺮوف ﺟﻴﺪا ﺣﺠﻢ اﻟﺨﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻋﺠﺎﺋﺐ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ أو ﰲ اﻟﻌﺼﻮر اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ ،‬وأﻋﺪاد اﻟﻨﺎس اﻟﺬﻳﻦ أﺟﱪوا ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ واﳌﻮت أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ رؤى اﳌﻠﻮك واﻷرﺳﺘﻘﺮاﻃﻴني‪ .‬ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎب › اﳌﻮت واﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﰲ اﳌﺪن اﻷﻣريﻛﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى‹‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺪﺛﺖ ﺟني ﺟﺎﻛﻮﺑﺲ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﻮل »اﳌﺪن ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﳾء ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ أﻧﻬﺎ‪ ,‬وﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ إﻧﺸﺎؤﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪«.‬‬ ‫ورمبﺎ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ اﳌﺆرﺧﻮن ﰲ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ إﱃ وﻗﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺬا وﻳﺸﺠﺒﻮا ﺗﺠﺎوزاﺗﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬واﻷﻛرث ﻓﻘﺮا ً ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻧﺎﻃﺤﺎت اﻟﺴﺤﺎب اﻟﺸﺎﻫﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ وول ﺳﱰﻳﺖ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني ﻋﲆ أﻧﻬﻢ أﻟﻌﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﺮﺟﺎل اﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎء‪ ،‬وﻳﺤﻘﻘﻮن ﻃﻤﻮﺣﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻧﺰوات اﻷﺛﺮﻳﺎء واﻷﻗﻮﻳﺎء‪ .‬ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪى‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﻮات ال‪ ٣٠-٢٠‬اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪت اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﻧﻔﻮذﻫـﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫‪‘The inability of architecture‬‬ ‫ﺗﺂﻛﻞ دور اﳌﻌامرﻳني واﺳﻌﺎرﻫﻢ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ أي وﻗﺖ ﻣﴣ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﻴني ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼني ﰲ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء وﻫﻮ‬ ‫‪to adequately create a‬‬ ‫اﻟﺪور اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن ﻳﺆدوﻧﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﻌﺮض‬ ‫‪sustainable future for itself,‬‬ ‫اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺠﻮم ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒني‪ ,‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺛﺮﻳﺎء إﱃ اﺗﺨﺎذ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺤﺬر‪،‬‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬وﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى ﺗﻘﻠﻞ ‪makes a mockery of its visions‬‬ ‫اﻷزﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪد اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ‬ ‫‪of a sustainable future for the‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻦ متﺜﻞ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ أﻛﱪ ﻣﺼﺪر ﻟﺨﻼﺻﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻊ ﺣﺪوث‬ ‫‪built environment. How can‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﰲ ﻟﻺﺑﺪاع واﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪it look after society when it‬‬ ‫واﻻﺗﺠﺎه اﻻﻳﺠﺎيب ﻟﻀامن ﺳﻼﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل‪ .‬ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني دور‬ ‫ﻛﺒري ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺜﻮرة‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫’?‪can’t even look after itself‬‬ ‫وﻣﺆﺛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ إﻋﺎدة اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ دورﻫﻢ وﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬ ‫وﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ ميﻠﻜﻮن ﻣﻴﺰة أﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أﻛرث‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ’‬ ‫أي ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎت اﻹﺑﺪاﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺑني اﻹﺑﺪاع‬ ‫واﻟﻮاﻗﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺼﺎرﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﲆ اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻵن أن ﻳﺪرﻛﻮا‬ ‫أﻧﻬﻢ‪ ,‬إﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ أﺷﻴﺎء أﺧﺮى ﻛﺜرية‪ ,‬ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﻢ ﻗﺎدرﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون واﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺪرﺟﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﺟﺪا ً‪ ،‬وأﻧﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺳﻠﺤﺔ إﱃ متﻜني وإﻟﻬﺎم ﻋﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫أﺟﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻷﻫﺪاف اﳌﺰدوﺟﺔ ﻟﺒﻘﺎء ﻫﺬه اﳌﻬﻨﺔ وﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﺎمل ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻓﺊ وأﻓﻀﻞ ﺑﻜﺜري‬

‫ﻋﺪم ﻗﺪرة ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﻋﲆ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺪام ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻀﻌﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺨﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﺘﺼﻮر ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺪام ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻨﻬـﺎ أن ﺗﺮﻋﻰ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻏري ﻗﺎدرة ﻋﲆ أن ﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ؟‘‬

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‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﻳﻨنت ﺳﺎﻳﻚ‬


THE PLACE OF ARCHITECTS AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF A PLACE. Mohamed Elshahed

.‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني و ﻋامرة ﻣﻜﺎن‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬


Mohamed Elshahed is a doctoral candidate in the Middle East Studies Department at New York University. He lives in Cairo, where he is conducting dissertation research on architecture and urban planning in Egypt from 1939 to 1965, with an emphasis on the Nasser years. Mohamed has a Bachelor of Architecture degree from the New Jersey Institute of Technology and a Master in Architecture Studies from MIT.

‫ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ‬.«‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ دﻛﺘﻮراه ﰲ »ﻗﺴﻢ دراﺳﺎت اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ« ﰲ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‬ ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺠﺮي ﺑﺤﺚ رﺳﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮراه ﺣﻮل اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ وﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻣﻦ‬،‫ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﲆ درﺟﺔ »ﺑﻜﺎﻟﻮرﻳﻮس‬.‫ ﻣﻊ اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﲆ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻨﺎﴏ‬،١٩٦٥ ‫ إﱃ ﻋﺎم‬١٩٣٩ ‫ﻋﺎم‬ «‫اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ« ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﻴﻮ ﺟريﳼ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ وﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘري ﰲ »دراﺳﺎت اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬ . (MIT) ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﺗﺸﻮﺳﺘﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‬

Sayed Karim standing by one of his architectural models 1958.

‫ﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ واﻗﻔﺎً اﱄ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ أﺣﺪ‬ ١٩٥٨ ‫ﻣﺠﺴامﺗﻪ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬ Image Courtesy of Mohamed El Shahed.

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The profession of architecture celebrates exceptions rather than embrace the everyday. Students of architecture are taught to admire the heroes of modernism such as Frank Lloyd Write and Le Corbusier and to be inspired by the contemporary exceptionalism of Zaha Hadid and Foster. Most students of architecture quickly realize that they will not participate in the making of such architectures as they enter professional life. This gap between design aspiration and professional realities is further complicated in the context of developing and stagnant economies, such as Egypt’s. In Egypt the majority of inhabitants lives and occupies buildings, which did not require the services of an architect. This is not a new or recent phenomenon, rather it has always been this way. Even in the most advanced economies, architects only participate in the design of a fraction of the built environment. So is it time for change in the way architects practice and participate in building processes? A nationalist process that aimed to replace the dominance of European architects paralleled the rise of the profession of architecture in Egypt starting in the 1920s. Egyptian architects embraced modernism as an architectural language distinguished from their European predecessors who largely practiced ornamental Beaux-arts. However, this shift in aesthetics did not challenge the quintessential relationship between architect and society: Egyptian architects still worked for wealthy clients and real estate speculators. Political shifts, namely the events that unfolded following the1952 coup d’état, challenged the role of architects as private clients decreased significantly and the state became the primary patron of architecture. This essay will attempt to present a nuanced analysis of the role of architects in Egypt in light of the recent past and the evolution of the profession in Egypt over the past century. The main argument is that it maybe time for Egyptian architects, and those working in similar socio-economic settings, to reconsider their potential within their societies by shifting focus and making themselves relevant to the majority of populations rather than cater to an increasingly arrogant and self-isolating economic minority.

The Place of Architects

From the middle of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the twentieth century, non-Egyptians dominated the profession of architecture in Egypt. Building traditions and building practices that had evolved over centuries continued side by side along with the emergence of European architects on the scene. While the architects served royalty, the wealthy and later real estate developers, the majority of the population continued to depend on master builders and skilled craftsmen. The architectural eclecticism and stylistic diversity found in 19th and early 20th century architecture in Egypt reflects the diverse nationalities of architects and patrons who constructed such buildings. Egyptian nobility and state institutions commissioned non-Egyptian architects to design state buildings, villas, palaces and offices. Not only were the architects foreign but building materials were also imported. Architecture with a capital “A” was thus an elite business. The few studies that had been conducted on the history of architecture in Egypt from this period have squarely focused on these elite

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The Place of Architects and the Architecture of a Place . Mohamed Elshahed


‫إن ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﺗﺤﺘَﻔﻲ ﺑﺎﻷﻋامل اﻹﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ أن ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺘﺒ ﱠﻨﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻄﻼب اﻟﻌامرة ﻳﺘﻌﻠﱠﻤﻮن أن ﻳُﻌﺠﺒﻮا ﺑﺄﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮاﻧﻚ ﻟﻮﻳﺪ راﻳﺖ وﻟﻮ ﻛﻮرﺑﻮزﻳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬وأن ﻳﺘﺄﺛﺮوا ﺑﺎﻹﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة ﻟـﺰﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ وﻓﻮﺳﱰ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﴎﻳﻌﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪرك ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﻢ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ ﻟﻦ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮا‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨﻊ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌامرة ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻗﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻔﺠﻮة ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﻄﻤﻮح اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ واﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﳌﻬﻨﻲ ﺗﻜﻮن أﻛرث ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪا ً ﰲ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﺎق اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ واﻟﺮاﻛﺪة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﳌﴫي‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻣﴫ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ أن أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن وﻳﺸﻐﻠﻮن ﻣﺒﺎين مل ﺗﺘﻄﻠّﺐ ُﺟﻬﺪ‬ ‫آي ﻣﻌامري ﻹﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ .‬وإﻧﻬﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة وﻻ اﳌﺴﺘﺤﺪﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺎن دامئﺎً ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﰲ أﻛرث اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﱡﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ أن‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﻳﺸﺎرﻛﻮن ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺻﻐرية ﻣﻦ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺴﺆال إذن‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﺣﺎن وﻗﺖ ﺗﻐﻴري اﻷﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﺒﻌﻪ اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣامرﺳﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﻬﻨﺔ وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺒﻨﺎء؟ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻘﺪ اﻟﺜﺎين ﻟﻠﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬و ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻣﻊ ﻧﻬﻮض ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻣﴫ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ وﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﻬﺪف ﻻﻧﻬﺎء ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻷوروﺑﻴني‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎم اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن اﳌﴫﻳﻮن ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻨﺎق ﻋامرة اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ ﻛﻠﻐﺔ ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﻤﻴﱠﺰة ﻋ ﱠﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐري ﺷﻴﺌﺎً ﰲ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻘﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻷوروﺑﻴني‪ ،‬اﻟﺬﻳﻦ مت ﱠﻴﺰوا ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻔﻨﻮن اﻟﺰﺧﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﲇ ﻧﻄﺎق واﺳﻊ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﻘﻠﺔ اﻟﺠامﻟﻴﺔ مل ّ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﺑني اﳌﻌامري واﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن اﳌﴫﻳﻮن ﻇﻠﱡﻮا ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻷﺛﺮﻳﺎء وﻣﻀﺎريب اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات‪ .‬أ ّﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺤ ﱠﻮﻻت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻫﻲ اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺘﻲ أﻋﻘﺒﺖ اﻻﻧﻘﻼب اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٥٢‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪ ﻟﺪور اﳌﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ أن ﻋﺪد اﻟﻌﻤﻼء اﻧﺨﻔﺾ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒري‪،‬‬ ‫وأﺻﺒﺤﺖ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺮاﻋﻲ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ﻟﻠﻌامرة‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻌﻲ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ دﻗﻴﻖ ﻋﻦ دور اﳌﻌامرﻳني‬ ‫اﳌﴫﻳني ﰲ ﺿﻮء اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ وﺗﻄﻮر اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﴈ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﳌﻮﺿﻮع اﻷﺳﺎﳼ ﻫﻮ أﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺣﺎن اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني اﳌﴫﻳني‪،‬‬ ‫وﻏريﻫﻢ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﰲ اﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺎدة اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﺗﺠﺎه ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻋﺎدة ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻋﺎدة اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﻓﺌﺔ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ‪ ،‬واﻧﻌﺰﻟﺖ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎً ﺑﺬاﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني‬

‫ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩ وﺣﺘﻲ أواﺋﻞ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎم ﻏري‬ ‫اﳌﴫﻳني ﺑﺎﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻋﲇ ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻣﴫ‪ .‬واﺳﺘﻤﺮت ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء وﻣامرﺳﺎﺗﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄت ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار اﻟﻘﺮون‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻣﻊ ﻇﻬﻮر اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻷوروﺑﻴني ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ‪ .‬وﰲ أﺛﻨﺎء اﻧﺸﻐﺎل اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﺑﺄﻋامل اﻟﻨﺒﻼء واﻷﺛﺮﻳﺎء وﻻﺣﻘﺎً ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮي‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات‪ ،‬اﺳﺘﻤﺮ أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني ﰲ اﻋﺘامدﻫﻢ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺒﻨﺎة ذوي اﻟﺨﱪة واﻟﺤﺮﻓﻴني‬ ‫ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرة‪ .‬إن اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻨ ﱡﻮع اﻟﻨﻤﻄﻲ ﰲ ﻋامرة اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﴩ وأواﺋﻞ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺗﻌﺪد اﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎت ﻟﻠﻤﻌامرﻳني و‬ ‫رﻋﺎة اﻟﺒﻨﺎء اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺒﺎين‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎم اﻟﻨﺒﻼء اﳌﴫﻳﻮن وﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﺑﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻌامرﻳني ﻏري ﻣﴫﻳني ﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﻔﻴﻼت‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﺼﻮر‪ ،‬واﳌﻜﺎﺗﺐ‪ .‬ومل ﻳﻜﻦ اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن أﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ إن‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﺎت اﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﻛﺎﻧﺖ أﻳﻀﺎ ﺗ ُﺴﺘﻮرد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﺎرج‪ .‬وﻫﻜﺬا‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻌامرة ذات‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺌﺔ »أ« ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﺼﻔﻮة‪ .‬وإن اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﲇ ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻌامرة‬

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‫‪‘... in Egypt‬‬ ‫‪the majority of‬‬ ‫‪inhabitants lives and‬‬ ‫‪occupies buildings,‬‬ ‫‪which did not‬‬ ‫‪require the services‬‬ ‫’‪of an architect.‬‬

‫’‪ ...‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻣﴫ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ أن‬ ‫أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮن‬ ‫وﻳﺸﻐﻠﻮن ﻣﺒﺎين مل ﺗﺘﻄﻠّﺐ‬ ‫ُﺟﻬﺪ آي ﻣﻌامري ﻹﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ‘‬

‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني و ﻋامرة ﻣﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬


buildings, spaces, architects and patrons. Architecture with a capital “A” is architecture that results from an academic engagement with the built environment. It is the practice of architecture following careful study of past constructions combined with a thorough understanding of present sites and conditions. Architecture with a capital “A” has also been about making conscious statements for public consumption: architecture as a tool to convey messages about class status and cultural associations. The first half of the twentieth century witnessed the rise of a new class of architects who were the children of immigrants or foreigners settled in Egypt. These “halfEgyptian” architects included Antoine Selim Nahas, Raymond Antonios, Albert Zananiri, Charles Ayrout, and Max Edrei. They shifted away from the work of the previous generation, adopting a more modernist design language rather than beaux-arts or the architecture of classically inspired facades. During the 1920s-1940s a growing middle class sought to build villas and apartment buildings and this generation of architects provided the designs, mostly free of ornament and aristocratic references. Despite this aesthetic shift and the expansion of the pool of clients architects continued to cater to the upper classes and the majority of the population continued to inhabit non-architected spaces. The 1940s and 50s witnessed the rise of worker housing and social housing, when the state commissioned architects to design for a segment of the population that had been excluded in their practice. There were also experiments with model villages, an idea that began to develop in the 1940s during the last years of the monarchy and was further developed during the Nasser regime. However, these constructions were still about the relationship between architect and the state, rather than with the lower class inhabitants. Perhaps it is in this context that Hassan Fathy’s “architecture for the poor” can be read as an experiment to counter the dichotomy that has long existed: that architecture is long been for the rich, while the poor built following different modes of spatial production. Fathy’s architecture for the poor ultimately failed in practice in New Gourna, however his writing on the topic remains an interesting object for

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The Place of Architects and the Architecture of a Place . Mohamed Elshahed


‫ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﻔﱰة‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺰت ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﲇ ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺒﺎين واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﺮاﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﻌامرﻳني ورﻋﺎة اﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ .‬اﻟﻌامرة ذات اﻟﻔﺌﺔ »أ« ﻫﻲ اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻷﻛﺎدميﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ .‬وﻫﻲ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣامرﺳﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﺑﺎﺗّﺒﺎع دراﺳﺔ دﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺸﺂت اﳌﻨﻔﺬة ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻗﻊ واﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﻌامرة ذات اﻟﻔﺌﺔ »أ« ﻛﺎﻧﺖ أﻳﻀﺎً ﺗﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻدﻻء ﺑﺘﴫﻳﺤﺎت واﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻬﻼك اﻟﻌﺎم‪ :‬اﻟﻌامرة ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻻﻳﺼﺎل رﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ واﻟﺮاﺑﻄﺎت اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺪ اﻟﻨﺼﻒ اﻷول ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ﻇﻬﻮر ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺑﻨﺎء اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ أو اﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫‪Hassan Fathy and the workers/future inhabitants of his village.‬‬

‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻰ ﻣﻊ ﻋامل‪/‬ﺳﻜﺎن اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﰱ ﻗﺮﻳﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪Image Courtesy of Mohamed El Shahed.‬‬

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‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني و ﻋامرة ﻣﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬


further study. The poor in Egypt already created architecture: “architecture without architects” as Bernard Rodufsky would say. One way to understand the failure of Fathy’s New Gourna village is that he, as an upper class urban architect, attempted to insert himself into a process that has long existed without his services. In addition, the applicability of Fathy’s rural models in an urban country such as Egypt is limited. And thus even Fathy’s “architecture for the poor” has become a stylistic choice for the urban rich to build their country retreats. The relatively short history of the profession of architecture in Egypt shows that architects have historically only catered to the urban elite.

Architecture of place

It has been said repeatedly that architecture and the city are mirrors reflecting society. Late nineteenth century Cairo, for example, reflected the class diversity of Egyptian society and the modernizing aspirations of a social elite. Similarly mid-twentieth century Cairo reflects the growing middle class’s aspiration to expand the city by investing in real estate paralleled by the working classes’ attempt to build in the image of upper classes. In recent decades, however, despite the growth of the middle class, the urban poor have grown exponentially. The rapid change in Cairo’s economic and social conditions is reflected in the reality of the city. A visible aspect of these transformations is the decrease and nearly disappearance of architects practicing architecture with a capital “A.” As the wealthy continue to isolate themselves in gated communities hidden behind fences and security walls, the practice of architecture catering to the wealthy became invisible. Throughout the twentieth century, architecture commissioned by the wealthy was visible to a wider public and therefore a source of inspiration. A wider public experienced grand apartment buildings, villas, and other buildings as pedestrians sharing the public space that brings society together: the street. Builders and craftsmen catering to middle and lower classes were able to replicate the designs of architects and to further elaborate upon them in their constructions for a wider public. While Heliopolis and Downtown were elite districts, Shubra, Ghamra and Abdeen were working and middle class districts. The architecture of the later districts exhibits an inspiration and an elaboration on the architecture of the former. Today, with an increasingly divided society and city, the work of architects is made invisible by the mere geography of class division that dominates the city. Adding to the present situation are the deterioration in architectural education and the domination of contractors with little or no architectural background. Visible new constructions by the middle and upper classes, in contrast with those of previous generations, display a detachment with the architectural heritage of place. Additionally the skilled builders and workers that built in previous generations to the middle and lower urban classes have too lost much of their practices and skills, which have been replaced with pre-cast ornaments set by unskilled labour. As the place of architects diminishes in Egyptian society the architecture of urban Egypt is increasingly degenerated.

A Call for Change

Despite the enormous challenges facing Egyptian cities today and the massive transformation Egyptian society and economy underwent in the past sixty years, the profession of architecture in Egypt has not evolved. While more universities now offer degrees in architecture and the number of graduates has increased exponentially, they all compete to serve an increasingly small segment of society. Architecture

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The Place of Architects and the Architecture of a Place . Mohamed Elshahed


‫اﻟﺬﻳﻦ اﺳﺘﻘﺮوا مبﴫ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء اﳌﻌامرﻳني )اﳌﴫﻳني ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ أﺣﺪ اﻟﻮاﻟﺪﻳﻦ(‪ :‬أﻧﻄﻮان ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺤﺎس‪ ،‬راميﻮﻧﺪ أﻧﻄﻮﻧﻴﻮس‪ ،‬أﻟﱪت زﻧﺎﻧريي‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺎرﻟﺰ‬ ‫ﻋريوط‪ ،‬وﻣﺎﻛﺲ اذرﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﺗ ﱠﺠﻬﻮا ﺑﻌﻴﺪا ً ﻋﻦ أﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺠﻴﻞ اﻟﺬي ﺳﺒﻘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺒ ّﻨﻴني ﻟﻐﺔ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ أﻛرث ﺣﺪاﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻨﻮن اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻠﺔ أو ﻋامرة‬ ‫اﻟﻮاﺟﻬﺎت ذات اﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ اﻟﻜﻼﺳﻴيك‪ .‬أﺛﻨﺎء اﻟﻔﱰة ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﻌﻘﺪ اﻟﺜﺎين واﻟﻌﻘﺪ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺔ اﱄ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻓﻴﻼت و ﻣﺒﺎين‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻗﺪ ﻗﺎم ﻫﺬا اﻟﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﺑﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ أﻏﻠﺐ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻣﻦ أي زﺧﺎرف أو ﺷﻮاﻫﺪ أرﺳﺘﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﻘﻠﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠامﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﳌﻌامري‪ ،‬وﺗﻮﺳﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق اﻟﻌﻤﻼء‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﺳﺘﻤﺮ اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن ﰲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﻤ ّﺮ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻄﻨﻮن ﻓﺮاﻏﺎت ﻏري ﻣﺼ ﱠﻤ َﻤﺔ ﻣﻌامرﻳﺎً‪ .‬ﺷﻬﺪ ﻋﻘﺪي اﻷرﺑﻌﻴﻨﺎت واﻟﺨﻤﺴﻴﻨﺎت ﻇﻬﻮر اﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠني واﻻﺳﻜﺎن اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻌامرﻳني ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻟﻘﻄﺎع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪا ً ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎك أﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب ﻟﻨامذج ﻗﺮي‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﻓﻜﺮة‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺄت ﰲ اﻷرﺑﻌﻴﻨﺎت ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧرية ﻟﻠﻌﻬﺪ اﳌﻠيك‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﻤ ّﺮ ﺗﻄﻮرﻫﺎ ﺧﻼل ﻓﱰة ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟامل ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﻠﻚ اﻻﻧﺸﺎءات‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ متﺜّﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑني اﳌﻌامري واﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑني اﳌﻌامري واﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻷدين ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني‪ .‬ورمبﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق ﺟﺎءت ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫»ﻋامرة اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء« ﻟـــﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ميﻜﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻻﻧﻔﺼﺎم اﻟﺬي ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ُوﺟﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌامرة ﻫﻲ دامئﺎ وأﺑﺪا ً ﻟﻸﻏﻨﻴﺎء‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪ اﺗّﺒﻌﻮا ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء أﺳﺎﻟﻴﺒﺎً أﺧﺮي ﻻﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻔﺮاغ‪ .‬وﰲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻷﻣﺮ‪» ،‬ﻋامرة اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء« ﻟـﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ مل ﺗﻨﺠﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎً ﰲ ﻗﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮﻧﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﺈن ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻪ ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺨﺼﻮص ﺗﻈﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎً ﻣﺸ ّﻮﻗﺎً ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﺨﻠﻖ ﻧﻮع آﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامرة‪» :‬ﻋامرة ﺑﺪون‬ ‫ﻣﻌامرﻳني«‪ ،‬ﻛام أﺳامﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎرد رودوﻓﺴيك‪ .‬واﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪة ﻟﺘﻔ ّﻬﻢ اﺧﻔﺎق ﻗﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮﻧﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ أن ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻛﺄﺣﺪ ﻣﻌامرﻳﻲ وﻣﺨﻄﻄﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻗﺪ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻻدراج ﻧﻔﺴﻪ داﺧﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻄﺎﳌﺎ وﺟﺪت ﺑﺪون ﻣﺠﻬﻮداﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻷن ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ منﺎذج ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ اﻟﻔﻌﲇ ﻣﺤﺪودة ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ دوﻟﺔ ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﴫ‪ .‬و ﻫﻜﺬا‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ »ﻋامرة اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء« ﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺧﻴﺎرا ً ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻴﺎً ﻟﻸﻏﻨﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻪ ﻛﻄﺮاز ﻋﻤﺮاين أﻧﻴﻖ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﻘﺼري ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎً ﳌﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ أن اﳌﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬وﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﻮا ﻓﻘﻂ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﺼﻔﻮة ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋامرة ﻣﻜﺎن‬

‫ﻟﻘﺪ ذُﻛﺮ ﻣﺮارا ً ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أن اﻟﻌامرة واﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ميﺜﻼن اﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩ‪ ،‬وﻋﲇ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ أن »اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة« ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺴﺖ اﻟﺘﻨﻮع اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﴫي واﻟﺘﻄﻠﻊ ﻟﻠﺤﺪاﺛﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﺮاﻗﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ ﻓﺈن »اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة« ﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻋﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫زﻳﺎدة ﺗﻄﻠﻊ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎق اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﺳﺘﺜامر اﻟﻌﻘﺎري‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎء ﻋﲇ ﺻﻮرة ﻣﺒﺎين‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐري‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﰲ اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻷﺧرية‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ منﻮ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻔﻘرية ﻗﺪ اﺗﺴﻌﺖ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪ .‬إن ﱡ‬ ‫اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﰲ أﺣﻮال اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﲇ واﻗﻊ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ اﻟﻮاﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﺔ أو رمبﺎ اﺧﺘﻔﺎء اﳌﻌامرﻳني‬ ‫اﳌامرﺳني ﻟﻠﻌامرة ذات اﻟﻔﺌﺔ »أ«‪ .،‬وأﺛﻨﺎء اﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎء ﰲ ﻋﺰل أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ داﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ذات ﺑﻮاﺑﺎت‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺄة وراء أﺳﻮار وﺣﻮاﺋﻂ ﻟﻠﺤامﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﺠﺒﺖ اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ اﻷﻧﻈﺎر‪ .‬ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪار اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻌامرة اﳌﻜﻠَﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ِﻗ َﺒﻞ اﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻘﻄﺎع ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﺼﺪرا ً ﻟﻼﻟﻬﺎم‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ اﺳﺘﻄﺎع ﻗﻄﺎع ﻛﺒري أن ﻳﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ اﳌﺒﺎين اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺒرية واﻟﻔﻴﻼت وﻏريﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم‬ ‫اﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﺸﺎرﻛﻪ اﳌﺸﺎة وﻳﺠﻤﻊ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻪ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ وﻫﻮ‪ :‬اﻟﺸﺎرع‪ .‬و ﺑﻬﺬا ﻓﻘﺪ اﺳﺘﻄﺎع اﻟﺒﻨﺎة واﻟﺤﺮﻓﻴني اﳌﻬﺘﻤني ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ و اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫اﻷدين أن ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮا ﺑﻨﺴﺦ وﺗﻜﺮار ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴامت واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲇ اﺗﻘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﻛﱪ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺸﺂﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻷﻋﺮض ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ .‬وﺑﻴﻨام ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﴫ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ووﺳﻂ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮاﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﱪا‪ ،‬وﻏﻤﺮة‪ ،‬وﻋﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ واﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ أن اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻻﺣﻘﺔ اﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﻫﻲ ﺻﻮرة ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺣﺎة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ اﻟﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﺪ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺗﻄﻮر ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ ،‬وﻣﻊ زﻳﺎدة اﻻﻧﻘﺴﺎم ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ واﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ أن أﻋامل اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﻗﺪ ﺣﺠﺒﺖ ﻋﻦ اﻷﻧﻈﺎر ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ ﻣﺠ ّﺮدة ﻟﻼﻧﻘﺴﺎم اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻲ اﻟﺬي أﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ ﺗﺪﻫﻮرا ً ﰲ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﳌﻌامري‪ ،‬وﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﳌﻘﺎوﱄ اﻷﻋامل ذوي اﻟﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ أو اﳌﻨﻌﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ .‬ﻓﺎﳌﻨﺸﺂت اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ واﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬وﻋﲇ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﻨﺸﺂت اﻷﺟﻴﺎل اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻧﻔﺼﺎﻻً ﻋﻦ اﻟﱰاث اﳌﻌامري‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎن‪ .‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺒﻨﺎة ذوي اﳌﻬﺎرة واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠني اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎء ﰲ اﻷﺟﻴﺎل اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ واﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻓﻘﺪوا أﻳﻀﺎً اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎراﺗﻬﻢ وﺧﱪاﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ اﺳﺘُﺒﺪﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺰﺧﺎرف ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ اﻟﺼﻨﻊ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺪﱠة ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﻋامﻟﺔ ﻏري ﻣﺎﻫﺮة‪ .‬وﻛام أن دور اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫اﳌﴫي‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﺴﺘﻮي اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻣﺪن ﻣﴫ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺪﻫﻮر ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒري‪.‬‬

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‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني و ﻋامرة ﻣﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬


has continued to function as an elite practice making it increasingly invisible in a society with relatively few elites. Change is needed in architectural education in Egypt but also in the very nature of the profession. The role of architects in the decisionmaking process regarding the management and governance of Egyptian cities has nearly disappeared. Fields surrounding the practice of architecture that are equally important such as architectural critics and historians do not exist. Practices that focus on Egypt’s enormous wealth of historic urban heritage, its preservation, modernization and adaptive reuse are also non-existent. Also missing is architect’s ability to innovate by engaging with local contexts and by learning from successful practices of the urban poor. Finally, there is a possibility for architects to reinvent their role in Egyptian society by adopting the role of the master builder of yesteryears: operating a workshop model, developing skills for workers and working collaboratively with a team of other specialized architects, builders and community leaders. The rise of the profession of architecture in Egypt followed a bourgeois European model that was applicable to some extent in Egypt during a period of relative economic prosperity. As the country’s political landscape shifted and later as societal structures and economic realities also changed, the profession failed to readjust. In light of recent transformations architects in Egypt and similar contexts are presented with a challenge: to continue with the present unsustainable models of professional practice or challenge the status quo by making architects integral to processes of social, economic and political change A laborer carrying bricks during the reconstruction of Port Said in 1957 . Image Courtesy of Mohamed El Shahed.

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The Place of Architects and the Architecture of a Place . Mohamed Elshahed


‫دﻋﻮة ﻟﻠﺘﻐـــﻴـــــﻴــــﺮ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ اﳌﺪن اﳌﴫﻳﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‪،‬‬ ‫و ﻣﺎ اﺟﺘﺎزه اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﴫي واﻗﺘﺼﺎده ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻت ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫اﻷﻋﻮام اﻟﺴﺘني اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻣﴫ مل ﺗﺘﻄ ّﻮر‪.‬‬ ‫وﰲ أﺛﻨﺎء وﺟﻮد اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪم اﻟ���ﻬﺎدات‬ ‫واﻟﺪرﺟﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌامرة‪ ،‬و أﻳﻀﺎً ﺗﻀﺎ ُﻋﻒ أﻋﺪاد اﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠني‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺠﺪﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎً ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻓﺴﻮن ﰲ ﻋﺮض ﺟﻬﻮدﻫﻢ ﻋﲇ ﻗﻄﺎع‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪود ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬وﻫﻜﺬا اﺳﺘﻤ ﱠﺮت اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ وﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﺮاﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆدﻳﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ اﱄ اﺣﺘﺠﺎب ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ ﰲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ذو‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺒﺔ ﻣﺤﺪودة ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺎً‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﳌﻌامري ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻳﺤﺘﺎج اﱄ ﺗﻐﻴري وﻟﻜﻦ أﻳﻀﺎً‬ ‫ﻻﺑﺪ أن ميﺘﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﱄ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ أداء اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ذاﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬إن دور‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﻘﺮار ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ادارة وﺣﻜﻢ اﳌﺪن‬ ‫اﳌﴫﻳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻼﳾ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً‪ .‬وأﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻬﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﺤﻮر ﺣﻮل‬ ‫ﻣامرﺳﺔ اﻟﻌامرة‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻨﻘﺎد اﳌﻌامرﻳني واﳌﺆرﺧني‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺜﻞ ذات اﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳﺎس‪ .‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﳌﻬﻦ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﲇ ﺛﺮوة ﻣﴫ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﱰاث اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﻬﻴﺌﺘﻬﺎ ﻻﻋﺎدة اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ أﻳﻀﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻦ ﻻ وﺟﻮد ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈن اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺪون اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎر ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﻧﺨﺮاط داﺧﻞ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﻠﱡﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻟﻨﺎﺟﺤﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين اﻷﻛرث ﻓﻘﺮا ً‪ .‬وأﺧﻴــــــﺮا ً‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈن اﳌﻌامرﻳني أﺻﺒﺢ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ اﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻻﻋﺎدة ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ دورﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﴫي‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺒ ّﻨﻲ دور اﻟﺒﻨﺎة ذوي اﻟﺨﱪة‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ :‬ﺑﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ منﻮذج ورﺷﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬وﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎرات اﻟﻌامل‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺘﻌﺎوين ﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌامرﻳني‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼني‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﻨﺎة‪ ،‬وﻗﺎدة اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻧﺸﺄة ﻣﻬﻨﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻣﴫ اﺗ ّﺒﻌﺖ منﻮذج ﺑﺮﺟﻮازي أورويب‬ ‫ﻛﺎن ﻳﻌﺪ اﱄ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻼً ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﰲ ﻣﴫ أﺛﻨﺎء ﻓﱰة ﻣﻦ اﻻزدﻫﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﻲ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎد‪ .‬وﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﰲ اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ ،‬و ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻐري ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ واﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن أﺳﻠﻮب‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣامرﺳﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻓﺸﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﳌﺴﺎر‪ .‬وﻋﲇ ﺿﻮء اﻟﺘﺤ ﱡﻮﻻت‬ ‫اﻷﺧرية‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﰲ ﻣﴫ واﻟﻨﻄﺎﻗﺎت اﳌﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪ‪ :‬إ ّﻣﺎ اﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﻋﲇ اﻟﻨﻬﺞ اﳌﻬﻨﻲ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ اﳌُﺘَﻤﺜﻞ ﰲ اﻟﻨامذج‬ ‫ﻏري اﳌﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﺗﺤﺪي اﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻟﺮاﻫﻦ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺑني اﳌﻌامرﻳني و ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‬

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‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﻃﻮب اﺛﻨﺎء ﺑﻨﺎء ﺑﻮرﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﰱ ﻋﺎم ‪١٩٥٧‬‬

‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳني و ﻋامرة ﻣﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ اﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ‬


‫‪CHANGE: PHOTOESSAY.‬‬ ‫‪Filippo Romano, Giovanna Silva, Francesco Giusti.‬‬

‫ﺗﻐﻴري‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻠﻴﺒﻮ روﻣﺎﻧﻮ‪ ,‬ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎﻧّﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻔﺎ و ﻓﺮ ِ‬ ‫اﻧﺸﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﺟﻮﺳﺘﻰ‪.‬‬


Filippo Romano, born in 1968, is a documentary and architecture photographer. He studied graphic design at the ISIA

of Urbino Italy graduating in 1994. In 1998, after a period spent in Paris, he moved to New York and studied photojournalism and photo documentary with Mary Ellen Mark and Antoine D’Agata at the International Center of photography (ICP). His work about spaces and architecture has been published by Skira publishing company, and by the magazines Abitare , Dwell, Io Donna and Courrier International. In 2001 he contributed with Genova Domino to the photographic project about Genova outskirts, I dintorni dello sguardo coordinated by Stefano Boeri and Francesco Jodice. The Japanese museum of Kyiosato acquired one of his series in the permanent collection. He has participated at the Gaungzhou Photo Biennale in 2005 and his work has been part of the RIP in Arles 2006, 2007. In 2007 he was the author of “Soleri Town”; a book about the utopian architecture of Paolo Soleri. In 2009 he was selected in the exhibition “The Joy” at the Rome photo festival with “Waterfront”. He is a member of the Agency Luzphoto. Giovanna Silva, lives and works in Milan. As a photographer, she exhibited her work about the city of Bogotà, Colombia at the Venice Biennale 2006. Her most recent publication is “Desertions”, a chronicle of an American trip with designer Enzo Mari. From 2005-2007 she contributed to Domus and she was the Photo Editor of Abitare from September 2007 until September 2011. She photographed Renzo Piano and Zaha Hadid for the Abitare’s special issues ‘Being Renzo Piano’ and ‘Being Zaha Hadid’, 6 month experience of architecture in the making. In October 2011 she published a new book, Orantes, ed.Quodlibet. She is on the editorial board of San Rocco Magazine. Francesco Giusti is a freelance documentary photographer oriented towards the investigation of social realities, communities and identity related issues. His research about psychiatry among the long-standing inmates of “L.Bianchi Psychiatric Hospital” in Napoli received the honorable mention of “Leica Oskar Barnack Award” in 1999 and was a finalist of “Prix Care du Reportage Humanitaire” in 2000. In 2002 he was awarded of “Premio Canon Giovani Fotografi” as “Best Photographic Project” with an intimate portrait story about a community of transvestites in Genoa. During the last years he has documented immigration and asylum seekers’ issues especially in Italy and the Mediterranean Sea. In 2006 he published the book “Hotel Industria” and the volume “Ex Fabrica – Identities and mutations on the border of the metropolis”; both publications are about the ex-industrial areas on the outskirts of Milan, inhabited and transformed into shelters by illegal immigrants (honorable mention Ponchielli Award 2003). He has documented slums in Nairobi, Cairo and Port Au Prince; part of a long on-going project about metropolis and informal settlement communities. He has recently worked in Haiti, in the Sub-Sahara area of Western Africa and in Congo Brazzaville. His works have been published in Italy and abroad and exhibited in galleries and international photographic events ‫ اﻧﺘﻘﻞ إﱃ‬،‫ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﱰة ﻗﻀﺎﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ‬،١٩٩٨ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.١٩٩٤ ‫( ﺑـﺈﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ وﺗﺨﺮج ﻋﺎم‬ISIA) ‫ درس ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺠﺮاﻓﻴﻚ ﰲ‬.‫ ﻣﺼﻮر ﻓﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ وﺛﺎﺋﻘﻲ وﻣﻌامري‬،١٩٦٨ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺒﻮ روﻣﺎﻧﻮ وﻟﺪ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬ (Skira) ‫ وﻗﺪ ﻧﴩت أﻋامﻟﻪ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت واﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﴍﻛﺔ‬. (ICP) ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك ودرس اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ واﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎري اﻟني ﻣﺎرك وأﻧﻄﻮان داﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺪوﱄ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻔﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ‬ ‫ اﻟﺬي ﻧﺴﻘﻪ‬،‫ ﺷﺎرك ﻣﻊ ﺟﻴﻨﻮﻓﺎ دوﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﰲ ﻣﴩوع ﻓﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ ﺣﻮل ﺿﻮاﺣﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻨﻮة‬٢٠٠١ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬. (Courrier International) ‫( و‬Io Donna) ‫( و‬Dwell) ‫( و‬Abitare) ‫ وﰲ ﻣﺠﻼت‬،‫ﻟﻠﻨﴩ‬ ‫ ﻛام ﺷﺎرك ﰲ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﺎﻧﺠﺰو ﺑﺎﻟﺼني ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ وﻗﺪ اﺣﺘﻔﻆ ﻣﺘﺤﻒ ﻛﻴﻴﻮﺳﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎن ﺑـﺼﻮرة ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺪامئﺔ ﻟﻪ‬.‫ﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻮ ﺑﻮﻳﺮي وﻓﺮاﻧﺸﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﺟﻮدﻳﺲ‬ ‫( ﰲ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﺎن‬JOY) ‫ أﺧﺘري ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮض‬٢٠٠٩ ‫ وﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ أﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎب )ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻮﻟريي( وﻫﻮ ﻛﺘﺎب ﺣﻮل ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ ﺳﻮﻟريي‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.٢٠٠٧ ‫ و‬٢٠٠٦ ‫( ﰲ أرﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬RIP) ‫ ﻛام ﻋﺮﺿﺖ أﻋامﻟﻪ ﰲ‬٢٠٠٥ .(Luzphoto) ‫ وﻫﻮﻋﻀﻮ ﰲ وﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬.(‫ﺻﻮر روﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ )اﻟﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ وﻫﻮ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻟﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬،(Disertions) ‫ اﺣﺪث اﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ اﳌﻨﺸﻮرة‬.‫ ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﻴﺎ‬،‫ ﰲ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﺣﻮل ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻮﻏﻮﺗﺎ‬٢٠٠٦ ‫ ﻋﺮﺿﺖ أﻋامﻟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬،‫ ﻛﻤﺼﻮر‬.‫ﺟﻴﻮﻓﺎﻧّﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻔﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ وﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬ ‫ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ رﻳﻨﺰو ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻮ‬.(Abitare) ‫ ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﻛﻤﺤﺮر ﺻﻮر ﳌﺠﻠﺔ‬٢٠١١ ‫ وﺣﺘﻰ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ‬٢٠٠٧ ‫( وﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ‬Domus) ‫ ﺳﺎﻫﻤﺖ ﰲ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬٢٠٠٧-٢٠٠٥ ‫ ﻣﻦ‬.‫ﰲ أﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺼﻤﻢ إﻧﺰو ﻣﺎري‬ . (San Rocco) ‫ وﻫﻲ أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﰲ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬. (Quodlibet) ‫( ﺻﺎدر ﻋﻦ‬Orantes) ‫ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﴩ ﻛﺘﺎب ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان‬٢٠١١ ‫ ﰲ أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬.‫( ﻋﻨﻬام‬Abitare) ‫وزﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻸﻋﺪاد اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ِ ‫ﻓﺮ‬ ‫ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ أﺑﺤﺎﺛﻪ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻄﺐ اﻟﻨﻔﴘ ﺑني اﳌﺮﴇ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎﻧيك‬.‫ واﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت و اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ‬،‫اﻧﺸﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﺟﻮﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﻮر وﺛﺎﺋﻘﻲ ﺣﺮ ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‬ ‫( ﰲ‬Prix Care du Reportage Humanitaire) ‫ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ اﳌﺮﺷﺤني اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴني ﻟﺠﺎﺋﺰة اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬. ١٩٩٩ ‫ ﻋﲆ ﺟﺎﺋﺰة )ﻻﻳﻜﺎ أوﺳﻜﺎر ﺑﺎرﻧﺎك( اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬،‫ﻟﻸﻣﺮاض اﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﱄ‬ ‫ وﺛﻖ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﻨﻮات‬.‫( ﻋﻦ ﺻﻮرة ﺣﻮل ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺘﺤﻮﻟﻮن ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮا‬Premio Canon Giovani Fotografi) ‫ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺟﺎﺋﺰة أﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﴩوع ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ ﻣﻦ‬٢٠٠٢ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.٢٠٠٠ ‫ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ اﻟﻬﻮﻳﺎت واﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت‬- ‫( وﻛﺘﺎب )اﳌﺼﺎﻧﻊ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬Hotel Industria) (‫ ﻧﴩ ﻛﺘﺎب )اﻟﻔﻨﺪق اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‬٢٠٠٦ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.‫اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﺠﺮة وﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﻲ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء وﺑﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ وﰲ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﻜﻨﻬﺎ اﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻏري‬،‫( وﻫام ﻋﻦ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺿﻮاﺣﻲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬Ex Fabrica – Identities and mutations on the border of the metropolis) (‫ﻋﲆ ﺣﺪود اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ وﺛﻘﺖ اﻋامﻟﻪ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية ﰲ ﻧريويب واﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة وﺑﻮرت ﺑﺮﻧﺲ؛ ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻣﴩوع ﻃﻮﻳﻞ اﻻﻣﺪ‬.(٢٠٠٣ ‫اﻟﴩﻋﻴني وﻳﺤﻮﻟﻮﻧﻬـﺎ إﱃ اﳌﻼﺟﺊ )ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﲆ ﺟﺎﺋﺰة ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﺋﺰة ﺑﻮﻧﺘﺸﻴﲇ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﺗﻢ ﻧﴩ اﻋامﻟﻪ ﰲ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ وﰲ اﻟﺨﺎرج وﺗﻌﺮض‬.«‫ وﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺟﻨﻮب اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء اﻟﻜﱪى ﰲ أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﰲ »اﻟﻜﻮﻧﻐﻮ ﺑﺮازاﻓﻴﻞ‬،‫ وﻗﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ﰲ ﻫﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬.‫ﺣﻮل اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ واﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺎرض واﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﻔﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮاﰲ‬

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San Francisco Ocean View series ‫ © ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ إﻃﻼﻟﺔ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﺎن ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ‬Filippo Romano

‫ﻛﻴـــــــــﺎﻧﺎت‬

STATES


WALLS

San Francisco Ocean View series ‫ © ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ إﻃﻼﻟﺔ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﺎن ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ‬Filippo Romano

‫ﺣﻮاﺋــــــــــﻂ‬


San Francisco Ocean View series ‫ © ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ إﻃﻼﻟﺔ اﳌﺤﻴﻂ ﺳﺎن ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ‬Filippo Romano

‫ﻗـــــــــــــﻮة‬

POWER


Saddam’s house, Babylon, 2011 ٢٠١١ ,‫ ﺑﺎﺑﻞ‬,‫ © ﻗﴫ ﺻﺪام‬Giovanna Silva

‫ﺗﺤــــــــﻠﻞ‬

DECAY


‫‪WALLS‬‬

‫‪ © Giovanna Silva‬ﺳﻮﻫﺎج اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪New Sohag, 2012 ٢٠١٢ ,‬‬

‫ﺣﻮاﺋــــــــــﻂ‬


Bogotà, 2006 ٢٠٠٦ ,‫ © ﺑﻮﻏﻮﺗﺎ‬Giovanna Silva

‫ﻋﺸﻮاﺋـــــــــــــــﻰ‬

INFORMAL


Cairo, Celebrations during the night of Mubarak’s resignation. ‫ إﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻت ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﺗﻨﺤﻰ ﻣﺒﺎرك‬,‫ © اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬Francesco Giusti

‫ﻗـــــــــــــﻮة‬

POWER


Cairo, Informal markets at Manshiet Nasser district . ‫ أﺳﻮاق ﻋﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﰱ ﻣﻨﺸﻴﺔ ﻧﺎﴏ‬,‫ © اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬Francesco Giusti

‫ﻋﺸﻮاﺋـــــــــــــــﻰ‬

INFORMAL


WALLS

Nairobi, Buildings in Mathare slum. ‫ ﻣﺒﺎىن ﰱ ﻋﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ َﻣﺜﺎرى‬,‫ © ﻧريوىب‬Francesco Giusti

‫ﺣﻮاﺋــــــــــﻂ‬


FROM CHANGE CONTROL TO ADAPTATION. Ahmad Borham

.‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري إﱃ اﻟﺘﻜﱡﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﻪ‬

‫أﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎم‬


Ahmad Borham is a design architect and teaching assistant

at the American university and the Arab Academy of Science and Technology and other educational institutions in Cairo. Ahmad is an independent researcher interested in the issue of resilience against change and transformation in the built environments. In addition, Ahmad draws parallels between Cairo and other cities’ urban conditions in http://drawingparallels.blogspot.com/

‫أﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎم ﺑﺎﺣﺚ و ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻣﻌامرى و ﻣﺪرس ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﻷﻛﺎدميﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ و اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ ﻣﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ اﳌﺮوﻧﺔ ﰱ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ و ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬.‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ ‫اﻹﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﰱ زﻳﺎدة ﻗﺪرة اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﻐريات و اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت‬ ‫ ﻛام ﻳﺪون ﻋﻦ اﻷمنﺎط اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﺑني أﺣﻮال ﻣﴫ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ و ﻏريﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن ﰱ‬.‫اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة‬ http://drawingparallels.blogspot.com

Tahrir Square, 1 August 2011, Cairo . Image Courtesy of Livia Minoja.

‫ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬,٢٠١١ ‫ أﻏﺴﻄﺲ‬١ ‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬

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Complex Adaptive Systems (CAS) are non-linear, self-organizing systems that have the ability to adapt to changing conditions through changing the rules that organize the random autonomous interactions between agents in the environment. This adaptation takes place through gradual gained experience that is reflected in the agent’s behavior. Interacting agents that are described in terms of certain rules generate complex temporal patterns. Emergent higher level patterns can arise out of parallel complex interaction between local agents. Emergent systems are rule governed systems; their capacity for learning and growth and experimentation is derived from governing decentralized level local rules. Acknowledging that giving up top-down control, giving systems a margin of freedom to govern themselves bottom-up as much as possible and letting it learn from and build on their experience is essential to understand emergence in CAS. Applying this framework to case studies from informal settlements around Cairo, we identify several innovations in governance that emerged in this program and demonstrate how complex adaptive system thinking can be useful in understanding how governance can enhance resilience.The complex adaptive systems approach shifts the perspective on governance from the aim to control change in resources through a rigid prescriptive socio-political systems that is assumed to be stable, to enhancing the capacity of social-ecological systems to learn to live with and shape change and even find ways to transform into more desirable directions. Adaptive management of environmental resources presents a challenge to traditional government, with its reliance on bureaucratic procedures, the lengthy processes of legislative deliberation, and the often arbitrary nature of judicial decision making.

Self-government and self-organization in social organizations

“Self-organization” and “Self-governance” are two different strategies for behavior management. Selforganization is a system of autonomous subsystems acting jointly under the influence of a unifying agent but without supervision can achieve apparently purposeful and coordinated activity. During the original occupation of Tahrir, neighborhood self-governance again became a necessity. The already minimal functioning of government infrastructure ceased, and plainclothes police even took part in organized looting in attempts to terrify people. Popular neighborhood committees appeared throughout the entire country within the matter of a night. People came down from their apartments to the streets in the midst of a mobile phone and internet blackout and set up checkpoints and communications systems to defend their neighborhoods from police and other anti-social elements. Within Tahrir premises, an autonomous community emerged as have been illustrated by the image published by the BBC. During the 18 days of the sit-in that ended by throwing Mubarak off the throne of Egypt, several manifestation of self-organization existed. A fresh state united towards one single goal, was being formulated within a dying political system. This state had its borders, medical and waste management and even a street network urban patterns emerging between protesters tents and informal markets that supply the daily basic needs. The lesson learnt from Tahrir Square protesters was one of harmonious self-governance in a flat mesh-like structure rather than the control-oriented hierarchical model. Lateral coordination came easily when participants were diverse enough across qualifications

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From Change Control to Adaptation. Ahmad Borham


‫إن ﻧﻈﻢ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﳌﺮﻛﺒﺔ ﻫﻲ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻏري ﺧﻄﻴﺔ و ذاﺗﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻐﻴري اﻷوﺿﺎع ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻐﻴري اﻟﻘﻮاﻧني اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻼت اﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﺑني اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﳌﺘﻮاﺟﺪة ﰲ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻳﺤﺪث ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺧﱪة ﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺞ و اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﲆ ﺳﻠﻮك‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ‪ .‬اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﳌﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻗﻮاﻧني ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺘﺞ منﺎذج ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺔ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﻨامذج اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت أﻋﲆ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﺘﻮازي ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺑني ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻫﻲ أﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪرﺗﻬﻢ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ و اﻟﻨﻤﻮ و اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺪة‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ ﻗﻮاﻧني ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻻﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى‪ .‬اﻹﻋﱰاف ﺑﺄن اﻟﺘﺨﲇ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻣﻦ أﻋﲆ إﱃ أﺳﻔﻞ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻗﺪر ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺳﻔﻞ إﱃ أﻋﲆ ﻗﺪر اﳌﺴﺘﻄﺎع و ﻳﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ و ﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﲇ ﺧﱪﺗﻬﺎ و ﻫﺬا ﴐوري ﻟﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﻨﺸﻮء ﰲ ﻧﻈﻢ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﳌﺮﻛﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬا‬ ‫اﻹﻃﺎر ﻋﲆ ﺣﺎﻻت دراﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ‪،‬ﺣﺪدﻧﺎ إﺑﺘﻜﺎرات ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﰲ اﻹدارة اﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺸﺄت ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ ‪ ،‬و ﻧﴩح ﻛﻴﻒ أن‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜري ﻧﻈﻢ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﳌﻌﻘﺪة ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﻔﻴﺪا ً ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠ ُﺤﻜﻢ أن ﻳﻌﺰز اﳌﺮوﻧﺔ‪ .‬إن ﻧﻬﺞ ﻧﻈﻢ اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﳌﺮﻛﺒﺔ ﻳﻨﻘﻞ وﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺪف اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ اﳌﻮارد ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺻﺎرﻣﺔ و اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻔﱰض أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮة ‪،‬‬ ‫إﱃ ﺗﺤﺴني ﻗﺪرة اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ‪ -‬اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﻣﻊ و ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري و ﺣﺘﻰ اﻳﺠﺎد ﻃﺮق ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻮل إﱃ إﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت أﺧﺮى ﻣﻔﻀﻠﺔ‪ .‬اﻹدارة‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻜﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮارد اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺪم ﺗﺤﺪي ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ و اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ اﻹﺟﺮاءات اﻟﺒريوﻗﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﺪاول اﻟﺘﴩﻳﻌﺎت و‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﰲ اﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺬايت و اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺬايت ﰲ اﳌﻨﻈامت اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫إن اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺬايت و اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺬايت ﻫام اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺘﺎن ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺘﺎن ﻟﺴﻠﻮك اﻹدارة‪ .‬اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺬايت ﻫﻮ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ اﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛري ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺣﺪة ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺪون إﴍاف ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺸﺎط ﻫﺎدف و ﻣﻨﺴﻖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼل اﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ اﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺢ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺬايت ﻟﻠﺤﻲ ﴐورة ﻣﺮة أﺧﺮى‪ .‬اﻷداء اﳌﺘﺪىن اﻟﻔﻌﲇ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ‪ ،‬و اﻟﴩﻃﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﺪي ﻣﻼﺑﺲ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺷﺎرﻛﺖ ﰲ ﻧﻬﺐ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت ﻟﱰوﻳﻊ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ .‬اﻟﻠﺠﺎن اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻷﺣﻴﺎء ﻇﻬﺮت ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﺒﻼد ﰲ ﻏﻀﻮن ﻟﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﺰل اﻟﻨﺎس ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻨﻬﻢ إﱃ اﻟﺸﻮارع ﰲ ﻇﻞ‬ ‫إﻧﻘﻄﺎع إرﺳﺎل اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﻮﻧﺎت اﳌﺤﻤﻮﻟﺔ و ﺣﺠﺐ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ‪ ،‬و ﻗﺎﻣﻮا ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺎط ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶ و ﻧﻈﻢ اﺗﺼﺎﻻت ﻓﻴام ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ أﺣﻴﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﴩﻃﺔ‬ ‫و ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﳌﻌﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺒﺎين اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻛام ﻫﻮ واﺿﺢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻮرة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﴩﺗﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ اﻹذاﻋﺔ اﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫)‪ .(BBC‬و ﺧﻼل اﻟﺜامﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﴩ ﻳﻮﻣﺎً ﻣﻦ اﻹﻋﺘﺼﺎم و‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺑﺈﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﺒﺎرك ﻣﻦ ﻋﲆ ﻋﺮش ﻣﴫ‪ ،‬وﺟﺪت‬ ‫ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺬايت‪ .‬دوﻟﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة اﺗﺤﺪت‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻫﺪف واﺣﺪ‪ ،‬متﺖ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻧﻈﺎم‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﳼ ﻳﺘﻬﺎوى‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺣﺪودﻫﺎ و إدارة‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﺔ و إدارة ﻟﻠﻨﻔﺎﻳﺎت و ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻮارع ذات‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﻤﺮاىن ﺑني ﺧﻴﺎم اﻟﺜﻮار‪ ،‬و أﺳﻮاق ﻏري رﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺒﻲ اﻹﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺪرس اﳌﺴﺘﻔﺎد ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮار ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻛﺎن درﺳﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺬاىت اﳌﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﰲ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺷﺒىك ﻣﺴﻄﺢ ﺑﺪﻻً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج ذو اﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ اﳌﺘﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻫﺮﻣﻴﺎً ﰱ اﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺟﺎء ﺳﻬﻼ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎن اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن‬ ‫إدارة ﺟﻤﻊ اﻟﻘامﻣﺔ ‪Waste Management .‬‬ ‫‪Image Courtesy of: Andrew Burton‬‬

‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري إﱃ اﻟﺘﻜﱡﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬أﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎم‬

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to complement each other, held equal respect for each member, and focused on a shared goal. As for self-governance, it brings the sort of flexibility that allows not just quick response, but immediate adaptation and its capacity to carry out complex, temporally extended plans. The difference between self-organization and self-governance is a difference in how the system as a whole manages its activity. Insufficient water and electricity grids or the lack of a gas network to cover the needs of the inhabitants of these areas are among several typical problems that informal areas such as Ard Liwa’ and other settlements developed without a coordinated urban plan suffer from. This is partly because these areas are either registered as farm, desert land or not recognized as residential. Added to this, there are no public hospitals or schools. Only private schools and community clinics exist to serve middle class. As for the poor majority they have to send their children far away to public schools in Muhandeseen or Imbaba. There are not even police stations or fire stations for emergencies. The existence of these critical issues over a long period of time and up until now is evident for the inadequacy of existing governance system to take care of these problems. In reaction to Communities with this inadequacy, have turned to solutions such as establishing new autonomous administrative entities. Ard Liwa’ is an example of autonomous administrative units that exists within the city of Cairo. An elected official of this popular (sha’bi) settlement elaborates on the autonomous nature of this area: Ard Liwa’ is an independent local unit. This settlement was originally a farm land within the village of Mu’tamidiya. People started to settle in this area during the 1970s. Ard Liwa’ is considered as a slum (’Ashwa’iyat) or self-made and unregistered residential neighborhood that encircles the business district of Al-Muhandeseen and merges with working class neighborhoods of

‘In traditional governance, planning is linear and the criterion for success is the attainment of policy goals. In a collaborative CAS, planning is nonlinear and the criterion for success is the realization of collective free action by the agents.’

‫ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺧﻄﻰ و ﻣﻌﻴﺎر اﻟﻨﺠﺎح‬، ‫’ﰲ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪي‬ ‫ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ‬. ‫ﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ أﻫﺪاف اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻏري ﺧﻄﻰ و ﻣﻌﻴﺎر اﻟﻨﺠﺎح‬، ‫اﳌﺮﻛﺐ اﳌﺘﻌﺎون‬ ‘‫ﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟامﻋﻲ ﺣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﻨﻈامت‬ 186

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From Change Control to Adaptation. Ahmad Borham


‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋني مبﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺆﻫﻼﺗﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﻜﻤﻠﻮا ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬و أﻇﻬﺮوا اﺣﱰام ﻣﺘﺴﺎوي ﻟﻜﻞ ﻋﻀﻮ‪ ،‬و رﻛﺰوا ﻋﲆ ﻫﺪف ﻣﺸﱰك‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺬايت ﻓﻘﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮوﻧﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﻺﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔ و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﻟﻔﻮرى‪ ،‬و اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺧﻄﻂ ﻣﻌﻘﺪة و ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮق ﺑني اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺬايت و اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺬايت ﻫﻮ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ إدارة اﻟﻨﻈﺎم ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻪ ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎىن اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ أرض اﻟﻠﻮاء و ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﻏﺎز أو ﺷﺒﻜﺎت ﻣﺎء و ﻛﻬﺮﺑﺎء ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﺴﻜﺎن و ﻫﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ اﻷﺧﺮى اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪة ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ و اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄت ﺑﺪون ﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎت ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﻘﺔ‪ .‬و ﻫﺬا ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫أن ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ أﺻﻼ ﻣﺴﺠﻠﺔ ﻛﺄراﴈ زراﻋﻴﺔ أو ﺻﺤﺮاوﻳﺔ أو ﻏري ﻣﻌﱰف ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﻬﺬا ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ أي ﻣﺪارس أو ﻣﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺪارس ﺧ���ﺻﺔ و ﻋﻴﺎدات ﺗﺨﺪم اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻸﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻘرية‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻴﻬﻢ إرﺳﺎل أﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﻢ إﱃ اﳌﺪارس اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪة‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳني أو إﻣﺒﺎﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ اﻳﻀﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﴍﻃﺔ و ﻻ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ إﻃﻔﺎء ﻟﻠﺤﺮاﺋﻖ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻻت اﻟﻄﺎرﺋﺔ‪ .‬إن وﺟﻮد ﻫﺬه اﳌﻮاﺿﻴﻊ اﻟﺤﺮﺟﺔ ﻟﻔﱰة ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗﺖ و ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن ﻫﻮ دﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻋﺪم ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ اﳌﺘﻮاﺟﺪ اﻵن ﻟﻺﻫﺘامم ﺑﻬﺬه اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ رد ﻓﻌﻞ ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﻋﺪم اﻟﻜﻔﺎﻳﺔ إﱃ ﺣﻠﻮل ﻣﺜﻞ إﻧﺸﺎء‬ ‫ﻛﻴﺎﻧﺎت إدارﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺘﱪ أرض اﻟﻠﻮاء منﻮذج ﻟﻠﻮﺣﺪات اﻹدارﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ داﺧﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮل ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ )أرض اﻟﻠﻮاء( ﻗﺎل ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺬايت ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ‪» :‬أرض اﻟﻠﻮاء‬ ‫ﻫﻲ وﺣﺪة ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ«‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﰱ اﻷﺻﻞ أرض زراﻋﻴﺔ داﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺔ »ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ«‪ .‬ﺑﺪأ اﻟﻨﺎس ﰲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺘﱪ‬ ‫أرض اﻟﻠﻮاء ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت أو ﺣﻲ ﺳﻜﻨﻲ ﻏري ﻣﺴﺠﻞ ﺗﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﻪ ذاﺗﻴﺎً ﻳﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻰ اﻟﺘﺠﺎري )اﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳني( و ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺑﺄﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﰲ إﻣﺒﺎﺑﺔ و ﻣﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﺒﺎدرة ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ أن اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻧﻈﻤﻮا أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‬ ‫ذاﺗﻴﺎ و أﻧﺸﺄوا وﺻﻠﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي ﺗﻌﱪ ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬و اﳌﺜري ﻟﻺﻫﺘامم‬ ‫أن اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ أﻛﻤﻠﺖ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ و أﻧﻬﺘﻪ ﰱ ﻣﺜﺎل ﻋﲆ اﻹﻋﱰاف مبﻨﻈﻤﺔ ذاﺗﻴﺔ ﻏري‬ ‫رﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﻣﻮﺿﻮع إدارة اﻟﻨﻔﺎﻳﺎت و اﳌﺮاﻓﻖ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬مبﺎ إﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫إدارة ﻧﻔﺎﻳﺎت ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ أو ﻧﻈﺎم ﺟﻤﻊ ﻗامﻣﺔ )ﻛام ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﰲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة(‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ« ﻫﻲ واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﺔ أﺣﻴﺎء ﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺗﺪوﻳﺮ اﻟﻨﻔﺎﻳﺎت ﺗﻜﻮن داﺋﺮة ﺣﻮل‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﰱ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺬايت ﻛﻮﻧﺖ اﻷﺳﺎس ﻟﻜﻞ ﺗﻄﻮر ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻧﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ‬

‫اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ أﻋﲆ إﱃ أﺳﻔﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻣﺴﻴﻄﺮة‪ .‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ‬ ‫مبﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺷﺒﻜﻴﺔ ﻣﱰاﺑﻄﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﻮزﻋﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺪود ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ و ﺳﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ‪ .‬أﻫﺪاف اﳌﻨﻈامت ﰲ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪي واﺿﺤﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺜﺎﱄ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪدة ‪ .‬أﻫﺪاف ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ اﻟﺘﻌﺎوىن ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة و ﻣﺘﻐرية‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪي ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺧﻄﻰ و ﻣﻌﻴﺎر اﻟﻨﺠﺎح ﻫﻮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ أﻫﺪاف اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ اﳌﺮﻛﺐ اﳌﺘﻌﺎون ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻏري ﺧﻄﻰ و ﻣﻌﻴﺎر اﻟﻨﺠﺎح ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟامﻋﻲ ﺣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﻨﻈامت‪ .‬ﰲ اﳌﺪى اﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﳌﺮوﻧﺔ ﺧﻠﻴﻂ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻬﺎ ﻛام ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﻣﻊ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ »ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ«‪ .‬ﻣﺜﺎل آﺧﺮ ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺘﻮازن‬

‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري إﱃ اﻟﺘﻜﱡﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬أﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎم‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻹﻧﺸﺎء ذاﺗﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺎم‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﺳﻜﺎن اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪.‬‬

‫‪The construction progress‬‬ ‫‪that was all self-organized by‬‬ ‫‪the residents of Mu’tamidiya.‬‬

‫‪ page on facebook‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﻳﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﻧﺎ ‪Source:‬‬

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Imbaba and Mit ’Uqba. It is to be considered a significant initiative in this area where the inhabitants self-organized and constructed a connection to the ring road that passes by the area. What’s interesting is that the government completed the works and finished it in an example of recognition of selforganized informal action. Concerning the issue of waste management and utilities, as there is no proper waste management or trash collection system (like most of Cairo), Mu’tamidiya is one of six recycling neighborhoods that form a ring around the city of Cairo. This mentality of self-organization forms the basis for every development in the informal settlements.

Emerging new process for governance

Traditional ideas about governance involve a top-down hierarchy under a single central controlling authority. In contrast, a CAS is characterized by interdependent network clusters under distributed control, with an open boundary and shared authority. The goals of agencies in traditional governance are ideally clear with defined problems. The goals in a collaborative CAS are various and changing. In traditional governance, planning is linear and the criterion for success is the attainment of policy goals. In a collaborative CAS, planning is nonlinear and the criterion for success is the realization of collective free action by the agents. In the long term, governance strategies for resilience may require a combination of strategies depending on the context such as the Mu’tamidiya case. Another example of this balance is evident in the underground market in the pedestrian underpass near the bosphorous in the area of Karaköy, Istanbul in Turkey where the municipality acknowledged the informal markets emerging in the underpass and organized it in a win-win situation where the state raised a valuable amount of money from renting this spot and mutually the vendors make use of the flow of tourists on their way to the bosphourus trip. In contrast, the vendors in Cairo, Egypt are chased by the police and treated violently as criminals and thugs, and in the end their products get kicked and thrown in the garbage. This emergent model of self-governance and self-organization experienced in liberation squares all-over Egypt during the first days of the revolution and before that for more than six decades within the informal settlements all around Cairo in response to incompetence and corruption of the political and governance system can be more resonant with effective approaches to adaptive management that enhance resilience for resource management than traditional government practices

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From Change Control to Adaptation. Ahmad Borham


‫واﺿﺢ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻮق اﳌﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ اﻷرض ﰲ ﻧﻔﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎة ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻮﺳﻔﻮر ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻛﺎراﻛﻮي ﰲ إﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل ﺑﱰﻛﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ اﻋﱰﻓﺖ اﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﻮاق‬ ‫ﻏري اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻔﻖ و ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل وﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺑﺢ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻧﺒني‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ اﺳﺘﻔﺎدت اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ اﳌﺎل ﻗﻴﻤﺔ اﺳﺘﺌﺠﺎر ﻫﺬا اﳌﻜﺎن و‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺒﺎدل ﻗﺎم اﻟﺒﺎﺋﻌﻮن ﺑﺎﻹﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﻟﺴﻴﺎح ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﻢ إﱃ رﺣﻠﺔ اﻟﺒﻮﺳﻔﻮر‪ .‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﺎﺋﻌﻮن ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة مبﴫ ﻣﻄﺎردون ﻣﻦ اﻟﴩﻃﺔ‬ ‫و ﻳﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﺑﻘﺴﻮة ﻛﺎﳌﺠﺮﻣني و اﻟﺒﻠﻄﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﰲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ رﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎﺗﻬﻢ و إﻟﻘﺎءﻫﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻘامﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﺬايت و اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺬايت و اﻟﺬي متﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺳﺎﺣﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻧﺤﺎء ﻣﴫ ﺧﻼل اﻷﻳﺎم اﻷوﱃ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺜﻮرة و ﻗﺒﻞ ذﻟﻚ ﻷﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﺔ ﻋﻘﻮد ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ردا ﻋﲆ ﻋﺪم ﻛﻔﺎءة و ﻓﺴﺎد اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ و اﻟﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن أﻛرث ﺻﺪى ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻹدارة اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ اﳌﺮوﻧﺔ ﰱ إدارة اﳌﻮارد أﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‬

‫ﺻﻮرة ﳌﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﰱ ذروة إﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت ‪ ,٢٠١١‬ﻣﺼﺪرﻫﺎ‬ ‫روﻳﱰز و ﻣﻀﺎف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ اﻻذاﻋﺔ اﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري إﱃ اﻟﺘﻜﱡﻴﻒ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ .‬أﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎم‬

‫‪Annotated photo from BBC (over Reuters photo) of Tahrir‬‬ ‫‪Square, Cairo at the height of the 2011 protests. Source: BBC.‬‬

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HOUSING AGAINST CITIZENSHIP. Post-Socialist Residential Development on the Case of Zlokukjani Settlement in Skopje. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska

‫ اﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬.‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‬ .‫اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ; ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ زﻟﻮﻛﻮﺟﺎين ﰲ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬


Jovan Ivanovski is an architect and a teaching assistant at the Faculty of Architecture in Skopje. He holds a Diploma in architecture from the Faculty of architecture in Skopje and a Master of Architecture from Dessau Institute of Architecture in Germany where he was a scholar of DAAD. He practiced architecture at offices in Germany and Switzerland. He is currently working on his PhD thesis on post-socialist transition and its influence on recent housing developments in Skopje. In 2006 and 2008 he was representing Republic of Macedonia on the Venice Biennale of Architecture. The project of 2006 - “Skopje City of Possible Worlds” - was mentioned by the official jury and later awarded the Big Annual Award of the Association of Architects of Macedonia. In June 2011, Jovan Ivanovski was curator of the Macedonian contribution at the 12th Prague Quadrennial of theatre and scene design and an author of the presentation at architectural section. Outside the academic field he is a cofounder and member of SCArS (Studio for Contemporary Architecture Skopje). Ana Ivanovska (1978) is an architect and a teaching assistant at the Faculty of Architecture in Skopje. She graduated at this Faculty in 2002 and finished her Master of Science studies in 2008. Currently she is working on her PhD thesis concerning the reevaluation of the architecture in Skopje built after the disastrous earthquake in 1963. Outside the academic field she is a co-founder and member of SCArS (Studio for Contemporary Architecture Skopje founded 2008). Within this studio, she took part in several architectural competitions, some of them awarded. In 2008 she was a part of the team that represented Macedonia at the XI Venice Bienale of Architecture with the project Metamak – Cutouts. ‫ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻋﲆ دﺑﻠﻮم اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ و ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘري اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ‬.‫ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك ﻣﻌامري وﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺗﺪرﻳﺲ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﲆ أﻃﺮوﺣﺔ دﻛﺘﻮراه ﺣﻮل ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬.‫ وﻗﺪ ﻣﺎرس اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﰲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ وﺳﻮﻳﴪا‬.DAAD ‫دﻳﺴﺎو ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ أﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎن ﺣﺎﺻﻼ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻨﺤﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ ﻣﴩوع ﻋﺎم‬.«‫ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻤﺜﻼ ﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻣﻘﺪوﻧﻴﺎ ﰲ »ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻌامرة‬٢٠٠٨ ‫ و‬٢٠٠٦ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬.‫اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ وﺗﺄﺛريﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻄﻮرات ﰲ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ‬ ‫ ﰲ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ‬.‫«ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ; ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻮامل اﳌﻤﻜﻨﺔ« ذﻛﺮﺗﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺤﻠﻔني اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ وﺗﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﻪ »اﻟﺠﺎﺋﺰة اﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى« ﻟﺮاﺑﻄﺔ اﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳني اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪوﻧﻴﺎ‬-٢٠٠٦ ‫ أﻣﺎ ﺧﺎرج اﳌﻴﺪان اﻷﻛﺎدميﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ‬.‫ ﻛﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك ﻣﻨﺴﻖ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻣﻘﺪوﻧﻴﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻮادرﻳﻨﺎﱄ ﺑﺮاغ اﻟﺜﺎين ﻋﴩ ﻟﻠﻤﴪح وﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﺴﺎرح وﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻣﻌﺮض ﰲ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻌامرة‬،٢٠١١ ‫ ﺗﺨﺮﺟﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ‬.‫( ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ وﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺗﺪرﻳﺲ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ‬١٩٧٨) ‫ أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬.‹‫ ›ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻌامرة اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬SCArS ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺲ وﻋﻀﻮ ﰲ‬ ‫ ﻛام ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﲆ أﻃﺮوﺣﺔ اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮراه ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﻋﺎدة ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ اﻟﺰﻟﺰال اﳌﺄﺳﺎوي اﻟﺬي وﻗﻊ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.٢٠٠٨ ‫ واﻧﻬﺖ دراﺳﺎت اﳌﺎﺟﺴﺘري ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬٢٠٠٢ ‫ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﺷﺎرﻛﺖ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬،‫ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﻻﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ‬.٢٠٠٨ ‫ ›ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻌامرة اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‹ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺄﺳﺲ ﻋﺎم‬SCArS ‫ ﺧﺎرج اﳌﻴﺪان اﻷﻛﺎدميﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﻣﺸﺎرك وﻋﻀﻮ ﰲ‬.١٩٦٣ . Metamak – Cutouts ‫ ﺷﺎرﻛﺖ ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺬي ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺪوﻧﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻌامرة اﻟﺤﺎدي ﻋﴩ ﺑـﻤﴩوع‬٢٠٠٨ ‫ ﰲ ���ﺎم‬.‫ وﻓﺎزت ﺑﺒـﻌﺾ ﻣﻨﻬـﺎ‬،‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺎﺑﻘﺎت اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬ opposite page: Villa Veneta, Skopje - Zlokukjani . ‫ زﻟﻮﻛﻮﺟﺎين‬- ‫ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ‬,‫ ﻓﻴﻠﻼ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺘﺎ‬:‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ‬ Source: panoramio.com/photo/26080066

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When Mohamed, the young Tunisian vendor set himself on fire at a public square in his home city in order to defend his dignity after a policeman confiscated his scales and slapped him in face, no one believed that his solitary act would initiate social protests on a global level. Nevertheless, millions of people supported his symbolic statement as a form of demonstration against his countries corrupt and dysfunctional political and economic system. A condition familiar in many Arab countries but also in many others elsewhere in the world. As result of this global social uprising, 2011 was a year where not only many dictators fell but the world entered into a search of a new “social contract” that will no longer bias the rich and powerful. Almost a quarter of a century ago, yet another symbolic act, the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 marked the beginning process of transition in the former communist countries. Shortly after, dramatic transformations of political, economic and social systems changed not only the geopolitical map of Europe but affected the urban realm and the life of millions of people. However, more than two decades after the abandonment of communism, the cities in the former Eastern Block countries are still in the process of transition. What was expected to be only a passage from one state to another, became in itself a state, a lasting condition. If cities themselves are spatial projection of society as Henri Lefebvre claimed, what kind of city is being produced in the state of CHANGE from socialist to post-socialist society; in the state of transformation from a planned to a market oriented economy? Is it possible to track how the social transformation is interlinked with the urban mutation and are there any distinctive architectural outcomes?

Post-socialist context

The process of (post-socialist) transition can be explained as simultaneous transformation of political, economic and social system of the country. It is a gradual process as it requires establishing new institutions, new organizations, new laws and new behavior of the various participants in the system. Political systems undergo transformation which is constitutional and institutional corresponding to the economic transformation that leads to the introduction of new property regime and new criteria of distribution and value. Establishment of market oriented economy is considered to be the leading societal transformation. Being interpreted as a more efficient way of organizing the production and exchange of goods, it is to substitute the previous system of central planning where the new legal framework must re-establish the principle of private property. Processes of privatization and restitution are supposed to lead to a massive transfer of assets and re-evaluation of property by the rules of emerging market. From a sociological point of view, “transition” can be defined as a particularly significant stage of societal development in which more and more external and/or internal difficulties hinder the reproduction of the social and economic environment that forms the basis of society. New economic and social conditions emerge to become generally dominant in due course. Whether rapidly or slowly, violently or peacefully, these new conditions determine how the new system of society will look”.1 1 Enyedi, G. 1998, Transformation in Central European Postsocialist Cities. In G. Enyedi (ed.) Social Change and Urban Restructuring in Central Europe., Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, p.9

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Housing Against Citizenship. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska


‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ أﺷﻌﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ‪ -‬اﻟﺒﺎﺋﻊ اﻟﺸﺎب اﻟﺘﻮﻧﴘ ‪ -‬اﻟﻨﺎر ﰲ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ اﺟﻞ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﻛﺮاﻣﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﺻﺎدر أﺣﺪ رﺟﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﴩﻃﺔ ﺑﻀﺎﻋﺘﻪ وﺻﻔﻌﻪ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻮﺟﻪ‪ ،‬مل ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ أﺣﺪ أن ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﳌﻨﻔﺮد ﺳﻴﺆدي إﱃ اﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺎﳌﻲ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪ أﻳﺪ اﳌﻼﻳني ﺗﴫﻓﻪ اﻟﺮﻣﺰي ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﱰاض ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﻔﺎﺳﺪ واﳌﺨﺘﻞ ﺑﺒﻠﺪه‪ ,‬وﻫﻮ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺄﻟﻮﻓﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وأﻳﻀﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪان ﻋﺪﻳﺪة أﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬مل ﻳﻘﺘﴫ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠١١‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﻘﻮط اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﻜﺎم‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ,‬وﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻋﺎم دﺧَﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﰲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ »ﻋﻘﺪ اﺟﺘامﻋﻲ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮن ﰲ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ اﻷﻏﻨﻴﺎء واﻷﻗﻮﻳﺎء ﻓﻘﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﻮاﱄ رﺑﻊ ﻗﺮن‪ ،‬ﺣﺪث ﺗﴫف رﻣﺰي آﺧﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ وﻫﻮ ﺳﻘﻮط »ﺟﺪار ﺑﺮﻟني« ﰲ اﻟﺜﺎين ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ ‪ ١٩٨٩‬إﻳﺬاﻧﺎ ﺑﺒﺪء ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﰲ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﱰة وﺟﻴﺰة ﻏريت اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت اﻟﻬﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺮﻳﻄﺔ اﻟﺠﻴﻮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻷوروﺑﺎ ﺑﻞ أﺛﺮت أﻳﻀﺎً‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﺤﴬي وﺣﻴﺎة اﳌﻼﻳني ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﺑﻌﺪ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺨﲇ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﺪن ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪان »اﻟﻜﺘﻠﺔ اﻟﴩﻗﻴﺔ«‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ زاﻟﺖ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎً أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ إﱃ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻫﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ وﻇﺮف داﺋﻢ‪ .‬إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫اﳌﺪن ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ إﺳﻘﺎط ﻓﺮاﻏﻲ وﻣﻜﺎين ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻛام ادﻋﻰ ﻫرني ﻟﻴﻔﻴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓام ﻫﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ وﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ إﻧﺘﺎﺟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ إﱃ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ؛ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻣﻦ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﳌﺨﻄﻂ إﱃ اﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺴﻮق اﳌﻔﺘﻮح؟ ﻫﻞ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ارﺗﺒﺎط اﻟﺘﺤﻮل‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﰲ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ وﻫﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ أﻳﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ ﻣﻤﻴﺰة ﻟﻬﺬا اﻻرﺗﺒﺎط؟‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎق ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬

‫ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴري ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻮل ﻣﺘﺰاﻣﻦ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻼد وﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈامت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة وﻗﻮاﻧني ﺟﺪﻳﺪة وﺳﻠﻮك ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛني ﰲ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‪ .‬ﻳﺨﻀﻊ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﻮل دﺳﺘﻮرﻳﺔ وﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆدي إﱃ اﺳﺘﺤﺪاث ﻧﻈﺎم ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ وﻣﻌﺎﻳري ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﻮزﻳﻊ‬ ‫واﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﻌﺘﱪ إﻧﺸﺎء اﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺴﻮق اﳌﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ اﻷﺳﺎﳼ‪ .‬وﻳﺤﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﺬي ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴريه ﻛﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻳﻨﺘﺞ‬ ‫وﺗﺒﺎدل اﻟﺴﻠﻊ ﻣﺤﻞ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺮﻛﺰي ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﲆ اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮين اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺒﺪأ اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺆدي ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ واﻟﺮد اﳌﻔﱰض أن ﺗﺆدي ﺗﻨﻘﻼت ﺿﺨﻤﺔ ﻟﻸﺻﻮل وإﻋﺎدة ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﳌﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎت ﺑﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺊ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامع‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ »اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ذات أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻔﱰض أن ﺗﺰداد ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎت اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔ واﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮق إﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ أﺳﺎس اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬وﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ .‬وﺗﺤﺪد ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ,‬ﺳﻮاء ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﴎﻳﻌﺔ أو ﺑﻄﻴﺌﺔ‪ ,‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺒﺪو اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ«‪ ١.‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻓﺌﺘني اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺘني‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻔﻘﺮ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة واﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺘني رﺋﻴﺴﻴﺘني اﻧﺒﺜﻘﺘﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎب اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻣﻦ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ إﱃ‬ ‫اﻗﺘﺼﺎد ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺰاﻳﺪ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎب اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻲ‪ .‬وﻳﻮﻟﺪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪,‬‬ ‫وﻳﻮﻟﺪ ﻇﺮوف ﻣﺆﺛﺮه ﻋﲆ ﺗﴫﻓﺎت اﻟﻔﺮد وﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﻀﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ‪) .‬ﻫﺎرﻟﻮ‪١٩٩٦ ،‬؛ ‪ ،Szelényi‬ﻋﺎم ‪.(١٩٩٦ ،١٩٧٨‬‬ ‫وﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻢ اﻹﺳﻬﺎم ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻮل اﳌﺪن ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ وﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﺛري اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‬ ‫واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻋﲆ إﻧﺘﺎج اﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻛام ﻳﺠﺐ اﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ آﻟﻴﺎت إﻧﺘﺎج »اﻟﻌامرة« ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎب اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي واﻷوﺿﺎع اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ اﻟﻨﺘﺎج اﳌﻌامري ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﻣﺘﻌﺎرﺿﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ وإﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ١‬اﻧﻴﺪي‪ ,‬ج‪ ,١٩٩٨ .‬اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت ﰲ ﻣﺪن وﺳﻂ أوروﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﰲ اﻧﻴﺪي‪ ,‬ج‪ .‬اﻟﺘﻐري اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ وإﻋﺎدة ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ اﻟﺤﴬ ﰲ أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪ ,‬ﺑﻮداﺑﺴﺖ‪ :‬أﻛﺎدميﻴﺎ ﻛﻴﺎدو‪ ,‬ص ‪٩‬‬

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‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬


The formation of two extreme social categories, the new poverty stratum and the new elite, are the two main groups that emerged from economic polarization as the transition from socialist to post-socialist economy has increased the social and spatial polarization. This divided conditions of the political and economic organization of society and social relations are further generating conditions where actions of individuals are influenced and that is what shapes the emerging urban sociospatial outcomes. (Harloe, 1996; Szelényi, 1978, 1996). In this context, the aim of this paper is to contribute to discussions on post-socialist transformation of cities and how political, economic and social Change are affecting the production of housing. The main focus of this paper is in revealing the mechanisms of how “architecture” is being produced in the relationship between socio-economic polarization and the given urban conditions. Furthermore, the paper will describe the architectural outcomes that are result of completely opposing processes of financing, planning, designing and production of architectural space.

Case Study Location Zlokukjani. ‫ زﻟﻮﻛﻮﺟﺎين‬.‫ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ‬ Source: Ivanovski, J. 2008, Decoding post-socialist transition on the case of Skopje – housing in the arena of private interest – emergence of new urban prototypes. © Jovan Ivanovski

City of Skopje as a case study

Within the patterns of post-socialist transformation of Macedonian cities, the capital city of Skopje should be observed as a single case. First, following the violent disintegration of Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, Republic of Macedonia emerged as an independent state in 1991. Likewise all other largest cities of the former Yugoslav republics, Skopje was upgraded from center of semiautonomous republic into a state capital city. In the dramatic theater of the re-born Balkan nation states, it immediately became symbol of the country’s political and economic power. Second, due to its rapid growth of population, the city is still in the center of a very intensive process of urbanization of its territory; Skopje today is a city that grows in its center, in its periphery, in its voids, even on top of itself. For several decades, the periphery of Skopje has been considered a territory where ethnically compact and socially underprivileged groups of population are “solving” their housing problems. Historically, these illegally constructed neighborhoods were erected by usurpation of state-owned land over which usually substandard buildings were constructed. “The period from the mid sixties to the end of the seventies was an “ideal” period for slum-isation of the city. This is the one of the most meaningful specifics which can rarely been seen in other cities with mixed population, regarding the nationality and religion, which will to a large extent determine the destiny of its reconstruction”. 2 In total, the fringes of the city are now considered to be welcoming 26 illegal settlements, many of them considered slums. 2

194

Aceski, I. 1996, Skopje Between Vision and Reality (Skopje Vizija i Realnost), Filozofski Fakultet, 280-300

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Housing Against Citizenship. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska


‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ‬

‫ﺿﻤﻦ أمنﺎط اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻟﻠﻤﺪن اﳌﻘﺪوﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﻔﺮدة‪ .‬أوﻻً‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮت ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪوﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺪوﻟﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٩١‬ﰲ أﻋﻘﺎب اﻟﺘﻔﻜﻚ اﻟﻌﻨﻴﻒ‬ ‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﻳﻮﻏﻮﺳﻼﻓﻴﺎ اﻻﺗﺤﺎدﻳﺔ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ«‪ .‬وﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﳌﺪن اﻟﻜﱪى‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺎت اﻟﻴﻮﻏﻮﺳﻼﻓﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬متﺖ ﺗﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﺷﺒﻪ ذاﺗﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ إﱃ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ دوﻟﺔ‪ .‬وأﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻓﻮرا ً رﻣﺰا ً ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺒﻼد وﺳﻂ اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﺪراﻣﻲ ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ دول‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻠﻘﺎن‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ، ،‬اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺰال ﰲ وﺳﻂ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﴬ ﻣﻜﺜﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮا ً ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎن‪ ,‬ﻓـﺴﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻨﻤﻮ ﰲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻫﺎ‪ ،‬وﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﻓﺮاﻏﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ وﺗﻨﻤﻮ ﻓﻮق ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻌﺪة ﻋﻘﻮد‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻲ إﻗﻠﻴام ﺗﻘﻮم ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻋﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻣﺠﺔ وﻣﺤﺮوﻣﺔ‬ ‫اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎ ﺑـﺤﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬـﺎ ﰲ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪ .‬وﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺄت ﻫﺬه اﻷﺣﻴﺎء ﺑﺼﻮرة‬ ‫ﻏري ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻏﺘﺼﺎب اﻷراﴈ اﳌﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ وﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﻣﺒﺎين ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫دون اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﻄﻠﻮب‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻔﱰة ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎت إﱃ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﺎت ﻓﱰة ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ إﱃ أﺣﻴﺎء ﻋﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﺬه واﺣﺪة‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﻷﻛرث وﺿﻮﺣﺎً اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎدر ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺪن أﺧﺮى‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺘﻮي ﻋﲆ ﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄني‪ ,‬ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ واﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺤﺪد إﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري ﻣﺼري إﻋﺎدة اﻹﻋامر‪ ٢.‬أﻣﺎ اﻵن ﻓـﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ‪ ٢٦‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺔ ﻏري ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﺗﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ٢‬اﺳﺴيك ي‪ ,.‬ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﺑني اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ واﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ , (Skopje Vizija i Realnost) ,‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ‪ ,‬ص‬ ‫‪٣٠٠ – ٢٨٠‬‬

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‫‪195‬‬

‫‪‘For several decades,‬‬ ‫‪the periphery of Skopje‬‬ ‫‪has been considered‬‬ ‫‪a territory where‬‬ ‫‪ethnically compact and‬‬ ‫‪socially underprivileged‬‬ ‫‪groups of population are‬‬ ‫‪“solving” their housing‬‬ ‫’‪problems.‬‬ ‫’ﻟﻌﺪة ﻋﻘﻮد‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬

‫ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻲ إﻗﻠﻴام ﺗﻘﻮم‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﻋﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻣﺠﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﺤﺮوﻣﺔ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎ ﺑـﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻬـﺎ ﰲ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن‪‘ .‬‬

‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬


The most fascinating of those illegal settlements is called Zlokukjani. This case study provides traces of socio-spatial juxtaposition where the urban edge of the city is now witnessing a contradictory situation. Next to the slum that was created by several historical sequences of development, the recent fabric of completely opposite origin was superimposed. Unusually, in closest proximity of the slum, a section of the farmland was replaced with a “walled” residential development. A gated community forming a unique case of ultimate spatial fragmentation and an extreme example of social division.

Two models of residential development: 1. Ghetto community

The slum of Zlokukjani is home to a total population of 670 residents distributed within 123 households. Most of the families generate their income by collecting and then reselling metal or cardboard materials and as much as 50 percent of the population earns its means by this way. More than 24 percent of the total population receives social help, only 19 percent are regularly employed, 15 percent are generating their incomes through bagging and as much as 3 percent of the population are financially supported by a family member that lives outside the country. The built form and fabric of the slum is simply a representation of the complex social circumstances described above. Those circumstances are reflected in the spatial structure of the slum which is very active in its day to day transformation. Negotiating of “property lines” between family members or close neighbors causes situation where we can’t identify a fixed housing typology. As the boundaries of usage become flexible and mutable, different types are constantly introduced and are continually undergoing reconfiguration. The dwellings are arranged in such physical proximity that every spatial decision is negotiated and must end with an agreement. The ultimate result is flexibility of the built form that represents change of spatial interest for the inhabitants. Shanties are an abstract form of architecture and as they are dressed only with recycled materials, there is no false appearance. There are neither ambitious nor revolutionary attempts to create something unique. Under the envelope of reused cardboards a variety of social situations are ongoing and that is directly reflected in the space. The informality prevails and every possible alternative to reuse something is seized. Initiated by discovery of new material artifacts that are to be found on the streets, dynamic typological configurations of the residences are constantly reproduced. The top

196

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Housing Against Citizenship. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska


‫أروع ﻫﺬه اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت ﻏري اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻤﻰ زﻟﻮﻛﻮﺟﺎين واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻨﺎوﻟﻬـﺎ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﻌﻘﺐ آﺛﺎر اﻟﺘﺠﺎور اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﳌﻜﺎين‪ ,‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻵن وﺿﻌﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎً ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮض ﻧﺴﻴﺞ ﻋﻤﺮاين ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ متﺎﻣﺎ وﻣﻌﺎﻛﺲ ﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄت ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻷراﴈ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﻼﺻﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ وﺗﺤﻮﻳﻠﻬﺎ إﱃ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ »ﻣﺴﻮرة« وﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻐﻠﻖ‪ .‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻄﻮر ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺰﺋﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻴﺔ وﻣﺜﺎﻻً ﺻﺎرﺧﺎً ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪.‬‬

‫منﻮذﺟﺎن ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪-١‬ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت‬

‫ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪد اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﻘﻴﻤني ﰲ ﻋﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ زﻟﻮﻛﻮﺟﺎين ‪ ٦٧٠‬ﻟﻌﺪد ‪ ١٢٣‬أﴎة‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺤﻮ ‪ ٥٠‬ﰲ اﳌﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻣﻮاردﻫﺎ اﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑـﺠﻤﻊ وﺑﻴﻊ اﳌﻌﺎدن أو‬ ‫ﻣﻮاد اﻟﻜﺮﺗﻮن‪ .‬وﻳﺘﻠﻘﻰ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢٤‬ﰲ اﳌﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮع اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺣني ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺤﻮ ‪ ١٩‬ﰲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ‪ .‬ﻛام ﻳﻮﻟﺪ ‪ ١٥‬ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن دﺧﻠﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻞء اﻷﻛﻴﺎس‪ ,‬وﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻧﺤﻮ ‪ ٣‬ﰲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﻋﲆ أﺣﺪ أﻓﺮاد اﻷﴎة ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺒﻼد‪ .‬وﺗﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺔ متﺜﻴﻼً ﻟﻠﻈﺮوف اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﻘﺪة اﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﺔ أﻋﻼه‪ .‬ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻈﺮوف ﰲ اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻت‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة اﻟﻨﺸﻄﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻮم‪ .‬ﻳﺆدي اﻟﺘﻔﺎوض اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ ﺧﻄﻮط اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺑني أﻓﺮاد اﻷﴎة اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة أو ﻣﻊ اﻟﺠريان إﱃ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﺼﻌﺐ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺿﻮح‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ »ﻧﻮع« اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺧﻄﻮط اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﺮﻧﺔ وﻣﺘﺤﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﺗﻨﺘﺞ أﻧﻮاع ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﻦ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮة‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ اﳌﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺘﻘﺎرﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ وﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻔﺎوض ﻋﲆ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺮار ﻓﺮاﻏﻲ واﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﱃ اﺗﻔﺎق ﻣﺸﱰك‪ .‬واﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺮوﻧﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ متﺜﻞ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ اﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎن‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮد اﻷﻛﻮاخ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامرة‪ ,‬وﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻘﻂ اﳌﻮاد اﳌﻌﺎد‬ ‫ﺗﺪوﻳﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ أي ﻣﻈﻬﺮ زاﺋﻒ‪ ,‬ﻓﻼ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺤﺎوﻻت ﻃﻤﻮﺣﺔ وﻻ ﺛﻮرﻳﺔ ﻟﺨﻠﻖ ﳾء ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻏﻄﺎء ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﺎرﺗﻮن اﳌﻌﺎد اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮي ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮاﻗﻒ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﺒﺎﴍ ًة ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮاغ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﻮد اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﻌﺸﻮايئ وﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﻐﻼل ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻹﻋﺎدة‬ ‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﳾء ﻣﺎ وﺗﻌﺎد ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﺎت وأمنﺎط اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاد واﳌﻜﻮﻧﺎت اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﻌﺜﻮر ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺸﻮارع‪ ,‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤﻮل ﺳﻘﻒ ﺳﻴﺎرة ﻗﺪميﺔ إﱃ ﺳﻘﻒ دورة اﳌﻴﺎه اﳌﻮﺟﻮدة ﺑـﺎﻟﻔﻨﺎء‪,‬‬ ‫أو ﻳﺘﺤﻮل ﺑﺮواز ﺑﺎب ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﺈﻃﺎر ﻟﻠﻨﺎﻓﺬة‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ﺗﻄﻮر وﺗﺤﻮل اﻷﴎة‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻄﻮر اﳌﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﻣﺘﺰاﻣﻨﺔ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ واﻟﺘﻘﻠﺺ‪ .‬اﳌﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﻨﻬﺎيئ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺰل ﺗﻮﻟﺪه ﻋﻔﻮﻳﺔ اﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎس‪ ,‬وﻋﲆ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺴﺘﻮى‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻐري‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺮؤ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬اﻟﻌامرة‪.‬‬

‫‪ -٢‬اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﺴﻮر‬

‫إﱃ ﺟﻮار ﻫﺬا اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎن اﻷﻛرث ﻋﺰﻟﺔ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ »ﺣﻲ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ متﺎﻣﺎً‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻻﺣﻆ ﻣﻄﻮر ﺧﺎص اﳌﻮﻗﻒ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮين‬ ‫وﻇﺮوف اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻏري اﻟﻮاﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻷراﴈ اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺠﺎورة‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت‪ ,‬وﻗﺮر اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ اﻷراﴈ‬ ‫اﻟﺰراﻋﻴﺔ إﱃ أرض ﺑﻨﺎء وﻗﺎم ﺑﺒﻨﺎء ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺳﻜﻨﻲ »ﻟﻠﻨﺨﺒﺔ« ﻳﻀﻢ ‪١٦‬‬ ‫وﺣﺪة ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺴﻮرة وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻓﻴﻼت ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬

‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﳌﺘﺼﺎرع ‪Conflicting Realities.‬‬ ‫‪Ivanovski, J. 2008, Decoding post-socialist transition on the‬‬ ‫‪case of Skopje – housing in the arena of private interest – emer‬‬‫‪gence of new urban prototypes. © Jovan Ivanovski‬‬

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‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬


part of an old car becomes a roof for the yard toilet and an old door casing is rotated and reused as a window frame. Household shifts and so does the dwelling, in the processes of simultaneous growth and shrinking. The final appearance of house is generated spontaneously by the very basic needs of people. At this level and on this small scale, we dare to call it, architecture.

2. Gated community

Next to the residential landscape of the most socially excluded population, an entirely new “neighborhood” was erected. The section of the farmland nearby the slum became attractive to a private developer who recognized the blurred ownership and legislative circumstances in which this territory was found and decided to capitalize on them. By converting the agricultural into construction land, the private developer managed to build an “elite” residential complex comprising 16 housing units. A walled area constituted by independent villas where zoning and architectural design were accomplished by an integrally-organized project. The elite neighborhood of Zlokukani is promoted to be a haven of safety, privacy and lifestyle, qualities of life that are supposedly missing outside. In the transitional nomenclature of “winners” and “losers” in the society, the post-socialist elite or the “nouveau rich” are considered to be “the one who succeed” as they managed to capitalize from the transformation of the political and economic system. Their main cultural performance is rooted in their desire to live “differently than the others”. As a direct opposite to the communist model of social equality, the paradigm of the “nouveau rich” can be related to the desire for individual importance, social status and dominantly to the presentation of their materialistic achievements. The public presentation of their wealth status to the rest of society is one of their most favorable tasks which they usually achieve by possession of universal symbols of status represented as luxurious cars and particularly, expensive single family houses. By all means, the growth of a detached single family housing is one of the most distinctive forms of building activities produced by this post-socialist elite; the house as a materialization of their ambitions to express their social position by means of material and aesthetic terms. Architecture in this context could be understood as memorial to the economic power gained by the unclear rules of transition. The appearances of the buildings express this contradiction very well. Compared to the houses of the former socialist elites which were small in size and disciplined in their appearance, today’s “nouveau riche” want to live in super-sized volumes of “recognizable” flamboyant architecture. The stylistic preferences usually follow two categories: either an admiration of the past architectural styles or a more “international” direction materialized in “the more the merrier” post-modern baroque. Unlike the minimal or even non existent security that was case with the housing of socialist elite, the “nouveau riche” prefer living surrounded by fences as well as covered by close circuit television security systems. The most distinctive spatial element of the exclusive settlement is the protective wall. The barrier is an instrument of guarding the occupied land against the neighboring poor. As this exclusive settlement is staffed by private security guards, the wall is more a guarantee against interruptions in the “private” territory rather than being a mechanism of security. There is a controlled entrance in the settlement which leads to small network of streets that are surrounding a small park and two mini lakes. The outer congestion of real socio-spatial “wilderness” is substituted with construction of an interior “world” based

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Housing Against Citizenship. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska


‫ﺗﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﴩوع ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬وﺗﻢ اﻟﱰوﻳﺞ ﻟﺤﻲ زﻟﻮﻛﻮﺟﺎين اﻟﻨﺨﺒﻮي ﻋﲆ أﻧﻪ ﻣﻼذا ً ﻟﻠﺴﻼﻣﺔ واﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ وأﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‪ ،‬وﻫﻲ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻔﱰض أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻔﻘﻮدة ﰲ اﻟﺨﺎرج‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﺘﺴﻤﻴﺎت اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ »ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺋﺰﻳﻦ« و »اﻟﺨﺎﴎﻳﻦ« ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻧﺨﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ متﻜﻨﺖ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻮل اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ .‬وﻳﻜﻤﻦ أداﺋﻬﺎ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ﰲ اﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ »ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ اﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ«‪ .‬ﻛﻨﻤﻮذج ﻣﻌﺎﻛﺲ ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎواة اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ اﻹﻃﺎر اﻟﻔﻜﺮي ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج ﺑﺄﻧﻪ اﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﺳﺎﳼ ﰲ‬ ‫أﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺮد واﻟﻮﺿﻊ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ وﻋﺮض اﻹﻧﺠﺎزات اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ اﻫﺘامﻣﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﳌﻔﻀﻠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮض اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻮﺿﻌﻬﻢ اﳌﺎدي وﺛﺮواﺗﻬﻢ أﻣﺎم ﺑﻘﻴﺔ أﻓﺮاد‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ واﻟﺬي ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺎد ًة ﺑﺤﻴﺎزة اﻟﺮﻣﻮز اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻟﻠرثوة ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات اﻟﻔﺎﺧﺮة وﳌﻨﺎزل اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﻜﻞ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺎن منﻮ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ اﻷﴎة اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة‬ ‫اﳌﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ أﺣﺪ أﻫﻢ اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﻤﻴﺰة ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎء اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﺠﻬﺎ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ؛ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﳌﻨﺰل ﺗﺠﺴﻴﺪ ﻟﻄﻤﻮﺣﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻌﺒري‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻬﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺠامﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌامرة ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﻴﺎق ميﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺎر ﻟﻠﻘﻮة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ اﳌﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ ﺑﻘﻮاﻋﺪ ﻏري‬ ‫واﺿﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﱪ أﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﺒﺎين ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺟﻴﺪة ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻮت اﻟﻨﺨﺐ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﻐرية‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺠﻢ ﻣﻨﻀﺒﻄﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻈﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن ﻣﻨﺎزل اﻟﻴﻮم ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑـﺄﺣﺠﺎم ﻋﻤﻼﻗﺔ ﻻﻣﻌﺔ وﺻﺎرﺧﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﺎدة ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﺤﴫ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻼت اﻟﻄﺮز ﻣﺎﺑني ﻃﺮازﻳﻦ ﻫام‪:‬‬ ‫إﻣﺎ إﻋﺠﺎب ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮز اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ أو اﺗﺠﺎه »دوﱄ« ﻣﻦ »ﺑﺎروك« ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻓﺎً ﻟﻘﻠﺔ أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺪم وﺟﻮد اﻷﻣﻦ اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎن ميﻴﺰ إﺳﻜﺎن‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ اﻻﺷﱰايك‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻀﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﳌﺤﺎﻃﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﻮار‪ ،‬وﺗﻐﻄﻴﻬﺎ ﺑـﺄﻧﻈﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻌﻨﴫ اﻷﻛرث متﻴﺰا ً ﻟﻬﺬه اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻮ اﻟﺠﺪار اﻟﺤﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬اﻟﺠﺪار أداة ﻟﺤﺮاﺳﺔ اﻷراﴈ اﳌﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﺿﺪ اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء اﳌﺠﺎورﻳﻦ‪ .‬ومبﺎ أن ﻫﺬه اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺮاﺳﺔ أﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪار ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺿامﻧﺎً ﻟﻌﺪم ﺣﺪوث ﺗﻌﺪي ﻋﲆ ﻣﺠﺎل اﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﻨﴫ ﺗﺄﻣني‪ .‬ﻳﺆدي اﳌﺪﺧﻞ اﳌﺤﻜﻢ ﻟﻬﺬا اﳌﻨﺘﺠﻊ إﱃ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﺗﻔﺎوﺗﺎت ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ‪Urban Disparities.‬‬ ‫‪Ivanovski, J. 2008, Decoding post-socialist transition on the case of Skopje – housing in the arena‬‬ ‫‪of private interest – emergence of new urban prototypes. © Jovan Ivanovski‬‬

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‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬


on exclusion. Rather than experiencing the real one that is just outside, members of the emerging elite are enjoying a fake, constructed landscape of “wilderness” of artificial lakes, limestone covered pathways and small wooden bridges. Architecture pops up somewhere in between being the last high resolution detail of this “strumph” urbanism. The overall image is sold on cover pages of real estates magazines that are to be found elsewhere in the world. With multiple associations and “meanings” that are borrowed from the past styles, this architecture is the most recent revival of the conflict against the “anonymity of boxes”. In the effort to contextualize that resistance the architecture tries to employ as many motifs from local building traditions, a step that is supposed to be a certain grant for identity. Using historic forms that are materialized through different materials, the building becomes a billboard of re-usage of styles. A row of columns that is next to a set of traditional windows that are under the scaled version of a renaissance dome on top of which a satellite dish receiver is installed; a hyper decorated hut is the materialized outcome of hybridization of ambitions. Rather than being materialization of objects of use as it is in the neighboring ghetto, architecture in the walled paradise is substance of consumption! The main purpose of this architecture rendered in stone and bricks is to last, similarly like its owners wish to last too. The city of Skopje as an investigation field proves that private interest is increasingly changing the built environment of the city. Over the current physical condition that is an outcome of urban discontinuities, Skopje’s urban growth is unparalleled compared to any other city in the country. Historic urban legacy in combination with the emergent forces of the post-socialist

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‘Gated community as a model of residential development is such a trend of usurpation of territory towards privatization of urban services, increasing fragmentation, social polarization, and reduced solidarity with the rest of urban society’

,‫’ﻳﻌﺘﱪ منﻮذج اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﻐﻠﻖ‬ ‫ اﺣﺪ‬,‫ﻛﻨﻤﻮذج ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫أﻫﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻌﺒريﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻻﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻷراﴈ ﰲ ﺧﺼﺨﺼﺔ‬ ‫ وزﻳﺎدة‬،‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻔﺘﺖ واﻻﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎب اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‬ ‫واﻧﺨﻔﺎض اﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ‬ ‘.‫أﻓﺮاد اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺤﴬي‬

Housing Against Citizenship. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska


‫اﻟﺸﻮارع اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺤﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﺻﻐرية وﺑﺤريﺗني ﺻﻐريﺗني‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﺒﺪال اﻻزدﺣﺎم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻲ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ اﻟﺤﺎدث ﰲ اﻟﺨﺎرج ﺑﺒﻨﺎء ﻋﺎمل داﺧﲇ‬ ‫ﺧﺎص ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﲆ إﻗﺼﺎء اﻵﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻲ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة مبﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ زاﺋﻔﺔ وﺑﺤريات اﺻﻄﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﺴﺎرات ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺠﺮ اﻟﺠريي وﺟﺴﻮر ﺧﺸﺒﻴﺔ ﺻﻐرية‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻈﻬﺮ اﻟﻌامرة ﻛﺄﺧﺮ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺮان اﻟﻘﻮة واﳌﻜﺎﻧﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺼﻮرة اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﺎت اﻟﻐﻼف ﳌﺠﻼت اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات اﳌﻮﺟﻮدة ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬وﻣﻊ اﺳﺘﻌﺎرات اﳌﻌﺎين واﻟﺮﻣﻮز ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮز اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﺗﺘﺤﻮل ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻌامرة إﱃ اﺣﺪث إﺣﻴﺎء ﻟﻠﴫاع ﺿﺪ »اﳌﺒﺎين ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﺔ اﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ«‪ .‬وﰲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎق‪ ,‬ﺗﺤﺎول ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌامرة ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ أﻛﱪ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ وﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻌامرة اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ,‬وﻫﻲ ﺧﻄﻮة ﻳﻔﱰض أﻧﻬﺎ ﺿامن ﻟﻠﻬﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎين وﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺘﻐري اﳌﻮاد اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‪,‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤﻮل اﳌﺒﺎين إﱃ ﻟﻮﺣﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺮز اﻟﻘﺪميﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﺪوﻳﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﲇ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل ﻧﺠﺪ ﺻﻒ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻋﻤﺪة ﺑﺠﻮار ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺒﺎﺑﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﺒﺔ ﻣﺼﻐﺮة ﻣﻦ ﻋﴫ اﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ وﻣﺜﺒﺖ أﻋﻼﻫﺎ ﻃﺒﻖ اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل اﻷﻗامر اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻛﻮخ ﻣﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺈﻓﺮاط ﻫﻮ ﻧﺘﺎج ﻣﺎدي ﻣﻦ ﺗﻬﺠني اﻟﻄﻤﻮﺣﺎت‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻻً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﺗﺠﺴﻴﺪ أوﺟﻪ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻛام اﻟﺤﺎل ﰲ اﻟﻌﺸﻮاﺋﻴﺎت اﳌﺠﺎورة‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ »اﻟﺠﻨﺔ« اﳌﺴﻮرة ﻫﻲ ﻣﺎدة اﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔ‪ ,‬ﻓﺎﻟﻐﺮض اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌامرة اﳌﺸﻴﺪة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻮب واﻟﺤﺠﺮ ﻫﻲ اﻟﺒﻘﺎء‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ ﻫﻲ رﻏﺒﺔ ُﻣﻼﻛﻬﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻛﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ودراﺳﺔ أن اﻫﺘامم اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﺨﺎص ﻳﻐري ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪ اﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﺤﴬي ﰲ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﻮﺑﻴﺎ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﺄي ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ أﺧﺮى ﰲ اﻟﺒﻼد ﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺜﻐﺮات ﺣﴬﻳﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ‪ .‬أدى اﻹرث اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬي ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ إﱃ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﺤﴬي‪ .‬إن ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻳﺘﺠﺎوز اﻷﺷﻜﺎل واﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻳﺤﺪث ﻋﲆ ﻛﻞ اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ إﱃ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‪ ,‬وﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﺒﺎدرات اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ أي ﻧﻈﺎم ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‪ .‬وﺗﺼﺒﺢ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺻﻐرية ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﺗﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺑﻬﺎ اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎق‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﳌﻌﺎﴏة ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم اﳌﺴﺎواة ﰲ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﻀﻊ ﻗﻄﺎع اﻹﺳﻜﺎن إﱃ درﺟﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ وأﺻﺒﺢ ﺳﻠﻌﺔ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻫﻈﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬أﺻﺒﺢ ﺳﻮق اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ِ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻂ إﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒري ﻋﻘﺐ اﻟﺰﻳﺎدة ﰲ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ اﳌﺴﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ أﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﺨﺎص‬ ‫ﻋﲆ ﺗﻮﻓري اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﻌﻘﻮﺑﺔ ﺑـﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﻗﻄﺎع اﻟﺒﻨﺎء أﺳﻬﻤﺖ ﰲ إﻋﺎدة ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ وﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺑﺸﻜﻞ رﺋﻴﴘ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي‪ ,‬ﻓﺎن‬ ‫اﻻﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻜﺎن ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻷﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﺘﺞ منﺎذج ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ وﻣﺘﻌﺪدة ﻣﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺪة‪ ,‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎرﺛﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﻌﺘﱪ منﻮذج اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﻐﻠﻖ‪ ,‬ﻛﻨﻤﻮذج ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪ ,‬اﺣﺪ أﻫﻢ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺘﻌﺒريﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻻﺗﺠﺎه‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻷراﴈ ﰲ ﺧﺼﺨﺼﺔ اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وزﻳﺎدة اﻟﺘﻔﺘُﺖ واﻻﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎب اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻧﺨﻔﺎض اﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ أﻓﺮاد اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬي‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﳌﻐﻠﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﺟﻴﻮب ﻣﺎدﻳﺔ واﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﺨﺘﺒﺊ ﺧﻠﻒ ﻃﻠﺐ اﻷﻣﻦ‪ ,‬وﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛري ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ ورأس اﳌﺎل اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ‪ ،‬أن ﻗﺮار اﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﻮى ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻫﻴﺒﺔ وﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ومنﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎة‪ ,‬وأﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ اﺣﺘﻴﺎج ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﻮق اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻟﻠﺠﺪران ﻟﻠﺤامﻳﺔ ﰲ وﻗﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم اﻟﻮﺿﻮح ﺑﺎﻟﻈﺮوف اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﰲ اﻟﺨﺘﺎم‪ ،���ﻓﺎن اﻻﻧﻌﺰال اﳌﺎدي ﻋﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻀﺎد وﻣﺘﻀﺎرب ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺘﻀﺎرب ﻣﻊ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ ﻛﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻲ أﺳﺎﳼ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﴬ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ أﻧﻪ رمبﺎ ﻳﻨﺠﺢ ﰲ ﺟﻌﻞ اﻷﻓﺮاد واﻷﴎ ﺗﺸﻌﺮ أﻛرث أﻣﻨﺎً ومتﻴُﺰا ً‪ ،‬إﻻ أن اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﻐﻠﻖ اﳌﺴﻮر ﻫﻮ ﻣﺜﺎل واﺿﺢ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻘﻮى اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﻔﺘﺘﺔ‬ ‫واﳌﺪﻣﺮة واﻟﺘﻲ ﻇﻬﺮت ﰲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺰة ﻋﲆ أﺳﺲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺪﺧﻞ‪ ،‬واﻷﺻﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬وﻛام اﺳﺘﻨﺘﺠﺖ ﺟني‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻛﻮﺑﺲ‪» ،‬أﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﺼﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ إﱃ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‪ ،‬إﺿﻔﺎء اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﳌﺆﺳﴘ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﳌﻜﺎين‪ .‬وإن اﺳﺘﻤﺮ إﱃ أﺟﻞ ﻏري ﻣﺴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎ‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﻀﺎرة«‬

‫‪ ٣‬دﻳﻠﻮن د‪ ,١٩٩٤ ,.‬ﻗﻠﻌﺔ اﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ,‬ﻣﺠﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‪ ,‬ﻫﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪..‬‬

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‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬


CHANGE led to a process of rapid rewriting of the urban form. The development of new urban substance goes beyond the traditional forms and concepts of the city. The transformation takes place on every level and on every scale, from territorial to architectural. City substance is most likely produced by individual initiatives rather than by any coherent system of planning. Urban territories became pixelized fields affected by private ownership. In the context of the contemporary circumstances of inequality of the socio-spatial structure, the housing sector has been subject to a significant deregulation where a dwelling has become a costly economic commodity. Residential real estate market has become considerably active following the increased construction of new housing. Domination of the private, developer-built housing supply followed by the privatization of the construction sector has contributed to the dramatic reorganization of the housing industry. Parallel to that, alternative strategies of housing supply emerge being particularly interesting because they produce diversity of experiences with unique urban outcomes that could be potentially disastrous consequence for the future of the city. Gated community as a model of residential development is such a case, reflecting the global trend of usurpation of territory towards privatization of urban services, increasing fragmentation, social polarization, and reduced solidarity with the rest of urban society. Masked behind the need for security, the walled settlement is actually a type of physical and social enclave that has negative effect on the development of urban communities and the overall social capital. Obviously, it is only a question of prestige, status and lifestyle that plays a major role in ones decision to live in this kind of settlement rather than the thought that socio-economic supremacy in the time of absolute social uncertainty needs walls as protection. To conclude, the physical isolation from the city contradicts the urban freedom and consequently the citizenship understood as a socially essential form of urbanity. And although it probably succeeds in making individuals and families feel safer and privileged, gated community is an obvious example of the devastating social forces of fragmentation that emerged in the post-socialist transition, established along the lines of income, ethnicity, and politics. As Jane Jacobs concluded, “It’s a gang way of looking at life, the institutionalization of turf. And if it goes on indefinitely, and gets intensified, it practically means the end of civilization.” 3

3 Dillon, D. 1994, Fortress America, Planning Magazine, American Planning Association

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Housing Against Citizenship. Jovan Ivanovski and Ana Ivanovska


Chronology of Spatial Transformation . ‫اﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴﻞ اﻟﺰﻣﻨﻰ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻮل اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻰ‬ Ivanovski J. 2008, Decoding post-socialist transition on the case of Skopje – housing in the arena of private interest – emergence of new urban prototypes, Master Thesis submitted at Anhalt University of Applied Sciences - Dessau Institute of Architecture. © Jovan Ivanovski

‫ ﻳﻮﻓﺎن اﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴيك و أﻧﺎ إﻳﻔﺎﻧﻮﻓﺴﻜﺎ‬.‫اﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﺿﺪ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﺔ‬

1990

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2010

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203

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HOMELESS. Dina Magdy

‫ﺑﻼ ﻣﺄوى‬


Dina Magdy is an architect and designer from Cairo. She graduated from the faculty of Engineering, Ain-Shams University in 2005 and later she completed a professional program for project management at the American University in Cairo. From 2006 till 2010, she has collaborated with the Architecture & Urban Planning Bureau, Archplan, Prof. Dr. Ayman Ashour, in Cairo. And currently she is collaborating with the real-estate properties sector, architectural and construction supervision department, at the Housing and Development Bank in Cairo. .‫دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺪى ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﻣﻌامرﻳﺔ وﻣﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ ٢٠٠٥ ‫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻋني ﺷﻤﺲ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬،‫ﺗﺨﺮﺟﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ‬ ‫وأمتﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ إدارة اﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻊ ﰲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣريﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﻣﻊ‬،٢٠١٠ ‫ وﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎم‬٢٠٠٦ ‫ ﺗﻌﺎوﻧﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ ‫أميﻦ‬.‫ د‬،«‫ »أرﻛﺒـﻼن‬،‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬ ‫ و ﺗﺘﻌﺎون ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﻣﻊ ﻗﻄﺎع اﻟﻌﻘﺎرات‬.‫ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬،‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮر‬ ‫ ﰲ ﺑﻨﻚ‬،‫واﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﺑـﺈدارة اﻹﴍاف ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬ .‫اﻟﺘﻌﻤري واﻹﺳﻜﺎن ﰲ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬

Homeless man Hand-written quotations. Original photos by: Dina Magdy

‫ﻣﺨﻄﻮﻃﺎت ﺑﻴﺪ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺑﻼ ﻣﺄوى‬

“Egyptian only by name. I do not know Egyptians or Egypt and I wouldn’t care to do; since some people’s acts may drive one to hate his own home and fellows.”

‫ ﻓﺎﻻﻓﻌﺎل ﺗﺼﻴﺐ‬.‫ اﻧﻨﻰ ﻻ اﻋﺮف اﳌﴫﻳﻮن و ﻻ اﻋﺮف ﻣﴫ و ﻻ اﻫﺘﻢ‬.‫»ﻣﴫى اﺳامً ﻓﻘﻂ‬ .«‫اﻻﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﻜﺮاﻫﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻦ و اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني‬

205

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“There’s always a place; Where one can start over”; he said. A place where one can serve… can live… He wondered; “To whom you belong, And what reason got you here?” Doubting that some people still feel… still care… Well… everyday… I pass this way… Seemed you’ve been here forever… He smiles, generously invites, And tells stories about life… “Being here, granted a chance; found a purpose for existence…” Some days… he could relieve; and days… has willingly helped. other nights, he needed a hand, but no one… has ever lent… Lonely… as he may appear; It’s him… who’s always there. I thought: So let me help… Why... don’t you accept? “Thank you, I’m not in need, and that… won’t change a thing” Insisted: Then let me help. Help… my soul revive. Still refuse to believe? Refuse to believe in others again? Reject… to let anyone in? deep; where there’s much pain… Then… he’s touched inside, Smiled. But still repeats: “Miss… it won’t change a thing, So please… just forget”

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Homeless. Dina Magdy


‫»د َِامئﺎً ُﻫ َﻨ َﺎك َﻣﻜَﺎن ُ ْمي ِﻜﻦ ﻟِﻼﻧ َْﺴﺎن‪...‬‬ ‫أَ ْن ﻳَﺒْﺪَأ ِﻓﻴﻪ ِﻣﻦ َﺟ ِﺪﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻳَﻌﻴﺶ ِﻣﻦ أ ْﺟﻞِ اﻵﺧَﺮﻳﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫آي ِﻣﻨ ُﻬﻢ ﺗَ ْﻨﺘَﻤني؟‪َ ...‬وﻣﺎذا ﺗ ِ‬ ‫ُﺮﻳﺪﻳﻦ؟«‬ ‫َوﻟَ ِﻜﻦ‪ ،‬اﱄ ﱟ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﻟَﻢ ﻳُ َﺼﺪﱢق أﻧﱠﻪ ﻻ َﺳﺒَ َﺐ ﺳ َﻮي اﻻِﻧ َْﺴﺎن‪.‬‬ ‫َرﻏْﻢ اﻧ َْﺴﺎﻧِ ﱠﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟَﻢ ﻳُ َﺼﺪﱢق‪...‬‬ ‫أ ﱠن اﻟﺒَ ْﻌ َﺾ َﻣﺎزَاﻟُﻮا ﻳَﺸْ ُﻌ ُﺮون‪...‬‬ ‫أ ﱠﻣﺎ أَﻧﺎ ﻓﺄ ُﻣ ﱡﺮ ُﻫﻨﺎ ﻛ ُّﻞ ﻳَ ْﻮم‪َ ،‬ود َِامئﺎً َﻣﺎ ﺗ ََﺴﺎﺋَﻠْﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺑْﺘَ َﺴﻢ‪َ ،‬و َﺳﻠﱠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺛ ُ ﱠﻢ دَﻋ َــﺎﻧـِﻲ ﻟِﻠ ُﺠـﻠُﻮس‪...‬‬ ‫ﴎد اﻟ ِﻘ َﺼﺺ‪...‬‬ ‫أﻛْ َﻤﻞ اﻟ َﺤ ِﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬وﺑَﺪَأ ِﰲ َ ْ‬ ‫ﻗَﺎل‪» :‬إ ﱠن ﻛَ ْﻮ ِين ُﻫ َﻨﺎ‪َ ،‬ﻣ َﻨﺤ ِﻨﻲ اﻟ ُﻔ َﺮص‪«...‬‬ ‫ِﺑ َﺮﻏْﻢِ اﻟ َﻴﺄْس‪َ ...‬و َﺟ َﺪ َﻣﻌ َﻨﻲ ﻟِﻠ َﺤ َﻴﺎة‪...‬‬ ‫ﻓَﺄﻳﱠﺎمٍ ‪َ ...‬ذ َﻫ َﺐ ﻳُ َﺴﺎ ِﻋﺪ اﻟ ﱠﻨﺎس‪.‬‬ ‫وأﻳﱠﺎمٍ ﻛَﺎ َن ﻃَﺒﻴ َﺒﺎً ﻟَ ُﻬﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺛ ُ ﱠﻢ أﺗ َﺖ ﻟَﻴَﺎ ٍل ِﺻ َﻌﺎب‪ ...‬و ِﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛَﺎ َن َو ِﺣﻴ َﺪا ً‪ ...‬ﺗ َ ِﻌﺲ‪...‬‬ ‫َﻋ َﺮﺿْ ﺖ اﻟ َﻘﻠِﻴـــﻞ و َﻋﲇ اﻟﻔَﻮ ِر َرﻓَﺾ‪...‬‬ ‫ﴏا ٍر َرﻓَﺾ‪ ...‬ﻗَﺎل‪» :‬ﺷُ ْﻜﺮا ً‪،‬‬ ‫و ِﺑﻜُﻞِ إِ ْ َ‬ ‫ﻟ َْﺴ ُﺖ ﰲ َﺣﺎ َﺟ ٍﺔ‪َ ،‬و َذﻟِ َﻚ‪ ...‬ﻟَ ّْﻦ ﻳُﻐ ﱢ ََري ﺷَ ﻴْﺌﺎً«‪...‬‬ ‫ﻟَﻢ ﻳَ ْﻌﻠَﻢ أ ﱠن َﻣﻦ ِﰲ َﺣﺎ َﺟ ٍﺔ‪ُ ...‬ﻫ َﻮ أﻧﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ُﻫ َﻮ اﻟﻀﱠ ِﻤري اﻟ ِﱠﺬي َﺻ َﻤﺖ‪....‬‬ ‫أﻋﻠَﻢ أﻧﱠﻚ ﻓَ َﻘﺪْتَ اﻟ ِﺜﻘَﺔ‪...‬‬ ‫ُﻮب ﻗَﺪ َﻣﺎﺗ َﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫أﻓ َﻬﻢ أ ﱠن ﺑَ ْﻌ َﺾ اﻟ ُﻘﻠ ِ‬ ‫َرأﻳْﺖ اﻟ َﻌ ْ َني َﻫ َﺮﺑَﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗَﻠﺒُﻪ ﺗ َﺤ ﱠﺮك‪،‬‬ ‫ﻇَ َﻨ ّﻨْﺖ‪ ...‬أﻧﱠ ِﻨﻲ ﻧَ َﺠﺤﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫أﴏ َﻋﲇ اﻟ ﱠﺮﻓْﺾ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷَ َﻜ ْﺮ ِين َواﺑْﺘَ َﺴﻢ‪ ...‬ﻟَ ِﻜﻦ َ ﱠ‬

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‫ﺑﻼ ﻣﺄوى‪ .‬دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺪى‬


Started to see the story behind, hidden in his sore smile… The tale of an exile… at home… another story of oppression. “But here I am” he carried on, “doesn’t matter what, why, or when” I tried to figure out the villain… Was it someone; who made it happen? Someone who let it happen? Or other one who couldn’t prevent? Time has passed, still million thoughts inside… But he wrote: “goodbye”. He wrote… as he left his words, somewhere, with whomever he left… and now; It’s the paper and the pen… And there… he lied again, covered his face from the sun, back to his peaceful sleep… In a scene; that kept me since... sleepless And back to the cruel world, where eyes are passing by, Shadows in the streets; staring… yet hardly see… Only few wondered; who might be? A question; but only in the head… Unsaid… Unheard… Insane? Abandoned man? Could be… But he certainly is… another… Homeless

Meanwhile, million have passed by; wondered what is “she” doing there; our attitude for years, in an era that taught us much about selfishness and nothing about social responsibility

208

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Homeless. Dina Magdy


‫َو ِﻣﻦ َو َرا ِء اﻻﺑْ ِﺘ َﺴﺎ َﻣﺔ ﻟَ َﻤ ْﺤﺖ‪...‬‬ ‫ِﺣﻜَﺎﻳﺔ ُﺣ ْﺰن‪ِ ...‬ﺣﻜَﺎﻳﺔ ﻏُﺮﺑَﺔ‪ِ ...‬ﰲ اﻟ َﻮﻃَﻦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺷَ ﻜْﻞ َآﺧَﺮ ﻟِﻠﻈُﻠْﻢ‪َ » .‬وﻟَ ِﻜ ّﻨﻲ ُﻫ َﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫َو ِﻫ َﻲ ا َﻟ َﺤ ِﻘﻴﻘَﺔ اﻵن‪َ ،‬وﻟَﻢ ﻳَ ُﻌﺪ ﻳُﻬِﻢ َﻣﺎ ﻛَﺎن«‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺒَﺐ؟‬ ‫َﺳﺄَﻟْﺖ ﻟِ َﻢ؟ َو َﻣﻦ ﻛَﺎ َن َ‬ ‫ِﻳﺐ َﺻ َﻨﻊ اﻷَﻟَﻢ؟ أَم ﺑَ ِﻌﻴﺪ َﺳ َﻤﺢ ﺑِﻪ؟‬ ‫َﻫﻞ ﻗَﺮ ٌ‬ ‫أم َﻣﻦ َﻋﻠِﻢ َوﻟَﻢ ﻳَﻬﺘَ ّﻢ؟ أم ُﻫﻢ اﻟﻜ ﱡُﻞ َﻣ َﻌﺎً‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺖ اﻟ ﱠﺮ ِﺣﻴﻞ‪...‬‬ ‫َﻣ ﱠﺮت اﻟ َﺪﻗَﺎﺋِﻖ َﴎِﻳﻌﺎً‪َ ...‬و َﺣﺎ َن َو ُ‬ ‫َو ﱠد َﻋ ِﻨﻲ‪ ...‬ﻛ ََام َودﱠع ﻛَﻠِ َامﺗِﻪ ِﻣﻦ ﻗَﺒﻞ‪...‬‬ ‫َوﻻ َ ْميﻠِﻚ اﻵن ِﺳ َﻮي اﻟ َﻮ َرﻗﺔ واﻟ َﻘﻠَﻢ‪...‬‬ ‫»ﺳﻼم«‪ ...‬ﺛ ُ ﱠﻢ َﻋﺎ َد اﱄ ﻧ ِ‬ ‫َﻔﺲ اﳌَﻜَﺎن‪...‬‬ ‫ﻛَﺘَ َﺐ ِﱄ َ‬ ‫واﺗ ﱠﻜﺄ ﻛ ََام ﻛَﺎن‪ ...‬ﻳَﻨﻈُﺮ ُﻫ َﻨﺎ و ُﻫ َﻨﺎك‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳَﺒ َﺤﺚ َﻋﻦ اﻷ َﻣﺎن‪ ...‬ﰲ َﻣﺎ َﺣﻮﻟَﻪ ِﻣﻦ ِﻇ َﻼل‪...‬‬ ‫َو ِﰲ ُﺻﻮ َر ٍة ﻟَ ْﻢ ﺗُﻔَﺎ ِرﻗْﻨﻲ ِﻣﻦ ذَاك اﻟﻴَ ْﻮم‪،‬‬ ‫َﺧﺒﱠﺄ َو ْﺟ َﻬﻪ‪ ...‬ﺛ ُ ﱠﻢ َﻏ َﺮ َق ِﰲ اﻟ ﱠﻨ ْﻮم‪.‬‬ ‫َﺐ اﻟ َﺤﻴَﺎة‪.‬‬ ‫و ُﻋﺪْتُ ِﻣﻦ َﺣﻴْﺚُ أﺗَﻴْﺖ‪ُ ...‬ﻋﺪْتُ اﱄ َﺻﺨ ِ‬ ‫ُﻠﻮب ﻗ َِﺎﺳ َﻴﺔ‪َ ...‬وأَ ْﻋ ُنيٍ‪ ...‬ﻻ ﺗَ َﺮي‪.‬‬ ‫اﱄ ﻗ ٍ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫إذا َرأَت‪ ،‬ﻟَﻢ ﺗ َ ْﻌ ِﻘﻞ‪ ...‬وإذا َﻋ ِﻘﻠَﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟَﻢ ﺗ َْﺴﺄل‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗَﻬ ُﺮب‪ ...‬ﺗَﺘَ َﻨﺎﳼ‪ ...‬ﻟَ ِﻜﻦ‪ ...‬د ِ‬ ‫اﻟﺴ َﺆال ﻳَﺒﻘَـﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫َاﺧﻠَﻬﺎ ُ‬ ‫َﻫ ّﻞ ﻓَ َﻘ َﺪ أَ ْﻫﻠَﻪ؟ ُر ﱠمبﺎ‪َ ...‬ﻫ ّﻞ ﻓَ َﻘ َﺪ َﻋ ْﻘﻠَﻪ؟ ُر ﱠمبﺎ‪...‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫اﻧ َْﺴــــــــﺎ ٌن ﺑــــِﻼ َﻣــــﺄ َوي‬ ‫ﻟَ ِﻜ ﱠﻨﻪُ‪َ ...‬وﻻ ﺷَ ّْﻚ‪...‬‬

‫وﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺛﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﺮ اﻟﻜﺜريون‪ ...‬ﰲ أﻋﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺗﺴﺎؤل‪ ...‬ﻣﺎذا ﺗﻔﻌﻞ »ﻫﻲ« ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻜﺎن؟ وﻫﺬا ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻨﺎه دامئﺎً‪ ...‬ﺧﻼل ﻋﴫ أﺛﺮي ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﻨﺎ اﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺑﻼ ﻣﺄوى‬

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‫… ‪next pages Homeless‬‬ ‫‪Photo by: Dina Magdy‬‬

‫ﺑﻼ ﻣﺄوى‪ .‬دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺪى‬


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Homeless. Dina Magdy


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‫ﺑﻼ ﻣﺄوى‪ .‬دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﺪى‬


DESERT IN THE CITY. The 2011 Libyan Revolutions’ Relevance for Spatial Theory & Practice. Milan Zlatkov

٢٠١١ ‫ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات اﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬.‫ﺻﺤﺮاء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ .‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ و ﻣامرﺳﺘﻬﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻴﻼن زﻻﺗﻜﻮف‬


Milan Zlatkov was born in 1986 in Dimitrovgrad, Republic of Serbia. He received a Bachelor of

Science in Architecture at the Faculty of Architecture, University of Belgrade, Serbia; and Master of Science in Architecture at the Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands. He focuses on architectural theory, research and design with respect to polycentric urban growth, spatial conflicts, border conditions, politics of power and the right to the city. He is interested in the positioning and phenomenology of different analysis and interpretation techniques in spatial design. He is also currently working as a freelance architect, and engaging in theoretical and critical reflections on contemporary architectural and urban issues. His recent writings include “Public Spaces Between Institutions and Individuals” (“Fragiles Conference”, Sint-Lucas Faculty of Architecture, Ghent, March 2012) and “Revisit the Non-place: The density of problems and the problem of density in architecture and planning” (Plat Magazine, Rice School of Architecture, Houston, TX, forthcoming: Autumn 2012). His other interests include mapping, geography, politics, international relations and networks.

‫ درس ﺑﻜﺎﻟﻮرﻳﻮس اﻟﻌﻠﻮم ﰲ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ‬.‫ ﺟﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ ﴏﺑﻴﺎ‬،‫ ﰲ دميﻴﱰوﻓﻐﺮاد‬١٩٨٦ ‫ﻣﻴﻼن زﻻﺗﻜﻮف وﻟﺪ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ ﻣﻊ‬,‫ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا‬،‫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ دﻟﻔﺖ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‬،‫ ﴏﺑﻴﺎ؛ وﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘري اﻟﻌﻠﻮم ﰲ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬،‫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻠﻐﺮاد‬،‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬ ,‫ وﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﺤﺪود‬,‫ واﻟﴫاﻋﺎت اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻴﺔ‬،‫ واﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻓﻴام ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮ اﻟﺤﴬي ﻣﺘﻌﺪد اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ‬،‫اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﲆ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎت اﻟﻌامرة‬ ‫ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻛﻤﻬﻨﺪس‬.‫ وﻫﻮ ﻣﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ واﻟﺘﻔﺴري ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﻲ‬.‫ واﻟﺤﻖ ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬,‫وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻪ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ »اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑني اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬.‫ وﻳﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬،‫ﻣﻌامري ﺣﺮ‬ ‫ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ وﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬:‫( و«إﻋﺎدة اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ اﻟﻼﻣﻜﺎن‬٢٠١٢ ‫ ﻣﺎرس‬،‫ ﺟﻨﺖ‬،‫ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﻨﺖ ﻟﻮﻛﺎس ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬،«‫واﻷﻓﺮاد« )ﻣﺆمتﺮ »ﻓﺮاﺟﻴﻠﻴﺲ‬ ‫ ﺧﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎم‬:‫ ﻳﺼﺪر ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎ‬،‫ ﺗﻜﺴﺎس‬،‫ ﻫﻴﻮﺳنت‬،‫ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ راﻳﺲ ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬،«‫اﻟﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ« )ﻣﺠﻠﺔ »ﺑﻼت‬ .‫ واﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‬،‫ واﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬،‫ واﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺎ‬،‫ ﻛام ﻳﻬﺘﻢ أﻳﻀً ﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﺸﻄﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻣﺜﻞ رﺳﻢ اﻟﺨﺮاﺋﻂ‬.(٢٠١٢

All images in this article are Courtesy of and Copyrighted to : © Loris Savino (Betweenlands)

‫ﻛﻞ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﺼﻮر ﰱ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻇﺔ إﱃ‬

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When asked what was, in his opinion, the greatest modern calamity, an old peasant form the Île-de-France answered without hesitation: “the news.” When pressed to explain, he said: “You see, for me the war of 1914 broke out just like that; from one day to the next we didn’t see it coming. The day before general mobilization, we were calm, no one around here even dreamed there’d be a war and yet we’re less than a hundred kilometres from Paris… Whereas with radio and now with television, we feel like we’re always on the brink of war or some catastrophe, and we can’t take it anymore.” 1 These media and the effects they produce are obviously detached from geographical territory as for instance what now happens “less than a hundred kilometres from Paris” can be caused by an event somewhere in Africa, and can further trigger new events in Asia. However recently, as the flow of information constantly intensifies that media cannot overcome some other social splits; unlike the geographical ones. They have to be expressed back into physical territory through gatherings, protests, riots, battles and even full scale wars. The growing number of unrests, as it has become convenient to call them, is undoubtedly caused by the current crisis of the capitalist system - a system of which the media2 is an important part. Even though some of the new media, such as social networking platforms, have been used to express discontent and organize manifestations of revolt. It has never been until this revolt was expressed on the streets and squares of cities that it materialized in any kind of change. Since the social media, which are often hailed for their democratic potential, are often used as propaganda tools and are so overfilled by irrelevant information, physical presence and spatial occupancy are regaining their importance. These processes, due to their reaffirming spatial dimension, are of great importance for spatial theory. The possibility of quick gathering in Tahrir Square and spontaneous organization of temporary functionalities to serve those gathered, has been noted and praised by many architects, planners and urban sociologists. Other events, such as the protesters’ camps in Madrid or New York, also illustrated that using media to express opinion is not satisfactory, and that the importance of physical presence in space for this purpose is growing. Due to the temporary character of these events, the outcome for the spaces is as expected: they are back to what they were: squares, parks and roundabouts. But if nothing, it is clear that they are not devoid of any role and meaning in urban processes of change. 1 2

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Paul Virilio, A Landscape of Events, trans. Julie Rose (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2000), 64-65. Media in the widest sense, including radio, television and the internet.

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Desert in the City. Milan Zlatkov


‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ُﺳﺌﻞ ﻓﻼح ﻋﺠﻮز ﻣﻦ »إﻳﻞ دي ﻓﺮاﻧﺲ« ﻋﻦ أﻋﻈﻢ ﻛﺎرﺛﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬رد ﺑﺪون ﺗﺮدد ‪ » :‬اﻷﺧﺒﺎر« و ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻗﺎل ‪ » :‬أﺗﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﱃ ﻓﺈن ﺣﺮب ﻋﺎم ‪) ١٩١٤‬اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻷوﱃ( إﻧﺪﻟﻌﺖ ﻫﻜﺬا ﻓﺠﺄةً‪ ،‬ﺑني ﻋﺸﻴﺔ و ﺿﺤﺎﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫مل ﻧﺮاﻫﺎ آﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻴﻮم‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻫﺎدﺋني‪ ،‬مل ﻳﻜﻦ أﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﻳﺤﻠﻢ ﺑﻘﻴﺎم ﺣﺮب و ﻛﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺪ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﱰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ ‪ ..‬ﰱ ﺣني أﻧﻪ ﻣﻊ وﺟﻮد اﻟﺮادﻳﻮ و اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن اﻵن‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻌﺮ دامئﺎً أﻧﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺷﻔﺎ ﺣﺮب أو ﻛﺎرﺛﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬و‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻦ ﻻ ﻧﻄﻴﻖ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻵن‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ و اﻟﺘﺄﺛريات اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻨﺘﺠﻬﺎ ﻣﻔﺼﻮﻟني ﺑﻮﺿﻮح ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﰱ‪ .‬اﻵن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث »ﻋﲆ ﺑﻌﺪ أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﱰ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ« ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺣﺪث ﻣﺎ ﰱ أﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬و ميﻜﻨﻪ إﺛﺎرة أﺣﺪاث أﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ﰱ آﺳﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﺬا‪ ،‬ﰱ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧرية‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ اﻟﺰﻳﺎدة اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﰱ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺢ واﺿﺤﺎً أن ﻫﻨﺎك إﻧﻘﺴﺎﻣﺎت إﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم اﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻜﺲ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻌﺒري ﰱ واﻗﻊ ﻣﻠﻤﻮس ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎت‪،‬‬ ‫اﻹﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت‪ ،‬أﻋامل اﻟﺸﻐﺐ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺎرك و ﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬اﻷﻋﺪاد اﳌﺘﺰاﻳﺪة ﻟﻺﺿﻄﺮاﺑﺎت )ﻛام أﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻼمئﺎً ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ(‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ ﻋﻦ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻟﺮاﻫﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎم اﻟﺮأﺳامﱃ اﻟﺬى ﺗﺤﺘﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم‪ ٢‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ذات أﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻰ‪ ،‬إﺳﺘُﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒريﻋﻦ ﻋﺪم اﻟﺮﺿﺎ و ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬إﻻ أﻧﻪ مل‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺪث أى ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺠﺴﺪت ﻫﺬه اﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﰱ ﺷﻮارع و ﻣﻴﺎدﻳﻦ اﳌﺪن‪ .‬و ﻧﻈﺮا ً ﻷن وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻰ ﻳُﺸﺎد ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﺄﺣﺪ ﻗﻮى اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﻛﺄداة ﻟﻠﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎت و متﺘﻠﺊ ﻋﻦ أﺧﺮﻫﺎ مبﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻣﻐﻠﻮﻃﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻌﲆ و ﺷﻐﻞ اﳌﻜﺎن ﻳﺴﺘﻌﻴﺪا أﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬام‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮا ً ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺒﻌﺪ اﳌﻜﺎىن‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ذات أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﴪﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﰱ »ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ« و اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ اﻟﻌﻔﻮى ﻟﻺﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺠﻤﻮع‪ ،‬متﺖ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺘﻬﺎ و اﻹﺷﺎدة ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳني و اﳌﺨﻄﻄني و ﻋﻠامء اﻹﺟﺘامع اﻟﺤﴬى‪ .‬أﺣﺪاث آﺧﺮى ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺨﻴامت اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﰱ »ﻣﺪرﻳﺪ« و »ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك«‪،‬‬ ‫أﻇﻬﺮت أﻳﻀﺎُ ﻋﺪم ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒري ﻋﻦ اﻟﺮأى‪ ،‬و أن اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ اﻟﻔﻌﲆ ﰱ اﳌﻜﺎن ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻐﺮض ذو أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻧﻈﺮا ً ﻟﻠﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺎت ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺗﻌﻮد ﻛام ﻫﻮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ إﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺎدﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻨﺰﻫﺎت و‬ ‫دوارات‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ إذا مل ﻳﺤﺪث أى ﺷﺊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺨﻠﻮ ﻣﻦ أى دور أو ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﰱ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻐري اﻟﺤﴬى‪.‬‬ ‫ﰱ ﺣني أن ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ اﻟﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﻈﻮاﻫﺮ رمبﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﰱ اﻷﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻹﻫﺘامم ﻓﺘﺢ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎت أﺧﺮى أﻳﻀﺎُ‪ .‬إن‬ ‫إﻧﺸﻐﺎل اﳌﻌامرﻳني و اﳌﺨﻄﻄني ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ رمبﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺮك أﻛرث اﻟﺨﻼﻓﺎت اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﺑﺮوزا ً ﻏري ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﻋﺎم‬ ‫‪ ٢٠١١‬ﰱ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﺟﻠﺒﺖ إﱃ اﻟﺼﺪارة أﻓﺎق ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬و اﻟﺘﻰ ﻣﺠﺎزا ً و ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﺮﻓﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎت اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎن و اﻟﻌامرة و اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻮل ﻓريﻳﻠﻴﻮ‪. ٦٥-٦٤ (٢٠٠٠ ,LANDSCAPE OF EVENTS) (Cambridge: The MIT Press) ،‬‬ ‫اﻹﻋﻼم مبﻔﻬﻮﻣﻪ اﻷﺷﻤﻞ‪ ،‬و ﻳﻀﻢ اﻟﺮادﻳﻮ و اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن و اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺻﺤﺮاء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼن زﻻﺗﻜﻮف‬


While more thorough evaluation of these phenomena is perhaps in the coming, it is worthwhile to open some other discussions, as well. The preoccupation of architects and planners with public space has left perhaps the most outstanding of the recent conflicts unnoticed by them. The 2011 Libyan Revolution all the while brought to the fore a new horizon, which metaphorically, as well as literally, has the potential to supplement contemporary theories of space, architecture and urbanism. The first small protests in Libya started in January of 2011 in a number of towns, reportedly as a response to delays in the construction of housing units. These protests quickly grew in size to become open armed clashes between the protesters and the government forces. The conflict started to resemble those in the neighbouring Tunisia and Egypt, and was seen as a part of the Arab Spring. However, as the actors in the clashes in different towns started to coordinate efforts, the conflict quickly developed into a fully fledged revolution, and the whole country became entangled in fights to control towns as nodes in the political landscape. While an external power controlled the sky, towns started falling back and forth into hands of the rebels and Gaddafi’s forces. This frantic condition meant that a lot of activities were happening in the vast areas between the towns. If the preceding revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt happened mostly in their capital cities and a couple of major urban centres, the war in Libya played out on a different spatial scale. Here the countryside was turned into a free operating ground into which fighters were retreating to ‘recharge’ and reorganize, civilians were fleeing into safety, and journalists were reporting on what was happening around them, and speculating on what was going on in the cities. This situation represented a geographical twist

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Desert in the City. Milan Zlatkov


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‫ﺻﺤﺮاء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼن زﻻﺗﻜﻮف‬


in which cities, the common centres of the most free social activity3 , became nothing but nodes on a map showing who controlled what, while the countryside, the desert, became free land, not controlled by anyone, free for everyone to do whatever they couldn’t do in the cities. Even if the Libyan Desert offered limited possibilities, it offered freedom. Like in every war, there was a lot of space for manipulation. The outside world learned about the war from reports that came from the highways between Misrata and Bani Waled or Sirte and Ras Lanuf, while having no idea what was actually happening inside those towns. But precisely this shift of attention from the urban centres to the non-urban countryside is perhaps the Libyan revolution’s biggest legacy for urban and architectural theory. In a country where natural conditions are rather extreme, and there is not much intertwining between the urban and the non-urban conditions, this war and the strategies employed in it revealed relevant insight into the relation between cities and their hinterlands. On this topic, in 1970, Henri Lefebvre writes: The rural-peasant, although primordial and a dominant field for centuries, only took shape after being acted upon by its conquerors, by administrators in the political city. Such cities can have only a political existence, dominating a rural world whose rivers bathe, nourish, and occasionally submerge it. 4 Perhaps the architects and planners of these political cities, have always seen themselves in part as conquerors and administrators, and have been interested in the non-urban condition mainly inasmuch as it offered space for urban extension. But if protests in cities managed to raise their awareness of the fundamental values of public spaces, this war should do the same with respect to non-urban areas. Whether they are patched into privately owned pieces of land, or administered by governments, non-urban spaces offer a lot of unexplored possibilities for action, that are in the final outcome, relevant for life in urban centres. Regardless of ownership, the lack of presence and density of population and activities attributes a great extent of freedom to non-urban areas. This emptiness means that the structures of power, which we are so much used to in urban centres, are absent in non-urban areas by default. It is a condition for which in cities people have to fight: they have to organize, gather, protest, occupy and even die, in order to reassert public-ness of spaces and transparency of institutions that manage them. In rural areas this transparency is a given. That much of the strategies of the Libyan revolution included the use of hinterlands, illustrates 3 4

218

It is important to note that freedom of gathering often had to be fought for, like in Cairo. Henri Lefebvre, The Urban Revolution, trans. Robert Bononno (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), 33.

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Desert in the City. Milan Zlatkov


‫ﺑﺪأت اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات اﻷوﱃ اﻟﺼﻐرية ﰱ »ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ« ﰱ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪ ٢٠١١‬ﰱ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬ورد أﻧﻬﺎ ردا ً ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﰱ إﻧﺸﺎء ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﺒﺎىن‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات منﺖ ﺑﴪﻋﺔ ﰱ ﺣﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺎت ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﺑني اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ و اﻟﻘﻮات اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﴫاع ﺑﺪأ ﻟﻴﺸﺒﻪ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺪث ﰱ اﻟﺠﺎرﺗني »ﺗﻮﻧﺲ« و »ﻣﴫ«‪ ،‬و اﻟﺬى أﻋﺘﱪ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮىب‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺪأت‬ ‫أﻃﺮاف اﻟﴫاع ﰱ اﳌﺪن اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰱ ﺗﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺟﻬﻮدﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﴫاع ﴎﻳﻌﺎً إﱃ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬و أﺻﺒﺤﺖ »ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ« ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮرﻃﺔ ﰱ ﻗﺘﺎل ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮة ﻋﲆ اﳌﺪن ﻛﻨﻘﺎط ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬و ﰱ ﺣني ﺳﻴﻄﺮت ﻗﻮة ﺧﺎرﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴامء‪ ،‬ﺑﺪأت اﳌﺪن‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻘﻂ ﺗﺎر ًة ﰱ ﻳﺪ اﻟﺜﻮار و ﺗﺎر ًة أﺧﺮى ﰱ ﻳﺪ ﻗﻮات اﻟﻘﺬاﰱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﻬﺎﺋﺠﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻨﻰ أن مثﺔ ﻫﻨﺎك اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﺪث ﰱ اﳌﺴﺎﺣﺎت اﻟﺸﺎﺳﻌﺔ ﺑني اﳌﺪن‪ .‬إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻮرﺗﺎن اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺘﺎن ﰱ »ﺗﻮﻧﺲ« و »ﻣﴫ« ﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺘﺎ ﰱ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﰱ اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ و ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺎرﻳني أﺧﺮﻳني‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات ﰱ‬ ‫»ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ« ﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰱ ﻣﻘﻴﺎس ﻣﻜﺎىن ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺤﻮل إﱃ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﺮة ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﻳﺮﺟﻊ إﻟﻴﻪ اﳌﻘﺎﺗﻠﻮن ﻟﺸﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻬﻢ و ﻹﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬اﳌﺪﻧﻴﻮن ﻳﻬﺮﺑﻮن إﻟﻴﻪ ﻹﻟﺘامس اﻷﻣﺎن‪ ،‬و اﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﻮن ﻳﻨﻘﻠﻮن ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث ﺣﻮﻟﻬﻢ و ﻳﺘﻜﻬﻨﻮن مبﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺪث ﰱ اﳌﺪن‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﻗﻒ أﻇﻬﺮ إﻟﺘﻮاء ﺟﻐﺮاﰱ ﻓﻴﻪ اﳌﺪن و اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﻟﻸﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﻟﺤﺮة اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،٣‬أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫إﻻ ﻧﻘﺎط ﻋﲆ اﻟﺨﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎذا‪ ،‬ﰱ ﺣني أن اﻟﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺢ أرض ﺣﺮة‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ أﺣﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﰱ اﳌﺪن‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء اﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺪم اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎت‪،‬‬ ‫إﻻ إﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻛام ﰱ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺤﺮوب‪ ،‬ﻛﺎن ﻫﻨﺎك اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻼﻋﺐ‪ .‬اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻰ ﻳﻌﺮف ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤﺮب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻵﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮق اﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑني »ﻣﴫاﺗﺔ« و »ﺑﻨﻰ وﻟﻴﺪ« أو »راس ﻻﻧﻮف«‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨام ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮف ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ داﺧﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن‪ .‬و‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﻣﻦ اﻹﻫﺘامم ﺑﺎﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ إﱃ اﻹﻫﺘامم ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻳﻒ ﻟﺮمبﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن اﳌرياث اﻷﻛﱪ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ و اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات اﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﰱ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻇﺮوﻓﻬﺎ اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﺎً ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬و ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘامﺳﻚ ﺑني‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ و اﻟﻐري ﺣﻀﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺮب و اﻹﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻰ إﺳﺘُﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ أﻇﻬﺮت رؤﻳﺔ ذات ﺻﻠﺔ وﺛﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﰱ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﳌﺪن و ﻇﻬريﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰱ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻮﺿﻮع‪ ،‬ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٧٠‬ﻛﺘﺐ »ﻫرنى ﻟﻴﻔﻴﺒﻔﺮ«‪:‬‬ ‫» اﻟﻔﻼح اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺪاﺋﻴﺔ و ﺳﻴﻄﺮة اﻟﺤﻘﻞ ﻟﻘﺮون‪ ،‬أﺧﺬ ﺷﻜﻠﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺘﺄﺛري ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻏﺰاﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟني ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺳﻮى وﺟﻮد ﺳﻴﺎﳻ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻴﻤﻦ ﻋﲆ ﻋﺎمل اﻟﺮﻳﻒ اﻟﺬى أﻧﻬﺎره ﺗﻐﺴﻠﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬ ‫و ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻬﺎ و أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﺗﻐﺮﻗﻬﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺮمبﺎ اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن و اﳌﺨﻄﻄﻮن ﰱ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮون أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ دامئﺎً ﻛﺎﻟﻐﺰاة و اﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟني‪ ،‬و ﻣﻬﺘﻤﻮن ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻐري‬ ‫ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﰱ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ إذا وﻓﺮت اﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﻼزﻣﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﺘﺪاد اﻟﺤﴬى‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ إن ﻛﺎن اﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ ﰱ اﳌﺪن متﻜﻨﻮا ﻣﻦ إﻇﻬﺎر وﻋﻴﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺮب ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻔﻌﻞ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﺸﺊ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﻮا ًء ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻘﻊ ﰱ ﺣﻴﺰ‬ ‫اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﺮ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﻐري ﻣﻜﺘﺸﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬و اﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﰱ اﳌﺤﺼﻠﺔ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ذات ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﰱ اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻧﻘﺺ اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ و ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن و‬ ‫اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻫﻰ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﻄﻰ ﺳامت اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﺑﺪرﺟﺔ ﻛﺒرية‪ .‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﺮاغ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ أن ﺑﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﻮة‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻰ ﻧﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺎدون ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺟﺪا ً ﰱ اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏري ﻣﺘﻮاﺟﺪة ﰱ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﻪ ﻟﴩط ﰱ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ أن اﻟﻨﺎس‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫‪٤‬‬

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‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻬﻢ ذﻛﺮ أن ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻬﺮ ﺷﺊ ﻳﺠﺐ اﻟﻘﺘﺎل ﻣﻦ أﺟﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛام ﰱ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‪.‬‬ ‫»ﻫرنى ﻟﻴﻔﻴﺒﻔﺮ« )‪.٣٣ ،(٢٠٠٣ ,The Urban Revolution)، (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press‬‬

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‫ﺻﺤﺮاء اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻼن زﻻﺗﻜﻮف‬


the potential for use of non-urban environments in bringing about socio-political, and ultimately, urban change5. One thing though is certain; the media and communication tools are not set to change their role anytime in the imaginable future. Much like in Virilio’s writings, the presence of media which transmitted live streams of pictures from between Libyan towns during the war once again demonstrated their ubiquity and the ability of instantaneous operation. Nevertheless, once the war was in full swing, the role of the media on the ground wasn’t crucial for its outcome. In conclusion, a parallel can be drawn between the two described relationships: the first, between presence in media and presence in space; and the second, between presence in urban and rural environments. More elaborately, just like expression of opinion has proven to be much more effective in physical space than via media, so have struggles for change here shown that rural areas sometimes offer much more potential than urban centres. These characteristics of space, its potential for change and institutional abuse, need to be noted in the ongoing conflicts, and to be rethought in spatial practice. And if space is a social product, as far as architects and planners are concerned, when there are obvious needs and tendencies for social change, they need to follow, if they’re not leading. Escaping, rather than embracing, the now traditionally urban structures of power, speculation and manipulation, is perhaps something architects and planners could do well to consider

‘But precisely this shift of attention from the urban centres to the nonurban countryside is perhaps the Libyan Revolution’s biggest legacy for urban and architectural theory’

5 Not to say that this change is necessarily for the better. At the time of writing of this text, things are still happening in Libya that can shift the evaluation of the changes in any direction, but that is more due to endemic socio-political factors of tribalism, gang conflicts and the like.

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Desert in the City. Milan Zlatkov


‫ﺗﺘﺼﺎرع‪ :‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻞ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت و ﺣﺘﻰ اﳌﻮت ﰱ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ إﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﲆ اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﺎﻛﻦ و ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ اﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺤﻜﻤﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﰱ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺗُﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﻄﻴﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت ﰱ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات اﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ أﺣﺘﻮت ﻋﲆ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻇﻬري‬ ‫اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬أﻇﻬﺮت اﻷﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎت ﻹﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﻟﻐري ﺣﴬﻳﺔ ﰱ إﺣﺪاث اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ و ﰱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﳌﻄﺎف اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ ٥.‬ﺷﺊ واﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ أﻛﻴﺪ‪ ،‬أن‬ ‫أدوات اﻹﻋﻼم و اﻹﺗﺼﺎﻻت ﻟﻦ ﺗﻐري ﺷﻴﺌﺎً ﻣﻦ دورﻫﺎ ﰱ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ‪ .‬و ﻛام ﰱ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎت » ﻓريﻳﻠﻴﻮ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﻮاﺟﺪ اﻹﻋﻼم اﻟﺬى ﻳﺒﺚ اﻟﺼﻮر اﻟﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻴام ﺑني اﳌﺪن اﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل اﻟﺤﺮب ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﺮة آﺧﺮى إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻹﻋﻼم ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ و اﻹﻧﺘﺸﺎر و اﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﻠﺤﻈﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬و ﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺤﺮب ﰱ أوﺟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬مل ﻳﻜﻦ دور وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻷرض ﺣﺎﺳامً ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺠﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻟﻺﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎج‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺧﻄﺎً ﻣﻮازﻳﺎً ميﻜﻦ رﺳﻤﻪ ﺑني اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺘني اﳌﻮﺻﻮﻓﺘني ‪ :‬اﻷول‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑني‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﰱ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم و اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﰱ اﳌﻜﺎن‪ ،‬و اﻟﺜﺎىن‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﰱ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺤﴬ‬ ‫و اﻟﺘﻮاﺟﺪ ﰱ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺮﻳﻒ‪ .‬أﻛرث دﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛام أن اﻟﺘﻌﺒري ﻋﻦ اﻟﺮأى أﺛﺒﺖ أﻧﻪ أﻛرث ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﰱ اﳌﻜﺎن اﻟﻔﻌﲆ أﻛرث ﻣﻨﻪ ﰱ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﴫاع ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري أوﺿﺢ ﻫﻨﺎ‬ ‫أن اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﰱ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﺗﻮﻓﺮ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎت أﻛرث ﺑﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮاﻛﺰ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎن‪ ،‬إﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﻪ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري و اﻹﺑﺘﺰاز اﳌﺆﺳﴗ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ذﻛﺮﻫﺎ ﰱ اﻟﴫاﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻳﻌﺎد اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﰱ اﳌامرﺳﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬و إذا ﻛﺎن اﳌﻜﺎن ﻣﻨﺘﺞ إﺟﺘامﻋﻰ‪ ،‬و‬ ‫ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ﻛﺎن اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن و اﳌﺨﻄﻄﻮن ﻣﻬﺘﻤﻮن‪ ،‬و ﺣﻴﻨام ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ و اﻟﻨﺰﻋﺎت ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري‬ ‫واﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ أن ﻳﺘﺒﻌﻮا‪ ،‬إذا مل ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻮد‪ .‬ﻫﺮوﺑﺎً‪ ،‬أﻛرث ﻣﻨﻪ إﺣﺘﻀﺎﻧﺎً‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﻟﻠﻘﻮى‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻜﻬﻦ و اﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ‪ ،‬رمبﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺷﺊ ﻟﻸﺧﺬ ﰱ‬ ‫اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﳌﻌامرﻳني و اﳌﺨﻄﻄني‬

‫’ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﲆ وﺟﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺤﻮل‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻹﻫﺘامم ﺑﺎﳌﺮاﻛﺰ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ إﱃ اﻹﻫﺘامم‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻳﻒ ﻟﺮمبﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن‬ ���اﳌرياث اﻷﻛﱪ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ و اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮات اﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪‘.‬‬

‫‪ ٥‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺬا ﻟﻠﻘﻮل ﺑﺄن اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﻳﻜﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﻼزم ﻟﻸﺣﺴﻦ‪ .‬ﰱ وﻗﺖ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل‪ ,‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰال اﻻﺣﺪاث ﺗﺘﻮاﱃ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ و اﻟﺘﻰ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ان ﺗﺤﻮل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ »اﻟﺘﻐﻴري« ﰱ اي اﺗﺠﺎه‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﻫﺬا اﱃ ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ إﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ و‬ ‫إﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﻃﻨﺔ ﰱ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ,‬و ﴏاع اﻟﻌﺼﺎﺑﺎت و ﻣﺎ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ‪.‬‬

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Desert in the City. Milan Zlatkov


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TAHRIR SQUARE: THE PUBLIC SPACE REVISITED. Noheir Elgendy

.‫ ﻋﻮدة إﱃ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬:‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻧﻬري اﻟﺠﻨﺪى‬


Noheir El Gendy is A PhD candidate in Architecture and Urban Design at Polytechnic University in Milan, an Assistant Lecturer of Architecture and Urban Design at Cairo University, and a visiting Lecturer in Landscape Architecture and Urbanism at Kingston University in London. Noheir also has a specialized Masters degree in Landscape Architecture and Environmental Planning and has a substantial professional experience in design practice both in Egypt and Italy. Noheir’s work focuses on the study of city transformation from a landscape urbanism viewpoint. She is particularly interested in the study of informalities and their impact on the city fabric. ‫ﻧﻬري اﻟﺠﻨﺪي ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺔ دﻛﺘﻮراه ﰲ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺤﴬي ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ وأﺳﺘﺎذ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬،‫اﻟﻔﻨﻮن اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬ ‫ وﻣﺤﺎﴐ زاﺋﺮ ﰲ اﻟﻌامرة واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬،‫اﻟﺤﴬي ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬ ‫ ﻧﻬري ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﲆ درﺟﺔ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘري‬.‫اﻟﺤﴬي ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﻴﻨﻐﺴﺘﻮن ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ اﻟﺤﴬى واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ وﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺧﱪة ﻣﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ أﻋامل ﻧﻬري‬.‫ﻛﺒرية ﰲ ﻣامرﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﴫ وإﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ دراﺳﺔ ﺗﺤﻮل اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين و اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬ ‫ ﻛام أﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻬﺘﻢ اﻫﺘامﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﺎ ﺑﺪراﺳﺔ اﻻﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻏري اﳌﺨﻄﻄﺔ‬.‫اﻟﺤﴬى‬ .‫وأﺛﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﲆ ﻧﺴﻴﺞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬

Tahrir Square February 11th, 2011. .٢٠١١ ‫ ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ‬١١ ‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ © Digital Globe.

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The contemporary transformation of the city displays a profound redrawing of the contours of public and private spaces. This produced a vigorous debate in architecture and urbanism on the transformation of public space: on the one hand discourses that lamented the ‘end of public space’1 and, on the other, contrasting opinions that advocated new forms of public space located in private spaces for collective use or in alternative spaces such as wastelands or parking lots2 .Though the notion of public space has been continuously redefined and reinterpreted, the drastic changes that accompanied the process of ‘ occupying squares and streets’ , have introduced a new perception of these spaces that mixes between the private and the public, which requires revisiting the term ‘public space’. Tahrir square was one of the spaces which has lived that experience. The occupation of the square for days changed the significance and the role of the space. Within the square, boundaries have been redefined, notions have been set and values have been practiced .The square was a model that was tested to prove practically their ability to change. The square was turned into a ‘state within the state’, not just as a concept , but functionally containing the components on which the origins of the civil state was made. It was a form of a heterotopia with definite boundaries and controlled access points, containing overlapping activities and spaces, and housing people, with their different social, economic and political backgrounds. The polis- the ideal of the city state- tried to realize the good life via equilibrium between the public sphere (agora) ,the private sphere (oikos) ,and the sacred sphere (acropolis and necropolis).Tahrir square, during the eighteen days of the revolution and onwards, physically and spiritually , included these three spheres. Firstly the public sphere, the Agora The square turned into a political platform housing different political views, discussions and debates. Egyptians from different backgrounds were often seeing and truly interacting with each other for the first time. The square was divided into different zones of public expression. Everyone expressed his opinion in his own way, through discussions, billboards, paintings, speeches and even comedian sketches. The entry to the square would start by chanting songs in a ceremonial way to encourage the new comers to join the free Egypt at Tahrir. At the center of the square was the platform, which was dedicated for announcements and speeches, and allowed everyone to join and express his opinion. Then, all over the square, there were galleries, expressing grief, passion and hope through art, in addition to a collection of singers which has produced new songs expressing their new feelings of freedom. Tahrir became the locus of self-expression. The process of discussing and sharing ideas in different scales, have redefined the meaning of the square for many people who have been deprived from practicing democracy for a long time. The square has made it possible to be an active member within the society ,thus encouraged thousands to take part in this process of decision making and defining the demands.

1

Michael Sorkin, ed, Variations on a Theme Park, the New American City and the End of Public Space, (New York: Hill & Wang, 1992). John Chase, Margaret Crawford, and Kaliski John, eds, Everyday Urbanism, (New York: The Monacelli Press, 1999).

2

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Tahrir Square: The Public Space Revisited. Noheir Elgendy


‫أﺻﺒﺢ اﻟﺘﺤﻮل ﰲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﻌﺎﴏة ﻳﺮﺳﻢ ﺑﻌﻤﻖ اﻟﺨﻄﻮط اﻟﻔﺎرﻗﺔ ﺑني اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬اﻷﻣﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻳﺜري ﺟﺪﻻً ﻋﻨﻴﻔﺎً ﰲ اﻟﻮﺳﻂ اﳌﻌامري‬ ‫واﻟﻌﻤﺮاين‪ ,‬ﺑني اﻵراء اﻟﺘﻨﻈريﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺮ ﺑﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ١.‬واﻵراء اﳌﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ وﺟﻮد اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ وﻟﻜﻦ وﻓﻖ أﺷﻜﺎل‬ ‫وﺑﻨﻰ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ وﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ أداء اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﺒﺪﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻷراﴈ اﳌﱰوﻛﺔ‪ /‬اﳌﻬﻤﻠﺔ وﺳﺎﺣﺎت‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ٢.‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﺠﺪل اﻟﺘﻨﻈريي وﻣﺎ واﻛﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﻋﺎدة ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻟﻔﻜﺮة وﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم اﻛﺘﺴﺐ أﺑﻌﺎدا ﻣﺠﺪدة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺖ ﺛﻮرات اﻟﺸﻌﻮب‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ أﻓﺮزت ﺣﺮﻛﺔ »اﺣﺘﻼل اﻟﺸﻮارع واﳌﻴﺎدﻳﻦ«‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻂ ﺑني اﻟﻌﺎم‬ ‫واﻟﺨﺎص ﺗﻘﺪم رؤﻳﺔ ﻣﺠﺪدة ﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم وﺗﺴﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﻗﺮاءة ﻣﺪﻗﻘﺔ ﳌﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻫﻮ أﺣﺪ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ »اﺣﺘﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻷﻳﺎم ﺧﻼل اﻟﺜﻮرة اﳌﴫﻳﺔ ﻓﺘﻐري وﺟﻬﻬﺎ ودورﻫﺎ ﺗﻐريا ﺟﺬرﻳﺎً ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳني اﳌﺎدي واﻟﻔﻜﺮي؛ ﻓﻌﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﳌﺎدي ﺗﻢ‬ ‫اﻋﺎدة رﺳﻢ ﺣﺪود اﳌﻴﺪان وﻣﺪاﺧﻠﻪ ورواﺳﻤﻪ‪ ،‬وﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻔﻜﺮي وﻟﺪت رؤﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺪان وﺗﺒﻠﻮرت ﻗﻴﻢ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ أداءه‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ منﻮذﺟﺎً‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎً ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري ﺗﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺒﻪ واﺧﺘﺒﺎره ﻋﲆ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻫﻜﺬا أﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ دوﻟﺔ داﺧﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ؛ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻔﻜﺮي وﻟﻜﻦ أﻳﻀﺎً‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺴﺪ اﳌﻴﺪان اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﻷﺻﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ »ﻫﱰوﺗﻮﺑﻴﺎ«‪ ،‬ذو ﺣﺪود واﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬وﻧﻘﺎط ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﺪﺧﻮل‬ ‫واﻟﺨﺮوج ﻣﻦ اﳌﻴﺪان‪ ،‬ﻛام اﺷﺘﻤﻞ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺳﺘﻮﻋﺒﺖ ﴍاﺋﺢ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ذات أﺻﻮل وﺧﻠﻔﻴﺎت اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ وﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺿﻮء ﻫﺬا اﻟﻄﺮح ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻗﺮاءة ﳌﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر اﳌﺜﻞ اﻷﻋﲆ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ )‪ ،(Polis‬وﻫﻮ اﳌﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻻﺗﺰان ﺑني دواﺋﺮ‪ /‬ﺣﻴﺰات اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ‪ :‬اﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ،Agora‬واﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﻟﺨﺎص ‪ ،Oikos‬واﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﳌﻘﺪس ‪Acropolis‬‬ ‫‪ .& Necropolis‬اﻟﻘﺮاءة اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﰲ ﺿﻮء ﻫﺬا اﳌﻔﻬﻮم ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺟﺴﺪ اﳌﻴﺪان ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺤﻴﺰات ﻣﺎدﻳﺎً وﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎً ﻃﻮال اﻟﺜامﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﴩ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻣﺎ اﻷوﱃ ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة‪ ،‬وﺗﻠﻘﻰ اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﲆ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻴﺰ‪.‬‬

‫أوﻻً‪ :‬اﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﻟﻌﺎم‬

‫ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻌﺎم ﺗﺤﻮل اﳌﻴﺪان إﱃ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻵراء وﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت واﻟﺤﻮارات ﺑني اﳌﴫﻳني ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻷﻃﻴﺎف‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻮار واﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﻟﺬي اﻓﺘﻘﺪوه ﻋﴩات اﻟﺴﻨني‪ .‬وﰲ اﳌﻴﺪان متﺎﻳﺰت اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ مبﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺻﻮر‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﺒري اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮد ﻋﻦ رأﻳﻪ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺘﻪ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺳﻮاء ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت أو اﻟﻠﻮﺣﺎت اﻹﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺮﺳﻮﻣﺎت أو ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺨﻄﺐ‬ ‫أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪ اﻟﻜﻮﻣﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ دﺧﻮل اﳌﻴﺪان ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺪة ﻳﺘﻢ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل اﻟﺰاﺋﺮﻳﻦ واﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺪاﻋﻤﺔ اﻵﺗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎت ﺑﻔﻘﺮات اﺣﺘﻔﺎﻟﻴﺔ وأﻏﻨﻴﺎت ﺣامﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﺣﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻓﻮد اﻵﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﺧﻮل ﻣﴫ اﻟﺤﺮة اﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪة ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ .‬وﰲ وﺳﻂ اﳌﻴﺪان أﻗﻴﻤﺖ اﳌﻨﺼﺎت‬ ‫ﻹذاﻋﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت واﻻﻋﻼﻧﺎت اﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ ﺟﻮاﻧﺐ اﳌﻴﺪان ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎرض ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺠﺴﺪ اﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮ اﻟﺤﺰن واﻟﺸﻐﻒ واﻷﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻨام‬ ‫ﻳﺒﺪع اﳌﻐﻨﻴﻮن –اﳌﻬﻨﻴﻮن ﻣﻨﻬﻢ واﻟﺘﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﻮن‪ -‬اﻷﻏﺎين اﻟﺤامﺳﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ وﻟﺪت ﺑﺎﳌﻴﺪان ﻟﺘﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺷﻌﻮر اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺣﻴﺎل اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ اﳌﺮﺗﻘﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫إذن أﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﺎً ﻣﺤﻮرﻳﺎً )‪ (Locus‬ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒري ﻋﻦ اﻟﺬات‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر ﻋﲆ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﳌﻘﺎﻳﻴﺲ أﻋﺎدت ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﳌﻴﺪان‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﴍاﺋﺢ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻣامرﺳﺔ اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ أﻣﺪ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ أﻋﺎد اﳌﻴﺪان ﻟﻠﻔﺮد ﺣﻘﻪ ﰲ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﻀﻮا ً ﻓﻌﺎﻻً‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ وأن ﻳﺸﺎرك ﺑﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﻘﺮار و ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪.‬‬

‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً ‪ :‬اﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﻟﺨﺎص‬

‫أﻣﺎ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺨﺎص – أو اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ -‬إن ﺟﺎز اﻟﺘﻌﺒري ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺤﻮل اﳌﻴﺪان ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻟﻄﺮق اﳌﺤﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺴﻜﺮا ً ﻛﺒريا ً ﻳﺴﻊ اﻵﻻف ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ ،‬وﻳﻐﺬي ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ إﺣﺴﺎﺳﻬﻢ مبﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﳌﻴﺪان واﻻﻧﺘامء إﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﻞ واﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻨﻪ إن اﺳﺘﻠﺰم اﻷﻣﺮ‪ .‬ﻟﻬﺬا ﺗﻢ ﺗﻬﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﻴﺪان‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻜﻮن ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﺼﺎم‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻗﻴﻤﺖ اﻟﺨﻴﺎم ﻟﻠﻨﻮم وﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻟﺘﺨﺰﻳﻦ وﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ اﻟﻄﻌﺎم وﺧﺰاﻧﺎت ﻣﻴﺎه اﻟﴩب ودورات اﳌﻴﺎه‪.‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬

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‫ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺳﻮرﻛني‪Variations on a Theme Park, the New American City and the End of Public Space, (New York: Hill) ,‬‬ ‫& ‪.(Wang, 1992‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮن ﺷﻴﺰ‪ ,‬ﻣﺎرﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﺮاوﻓﻮرد و ﻛﺎﻟﻴﺴىك ﺟﻮن‪.(eds, Everyday Urbanism, (New York: The Monacelli Press, 1999) ,‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ :‬اﻋﺎدة ﻗﺮاءة ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪ .‬ﻧﻬري اﻟﺠﻨﺪى‬


Secondly the private sphere, the Oikos The square also included lots of activities that fall into the private sector of the state. It was turned from a roundabout to into a huge campsite accommodating people for days. Enriched by the feeling that the square belonged to them, and defining its borders, the square was totally redesigned to accommodate people’s during the sit-in. The square included a diversity of functions. First was the campsites including tents for sleeping purposes and attached to food stalls, water tanks and toilets. Secondly, was the Bloggers camp, which formed the media center of the square , spreading the word and sharing news about the square, in addition to the newspaper wall which gathered people everyday morning to catch up with the latest news and allowed discussions and debates. Then there were the makeshift clinics and pharmacies, which adopted the healthcare of the square due to the continuous confrontations that lead to lots of injuries. In addition to the kindergarten, which housed children of people ,who wanted to join the protests, and organized some creative activities to form a sort of informal learning in the square . Finally were the Flag sellers, which formed a sort of a market that was then extended to house food and drinks. All these different activities, were housed in the same space, sometimes overlapping or taking shifts , one after the other. A tour through the square was a tour through a state structure that went beyond the idea of being a public space. Thirdly the Sacred Sphere As the Greek polis sacred sphere included the temple (Acropolis) and the cemetery (Necropolis), also the values that the square symbolized to the people gave it a level of sacredness. The square was the embodiment of people demands and values. The fact that people wanted to protect the square and were prepared to die to keep it, shows that the square was not just the space that housed the revolution but also a symbol for all the dreams and hopes for the revolutionary Utopia that they sought to create. They hoped that this Utopia in which they set their new values, would be able then to spread around their country. Even within the square borders they practiced certain ethical values which then called the Ethics of the square. Tahrir Square also became the symbol of liberation. It became the site where hundreds of thousands of Egyptians found personal Liberation and practiced the values of equality, integrity, unity and dignity. The square occupation for days turning it into a ‘state within the state’ as a new model for the country to be experimented, gave a new dimension for the notion of the public spaces that should be readdressed. The square which has long been an eyewitness on the political, social and economic changes in the society, now became a counterpart of it. The process of occupation squares has highlighted the relation between the public spaces and the people and turned them into icons across the world

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Tahrir Square: The Public Space Revisited. Noheir Elgendy


‫ﻛام أﻗﻴﻢ ﻣﺨﻴﻢ اﳌﺪوﻧني ﻟﻴﻜﻮن مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ اﳌﺮﻛﺰ اﻻﻋﻼﻣﻲ اﻟﺬي ﻳﻨﴩ ﺻﻮت اﳌﻴﺪان‬ ‫وﻳﺬﻳﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬وﺣﻮل ﻣﺠﻠﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﺋﻂ ﻳﺘﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﻨﺎس ﻛﻞ ﺻﺒﺎح ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ آﺧﺮ اﻷﺧﺒﺎر‬ ‫وﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ اﻷوﺿﺎع اﳌﺴﺘﺠﺪة‪ .‬وﰲ اﻷرﻛﺎن و اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻵﻣﻦ ﺗﻢ اﻋﺪاد اﳌﺴﺘﺸﻔﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﻴﺪاﻧﻴﺔ واﻟﺼﻴﺪﻟﻴﺎت ﻟﻌﻼج ﺣﺎﻻت اﻻﺻﺎﺑﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮة ﺧﻼل اﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺎت وأﺛﻨﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﳌﻴﺪان‪ .‬و متﺨﻀﺖ أﻓﻜﺎر اﳌﻌﺘﺼﻤني اﱃ إﻧﺸﺎء ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺔ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﴪ وﺟﻮدﻫﺎ اﻧﻀامم اﻟﻨﺎس اﱃ اﳌﻌﺘﺼﻤني ﺑﺨﻼف ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ أﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﺑﺪاﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل‪ .‬وأﺧريا ً اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﺬي ﺑﺪأ ﻣﺤﺪودا ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺑﺎﺋﻌﻲ اﻷﻋﻼم ﺛﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻮر ﻟﻴﻀﻢ أﻛﺸﺎﻛﺎً ﻟﺒﻴﻊ اﳌﺄﻛﻮﻻت واﳌﴩوﺑﺎت ﻷﻫﻞ اﳌﻴﺪان‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺣﺘﻀﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺪاﺧﻞ أو‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮازي أو ﻣﺘﻼﺣﻖ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ اﻟﺘﺠﻮل ﺑﺎﳌﻴﺪان مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺟﻮﻟﺔ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﻟﺔ ﺧﻼل ﺳﺎﺣﺔ أو ﻓﺮاغ ﻋﺎم‪.‬‬

‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎً‪ :‬اﻟﺤﻴﺰ اﳌﻘﺪس‬

‫اﻛﺘﺴﺐ ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﰲ ﻣﺨﻴﻠﺔ رواده درﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ درﺟﺎت اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻴﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻮي اﳌﻌﺒﺪ واﳌﻘﺎﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﻌﺪاد‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺘﺼﻤني ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ اﳌﻜﺎن وﺣامﻳﺘﻪ ﺑﺄرواﺣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺑﺠﻼء أن اﳌﻴﺪان ﺗﻌﺪى‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎ ﺣﺎوﻳﺎً ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ رﻣﺰا ً ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺿﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ أﺣﻼم و‬ ‫آﻣﺎل اﻟﺜﻮرة‪ .‬ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ اﳌﻴﺪان مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻮﻋﺎء اﻟﺬي اﺣﺘﻀﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻘﻴﻢ اﻟﻔﺎﺿﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫متﻨﻰ اﻟﺜﻮار ﻧﴩﻫﺎ ﰲ ﻣﴫ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬و ﻣﺎرس اﳌﻌﺘﺼﻤﻮن ﰲ اﳌﻴﺪان منﻄﺎً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﻻﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﺎﺿﻠﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻴام ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑـ »أﺧﻼق اﳌﻴﺪان«‪ .‬ﻓﻌﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻴﻤﻲ أﺻﺒﺢ اﳌﻴﺪان رﻣﺰا ً ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻬﻮ اﳌﻜﺎن اﻟﺬي اﺣﺘﻀﻦ ﻣﺌﺎت اﻵﻻف ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﴫﻳني ووﻓﺮ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺎخ اﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻴامرﺳﻮا ﻗﻴﻢ اﳌﺴﺎواة واﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ واﻟﻮﺣﺪة‬ ‫واﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﰲ ﺿﻮء ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل ﺑﺄن »اﺣﺘﻼل اﳌﻴﺪان« ﻟﻌﺪة أﻳﺎم ﺟﻌﻠﻪ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ دوﻟﺔ‬ ‫داﺧﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺪم منﻮذﺟﺎً ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪة ﰲ اﳌﻴﺪان واﺧﺘﱪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫أوﱄ ﻓﺮص ﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛام ﻃﺮح أﺑﻌﺎدا ً أﺧﺮى ﳌﻔﻬﻮم »اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم« واﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﺘﻠﺰم‬ ‫اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮاءات ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﳌﴫي اﻟﺬي ﺷﻬﺪ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺘﻐريات اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ أﻟﻘﺖ ﺑﻈﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫اﱃ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﻓﺎن »اﺣﺘﻼل اﳌﻴﺪان« أﻇﻬﺮ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﻟﺮﻣﺰﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺑني‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﻟﻌﺎم واﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﺘﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ رﻣﺰا ً ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺎً ﻣﻌﺮوﻓﺎً ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺎً‬

‫‪‘The square was‬‬ ‫‪turned into a ‘state‬‬ ‫‪within the state’, not‬‬ ‫‪just as a concept,‬‬ ‫‪but functionally con‬‬‫‪taining the compo‬‬‫‪nents on which the‬‬ ‫‪origins of the civil‬‬ ‫’ ‪state was made ...‬‬

‫’ﻫﻜﺬا أﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻴﺪان‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ دوﻟﺔ داﺧﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ؛ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻔﻜﺮي وﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫أﻳﻀﺎً ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺟﺴﺪ‬ ‫اﳌﻴﺪان اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﻷﺻﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪوﻟﺔ اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ‪‘ ...‬‬

‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎت اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ‪ ٢٩‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪next pages: Tahrir Square January 29th, 2011 . ٢٠١١‬‬ ‫‪Source: Satellite Imaging Corporation‬‬

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‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ :‬اﻋﺎدة ﻗﺮاءة ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪ .‬ﻧﻬري اﻟﺠﻨﺪى‬


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Tahrir Square: The Public Space Revisited. Noheir Elgendy


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‫ﻣﻴﺪان اﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ :‬اﻋﺎدة ﻗﺮاءة ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪ .‬ﻧﻬري اﻟﺠﻨﺪى‬


TOP-DOWN/BOTTOM-UP URBANISM. * Nashid Nabian and Carlo Ratti

ً‫ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺎ‬/ ً‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﺗﻨﺎزﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴــﺎن و ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ رﺗـﻲ‬

How can a city perform as an open-source real-time system?, Wiki City

.«‫ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ان ﺗﻌﻤﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻮاﻛﺒﺔ و ﻣﺼﺪر ﻣﻔﺘﻮح؟ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ »وﻳيك‬

Illustration by Kristian Kloeckl, MIT SENSEable City Lab.

text is based on a book chapter by the same authors pub* The lished in Offenhuber, D., & Schechtner, K. (Eds.). (2012). Inscribing a Square: Urban Data as Public Space. Springer

،٢٠١٢ ‫ ﺗﻢ ﻧﴩه ﰲ‬،‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﺺ ﻣﺄﺧﻮذ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺼﻞ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻻﺳﻢ ﻟﻨﻔﺲ اﳌﺆﻟﻔني‬ .‫ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﻔﺮاغ ﻋﺎم‬:‫ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻣﻴﺪان‬،‫ ﺳﻜﺘﺸرن‬.‫ أوﻓﻨﻬﺎﺑﺮ و ك‬.‫ د‬:‫اﳌﺤﺮرون‬


Nashid Nabian has a Master’s degree in Architectural Engineering from Shahid Beheshti University and a Master’s degree in Urban Design from the University of Toronto where she received the Toronto Association of Young Architects award. Since 2003, she has been partner at Arsh Design Studio, a Tehran-based architecture office both nationally and internationally recognized for its projects in venues such as Agha Khan Award for Architecture and World Architecture Festival. She holds a Doctor of Design degree from the Harvard Graduate School of Design. Nashid's research focuses on how novel technologies can impact the spatial experience by soliciting the needs and desires of inhabitants or users. She has taught graduate seminar and design studio courses at Harvard, Toronto University, Rice University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Her research has been showcased in various venues, including the ACADIA, IEEE Digital Ecosystems Conference; the UCMedia Conference on User-Centric Media, the Mobile Multimedia Communications Conference, Toronto's Nuit Blanche Annual Event, New Orleans' American Institute of Architects DesCours Festival, and SEED Magazine. Currently, she is a postdoctoral fellow at MIT Senseable City Lab, while holding a lecturer position in the Department of Architecture at Harvard Graduate School of Design. Carlo Ratti is an architect and engineer by training, he practices in Italy and teaches at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he directs the Senseable City Lab. He graduated from the Politecnico di Torino and the École Nationale des Ponts et Chaussées in Paris, and later earned his MPhil and PhD at the University of Cambridge, UK. Ratti has co-authored over 100 scientific papers and holds several patents. His work has been exhibited worldwide at venues such as the Venice Biennale, the Design Museum Barcelona, the Science Museum in London, GAFTA in San Francisco and The Museum of Modern Art in New York. His Digital Water Pavilion at the 2008 World Expo was hailed by Time Magazine as one of the Best Inventions of the Year. He has been included in Esquire Magazine's Best and Brightest list and in Blueprint Magazine's 25 People who will Change the World of Design. Ratti recently served as the inaugural Innovator in Residence in Queensland, Australia. ‫ﻧﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﺎن ﺣﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘري ﰲ اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﻬﺸﺘﻲ وﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘري ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺤﴬي ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﻮرﻧﺘﻮ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻋﲆ ﺟﺎﺋﺰة »راﺑﻄﺔ ﺗﻮروﻧﺘﻮ‬ ‫ وﻫﻲ ﴍﻳﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬٢٠٠٣ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ ﻛام ﺗﺤﻤﻞ أﻳﻀﺎً دﻛﺘﻮراه ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﺎرﻓﺎرد‬.«‫ﻟﻠﻤﻬﻨﺪﺳني اﳌﻌامرﻳني اﻟﺸﺒﺎب‬ ‫ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ اﺑﺤﺎث ﻧﺸﻴﺪ ﻋﲆ‬.‫ وﻫﻮ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻌامري ﰲ ﻃﻬﺮان ﻣﻌﺮوف وﻃﻨﻴﺎً ودوﻟﻴﺎً ﳌﺸﺎرﻳﻌﻪ ﰲ ﺟﺎﺋﺰة اﻷﻏﺎ ﺧﺎن ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﳌﻬﺮﺟﺎن اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‬،«‫»أرش‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ درﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮﻫﺎت اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ودورات ﻟﻠﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬.‫ﺗﺄﺛري اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﳌﺒﺘﻜﺮة ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ اﳌﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘامس اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت ورﻏﺒﺎت اﻟﺴﻜﺎن أو اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني‬ ‫( ﻣﺆمتﺮ‬IEEE) ‫ و‬، (ACADIA) ‫ مبﺎ ﰲ ذﻟﻚ‬،‫ وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﻋﺮض أﺑﺤﺎﺛﻬﺎ ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬.‫ وﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ راﻳﺲ وﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﺗﺸﻮﺳﺘﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‬،‫ وﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﻮرﻧﺘﻮ‬،‫ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﺎرﻓﺎرد‬ ‫ وﻣﻬﺮﺟﺎن اﳌﻌﻬﺪ اﻷﻣﺮﻳيك‬, (Nuit Blanche) ‫ واﻟﺤﺪث اﻟﺴﻨﻮي ﰲ ﺗﻮروﻧﺘﻮ‬,‫ ﻣﺆمتﺮ اﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻت اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ اﳌﺘﻨﻘﻠﺔ‬,(UCmedia) ‫ وﻣﺆمتﺮ‬,‫اﻟﻨﻈﻢ اﻹﻳﻜﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ‬ ،‫( مبﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﺗﺸﻮﺳﺘﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‬SENSEable City Lab) ‫ وﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ زﻣﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮراه ﰲ‬. (SEED) ‫ وﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬، (DesCours) ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻬﻨﺪﺳني اﳌﻌامرﻳني ﰲ ﻧﻴﻮ أورﻟﻴﻨﺰ‬ .‫ﻛام ﺗﺸﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻣﺤﺎﴐ ﰲ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﺎرﻓﺎرد‬ ‫ ﺗﺨﺮج ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ‬. (SENSEable City Lab) ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬،‫ ميﺎرس اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ وﻳﺪرس ﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﺎﺳﺎﺗﺸﻮﺳﺘﺲ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‬،‫ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ رﺗـﻲ ﻣﻌامري وﻣﻬﻨﺪس‬ ‫ ﺷﺎرك ﰲ‬.‫ ﻛام ﺣﺎز ﻻﺣﻘﺎً ﻋﲆ درﺟﺔ اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮراه ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﱪﻳﺪج ﺑﺎﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬،‫( ﰲ ﺑﺎرﻳﺲ‬Ecole Nationale des Ponts et Chaussees) ‫اﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻜﻨﻴﻜﻮ ﰲ ﺗﻮرﻳﻨﻮ و‬ ، ‫ وﻣﺘﺤﻒ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﰲ ﺑﺮﺷﻠﻮﻧﺔ‬،‫ وﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﺖ أﻋامﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل ﰲ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ‬.‫ ورﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ وﻳﺤﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮاءات اﻻﺧﱰاع‬١٠٠ ‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ أﺷﺎدت ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ »ﺑﺠﻨﺎح اﳌﻴﺎه اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ« اﻟﺬي ﺻﻤﻤﻪ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮض اﻛﺴﺒﻮ‬.‫( ﰲ ﺳﺎن ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ وﻣﺘﺤﻒ اﻟﻔﻦ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﰲ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‬GAFTA) ‫ و‬،‫وﻣﺘﺤﻒ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن‬ ‫ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺳﻴﻐريون‬٢٥» ‫( ﰲ ﻗﺎمئﺔ‬Blueprint) ‫( ﰲ ﻗﺎمئ��� اﻻﻓﻀﻞ واﻷﳌﻊ وﰲ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬Esquire) ‫ وﻗﺪ أدرج ﰲ ﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬.‫ ووﺻﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ »واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ أﻓﻀﻞ اﻻﺧﱰاﻋﺎت« ﻟﻠﺴﻨﺔ‬٢٠٠٨ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‬ .‫ أﺳﱰاﻟﻴﺎ‬،‫ ﺷﻐﻞ ريت ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ً ﻣﻨﺼﺐ اﳌﺒﺘﻜﺮ اﳌﻘﻴﻢ ﰲ وﻻﻳﺔ ﻛﻮﻳﻨﺰﻻﻧﺪ‬.«‫ﻋﺎمل اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬

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The 1965 exhibition Architecture Without Architects, shown at the Museum of Modern Art, and the accompanying book Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-pedigreed Architecture by Bernard Rudofsky, provided a unique view into what Rudofsky defined as “communal vernacular,” “anonymous,” “spontaneous,” “indigenous,” “rural,” “non-formal,” “non-classified,” or “non-pedigreed” architecture, or, architecture created by anonymous, untutored builders who used their good sense to handle practical problems in a synergetic relationship with the environment, implicitly criticizing the narrow orthodoxy of a discipline preoccupied with “architectural nobility” and the work of individual masters. In architectures without architects, the inhabited environments were inspired and directly shaped by their inhabitants. 1 Not long before the exhibition, John Habraken, proposed a model that provided a platform for soliciting the participation of users and residents in the process of building mass-housing projects. In this model, the physical structure of the buildings was conceptually separated into support components and infill components. While the supporting infrastructure would be provided by the state, the infill components were envisioned as housing units that people themselves could build on top of or in the middle of the provided infrastructure.2 Over a decade after Architecture Without Architects was first published, Christopher Alexander and his co-authors of the 1977 book A Pattern Language provided an “opensource” methodology for giving people a say in designing their own environments through the use of 253 patterns, or working documents that could be mixed and matched, adjusted and supplemented as needed. Each pattern both described an environmental problem and provided the core of its solution, creating an infinite variety of combinations of multi-layered problems and their corresponding multilayered solutions.3 In a way, all of these alternative ways of thinking about designing built environments were criticizing a centrally planned urbanism favored during the decades following World War II. Promoting a bottom-up paradigm and an innovative way of involving a city’s inhabitants in conceiving, constructing, and repairing their city, all the above mentioned works echoed Jane Jacobs’ critique of those modernist planning policies as destroying inner-city communities by creating dysfunctional settings that ignore local details and human-centered considerations in favor of the “big picture” envisioned by 1 Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture without architects, an introduction to non-pedigreed architecture (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1964):1-9. 2 NJ Habraken, Supports: An alternative to mass housing (London: Architectural Press, 1972): 59-61. 3 Christopher Alexander, Sara Ishikawa, Murray Silverstein, Max Jacobson, Ingrid Fiksdahl-King, and Shlomo Angel, A Pattern Language (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977).

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Top-Down/Bottom-Up Urbanization. Nashid Nabian and Carlo Ratti


‫ﻣﻌﺮض ‪-‬ﻋامرة ﺑﺪون ﻣﻌامرﻳني‪ -‬اﻟﺬي أﻗﻴﻢ ﻋﺎم ‪ ١٩٦٥‬ﰲ ﻣﺘﺤﻒ اﻟﻔﻦ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬واﻟﻜﺘﺎب اﳌﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮان‬ ‫»ﻋامرة ﺑﺪون ﻣﻌامرﻳني‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻗﺼرية ﻟﻠﻌامرة ﻏري اﳌﺆﺻﻠﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻟﱪﻧﺎرد رودوﻓﺴيك‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﱠﻣﺎ رؤﻳﺔ اﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﳌﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﺴامة«‪» ،‬اﻟﺘﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺔ«‪» ،‬اﻟﻔﻄﺮﻳﺔ«‪» ،‬اﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ«‪» ،‬ﻏري‬ ‫ﻋ ﱠﺮﻓﻪ رودوﻓﺴيك ﺑﺎﻟﻌامرة »اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎ ﱢﻣﻴﺔ«‪» ،‬ﻏري‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫اﳌﺆﺻﻠﺔ«‪ ،‬أو‪ ،‬اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﺘﻲ أﺑﺪﻋﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺎة‪ ،‬ﻏري ﻣﻌﺮوﻓني وﻏري دارﺳني‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ«‪» ،‬ﻏري اﳌﺼ ﱠﻨﻔﺔ«‪ ،‬أو »ﻏري ﱠ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺴﻬﻢ اﻟﺠﻴﱢﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺸﻜﻼت ﻋﲇ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﺂزر ﻣﻊ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪا ً‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﻮا ﱢ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺎً اﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪات اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺿﻴﻘﺔ اﻷﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻨﻬﺞ اﻟﺬي اﻧﺸﻐﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺨﺎﻣﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ واﻷﻋامل اﻟﻔﺮدﻳﺔ ﻟﻜﺒﺎر‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫اﳌﻬﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻋامرة ﺑﺪون ﻣﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﳌﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ أُﻟﻬﻤﺖ وﺗﺸﻜﱠﻠﺖ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﴍ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ اﳌﻌﺮض ﺑﻔﱰة ﻗﺼرية‪ ،‬ﻗﺎم ‪-‬ﺟﻮن ﻫﺎﺑﺮاﻛني‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻗﱰاح منﻮذج وﺿﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺧﻄﺔ ﻟﺤﺚّ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني‬ ‫واﳌﻘﻴﻤني ﺑﺎﳌﺪن ﻋﲇ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎء اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻻﺳﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ اﳌﺒﺎين‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﳌﻔﻬﻮم‪ ،‬اﱄ ﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﻣﻜ ﱢﻤﻠﺔ وﻋﻨﺎﴏ ﻣﻜ ﱢﻮﻧﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﳌﻜ ﱢﻤﻠﺔ وﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻓريﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ِﻗ َﺒﻞ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏ اﳌﻜ ّﻮﻧﺔ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻮﺣﺪات ﺳﻜﻨﻴﺔ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫أن ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮا ﻫﻢ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬إﻣﺎ ﻓﻮق أو ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﲇ ﻧﴩ ﻛﺘﺎب ‪-‬ﻋامرة ﺑﺪون ﻣﻌامرﻳني‪ -‬ﻗﺎم ‪-‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﻴﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪر‪ -‬وﴍﻛﺎؤه ﰲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ »ﻟﻐﺔ منﻂ« ﻋﺎم ‪ ،١٩٧٧‬ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺎح ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد‪ ،‬ﻻﻋﻄﺎﺋﻬﻢ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﰲ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ‪ ٢٥٣‬منﻂ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ رﺳﻮﻣﺎت ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ اﳌﺰج واﻟﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫واﺳﺘﻜامﻟﻬﺎ ﺣﺴﺐ اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻛﻞ منﻂ ﻣﻦ اﻷمنﺎط‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺑﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﻘﺪﱠم‬ ‫‪٣‬‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺎس ﻟﺤﻠﱠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﺮا ً ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﺗﻨﻮع ﻻ ﻧﻬﺎيئ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻳﺠﺎً ﺑني اﳌﺸﻜﻼت ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﻠﻮل اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺒﺪاﺋﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﻜري ﰲ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞٍ ﻣﺎ اﻧﺘﻘﺪت أﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺮﻛﺰي ﻟﻠﻤﺪن‪،‬‬ ‫وﻫﻮ اﳌﻔﻀﱠ ﻞ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻘﻮد اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺮب اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ منﻮذج ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪي وأﺳﻠﻮب ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻹﴍاك ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺼ ﱡﻮر‪ ،‬وﺑﻨﺎء‪ ،‬وﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻻﻓﻜﺎر اﳌﻄﺮوﺣﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﺟﺎءت ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮة‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻘﺪ –ﺟني ﺟﺎﻛﻮﺑﺰ‪ -‬ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﲇ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻷﺣﻴﺎء اﻟﻔﻘرية ﰲ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﻏري ﻣﻼمئﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ اﳌﺤﻠﻴﺔ واﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرات اﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ »اﻟﺼﻮرة‬ ‫اﻷﻛﱪ« ﰲ ﺧﻴﺎل اﳌﺨﻄﻄني واﳌﻌامرﻳني‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﺴﻮء اﻟﺤﻆ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻻﺗﺠﺎه اﳌﻠﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻋﻴﻮب اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﺘﻨﺎزﱄ اﻟﺤﺪايث ﻟﺒﻨﺎء اﳌﺪن‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﻌﻮدة اﱄ اﻻﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن ذﻟﻚ مل ﻳﻨﺠﺢ ﰲ اﺣﺪاث ﺗﻐﻴري ﺟﺬري ﻻﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﺗﴫﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﻴﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪر ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ »ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ أورﻳﻐﻮن«‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ دﻋﻮﺗﻪ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل‪» :‬إن اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺨﻠﻖ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻮﴈ«‪ ، ٤‬وﰲ أﺣﺪث ﻛﺘﺒﻪ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم« ﻗﺎل أﻳﻀﺎ‪» :‬إن ﻓﻜﺮة إﴍاك اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎت‪ ،‬واﻻﺳﺘامع ﻟﺮؤﻳﺎﻫﻢ اﳌﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ‪ ،‬وﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﺑني وﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﻨﻈﺮ اﳌﺘﻌﺎرﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺼﺒﺢ‬ ‫‪٥‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎً وادارﻳﺎً«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ١‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎرد رودوﻓﺴيك‪ ،‬ﻋامرة ﺑﺪون ﻣﻌامرﻳني‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌامرة ﻏري اﳌﺆﺻﻠﺔ )ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ :‬ﻣﺘﺤﻒ اﻟﻔﻦ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪٩ -١ :(١٩٦٤ ،‬‬ ‫‪ ٢‬ن‪.‬ج‪.‬ﻫﺎﺑﺮاﻛني‪ ،‬دﻋﺎﺋﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻟﻼﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ )ﻟﻨﺪن‪ :‬دار اﻟﻨﴩ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ‪٦١ - ٥٩ :(١٩٧٢ ،‬‬ ‫‪ ٣‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪر‪ ،‬ﺳﺎرة اﻳﺸﻴﻜﺎوا‪ ،‬ﻣﻮراي ﺳﻴﻠﻔﺮﺳﺘني‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﺟﺎﻛﻮﺑﺴﻮن‪ ،‬اﻧﺠﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻴﻜﺴﺪال‪ -‬ﻛﻴﻨﺞ وﺷﻠﻮﻣﻮ اﻧﺠﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺔ منﻂ‪) ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ :‬دار ﻧﴩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻛﺴﻔﻮرد‪(١٩٧٧ ،‬‬ ‫‪ ٤‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪر‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ اورﻳﻐﻮن )ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ :‬دار ﻧﴩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أوﻛﺴﻔﻮرد‪٤٥ :(١٩٧٥ ،‬‬ ‫‪ ٥‬ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮ اﻟﻜﺴﺎﻧﺪر‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎل ﻋﻦ ﻓﻦ اﻟﺒﻨﺎء و ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﻜﻮن )ﺑريﻛﲇ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻔﻮرﻧﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ‪٢٦١: (٢٠٠٥-٢٠٠٢) ،‬‬

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‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﺗﻨﺎزﻟﻴﺎً ‪ /‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺎً‪ .‬ﻧﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﺎن و ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ رﺗـﻰ‬


master planners and architects. Unfortunately, although inspiring as an approach in addressing the shortcoming of the modernism’s top-down paradigms of city building, and going back to a timeless way of building, these approaches have failed to revolutionize the way we build cities. There is a revealing sentence in the Oregon Experiment by Christopher Alexander,, where after advocating for participation he states: “Participation will create chaos.”4 And, in his most recent book, the Nature of Order:- “the idea of involving users in the discussion, hearing their conflicting visions, trying to reconcile opposing points of view-can become a political and administrative nightmare.” 5 However, the past few years have demonstrated how new technologies can allow an unprecedented number of people to collaborate. Consider how during the series of 2011 events dubbed the “Arab Spring,” the combination of Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Foursquare drastically changed both the political landscape of the Middle East and the global understanding of resistance and resilience.6 In a different socio-political setting, the very same digital tools were used by the “Occupy movement” to orchestrate largescale protests in major U.S. cities in 2011. It is therefore logical to ask: could these very technologies have an impact on city building? Could they lead to a more democratic, bottom-up approach to urbanism? While it might be too early to get a definitive answer, we would like to review some reasons why we believe this might be the case. First, there is the issue of information. In order to address urban problems, citizens must have access to information that will allow them to make well-informed daily decisions about how to effectively use resources and navigate their surroundings, as well as engaging in the decision-making processes of conceiving, constructing, and managing their environments. New Information and Communication Technology (ICT) are making this possible to an unprecedented extent. Real-time traffic information allows citizens to make mobility decisions; location-specific information about cultural and commercial offerings allows them to decide how to best navigate the landscape of urban opportunities; real-time information that cross-associates their individual carbon footprints with pollution levels can effectively impact their energy consumption, and the list goes on. To this effect, democratizing access to urban information – as it is happening with open data initiatives all across the world - allows citizens to participate in optimizing how the space of the city is used. Second, ICTs can facilitate innovative solutions to urban problems by leveraging the culture, contemporary practice, and well-established models of user-generated, content-sharing and collaborative, knowledge-production platforms like subject4 Christopher Alexander et al., The Oregon Experiment (New York : Oxford University Press, 1975):45. 5 Christopher Alexander, The Nature of Order : an essay on the art of building and the nature of the universe (Berkeley, Calif. : Center for Environmental Structure, 2002-c2005): 261. 6 For more examples, please see: Carlo Ratti and Anthony Townsend, “The Social Nexus,” Scientific American, September 2011: 41-48

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Top-Down/Bottom-Up Urbanization. Nashid Nabian and Carlo Ratti


‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أﻇﻬﺮت ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎت اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ان ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑني ﻋﺪد‬ ‫ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺷﺨﺎص‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ اﱄ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ أﺣﺪاث ﻋﺎم ‪ ،٢٠١١‬ﻓﻴام ﻳﻌﺮف ﺑﺎﻟـ«اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮيب«‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻄﺎع »ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮك«‪ ،‬و«ﺗﻮﻳﱰ«‪ ،‬و«ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮب« و«ﻓﻮرﺳﻜﻮﻳﺮ« وﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺬري ﺗﻐﻴري اﳌﺸﻬﺪ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﻟﻠﴩق‬ ‫اﻷوﺳﻂ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻐﻴري اﳌﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎوﻣﺔ واﻟﺼﻤﻮد‪ . ٦‬وﰲ اﻃﺎر اﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﳼ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫اﻷدوات اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴ��� ﺗﻢ اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ »ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﺣﺘﻠﻮا« ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠١١‬ﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت واﺳﻌﺔ اﻟﻨﻄﺎق ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪن اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة اﻟﻜﱪي‪ .‬اذن ﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﻲ أن ﻧﺴﺄل‪ :‬ﻫﻞ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎت أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛري‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء اﳌﺪن؟ ﻫﻞ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ أن ﺗﺆدي اﱄ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪي‪ ،‬أﻛرث دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن؟‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣني اﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺒﻜﺮا ً ﺟﺪا ً اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲇ اﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮد اﺳﺘﻌﺮاض ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺳﺒﺎب اﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻌﻠﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﺘﻘﺪ ان رمبﺎ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ .‬أوﻻً‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‪ .‬وﻟيك ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ اﳌﺸﻜﻼت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼﺑﺪ ان ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨني اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲇ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲇ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﻫﻠﻬﻢ ﻻﺗﺨﺎذ ﻗﺮارات ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﻮاردﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎل‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﳌﺤﻴﻄﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻻﺷﱰاك ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﻘﺮار ﻟﺘﺼ ّﻮر‪ ،‬وﺑﻨﺎء وادارة اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻢ‪ .‬ان اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻت‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻛﻞ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺎً اﱄ ﺣﺪ ﻏري ﻣﺴﺒﻮق‪ .‬ﻓﺈن ﺗﺪﻓﻖ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﺑﻠﺤﻈﺔ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨني اﺗﺨﺎذ‬ ‫ﻗﺮارات ﺗﺨﱡﺺ اﻟﺘﺤ ﱡﺮك‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜﻼً اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ مبﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﺮوض اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨني‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﻘﺮار ﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﰲ ﻧﻄﺎق اﻟﻔﺮص اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻜﻤﻴﺔ اﻧﺒﻌﺎﺛﺎت ﻏﺎز‬ ‫ﺛﺎين أﻛﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﻜﺮﺑﻮن واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮم اﻟﴩﻛﺎت ﺑﺤﺴﺎﺑﻬﺎ ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓ ﱠﻌﺎل ﻋﲇ اﺳﺘﻬﻼك اﻷﻓﺮاد ﻟﻠﻄﺎﻗﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﺗﻄﻮل‪ .‬وﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﻐﺮض‪ ،‬ﻓﺎن اﺿﻔﺎء اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲇ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪن –‬ ‫ﻛام ﻫﻮ اﻟﺤﺎل ﰲ ﻣﺒﺎدرات اﺗﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل – ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﻮاﻃﻨني اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻠﻔﺮاغ ﻋﲇ ﻣﺴﺘﻮي اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ :‬ان اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻت ميﻜﻦ ان ﺗﻴﴪ ﺣﻠﻮﻻ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮة ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻼت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت‪ ،‬واﻟﺨﱪات اﳌﻌﺎﴏة‪ ،‬واﻟﻨامذج اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﳌﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني‬ ‫أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬واﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﻋﲇ ﺗﻘﺎﺳﻢ اﳌﺤﺘﻮي‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻌﺎون‪ ،‬واﻧﺘﺎج اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﳌﻨﺘﺪﻳﺎت اﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺪدة وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ »وﻳيك«‪ .‬ان ذﻟﻚ اﻻﺗﺠﺎه ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺜﺎل ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ وﻫﻮ‬ ‫‪ ،OpenIDEO‬ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨﱪ اﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻋﲇ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ أﻃﻠﻘﺘﻪ ﴍﻛﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻲ ‪ .IDEO‬وﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫أﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪ ،٢٠١٠‬ﻗﺎم ‪ OpenIDEO‬ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﺒرية ﺑﺎﺟﺘﺬاب ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺎت اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺪوﱄ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﻤﻤني واﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت ذات اﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ‪ .٧‬وﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﲇ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﺠﺎل ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﻃﺮاف‬ ‫اﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌﺒﺎﴍة ﺑﺎﻷﻓﻜﺎر أوﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﺼﻤﻤني اﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ان اﻟﻘﻮة‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ وراء ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﺑﺮ وﻏريﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﻌﻬﻴﺪ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ أن ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﻓﺮاد اﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء‪ ،‬اﳌﺘﺼﻠني ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮن اﻟﻘﻴﺎم مبﻬﺎم ﻓﺮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﴩﻛﺎت اﳌﺒﺘﻜﺮة‪،‬‬ ‫واﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﳌﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﲇ أﺳﺎس ﺗﻘﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻟﻬﺪف ﻫﻨﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻞ منﻮذج ﻋﲇ ﻏريه‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻨﺴﻴﻖ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻓﻴام ﺑني ﻓﺮق اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﱪاء‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴني‪ ،‬واﻟﴩﻛﺎت اﳌﺒﺘﻜﺮة‪ ،‬واﻻﺳﺘﺜامرات اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻟﺮؤوس اﻷﻣﻮال‪ ،‬وﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ واﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻷﻛﺎدميﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ أﻋﻀﺎء اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻷوﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﺮاد اﳌﺒﺎدرﻳﻦ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺎً‪ ،‬واﻟﺬﻳﻦ ميﻠﻜﻮن اﻟﺬﻛﺎء اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫‪ ٦‬ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺑﺮﺟﺎء اﻻﻃﻼع ﻋﲇ‪ :‬ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ ريت و اﻧﺘﻮين ﺗﺎوﻧﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬اﻟﺮاﺑﻄﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻷﻣﺮﻳيك اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪٤٨-٤١ :٢٠١١‬‬ ‫‪ ٧‬ﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻋﻦ اﳌﻨﱪ‪ ،‬رﺟﺎء زﻳﺎرة اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻻﻟﻜﱰوين ‪http://www.openideo.com‬‬

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‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﺗﻨﺎزﻟﻴﺎً ‪ /‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺎً‪ .‬ﻧﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﺎن و ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ رﺗـﻰ‬


specific open forums and wikis. This approach is not new to design: one existing model is OpenIDEO, an online social platform launched by the technological design company IDEO. Since August of 2010, OpenIDEO has actively solicited the involvement of a global community of designers and the public in important social projects.7 It’s online platform offers room for all interested parties to directly contribute ideas or relevant information that may inspire other designers. The underlying force of this and other crowdsourcing platforms is the fact that an active, globally connected crowd can outperform the internal design teams of professional, technology-based “innovation” companies. The goal is not to promote one model over the other, but to orchestrate collaborations amongst teams of technological experts, innovation companies, venture capital startups, academic research and development institutions, and the members of a broader community of socially pro-active and technologically savvy individuals. Furthermore, bottom-up urbanism can introduce a paradigmatic shift in how we design, build, maintain, and inhabit our cities. Conceptual forerunners like Architectures Without Architects utilized the genius of the crowd using elementary models of knowledge sharing. Now, modern online platforms for collaborative idea-generation and sharing, such as the Open Architecture Network launched by Architecture for Humanity, can transform architectural design from copyrighted phenomena into the property of the Creative Commons. This means that anyone can access blueprints and design schemes for each and every space within the city, using interactive software applications, relational data, and parametric inter-connectivity. These collaborative networks can also provide a platform for people to share how they receive, evaluate, and critique a particular design for the city they live in. The same model can also be deployed to create new, collaborative paradigms for funding urban/infrastructural projects through digitally mediated micro-donations, as well as envisioning ecologies of mass-ownership, or mass-authorship for large-scale urban initiatives and projects. 8 From democratizing access to real-time urban information, to providing cyber platforms that allow people to participate in addressing and solving urban challenges, to crowdsourcing the collection of information about how the city operates and is used, we believe that the coming years might be full of promise for the “bottom” up paradigm of how our cities are planned, conceived, built, inhabited, managed, and restored or repaired (as in the case of natural disasters or civic conflicts). In short, a continuous and innovative re-programming of the built environment by its own inhabitants

7 For more information on the platform, please visit it at http://www.openideo.com/ 8 Examples of such platforms already in operation are www.sponsume.com/ and www.kickstarter.com/, which both allow their users to solicit funding and support for the their projects by capitalizing on the potential of social networks.

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Top-Down/Bottom-Up Urbanization. Nashid Nabian and Carlo Ratti


‫اﱄ أن ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺔ ميﻜﻦ ان ﻳﻘﺪم ﻧﻘﻠﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ أﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ان اﻟﺮواد اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘني ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﻋامرة ﺑﺪون ﻣﻌامرﻳني – اﺳﺘﻔﺎدوا ﻣﻦ ﻋﺒﻘﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻓﺮاد ﰲ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻻﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ .‬واﻻن‪ ،‬اﳌﻨﺎﺑﺮ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﻋﲇ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ‪ ،‬اﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﻋﲇ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻟﻴﺪ وﻣﺒﺎدﻟﺔ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ اﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ أﻃﻠﻘﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ »ﻋامرة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ أن ﺗﺤ ﱢﻮل ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻄﺒﻊ واﻟﻨﴩ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺎﻣﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ اﱄ رﺧﺺ اﳌﺸﺎع اﻻﺑﺪاﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻣام ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أن أي ﻓﺮد ميﻜﻨﻪ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل‬ ‫ﻋﲇ اﳌﺨﻄﻄﺎت واﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴامت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻓﺮاغ داﺧﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎت اﻟﱪاﻣﺠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ذات اﻟﺼﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺮﺑﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪودﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ ميﻜﻦ أﻳﻀﺎ أن ﺗﻘﺪم ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد ﻣﻨﱪا ً ﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻘ ّﺒﻠﻬﻢ وﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﻬﻢ وﻧﻘﺪﻫﻢ ﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻌني ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﻧﻔﺲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻟﺨﻠﻖ ﺻﻴﻎ ﺗﻌﺎوﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﱪﻋﺎت ﺻﻐرية ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﺼ ّﻮر ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺌﺎت ذات اﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺠامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ‬ ‫‪٨‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎدرات اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ واﳌﴩوﻋﺎت ذات اﻟﻨﻄﺎق اﻟﻮاﺳﻊ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﺿﻔﺎء اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲇ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺤﺪٍّﺛﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪن‪ ،‬اﱄ ﺗﻮﻓري ﻣﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﻋﲇ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻸﻓﺮاد‬ ‫وﺣﻞ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﺘﻌﻬﻴﺪ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ّ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻤﻊ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﺄن اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ رمبﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن واﻋﺪة ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺠﺎه اﻟﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪي‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬وﺗﺼ ّﻮرﻫﺎ‪ ،‬وﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﺴﻜﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وادارﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﻌﺎدﺗﻬﺎ أو‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻤﻬﺎ )ﻋﲇ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل ﰲ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﻜﻮارث اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ أو اﻟﻨﺰاﻋﺎت اﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎر‪ ،‬اﻋﺎدة ﺑﺮﻣﺠﺔ ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮة وﻣﺘﻮاﺻﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺌﺎت اﳌﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‬

‫‪‘Furthermore,‬‬ ‫‪bottom-up‬‬ ‫‪urbanism can‬‬ ‫‪introduce a‬‬ ‫‪paradigmatic shift‬‬ ‫‪in how we‬‬ ‫‪design, build,‬‬ ‫‪maintain, and‬‬ ‫’‪inhabit our cities.‬‬

‫’ﻫﺬا ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ أن‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺔ ميﻜﻦ ان‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺪم ﻧﻘﻠﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﻨﺎء‪،‬‬ ‫واﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺪن‪،‬‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ أﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺤﻴﺎة‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‘‬

‫‪ ٨‬أﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﳌﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﳌﻨﺎﺑﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻫﻲ‪ www.sponsume.com ،‬و ‪www.kickstarter.‬‬ ‫‪ com‬ﻛﻼﻫام ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺚ ﻋﲇ متﻮﻳﻞ وﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺸﺎرﻳﻌﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت ﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‬

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‫ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﳌﺪن ﺗﻨﺎزﻟﻴﺎً ‪ /‬ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺎً‪ .‬ﻧﺸﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻴﺎن و ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ رﺗـﻰ‬


THINK THE UN-THINKABLE! THINK 2050! Thoughts from a Digital Native’s Perspective. Daniel Dendra

!٢٠٥٠ ‫َﻓﻜﱢﺮ ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ! َﻓﻜﱢﺮ‬

.‫أﻓﻜﺎر ﻣﻦ وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ رﻗﻤﻴﺔ أﺻﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫داﻧﻴﻴﻞ ِدﻧﺪرا‬


Daniel Dendra is anOtherArchitect, living between Berlin and Moscow. He graduated at the UCL in London and was working amongst others at Zaha Hadid Architects in London and A.M.O in Rotterdam. In 2007, he set up a collaborative design studio with the focus on sustainable solutions called ‘anOtherArchitect’ in Berlin. Extending the ideas of a aA Berlin as multidisciplinary platform Daniel cofounded the OpenSource design network OpenSimSim in 2009 which was exhibited at the XII Architectural Biennale in Venice. Ever since follow up collaborations such as the Cloudscap.es Award, OpenJapan or the FutureCityLab were initiated by him with different partners. After teaching at different universities in the UK, France and Germany Daniel Dendra is currently visiting professor at the Architecture Faculty in Alghero (University of Sassari). ‫ ﺗﺨﺮج ﻣﻦ‬.‫( ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺑني ﺑﺮﻟني وﻣﻮﺳﻜﻮ‬anOtherArchitect) ‫داﻧﻴﻴﻞ دﻧﺪرا‬ ‫ وﻋﻤﻞ ﺿﻤﻦ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﺧﺮى ﰲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﳌﻌامرﻳﺔ زﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن‬،‫ ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪن‬UCL ‫ أﻧﺸﺄ ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﲆ‬٢٠٠٧ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬.‫ ﰲ روﺗﺮدام‬A.M.O ‫و‬ ‫ واﻣﺘﺪادا ﻷﻓﻜﺎر‬.‫( ﰲ ﺑﺮﻟني‬anOtherArchitect) ‫اﻟﺤﻠﻮل اﳌﺴﺘﺪاﻣﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ اﺳﻢ‬ ‫ ﺑﺮﻟني ﻛﻤﻨﺼﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎت ﺷﺎرك داﻧﻴﻞ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ‬aA ‫ واﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﺖ ﰲ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﱄ ﻓﻴﻨﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻌامرة‬٢٠٠٩ ‫ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬OpenSimSim ‫اﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‬ ‫ ﻣﻨﺬ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺤني وﻫﻮ ﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ أوﺟﻪ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﴩﻛﺎء ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﺋﺰة‬.‫اﻟﺜﺎين ﻋﴩ‬ ‫ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺲ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت‬. FutureCityLab‫ و‬, Cloudscap.es، OpenJapan ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺪة وﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ وأﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ أﺳﺘﺎذ زاﺋﺮ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامرة ﰲ‬ . (‫أﻟﻐريو )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﺎﺳﺎري‬ Physical model: OPENpod © Open Simsim

: ‫ﻣﺠﺴﻢ‬

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During my lifetime I experienced an ever fasting changing society mainly due to technological advances and inventions. If I imagine I would live another 35 years I would experience around the year 2050 a society that is based on complete different principles then we know today. Also I would experience a completely changed climate: meteorologists and other scientist predict that by 2050 the regular summer in Europe will have the temperatures of the heat wave anomaly in 2003. Due to the heat wave more than 40.000 people died in Europe mainly in urban areas where the impact was increased by the urban heat island effect. For me as an architect and urban planner that mean that we have to re-think how we built our cities that have to cope with a different climate. Another big task is that our cities and buildings need to consume ZERO CO2 by 2050 otherwise the climate change will surpass the 2-3 degrees scenario with much worse effects on our environment and us as a species. Now you could argue that this is a task for upcoming generations and that we cannot do much with our current technological toolset. But please consider that a building that we built today will most likely still exist in 2050. So we have to consider its impact in the future. Also we have a lead time of around 20 years if we are talking about urban design and urban planning so 2050 is the day after tomorrow. We have to start thinking the un-thinkable today. We have to think 2050 whenever we design. Of course this might sound like an impossible task and I agree on this: It´s an impossible task for a single person like we understand architecture today. We have to share all our existing knowledge and connect with the means that we have today in order to make a change and design future proof. The Arab Spring is only one of the events that proved to us that we are able to think the un-thinkable if we CONNECT! Within the last 10 years we saw most of our businesses and known social systems being transformed by a phenomenon called the net moment. Encyclopedic books were replaced by Wikipedia; news distribution re-invented by twitter. Even whole countries have transformed within weeks with the help of social media. In the beginning the internet was used for connecting machines. Today the web2.0 is mainly connecting people with each other and we have become innovative and inventive with these new possibilities: We invented couch-surfing and airbnb which will probably cause a net moment in the hotel industry. We invented car2gether and flinc which will cause a net moment in the car rental industry. We invented youtube and ustream which will cause a net moment in the TV industry. The list of little revolutions is almost endless and it shows that many of known industries are just about to pass into a new area. Now we are at the fringe of passing to the web 3.0: we are connecting our environment (things) to people. The “internet of things” can connect our plants with the www and we receive a tweet to remind us that our green friend needs water (botanicals). Tower Bridge is sending out tweets whenever it is opening. This might seem like a fun game but imagine if Tower Bridge is on your way to work! In this case it might be valuable information.

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Think the un-thinkable! Think 2050! Daniel Dendra


‫ٍ‬ ‫اﺧﺘﱪت ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪار ﺣﻴﺎىت ﺗﻐري ﴎﻳﻊ ﰱ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻧﺎﺷﺊ أﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻰ و ﻣﺨﱰﻋﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬إذا ﺗﺼﻮرت أﻧﻨﻰ ﺳﺄﻋﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻟﺨﻤﺲ و ﺛﻼﺛني ﻋﺎمٍ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫أﺧﺮى ﻓﻤﻦ اﳌﺤﺘﻤﻞ أن أﻋﻴﺶ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﰱ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺒﺎدئ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ متﺎﻣﺎً ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻪ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﻦ اﳌﺤﺘﻤﻞ أن أﻋﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻨﺎخ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻛﻠﻴﺎً ‪ :‬ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺧﱪاء اﻷرﺻﺎد اﻟﺠﻮﻳﺔ و ﻋﻠامء أﺧﺮون أﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﻠﻮل اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن اﻟﺼﻴﻒ اﳌﻌﺘﺎد ﰱ أوروﺑﺎ ذو درﺟﺎت ﺣﺮارة‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰱ ﻣﻮﺟﺔ اﻟﺤﺮ اﻟﻐﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻋﺎم ‪ .٢٠٠٣‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻮﺟﺔ اﻟﺤﺮ ﻫﺬه أﻛرث ﻣﻦ أرﺑﻌني أﻟﻒ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻟﻘﻮا ﺣﺘﻔﻬﻢ ﰱ أوروﺑﺎ و ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﰱ اﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ زاد اﻷﺛﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻲ ﺑـ »ﺗﺄﺛري اﻟﺠﺰر اﻟﺤﺮارﻳﺔ اﻟﺤﴬﻳﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﱃ ﻛﻤﻌامرى و ﻣﺨﻄﻂ ﻋﻤﺮاىن‪ ,‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺬا أﻧﻨﺎ ﻳﺠﺐ ان ﻧﻌﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰱ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ و اﻟﺘﻰ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺘامﳽ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﳌﻨﺎﺧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﳌﻬﻤﺔ اﻟﻜﱪى اﻷﺧﺮى ﻫﻰ أن ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ و ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﺴﺘﻬﻠﻚ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺎىن أﻛﺴﻴﺪ اﻟﻜﺮﺑﻮن ﺑﺤﻠﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬و إﻻ ﻓﺈن اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﳌﻨﺎﺧﻰ ﺳﻴﺘﻌﺪى‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮ ‪ ٣-٢‬درﺟﺔ ﻣﺌﻮﻳﺔ و ﻫﺬا ﻳﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﺗﺄﺛريات ﺳﻴﺌﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺑﻴﺌﺘﻨﺎ و ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﺠﻨﺲ ﺑﴩى‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻚ اﻵن أن ﺗﺠﺎدل و ﺗﻘﻮل أن ﻫﺬه ﻣﻬﻤﺔ اﻷﺟﻴﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ و أﻧﻪ ﻻ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻓﻌﻞ اﻟﻜﺜري ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ اﻵن‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻀﻠﻚ ﺿﻊ ﰱ اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر أن اﳌﺒﻨﻰ اﻟﺬى ﻳﺸﻴﺪ اﻵن ﺳﻴﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰال ﻗﺎمئﺎً ﰱ ﻋﺎم ‪ . ٢٠٥٠‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ اﻷﺧﺬ ﰱ اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﺗﺄﺛريه ﰱ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬أﻳﻀﺎً إذا ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ و اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن‬ ‫ﻓﺄﻣﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺣﻮاﱃ ﻋﴩون ﻋﺎﻣﺎً‪ ،‬إذن اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬ﻫﻮ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻘﺎدم‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ اﻟﺒﺪء ﰱ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ﻣﻦ اﻟﻴﻮم ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰱ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬ﺣﻴﻨام ﻧﺼﻤﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﺸﺨﺺ واﺣﺪ ﻛام ﻧﻔﻬﻢ اﻟﻌامرة اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻫﺬه ﻗﺪ ﺗﺒﺪو ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ و أﻧﺎ أﺗﻔﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬا ‪ :‬إﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺧﱪاﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ و اﻹﺗﺼﺎل ﺳﻮﻳﺎً ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﻰ منﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ اﻟﻴﻮم ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ان ﻧﺼﻨﻊ ﻓﺮﻗﺎً و ﻧﺼﻤﻢ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮىب‬ ‫واﺣﺪا ً ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺘﻰ أﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﻟﻨﺎ أﻧﻨﺎ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره إذا أﺗﺼﻠﻨﺎ ﺳﻮﻳﺎً‪.‬‬ ‫رأﻳﻨﺎ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﴩة أﻋﻮام اﻷﺧرية ﻣﻌﻈﻢ أﻋامﻟﻨﺎ و أﻧﻈﻤﺘﻨﺎ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﺎرف ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﺤﻮل ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة اﳌﺴامة )ﻟﺤﻈﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ دواﺋﺮ اﳌﻌﺎرف ﺗﻢ إﺳﺘﺒﺪاﻟﻬﺎ ﺑـ)وﻳﻜﻴﺒﻴﺪﻳﺎ( ‪ ،‬ﻧﴩة اﻷﺧﺒﺎر ﺗﻢ إﻋﺎدة اﺧﱰاﻋﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ )ﺗﻮﻳﱰ( ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ دول ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﺖ ﰱ ﻏﻀﻮن‬ ‫أﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ مبﺴﺎﻋﺪة وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﰱ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ إﺳﺘُ ِ‬ ‫ﺨﺪم اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ ﻟﻠﺮﺑﻂ ﺑني اﻷﺟﻬﺰة‪ ،‬و اﻟﻴﻮم ﺗﻘﻮم ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ ‪) ٢٫٠‬اﻟﺠﻴﻞ اﻟﺜﺎىن(‬ ‫ﰱ اﻷﺳﺎس ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺑﻂ ﺑني اﻟﺒﴩ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﺎً و أﺻﺒﺤﻨﺎ ﻣﺒﺪﻋني و ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺪ اﺧﱰﻋﻨﺎ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﺴﻔﺮ و اﳌﺒﻴﺖ ﰱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎزل أﺻﺪﻗﺎء ﻻ ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ )‪ (Couch surfing‬وﺗﺄﺟري أﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻟﻘﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﻄﻼت )‪ (Airbnb‬و اﻟﺘﻰ رمبﺎ ﺳﺘﺤﺪث ﺗﻐﻴري )ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﺷﺒﻜﻴﺔ(‬ ‫ﰱ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻔﻨﺪﻗﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ اﺧﱰﻋﻨﺎ ﻓﻜﺮة ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺬﻫﺎب إﱃ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎرة ﻣﻊ أﺻﺪﻗﺎء ﻻ ﻧﻌﺮﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ )‪ (car2gether‬و )‪ (flinc‬و اﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻮف ﺗﺤﺪث ﺗﻐﻴري )ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﺷﺒﻜﻴﺔ( ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎل ﺗﺄﺟري اﻟﺴﻴﺎرات‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ اﺧﱰﻋﻨﺎ ﻓﻜﺮة ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ اﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮ ﻋﲆ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ )‪ (ustream‬و )‪(youtube‬‬ ‫و اﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﻮف ﺗﺤﺪث ﺗﻐﻴري ﰱ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮن‪ .‬ﻗﺎمئﺔ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﺼﻐرية اﻟﺜﻮرﻳﺔ ﻻ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ و اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ أن ﻛﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎت و اﳌﺠﺎﻻت ﻋﲆ‬ ‫أﻋﺘﺎب ﺣﻘﺒﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻵن ﻧﺤﻦ ﻋﲆ أﻋﺘﺎب اﳌﺮور إﱃ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ ‪) ٣٫٠‬اﻟﺠﻴﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ( ‪ :‬ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﻮﺻﻞ ﺑﻴﺌﺘﻨﺎ )اﻷﺷﻴﺎء( ﺑﺎﻟﺒﴩ‪ » .‬ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻧﱰﻧﺖ اﻻﺷﻴﺎء« ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ رﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺗﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ و ﻧﺴﺘﻠﻢ ﺗﻐﺮﻳﺪه ﻟﺘﺬﻛريﻧﺎ أن ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ »اﳌﺤﺐ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺌﺔ« ﻳﺤﺘﺎج ﻟﻠامء )ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻨﺒﺎﺗﺎت(‪ .‬اﻟﺠﺴﻮر اﳌﻌﻠﻘﺔ اﳌﺘﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﺮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺮﻳﺪات ﺣﻴﻨام ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه رمبﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻌﺒﺔ ﻣﺮﺣﺔ و ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ إذا ﻛﺎن اﻟﺠﴪ اﳌﺘﺤﺮك ﰱ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﰱ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ رمبﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺷﺒﻜﺔ إﻧﱰﻧﺖ اﻷﺷﻴﺎء ﺳﺘﻘﻮد إﱃ ﺑﻴﺌﺎت و ﻣﺪن أﻛرث ذﻛﺎ ًء و إﺳﺘﺪاﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ إذا ﺗﺨﻴﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ ﰱ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﻔﱰض أﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﻄﺖ )ﻟﺤﻈﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ( ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﻜّﺮ ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ! ﻓﻜّﺮ‪ !٢٠٥٠‬داﻧﻴﻴﻞ دﻧﺪرا‬


The internet of things will lead to smarter and more sustainable environments and cities. So if we imagine our cities in 2050 we have to assume that they have passed their net moment already.

PREDICTIONS

Our cities will be populated by the digital natives’ generation and it´s descendants. It´s hard to imagine how technology and our society will evolve over the next forty years. Especially for architects, we are very bad with predictions - imagine the utopian visions of architects from the sixties compared to cartoonists who have predicted the future more accurate with Dick Tracy’s phone watch becoming a real device today. So can we as planners really predict the future of smart cities in 2050? Maybe NOT. But if we should start peering through the looking glass in order to consider a possible future and not waste too many resources thinking of a lifestyle that is already passé. Any company in the world has a roadmap and a strategic planning that considers how the future of their technology will affect their businesses. Even computer chip developers that are on the spearhead of technological revolution have such a roadmap. For our most important environment: our cities we do not have such a roadmap! We think and act as if there is no tomorrow. Together with around ten universities and leading thinkers, designers and engineers we founded the Future City Lab in 2011 in order to start the discussion and use the power of crowd-sourcing in order to start thinking about urban roadmaps. All our knowledge and research will be spread openly in open-source manner. We started as a group of individuals and by now we do self fund our hobby. Each member has a certain expertise that is contributed to the network. I would like briefly to touch open some topics that concern my own interest.

2050

Instead of imagining completely new technologies I would rather like to investigate some recently established or emerging phenomena in order to predict how they could help us to achieve a more sustainable life in the future. This brief study will include (1) sharing, (2) crowd funding, (3) cocreation and (4) gaming.

1) Sharing

Some years ago social media platforms were considered playgrounds for bored high school

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Tempelhof - sharing © Open Simsim

Think the un-thinkable! Think 2050! Daniel Dendra


‫ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎت‬

‫ﺳﻴﺴﻜﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ اﻟﺠﻴﻞ اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻰ و أﺑﻨﺎءﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﺐ اﻟﺘﺨﻴﻞ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﺘﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ و ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﺧﻼل اﻷرﺑﻌني ﻋﺎﻣﺎً اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ‪ .‬���ﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫اﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻧﺠﻴﺪ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎت‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻴﻞ اﻟﺮؤى اﻟﻴﻮﺗﻮﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﻌامرﻳﻲ اﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎت ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻣﻰ اﻟﻜﺎرﺗﻮن اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻮا اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ أﻛرث دﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻴﺪ اﻟﻬﺎﺗﻔﻴﺔ ﻟـ )دﻳﻚ ﺗﺮاﳻ( و اﻟﺘﻰ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ اﻟﻴﻮم‪ .‬إذن ﻫﻞ ﻧﺤﻦ ﻛﻤﺨﻄﻄني ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﳌﺪن اﻟﺬﻛﻴﺔ ﰱ‬ ‫ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠٥٠‬؟ رمبﺎ ﻻ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﺒﺪأ ﰱ إﻣﻌﺎن اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰱ اﳌﺮآة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺼﻮر ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ و أﻻ ﻧﻬﺪر ﻣﻮارد ﻛﺜرية أﺛﻨﺎء اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰱ منﻂ ﻋﻴﺶ‬ ‫وﱃ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ .‬أى ﴍﻛﺔ ﰱ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺧﺎرﻃﺔ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ و ﺧﻄﺔ إﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺗﻀﻊ ﰱ اﻹﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ و ﻛﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺆﺛﺮ ﻫﺬا‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻮرى رﻗﺎﻗﺎت اﻟﻜﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ رأس اﻟﺤﺮﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺨﺎرﻃﺔ‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺌﺎﺗﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ أﻋامﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪ :‬ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺧﺎرﻃﺔ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻬﺬه! ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﻔﻜﺮ و ﻧﻌﻤﻞ و ﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬أﺳﺴﻨﺎ )ﻣﺨﺘﱪ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ( ﰱ ﻋﺎم ‪ ٢٠١١‬ﺑﺠﻬﻮدﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎً ‪ -‬ﺣﻮاﱃ ﻋﴩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت و ﻣﻔﻜﺮون ﻛﺒﺎر‪ ،‬و ﻣﺼﻤﻤﻮن و ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻮن ‪ -‬ﺑﻬﺪف ﺑﺪء اﻟﻨﻘﺎش و إﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﺘﻌﻬﻴﺪ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺑﺪء اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰱ‬ ‫ﺧﺮاﺋﻂ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻨﺘﴩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻨﺎ و أﺑﺤﺎﺛﻨﺎ ﺑﺈﻧﻔﺘﺎح ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﳌﺼﺪر اﳌﻔﺘﻮح اﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺑﺪأﻧﺎ ﻛﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻓﺮاد و ﻧﻘﻮم‬ ‫اﻵن ﺑﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ذاىت ﻟﻬﻮاﻳﺘﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺧﱪة ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﰱ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ‪ .‬أود ﺑﺈﺧﺘﺼﺎر أن أﳌﺲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﻬﻤﻨﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎً‪.‬‬

‫اﻟﻌﺎم ‪٢٠٥٠‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻛﻠ ّﻴﺎً‪ ،‬أﻓﻀﻞ دراﺳﺔ ﻇﻮاﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﺑﻐﺮض اﻟﺘﻨﺒﺆ ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﻴﺎة أﻛرث إﺳﺘﺪاﻣﺔ ﰱ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺤﺘﻮى ﻫﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﳌﺨﺘﴫة ﻋﲆ )‪ (١‬اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‪ (٢) ،‬ﺣﺸﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ‪ (٣) ،‬اﻹﺑﺪاع اﳌﺸﱰك‪ (٤) ،‬اﻷﻟﻌﺎب‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ١‬اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‬

‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻰ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً ﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ اﳌﺪارس اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮون ﺑﺎﳌﻠﻞ‪ .‬ﻳ َﻌﺪ اﻟﻴﻮم )ﻓﻴﺴﺒﻮك( ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ أﻛﱪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪاد ﺳﻜﺎىن ﰱ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﺗﺘﻔﻮق ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ اﻟﻬﻨﺪ و اﻟﺼني‪ .‬ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﻊ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﺛﻮرة ﰱ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر و اﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ و اﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺼﺒﺢ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﺟﺰء ﺣﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﰱ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻦ ﻧﺤﺘﺎج إﱃ ﴍاء ﺳﻴﺎرة‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺘﺸﺎرك ﻓﻴﻬﺎ مبﺠﺮد أﻧﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻬﺘﻤﻮن‬ ‫ﺑﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﻨﻰ أﻧﻪ ﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺳﻴﺎرات ﻛﺜرية ﺗﺴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎت ﺷﻮارﻋﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻵن‪ .‬رمبﺎ ﺳﻴﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﺬا ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌامرة أﻧﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﺤﺘﺎج‬ ‫أن ﻧﻨﺘﺒﻪ ﻟﻠﻔﺮاﻏﺎت ﺷﺒﻪ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ و اﻟﻐﺮف اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻬﻞ اﻵن أن ﺗﺸﺎرك‬ ‫‪‘The Arab Spring is‬‬ ‫اﳌﺜﻘﺎب )ﺷﻨﻴﻮر( داﺧﻞ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﺪد اﻟﻄﻮاﺑﻖ مبﺎ أﻧﻚ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن ﺗﺘﻌﻘﺒﻪ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻈﺎم )ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ اﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻣﻮﺟﺎت اﻟﺮادﻳﻮ( و ميﻜﻨﻚ ﺣﺠﺰه ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪only one of the events‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼل ﻣﻨﺼﺔ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻰ ﻟﻠﺤﻰ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ٢‬اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ‬

‫ﻳﺘﻢ متﻮﻳﻞ أﻓﻜﺎر ﻛﺜرية ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺒـﺮاﻣﺞ اﳌﺴامة »ﻣﻨﺼﺎت اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺪﻋني‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻋﺮض ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﻋﲆ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ )ﻛﻴﻚ ﺳﺘﺎرﺗﺮ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺼﻞ اﳌﻤﻮﻟﻮن ﰱ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻨﺘﺞ أو ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ أو ﻓﺎﺋﺪة آﺧﺮى‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺴﻤﺢ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺻﻮل )ﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﻴﺔ( ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ و‬ ‫أﺣﻴﺎﺋﻨﺎ و ﺷﻮارﻋﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﺪي اﻟﺮﺟﻞ اﻟﺬى ﻳﻘﺘﻨﻰ ﻛﻠﺒﺎً اﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰱ دﻓﻊ ‪ ٥‬ﻳﻮرو‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﴬاء ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻟﻠﻜﻼب ﻟﺘﺠﺮى ﰱ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﻘﺔ إذا ﻛﺎن ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﴍةً‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﺪي ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻰ ﺷﺎر ٍع ﻣﺎ اﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰱ متﻮﻳﻞ اﻷﺷﺠﺎر ﰱ ﺷﺎرﻋﻬﻢ‬ ‫إذا ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪون ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎخ ﺟﺰىئ أﻓﻀﻞ ﰱ ﻓﺼﻞ اﻟﺼﻴﻒ‪ .‬اﳌﻨﻔﻌﺔ اﳌﺒﺎﴍة‬ ‫ﻫﻰ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﻟﻨﺎس اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ميﻮﻟﻮن ﺷﺊ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻸﻫﺘامم ﺑﻬﺬه اﻹﺳﺘﺜامرات‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺘﻀﺎءل اﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ و ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻣﻮﻗﻒ رﺑﺤﻰ ﻣﺘﺒﺎدل ﻣﺎ ﺑني اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ و ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫‪٢٤٥‬‬

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‫‪that proved to us that‬‬ ‫‪we are able to think‬‬ ‫‪the un-thinkable if we‬‬ ‫’!‪CONNECT‬‬

‫’اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮىب ﻳﻌﺘﱪ و اﺣﺪاً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﺪاث اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫أﻧﻨﺎ ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮره إذا أﺗﺼﻠﻨﺎ ﺳﻮﻳﺎً‪‘.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜّﺮ ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ! ﻓﻜّﺮ‪ !٢٠٥٠‬داﻧﻴﻴﻞ دﻧﺪرا‬


students. Today Facebook has the third largest “population” in the world only exceeded by India and China. With this social revolution we also have a revolution of sharing thoughts, knowledge, and goods via the internet. In future sharing will become a crucial part of our social life. We do not need to own a car - we will share it since we are only interested in the mobility aspect. This will mean we will not have so many cars blocking our streetscapes anymore. In terms of architecture this will probably mean that we will need to pay attention to semi-public spaces and sharing rooms. It´s easy now to share the drill inside a multi-story house since you can track it with RFID codes and you can book it through your social neighborhood platform.

VORTEILE FÜR DIE STADTVERWALTUNG

THF PARK

THF PARK

Finanzierung einzelner Projekte durch crowd funding.

THF ONLINE

Transparenter Park : Beteiligung der Bürger am Entscheidungsprozess und Verantwortung. Spart Zeit da Prozesse nicht durch lange Auswahlverfahren entschieden werden müssen.

business Mehr Einnahmen für die Stadtkasse durch Verkauf von Lizensen.

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Vor einer Veranstaltung ist absehbar wie viele Menschen kommen werden. Bestelle Dein Essen X

Finde ein Mietfahrrad

Sozial X

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Parkbesucher

Kostenloses User-Monitoring. Einfaches User-Feedback.

2) Crowd funding

More and more ideas are financed by so called crowd-funding platforms. Creatives, for instance, can propose projects on KICKSTARTER. The funders get in return a product, special treat or another benefit. Reaching the net moment we will apply crowd funding platforms to our cities, neighborhoods and streets. A dog owner will be willing to give 5EUR for a new dog running lawn in the park if he can directly benefit from it. Residents of a street will be willing to fund the trees in their street if they will benefit from a better microclimate in summer. A direct benefit is that people who funded something specific are much more willing to take care of such investments. Vandalism will decrease and it will be a win-win situation for both the city and the inhabitants.

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Mehr Besucher im Park.

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Den nächsten Gig ankündigen

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Leute mit gleichen Interessen treffen X

Parknutzer sind am Instandhaltungsprozess beteiligt dadurch weniger Beschädigungen.

Olá! Meu nome e jéssica, eu trabalho em uma empresa de publicidade e eventos em belém(PA), e também faço parte da organização do projeto garagem musical, venho aqui para fazer-lhes uma proposta de patrocinio.

!

Garagem festival, tem o intuito de realizar shows e apresentações de bandas, cantores e djs, regionais, nacionais e futuramente internacionais, visando atingir um publico adulto e jovem( UM GRANDE PUBLICO). O "Effect Noise" em sua primeira edição, será

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users X

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Olá! Meu nome e jéssica, eu trabalho em uma empresa de publicidade e eventos em belém(PA), e também faço parte da organização do projeto garagem musical, venho aqui para fazer-lhes uma proposta de patrocinio.

Cercis sale

Callosamia

Papaver

Mehr Bewusstsein für den Naturschutz der Parkbesucher.

?

Garagem festival, tem o intuito de realizar shows e apresentações de bandas, cantores e djs, regionais, nacionais e futuramente internacionais, visando atingir um publico adulto e jovem( UM GRANDE PUBLICO). O "Effect Noise" em sua primeira edição, será

Fragen stellen

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Nachhaltige Erziehung

Fakten dokumentieren

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Sport X

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Indivudualsport bekommt soziale Komponente. Integration der Bürger durch Sport.

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Finde Sportpartner

Mehr Aktivitäten im Park.

Teile Deine Laufstrecken X

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Olá! Meu nome e jéssica, eu trabalho em uma empresa de publicidade e eventos em belém(PA), e também faço parte da organização do projeto garagem musical, venho aqui para fazer-lhes uma proposta de patrocinio. Garagem festival, tem o intuito de realizar shows e apresentações de bandas, cantores e djs, regionais, nacionais e futuramente internacionais, visando atingir um publico adulto e jovem( UM GRANDE PUBLICO). O "Effect Noise" em sua primeira edição, será

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Sponsoren

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Think the un-thinkable! Think 2050! Daniel Dendra


‫‪ – ٣‬اﻹﺑﺪاع اﳌﺸﱰك ‪ /‬اﻟﺘﻌﻬﻴﺪ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺆدى اﻟﺘﻐري ﰱ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎً إﱃ منﺎذج ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎت اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﰱ ﺳﻮﻳﴪا ﺗﻢ متﻴﻴﺰ أﺷﻜﺎل اﳌﺒﺎىن اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﺑﻌﴡ ﺣﺘﻰ ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻨﺎس ﺗﺨﻴﻞ ﺗﺄﺛريﻫﺎ و اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ إذا ﻟﺰم اﻷﻣﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻹﻓﱰاﴇ )‪ (Virtual Reality‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨامذج و إﺳﺘﺨﺪام ذﻛﺎء اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﳌﺤﻠﻴني ﺑﻐﺮض ﺗﺤﺴني ﺗﺼﻤﻴامﺗﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﺔ و ﻣﻊ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ أى ﺷﺨﺺ ﰱ اﻟﻌﺎمل أن ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪم‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﻷدوات‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻫﻨﺎك ﻛﺘﻠﺔ ﺣﺎﺳﻤﺔ‪ ,‬و ﻫﻰ اﻟﺘﻰ ﺳﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ أن ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺪون اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ وﺟﻮد ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ اﻟﺘﻰ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ ﺑﺴري اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ – ٤‬اﻷﻟﻌﺎب‬

‫ﺗﻔﻮﻗﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻷﻟﻌﺎب ﻋﲆ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﻨام‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺠﻢ اﳌﺒﻴﻌﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﻨﻮات‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺖ‪ .‬و ﺣﻴﺚ أن ﻣﻼﻳني اﻟﻨﺎس ﻳﺘﺠﻮﻟﻮن‬ ‫ﰱ ﺑﻴﺌﺎت إﻓﱰاﺿﻴﺔ و ﻳﺘﺨﺬون ﻗﺮارات واﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﻫﺬا ﺑﻐﺮض إﺧﺘﺒﺎر ﺑﻴﺌﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻨﺎءﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﺎة‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺄﺛري ﻋﲆ اﻟﻨﺎس و ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ اﳌﺮور إﻟﺦ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﰱ ﻣﻘﺪورﻧﺎ أن ﻧﺨﺘﱪﻫﻢ ﰱ ﺑﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫إﻓﱰاﺿﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ إﺳﺘﺨﺮاج اﻟﻨامذج اﻷﻛرث‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺣﺎً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻹﻓﱰاﴇ إﱃ أرض اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪.‬‬

‫‪funding‬‬

‫‪governance‬‬

‫‪thf berlin‬‬

‫‪PIONIERE‬‬

‫‪INITIIERT UND KONTROLLIERT‬‬ ‫‪DURCH DEN SENAT‬‬

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‫‪0 qm‬‬

‫‪a. Maximalgrösse für jedes Pioniergebiet‬‬

‫‪b. Maximalgrösse aller Pionierfelder‬‬

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‫‪1520‬‬

‫‪c. Themen der Pionierfelder‬‬ ‫‪d. Infrastruktur für Crowd-Funding‬‬

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‫‪qm‬‬ ‫‪8000‬‬

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‫‪DURCH NUTZER UND BÜRGER‬‬ ‫‪VORGESCHLAGEN UND ABGESTIMMT‬‬

‫‪X‬‬

‫‪PIONIER VORSCHLAG 1242‬‬ ‫‪COMMENTS‬‬

‫‪FOUNDERS‬‬

‫‪UPDATES‬‬

‫‪PROJECT HOME‬‬

‫‪PIONIERE‬‬

‫‪C‬‬

‫‪B‬‬

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‫‪FUNDING AIM‬‬

‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € €€ € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬

‫‪A‬‬

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‫���L‬‬

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‫‪Project description‬‬ ‫‪COMMENTS‬‬

‫‪FOUNDERS‬‬

‫‪UPDATES‬‬

‫‪PROJECT HOME‬‬

‫‪FUNDING AIM‬‬

‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ اﻟﻨﻘﺎط اﳌﺬﻛﻮرة أﻋﻼه ﺑﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎت و‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ دﻋﻮة ﻟﻨﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎً ﻟﻺﺳﺘﻤﺮار ﰱ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺬه اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت و ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ )ﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺒﻜﻴﺔ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ واﺣﺪة ﻣﺆﻛﺪة ‪ :‬ﻗﺒﻞ أن ﺗﺘﺤﻮل‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻨﺎ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ )اﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﻴﺔ( ﺳﻴﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﺗﺒﺪل ﰱ وﻇﺎﺋﻔﻨﺎ‪ .‬وﻇﻴﻔﺔ اﳌﻌامرى‬ ‫و اﳌﺨﻄﻂ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاىن ﺳﺘﺘﺤﻮل‪ .‬ميﻜﻨﻨﺎ إﻣﺎ أن‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻛام ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﻧﺎﴍو اﳌﻮﺳﻮﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﺠﺎه )وﻳﻜﻴﺒﻴﺪﻳﺎ( أو أن ﻧﺮى ﻫﺬا‬ ‫مبﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬ ‫‪€ € €€ € € € € € €‬‬

‫‪C A‬‬ ‫‪H‬‬

‫‪WIEDERWAHL VON‬‬ ‫‪ERFOLGREICHEN PROJEKTEN‬‬

‫‪X‬‬

‫‪Projects‬‬

‫‪C‬‬

‫‪H‬‬

‫‪C‬‬

‫‪B‬‬

‫‪A‬‬

‫‪F‬‬

‫‪E‬‬

‫‪D‬‬

‫‪I‬‬

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‫‪G‬‬

‫‪L‬‬

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‫‪3‬‬

‫‪A‬‬

‫‪C A‬‬ ‫‪H‬‬

‫‪BEISPIELSEITEN IM INTERNET‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻋﺪوﻧﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ‪.‬‬ ‫إﻧﻀﻤﻮا إﱃ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﲆ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪www.ftrctlb.com‬‬ ‫‪THF_crowdfunding © Open Simsim‬‬

‫‪٢٤٧‬‬

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‫ﻓﻜّﺮ ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ! ﻓﻜّﺮ‪ !٢٠٥٠‬داﻧﻴﻴﻞ دﻧﺪرا‬


3) Co-creation / crowdsourcing

A change in governance will automatically lead in new models of participation processes. In Switzerland the shape of new buildings was marked with sticks so that people could imagine it´s impact and intervene if necessary. Using new technologies such as augmented reality we will be able to translate such models and use the intelligence of locals in order to improve our designs. With simple interfaces and everyone in the world having access to these tools, there will be a critical mass that will allow for such systems to work without a certain elite being able to manipulate processes.

4) Gaming

The gaming industry overtook the film industries in terms of turn-over a couple of years ago. Since millions of people are navigating in virtual environments and making conscious decisions that they reflect from their everyday life, we will be able to utilize this in order to test new urban environments before they are built. Instead of simulating the impact on people, traffic flow etc. we will be able to test them in a virtual environment. The most successful models can be extracted from the virtual world into our real cities. The points mentioned above are not predictions but an invitation to all of us to continue thinking about these issues and preparing ourselves for the net moment. One fact is certain: before our cities will be transformed by the net moment there will be a shift in our profession. The profession of the architect and urban planner will be transformed. We can either ignore it as the big encyclopedic publishers did with Wikipedia or we can see it as an opportunity. Help us to think the un-thinkable. Join the future at www.ftrctlb.com

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Think the un-thinkable! Think 2050! Daniel Dendra


sharing design knowledge make architecture accessible to more people

www.openSourceArchitectureProcess.com

idea

V2.0

design process optimization

INITIATOR: ARCHITECT / DESIGNER initial design offered under creative commons license

!?

!?

!?

WEB 2.0 COMMUNITY feedback and comments by design community

prototyping phase

project

!?

ENGINEERS / SCIENTISTS

€$ prototype MANUFACTURER / BUILDER

building / user phase

feedback and comments possibility to build 1:1 scale prototypes

!!!

product improvement based on user feedback

feedback and comments by specialists community

USER / CLIENT

user feedback after project is built or during building process

product

Sharing design knowledge make architecture accessible to more people. © Open Simsim .‫ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴامت ﺗﺠﻌﻞ اﻟﻌامرة ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻌﺪد اﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس‬

‫! داﻧﻴﻴﻞ دﻧﺪرا‬٢٠٥٠‫ﻓﻜّﺮ ﻓﻴام ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮره ! ﻓﻜّﺮ‬

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A MYRIAD OF LITTLE CHANGES. Participatory Urbanism & an Interview with Maria Nicanor, Curator of the BMW Guggenheim Lab. Nicolò Gobini

‫ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺘﺸﺎ ُريك‬.‫ﻓﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﺼﻐرية‬ ‫ اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﻋﲆ أﻋامل ﻣﺨﺘﱪ‬،‫– وﺣﻮار ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎرﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﻧﻮر‬ ‫دﺑﻠﻴﻮ‬.‫ام‬.‫ يب‬،‫ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ‬

‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬


Nicolò Gobini is an architect and researcher. He studied architecture and business economics in Italy and France. He received his master’s with a focus on the relation between architecture and the media from the faculty of Architecture at the Politecnico di Milano in Italy. He lives and works in Milan.

‫ درس اﻟﻌامرة واﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎت‬,‫ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻌامري وﺑﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺎﺟﺴﺘري ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻌامرة‬.‫اﻟﺘﺠﺎرة ﰲ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ وﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ اﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺘﻜﻨﻴﻜﻮ دي ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ ﰲ إﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑني‬ .‫ وﻫﻮ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ وﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ‬.‫اﻟﻌامرة ووﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم‬

New York City Design architect: Atelier Bow-Wow. Interior view showing the interactive installation Urbanology. Photo: Roger Kisby © Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation

:‫اﳌﺼﻤﻢ اﳌﻌامرى ﻟﻔﺮع ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‬ ‫ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ داﺧﲆ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ‬.«‫»اﺗﻴﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎو واو‬ .«Urbanology» ‫اﳌﻌﺮوض اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﲆ‬

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The city, for many people, is a place of rapid change. It must be the first time in history that more than fifty percent of the population is living in a city, and that means a stress on economic interests, and logically that also puts a stress on speed and new technologies. Perhaps it is for all these reasons but one thing that is certain is that participation in the urban debate is a cross-sectional and ever increasing phenomenon. It is not only that universities, large corporations and city governments invest in the city and urban issues as a research territory; it is also the residents themselves who actively participate in the urban debates and choose the city as a place for public initiatives. Citizens come together in committees, they establish relationships, they share images and thus build their expectations and together design future scenarios. More often it is individuals and not just experts who create networks, take the initiative, and develop unpredictable projects for the use of public space. The participation of different subjects in urban debates not only responds to recent international development policies for the territory, but also constitutes a spontaneous phenomenon, whether observed through the filter of any social network, an Internet share site or a social interaction project. All this occurs also thanks to the use of open-source technology that today facilitates the exchange of large quantities of information and ideas. These ideas and information are then turned into urban stories and into a myriad of little changes in the use of public space. Each little change corresponds to the need to make a place personal and friendly. This turns the city into a vital organism and this in turn encourages thinking about more conscious projects for public areas. In an op-ed of the New City Reader (issue 15: Local) the sociologist and global theorist, Saskia Sassen, explains how all these multiple small interventions and micro changes, if observed in their entirety, add significance to the notion of the incompleteness of cities, in other words to the city’s capacity to react and thereby surviving other more powerful entities and thus to change. The public reflects and actively modifies the relationship between the city, architecture and society, a subject that brings to mind the XIV Triennale of Milan in 1968 created and organized by Giancarlo De Carlo and lately reported by Paola Nicolin in the book “Castelli di carte” (Quodlibet, Macerata 2011). The theme of the exhibit – the “Grande Numero” - was proposed as a project of dialogue with society through the use of complex installations to interact with the public and recount the modern city’s transformations. Unfortunately people were not able to see this exhibit due to the opening day protest that closed it down. It was destroyed by a group of architects and intellectuals who were probably afraid by the vision of a participatory project that would tell the facts of the city far from academic rules. Participation is, instead, the beginning of a change in “making the city”. Citizens before experts, then, but this certainly does not mean the end of the specialization. It is, instead, a question of dialogue and knowledge that creates aspirations, visions and good projects and of course founds the designer’s responsibility to the community. Public sharing and open-source technologies support and accelerate the

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A Myriad of Little Changes. Nicolò Gobini


‫إن اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻌﺪد ﻛﺒري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻣﻜﺎن ﱡ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻐري ﴎﻳﻊ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻌﻠّﻬﺎ أول ﻣﺮة ﰲ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ أن ﻳﺼﺒﺢ أﻛرث ﻣﻦ ﺧﻤﺴني ﺑﺎﳌﺌﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﺟامﱄ ﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬ﻣام ﻳﻌﻨﻲ وﺟﻮد ﺿﻐﻮط ﻋﲇ اﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺿﻐﻮﻃﺎً ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم واﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺮمبﺎ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻫﺬه اﻷﺳﺒﺎب‪ ،‬اﺻﺒﺢ اﻟﺸﺊ اﳌﺆﻛﺪ ﻫﻮ أن اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺮﺿﺔ وﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪة‪ .‬مل ﺗﻌﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت و اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻜﱪي و ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﳌﺪن ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﻌﻤﻞ اﻷﺑﺤﺎث ﻋﻦ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﺮان ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬وإمنﺎ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻗﺎﻃﻨﻲ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﺑﻔ ّﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ اﳌﻨﺎﻇﺮات اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻳﻌﺘﱪون اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎدرات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻮن ﻳﻠﺘﻘﻮن ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل ﻟﺠﺎن‪ ،‬وﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﺎت‪ ،‬وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺮؤي‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺤﺪدون ﺗﻄﻠﻌﺎﺗﻬﻢ وأﻫﺪاﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺎً و ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺘﺼ ّﻮر اﻟﺴﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮﻫﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﰲ ﻛﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻧﺠﺪ أن اﻷﻓﺮاد أﻳﻀﺎً وﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ اﻟﺨﱪاء ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﺎت اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮن ﺑﺎﳌﺒﺎدرة‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﳌﴩوﻋﺎت ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻧﻀامم اﻃﺮاف ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﱄ اﻟﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺗﺠﺎه اﻷراﴈ واﳌﺪن ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺆدي اﱄ اﻧﺸﺎء ﻇﺎﻫﺮة ﻋﻔﻮﻳﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ ،‬ميﻜﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ أي ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻣﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﻴﻜﱰوين ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﲇ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺎت‪ ،‬أو ﻣﴩوع‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ .‬وﻛﻞ ذﻟﻚ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎت »اﳌﺼﺪر اﳌﻔﺘﻮح« واﻟﺬي ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ أﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺒﺎدل اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬ ‫واﻷﻓﻜﺎر أﻛرث ﺳﻬﻮﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت واﻻﻓﻜﺎر ﺗﺘﺤ ّﻮل ﺑﺪورﻫﺎ اﱄ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺺ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﺮان اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺛﻢ اﱄ ﻓﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻟﺼﻐرية ﺗﺘﻌﻠّﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﺎت اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺗﻐﻴري ﺻﻐري ميﺜﻞ ﺗﻮاﻓﻘﺎً ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺠﻌﻞ اﻻﻣﺎﻛﻦ أﻛرث ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ وﺣﻤﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات ﺗُﺤ ّﻮل‬ ‫ﺣﻲ وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﻔﻜري ﰲ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎت أﻛرث وﻋﻴﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎل ﺑﺠﺮﻳﺪة ‪-‬ﻗﺎرئ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﱄ ﻛﺎﺋﻦ ّ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ‪) - New City Reader‬ﻋﺪد‪:١٥‬ﻣﺤﲇ( ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﳌﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامع واﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺳﻜﻴﺎ ﺳﺎﺳني‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻼت اﻟﺒﺴﻴﻄﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﺪدة واﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻟﺼﻐرية‪ ،‬اذا ﺗﻢ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺠﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ان ﺗﻀﻴﻒ دﻻﻟﺔ اﱄ ﻓﻜﺮة ﻋﺪم اﻛﺘامل اﳌﺪن‪ ،‬آي‬ ‫ﻗﺪرة اﳌﺪن ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣام ﻳﺆدي اﱄ ﻧﺸﺄة ﻋﺪد أﻛﱪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻜﺬا ﻳﺤﺪث اﻟﺘﻐﻴري‪.‬‬ ‫ﻐريﻫﺎ ﺑﻔ ّﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﻳﻌﻴﺪ اﱄ اﻷذﻫﺎن ﺗﺮﻳﻨﺎﱄ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻮ اﻟﺮاﺑﻊ ﻋﴩ ﰲ ‪،١٩٦٨‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر ﻳﻌﻜﺲ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑني اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ و اﻟﻌامرة و اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﻳُ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ وﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻴﺎﻧﻜﺎرﻟﻮ دي ﻛﺎرﻟﻮ‪ ،‬واﻟﺬي ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺎوﻻ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟني ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﻣﺆﺧﺮا ً ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎب »ﺑﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ورق« )ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﻗﻮدﻟﻴﺒﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳرياﺗﺎ ‪ .(٢٠١١‬اﻟﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺮض – »اﻟﻌﺪد اﻟﻜﺒري« – ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ﻗُﺪّﻣﺖ ﻛﻤﴩوع ﺣﻮار ﻣﻊ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰات ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر‪ ،‬وﴎد ﺗﺤ ّﻮﻻت اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻊ اﻷﺳﻒ مل ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻊ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﻌﺮض ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت أﻗﻴﻤ��� ﻳﻮم اﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎح وأدّت اﱄ إﻏﻼﻗﻪ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺪﻣريه ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻌامرﻳني واﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ واﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻋﲇ اﻷرﺟﺢ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮا ﻣﻦ أن ﻓﻜﺮة اﳌﴩوع اﻟﺘﺸﺎ ُريك ﺳﺘﻈﻬﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻘﺎً ﻋﻦ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﺪة ﻛﻞ اﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ اﻷﻛﺎدميﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إن »اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ أﺳﻠﻮب »ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ«‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺄيت اﳌﻮاﻃﻨﻮن ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺨﱪاء‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﴬورة‬ ‫اﻧﺘﻬﺎء اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺺ‪ .‬إﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﺤﻮار واﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟّﺪ اﻟﺘﻄﻠﻌﺎت و اﻟﺮؤي و اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺠﻴﺪة‪ ،‬وﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﲇ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﳌ ُﺼ ّﻤﻢ ﺗﺠﺎه اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬إن ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎت اﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﳌﺼﺪر اﳌﻔﺘﻮح ﺗﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﺘﻐﻴري وﺗﻌ ّﺠﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﴎﻋﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني و ﺗﺄﺳﺲ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﺮان اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ اذا مل ﻳﺘﻢ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﺎيئ ومل ﺗﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﻴﺰ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻌﺎً ﺑﻼ ﺟﺪوي ﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت ﻋﻦ أﻫﺪاف وﻧﻮاﻳﺎ ﻃﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬إن ﺧﱪاء اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬واﳌﺨﻄﻄني‪ ،‬واﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧني ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪأوا ﰲ اﺑﺘﻜﺎر وﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﳌﴩوع ﺣﻮاري ﻣﻊ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﺗﻘﻨﻴﺎت اﻟﺮﺑﻂ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﺈن ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﺠﻬﻮدات ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮدات ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة‪ .‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ أﻣﺎﻛﻦ وأدوات ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻻﺳﺘامع و اﻟﻔﻬﻢ و اﻇﻬﺎر ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺒﺪﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل اﱃ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ أﻛرث‬ ‫ﺛﺮا ًء وأﻛرث ﺟﻤﻌﺎً‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ أﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻣﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺳﻄﺎء‪.‬‬

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‫ﻋﺪد ﻻ ﻳﺤﴡ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬


change, quickly responding to needs and building platforms of urban data. But if the information is not finalized and put into action then it becomes a useless gathering of information about good intentions. Technologists, urban planners and artists have begun to create methods for a dialogue project with the community and social technologies. However this capacity is not enough to build new planning vocabularies. You need places and tools in order to listen, interpret and give back the richness of the imagination working for a richer and plural city. Mediators will obviously be needed. The catalysts of such a diverse urban imagination for instance are experimental projects that are created thanks to the perception and ambition of their curators. These are projects that demonstrate shared talent, imagination and ideas and often use both real space locally and virtual space globally as laboratories and places for public debate. Maria Nicanor and David van der Leer, both curators at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum of New York, are the creators of the BMW Guggenheim Lab, an international laboratory of urban experiments and public initiatives, travelling through nine cities over a six-year period. The project favours international and inter-disciplinary public debate led by new talents from different sectors who are able to propose new possible scenarios for the future of our cities. During the first stop of New York, the participation in meetings was as extraordinary as the 325,000 web visitors from 139 countries, the 48,000 likes on facebook, the 38,000 connections to youtube and 3,400 followers on twitter. Now it is Berlin and then Mumbai’s turn, where the first cycle of the Lab will end.

[Nicolò Gobini] How did the idea of BMW Guggenheim Lab start? Can you explain us briefly the genesis and initial objectives of the project? [Maria Nicanor] David and myself have a strong interest in cities and see it as a responsibility (that also museums cannot neglect) to address the most pressing issues in these dense metropolitan areas around the world, and to generate more awareness of the workings of cities for the people living in them. After a decade that was often driven by an urban analysis in terms of data, maps and visualization we felt the need for a project that was more about people, about experiences, and about new ideas on how to make city life in a variety of contexts

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Maria Nicanor. Curator, BMW Guggenheim Lab. Photo: C. Nicanor

ِ .‫ﻣﺎرﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﻧﻮر‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬

A Myriad of Little Changes. Nicolò Gobini


Diagram illustrating one cycle of the BMW Guggenheim Lab © 2010 The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation

: ‫رﺳﻢ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ دورة واﺣﺪة ﻣﻦ‬

Diagram illustrating one venue of the: BMW Guggenheim Lab :‫رﺳﻢ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﻣﻜﺎن ﻋﻤﻞ‬ © 2010 The Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation

‫ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬.‫ﻋﺪد ﻻ ﻳﺤﴡ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ‬

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better. We wanted to create a platform for the public that would require active participation. Therefore, about two years ago we wrote our dream proposal and came up with the Lab’s structure and content. The Lab is an indication of new tendencies in museum practice that favor active experiences rather than passive contemplation. We find it fascinating that we get to run a project like this from a museum. It could have easily been a city government initiative to active public spaces, for instance. Instead, we are running it from a cultural institution. This allows us to address very serious issues with creativity and certain flexibility. We need to consider real life urban situations from within cultural institutions in the same way that we address art, design and other creative representations. Topics like the economic crisis, socio-political and environmental issues are matters that we should be addressing from our architecture and urban program, and that is precisely what the Lab aims to do. [NG] Public participation has a central role in the project and this is confirmed by the success that the website, blog and social networks are having. How do you define the phenomenon of participatory urbanism? [MN] When we first approached Atelier BowWow, we asked Yoshi and Momo for a noniconic structure that would be user-friendly, flexible and mobile. What they came up with was a highly simple, yet sophisticated rectangular armature composed of Carbon Fiber beams and mesh. We’ve been calling it the ‘flying toolbox’ because it houses within it’s upper compartment all the technical and practical materials one might need to host a workshop or lecture, a film

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screening or performance. Atelier Bow-Wow’s toolbox is a container that not only organizes, carries, and protects the users’ tools—which may range from furniture pieces to equipment for experiments, to high-tech electronics, to lowtech workshop gear—but that also invites its users to carefully rethink the possible purpose of each of them. The design is also a powerful manifestation of the ideals and logic of the Lab – it has no walls and is completely responsive to visitor needs; it is the ultimate soap-box, giving people a platform to gather, amplify their voices, and illustrate their ideas. I mention the design of the Lab in such detail because it is designed in such a way that it limits the curatorial voice and gives primacy to the program participants and the public – it’s a participatory experience that only works with the input of citizens and people working together with us. By controlling less and inviting people to join the discussion more, we aim to empower the public to be a part of the process. Anyone can step up and act in a leadership capacity at the Lab and this is the essence of what participatory urbanism is. When the end result is not premeditated, it puts a certain amount of pressure on the community to contribute. Having a flexible curatorial framework that allows for crowd-sourced content and visitor participation is critical to supporting a creative process that prizes innovation and intervention. In addition, creating a physical space that incites participation rather than passivity is also a key component of what we are doing at the Lab and what Atelier Bow-Wow’s design testifies to.

A Myriad of Little Changes. Nicolò Gobini


‫ﺗﻌﺪ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺤﻔﺰات ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻨﻮع ﰲ اﻻﺑﺪاع اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ‪ ,‬ﺗﻠﻚ اﳌﴩوﻋﺎت ﺗﻢ اﺑﺘﻜﺎرﻫﺎ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ رؤﻳﺔ وﻃﻤﻮح ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬و‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ اﳌﻮﻫﺒﺔ اﳌﺸﱰﻛﺔ‪ ،‬و اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﺨ ﱡﻴﻞ‪ ،‬وﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻓﺮاﻏﺎت ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺎً و ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﺮاﻏﺎت اﻓﱰاﺿﻴﺔ دوﻟﻴﺎً ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﺨﺘﱪات وأﻣﺎﻛﻦ اﻟﻨﺪوات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﻧﻮر ودﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﺎن در ﻟري‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤني مبﻌﺮض ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﰲ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ ،‬ﻫام ﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮي ﻣﺨﺘﱪ يب‪.‬ام‪.‬دﺑﻠﻴﻮ ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﱪ دوﱄ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺎرب اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ واﳌﺒﺎدرات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﺗﺴﻊ ﻣﺪن ﺧﻼل ﻓﱰة ﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﻮات‪.‬ﻫﺬا اﳌﴩوع ‪ ,‬اﻟﺬي ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﺤﻮار اﻟﻌﺎم ﻋﲇ اﳌﺴﺘﻮي‬ ‫اﻟﺪوﱄ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺤﻮار ﺑني اﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎت اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳُﺪار ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﻮاﻫﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﻨﺎرﻳﻮﻫﺎت ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﳌﺪن‪ .‬أﺛﻨﺎء اﳌﺤﻄﺔ اﻷوﱄ ﰲ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﺎت ﻣﺬﻫﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ اﱄ ﻋﺪد ‪ ٣٢٥,٠٠٠‬زاﺋﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﻗﻊ اﻻﻟﻴﻜﱰوين‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٣٩‬دوﻟﺔ‪،‬وﺻﻞ ﻋﺪد اﳌﻌﺠﺒني ﺑﺎﳌﴩوع ﻋﲇ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮك ‪ ، ٤٨,٠٠٠‬و ‪ ٣٨,٠٠٠‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﻋﲇ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎت‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺗﻴﻮب و‪ ٣,٤٠٠‬ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻋﲇ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﺗﻮﻳﱰ‪ .‬واﳌﺤﻄﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺮﻟني ﺛﻢ ﻳﺄيت اﻟﺪور ﻋﲇ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎي‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ اﻟﺪورة اﻷوﱄ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺘﱪ‪.‬‬ ‫]ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻲ[ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺑﺪأت ﻓﻜﺮة ﻣﺨﺘﱪ ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬يب‪.‬ام‪.‬دﺑﻠﻴﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫؟ ﻫﻞ ميﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻮﺿﺤﻲ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎر ﻧﺸﺄة اﳌﴩوع وأﻫﺪاﻓﻪ اﻷوﻟﻴﺔ؟‬ ‫]ﻣﺎرﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﻧﻮر[ أﻧﺎو دﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ اﻫﺘامم ﻛﺒري ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ وﻧﺮي اﳌﻮﺿﻮع‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ اﳌﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ )اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﺎﺣﻒ أﻳﻀﺎً ان ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠﻬﺎ(‬ ‫ﳌﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ اﻷﻛرث اﻟﺤﺎﺣﺎً ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻮاﺻﻢ اﳌﺰدﺣﻤﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻌﺎمل‪،‬‬ ‫وﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺠﺎه ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻃﻨني ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮور ﻋﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺴﻴﻄﺮا ً ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﻋﲇ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎت‪ ،‬وﺧﺮاﺋﻂ‪ ،‬وﺗﺼ ّﻮر‪ ،‬ﺷ ُﻌﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻮﺟﻮد ﻣﴩوع ﻳﻬﺘﻢ أﻛرث‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎس و اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب و اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة ﻋﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﺴني ﺣﻴﺎة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺗﻨ ّﻮع اﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎت‪ .‬ﻛﺎن اﻟﻬﺪف ﻫﻮ اﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﻨﱪ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮر ﻳﻘﻮم ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻔ ّﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﻜﺬا‪ ،‬وﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻣني ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻘﱰح ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺤﻠﻢ‬ ‫وﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺟﺎءت ﻓﻜﺮة اﳌﺨﺘﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ اﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ واﳌﺤﺘﻮي‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﳌﺨﺘﱪ ﻳﻌﺪ دﻻﻟﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﺪي ﻋﻤﻞ اﳌﺘﺎﺣﻒ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺗﻔﻀّ ﻞ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرب اﻟﻔ ّﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺘﺄ ﱡﻣﻼت اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬وإﻧﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺪ اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﴩوﻋﺎً ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬا ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳌﺘﺤﻒ ﻟﻬﻮ أﻣﺮا ً‬ ‫راﺋﻌﺎً‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ اﳌﺤﺘﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﲇ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‪ ،‬أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﺒﺎدرة ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ادارة اﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﻨﺸﻴﻂ اﻟﻔﺮاﻏﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﻮم‬ ‫ﺑﺎدارة اﳌﴩوع ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣام ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﲇ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺪا ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر اﺑﺪاﻋﻲ ومبﺮوﻧﺔ أﻛرث‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻷن‬ ‫ﻧﺄﺧﺬ ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﺤﺎﻻت اﻟﻌﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ داﺧﻞ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻷﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺬي ﻧﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻪ اﻟﻔﻦ و اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ و اﻷﻋامل‬ ‫اﻻﺑﺪاﻋﻴﺔ اﻷﺧﺮي‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ﻣﺜﻞ اﻷزﻣﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺠﻨﺎ اﳌﻌامري واﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪا ً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻬﺪف‬ ‫اﳌﺨﺘﱪ اﱄ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫]ن ج[ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ دورا ً ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺎً ﰲ اﳌﴩوع‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻧﺠﺎح اﳌﻮﻗﻊ اﻻﻟﻴﻜﱰوين واﳌﺪوﻧﺔ واﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻒ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻇﺎﻫﺮة »اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺘﺸﺎ ُريك« ؟‬ ‫]م ن[ ﰲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺳﺘﺪﻳﻮ ﺑﺎو‪-‬واو‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﳾ وﻣﻮﻣﻮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤ���امً ﻏري ﻣﻌﻘﺪ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺳﻬﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪام‪ ،‬ﻣﺮن وﻣﺘﺤﺮك‪ .‬وﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺼﻤﻴﻤﻪ ﻛﺎن ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻄﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﻂ ﺟﺪا ً وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻄﻮر‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ وﻛﻤﺮات ﻣﻦ أﻟﻴﺎف اﻟﻜﺮﺑﻮن‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أﻃﻠﻘﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫»ﺻﻨﺪوق اﻷدوات اﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮ« ﺣﻴﺚ أﻧﻪ ﻳﺤﻮي ﺑﺪاﺧﻞ ﺣﺠريﺗﻪ اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺎت اﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ميﻜﻦ أن ﻧﺤﺘﺎﺟﻬﺎ ﻻﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ورﺷﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ أو ﻣﺤﺎﴐة أو ﻋﺮض ﻓﻴﻠﻢ أو أداء‪ .‬ﻓﺼﻨﺪوق أدوات‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﺑﺎو‪-‬واو ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﺣﺎوﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻓﺤﺴﺐ ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ وﺣﻤﻞ‬ ‫وﺣامﻳﺔ أدوات اﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣني –واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻨﻮع ﺑني ﻗﻄﻊ أﺛﺎث‪ ،‬وأﺟﻬﺰة‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎرب‪ ،‬واﻟﻴﻜﱰوﻧﻴﺎت ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وأدوات أوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻮرش اﻟﻌﻤﻞ–‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮم أﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻬﺎ اﱄ إﻋﺎدة اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﰲ اﻷﻏﺮاض‬ ‫اﳌﺤﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ أداة ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ .‬اﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ أﻳﻀﺎً ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ إﻇﻬﺎر ﻗﻮي‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺎﻳﺎت وﻓﻜﺮ اﳌﺨﺘﱪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮاﺋﻂ‪ ،‬وﻣﺴﺘﺠﻴﺐ متﺎﻣﺎً اﱄ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﺰاﺋﺮﻳﻦ؛ ﻓﻬﻮ اﳌﻨﱪ اﻷﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﺎس ﻣﻨﺼﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺘﺠ ّﻤﻌﻮا‪ ،‬وﻳﻮﺻﻠﻮا أﺻﻮاﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻳﻮﺿﺤﻮا أﻓﻜﺎرﻫﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻗﺪ ﻗﻤﺖ ﺑﻮﺻﻒ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ اﳌﺨﺘﱪ ﺑﺘﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮب ﻳﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ وﻳﻌﻄﻲ اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ اﱄ ﻣﺸﺎريك‬ ‫اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ واﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر – ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺸﺎ ُرﻛﻴﺔ ﻟﻦ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ اﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺧﻼت اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني واﻷﻓﺮاد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫أﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ودﻋﻮة اﻟﻨﺎس ﺑﺸﻜﻞ أﻛﱪ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺤﻮار‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺪف‬ ‫اﱄ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر ﻟﻴﻜﻮﻧﻮا ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺄي ﻓﺮد ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺨﺘﱪ ميﻜﻨﻪ أن ﻳﻘﻮم وﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻖ اﻟﻘﻴﺎدة‪ ،‬وﻫﺬا ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪا ً‬ ‫ﻫﻮ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ اﻟﺘﺸﺎ ُريك‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻏري‬

‫ﻋﺪد ﻻ ﻳﺤﴡ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬


[NG] What is the difference between the approach of an expert and the public to an urban initiative as the BMW Guggenheim Lab? [MN] We feel it’s as simple as the space democratizing the conversation. A welldesigned space can change people’s behavior. The architects of the Lab are big believers in this principle. This is not to underestimate the value of experts. Expertise is very valuable and very much needed. We don’t see it as a hierarchy question, but rather as a dialogue where both parties can learn from each other. [NG] New York, Berlin and Mumbai. What was the selection process for the first three stops of the lab? [MN] Many cities were considered for this project. We envision the BMW Guggenheim Lab as a self-contained, mobile forum; for this reason, it could thrive in any dense urban landscape where topics specific to the city are relevant. New York, Berlin, and Mumbai are all international hubs for culture, politics, media and science. Not only do these cities promise us ample opportunities for urban analysis, but their rich historical legacies grant us innumerable possibilities for investigating social and political factors related to this cycle’s theme, Confronting Comfort.

‘A well-designed space can change people’s behavior.’

‫’اﻟﻔﺮاغ اﳌﺼﻤﻢ ﺟﻴﺪاً ميﻜﻦ أن‬ ‘.‫ﻳﻐري ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻮك اﻷﻓﺮاد‬ of the construction of the Guggenheim Museum in New York. It was a fantastic learning experience for both of us – and a fun adventure too to go through his drawings and archives that are stored in the middle of the desert in the FLW Foundation in Arizona. It was more important than we might have realized at the time to go back to Wright’s architecture and urban principles, which we have seen come back again and again in other contemporary shows and projects that we have worked on – his principles are still so incredibly relevant today! We both have an interest in contemporary urban practice, but starting the journey at the Guggenheim with Frank Lloyd Wright was the best thing that could happen to us

[NG] What was the first show you curated, and how did it impact your future direction as a curator? [MN] David and I have curated a variety of shows, but the first show we worked on together at the Guggenheim was the Frank Lloyd Wright exhibition that celebrated the 50th anniversary

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opposite page: :‫اﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ‬ Lab Cycle 1 Logo: BMW Guggenheim: ‫ﺷﻌﺎر اﻟﺪورة اﻻوﱃ ﻟـ‬ :‫اﳌﺼﻤﻢ‬ Designer: Sulki & Min, Seoul, South Korea © 2011 Solomon R. Guggenheim Foundation

A Myriad of Little Changes. Nicolò Gobini


‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ذﻟﻚ ﻳﻀﻊ ﻗﺪر ﻣﻌني ﻣﻦ اﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫أﺟﻞ اﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ‪ .‬ومت ّﻴﺰ اﻻﻃﺎر اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﺮوﻧﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﲇ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﺘﻌﻬﻴﺪ اﻟﺠامﻋﻲ وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺰاﺋﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬أﺻﺒﺢ أﻣﺮا ً ﺣﺎﺳامً‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﺑﺪاﻋﻴﺔ ﺗ ُﻘﺪّر اﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎر واﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﺬا ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫اﱄ أن ﺧﻠﻖ ﻓﺮاﻏﺎً ﻣﺎدﻳﺎً ﻳﺤﺚ ﻋﲇ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ‬ ‫أﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﻜﻮن أﺳﺎﳼ ﻓﻴام ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﳌﺨﺘﱪ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ أﻇﻬﺮه‬ ‫وأﻛﺪه ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﺘﻮدﻳﻮ ﺑﺎو‪-‬واو‪.‬‬ ‫]ن ج[ وﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻔﺎرق ﺑني ﺗﻮ ﱡﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﺨﱪاء و ﺗﻮ ﱡﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮر ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎدرة ﻋﻤﺮاﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﱪ ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ يب‪.‬ام‪.‬دﺑﻠﻴﻮ؟‬ ‫]م ن[ ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺮي اﳌﻮﺿﻮع ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻫﻮ أن اﻟﻔﺮاغ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻳﻀﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺑﻌﺎً دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺎً ﻋﲇ اﻟﺤﻮار‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻔﺮاغ اﳌﺼﻤﻢ ﺟﻴﺪا ً ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻐري‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻮك اﻷﻓﺮاد‪ .‬واﳌﻌامرﻳﻮن اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﰲ اﳌﺨﺘﱪ ﻳﺆﻣﻨﻮن متﺎﻣﺎً‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺬا اﳌﺒﺪأ‪ .‬وﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺬا ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄن اﻟﺨﱪاء‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺨﱪاء ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺒرية وﻧﺤﻦ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ أﻛﻴﺪة اﱄ ﺧﱪاﺗﻬﻢ‪ .‬إﻧﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻧﻌﺘﱪﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻞ‬ ‫أﻫﻤﻴﺎت‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺣﻮار ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﻵراء واﻷﻓﻜﺎر ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻟﻪ اﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎن اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻬام اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪.‬‬ ‫]ن ج[ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟني‪ ،‬وﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎي‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ متﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﺧﺘﻴﺎر اﳌﺪن‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷول ﺛﻼث ﻣﺤﻄﺎت ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺘﱪ؟‬ ‫]م ن[ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺪراﺳﺔ ﻋﺪد ﻛﺒري ﻣﻦ اﳌﺪن ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﻫﺬا اﳌﴩوع‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﺼ ّﻮر ﻣﺨﺘﱪ يب‪.‬ام‪.‬دﺑﻠﻴﻮ‪ .‬ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﻛﻤﻨﺘﺪي ﻣﺘﺤﺮك‪ ،‬وﻣﻜﺘﻔﻲ‬

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‫ﺑﺬاﺗﻪ؛ وﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺴﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻪ اﻟﻨﺠﺎح ﰲ آي ﻧﻄﺎق ﻋﻤﺮاين‬ ‫ﻣﺰدﺣﻢ ﺣﻴﺚ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻤﻴﺰة وذات‬ ‫اﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻟني‪ ،‬و ﻣﻮﻣﺒﺎي‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪن ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﺤﺎور‬ ‫دوﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ واﻻﻋﻼم واﻟﻌﻠﻮم‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻠﻚ اﳌﺪن ﻻ ﺗﺒﴩ ﺑﻔﺮص‬ ‫واﻓﺮة ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﺮاين ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬وإمنﺎ ﺗﺮاﺛﻬـﺎ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻐﻨﻲ ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﻋﺪد ﻫﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺣﺘامﻻت ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌﺘﻌﻠّﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺪورة‬ ‫»ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫]ن ج[ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ أول ﻋﺮض ﻗﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬وﻛﻴﻒ ﻛﺎن ﺗﺄﺛريه ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ﻗﺮاراﺗﻚ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ؟‬ ‫]م ن[ ﻗﻤﺖ أﻧﺎ ودﻳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺮوض‪،‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻌﺮض اﻷول اﻟﺬي ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺎً ﰲ ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮض ﻓﺮاﻧﻚ ﻟﻮﻳﺪ راﻳﺖ اﺣﺘﻔﺎءا ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮي اﻟﺨﻤﺴني ﻻﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺘﺤﻒ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻨﻴﻮﻳﻮرك‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻔﻴﺪة وراﺋﻌﺔ‬ ‫–ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻐﺎﻣﺮة ﻣﺜرية أﻳﻀﺎً أن ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﳌﺮور ﻋﲇ رﺳﻮﻣﺎﺗﻪ و ﺳﺠﻼﺗﻪ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﻔﻮﻇﺔ ﰲ وﺳﻂ اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء ﰲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ف‪.‬ل‪.‬ر‪ .‬ﺑﺄرﻳﺰوﻧﺎ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻮدة اﱄ ﻋامرة راﻳﺖ وﻣﺒﺎدﺋﻪ اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔ ذات أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺒرية أﻛرث‬ ‫ﻣام ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ وﺟﺪﻧﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻮد اﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺮات ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﰲ ﻋﺮوض ﻣﻌﺎﴏة‬ ‫أﺧﺮي وﻣﴩوﻋﺎت ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﺒﺎدﺋﻪ ﻣﺎزاﻟﺖ ﻣﻼمئﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﻞ اﱄ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬا! وإﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺷﻐﻒ ﰲ اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﴫﻳﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻌﻞ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ اﻟﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻮﺟﻨﻬﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻔﺮاﻧﻚ ﻟﻮﻳﺪ راﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫أﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ميﻜﻦ ﺣﺪوﺛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻋﺪد ﻻ ﻳﺤﴡ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻐريات اﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻟﻮ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻨﻰ‬


A RADICAL CHANGE IN PERCEPTION. Why we need a Human-Centered Globalism. Meredith Hutcheson

‫ ﳌﺎذا اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﱃ ﻋﻮﳌﺔ‬.‫ﺗﻐﻴري ﺟﺬري ﰲ اﻹدراك‬ .‫ﻣﺤﻮرﻫﺎ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‬

‫ﻣريﻳﺪﻳﺚ َﻫﺘﺸﻴﺴﻮن‬


Meredith Hutcheson has been working with CouchSurfing’s communications department for three years. Her focus is on community engagement through social media and storytelling. She has lived on five continents and believes passionately in the internet’s power to bring people of all cultures together. .‫ ﳌﺪة ﺛﻼث ﺳﻨﻮات‬CouchSurfing ‫ﻣريﻳﺪﻳﺚ ﻫَﺘﺸﻴﺴﻮن ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﰲ‬ .‫ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﰲ اﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﻘﺼﺺ‬ ‫ وﺗﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﺪة ﰲ ﻗﺪرة اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺑني اﻟﻨﺎس‬،‫وﻗﺪ ﻋﺎﺷﺖ ﰲ ﻗﺎرات اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺨﻤﺲ‬ .‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت‬

CouchSurfing weekly meet up in Cairo. ‫« اﻻﺳﺒﻮﻋﻰ ﰱ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬Couchsurfing»‫ﻟﻘﺎء‬ Images courtesy of: Ahmed Ben-Wahid

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As studies have convincingly proven, dehumanization of the “other” consistently facilitates conflict throughout the world. The United States has had soldiers in Iraq for eight years, and in Afghanistan for 10; the conflict in Darfur is said to have claimed 400,000 lives and displaced over 2,500,000 people; violence and death are ongoing in the Middle East and no resolution is in sight. All of these conflagrations have different root causes, but the violent acts that occur within them would not be possible without the ability of each side to dehumanize the other. Anthropologists Asheley Mantagu and Floyd Matson have written of this dynamic as the “fifth horseman of the apocalypse” because of the immeasurable damage that occurs when we fall into the pattern of seeing unknown people as things rather than humans. The world today is growing ever more connected, or so the argument goes. We speak of globalism and interconnectivity, and in many ways, our quotidian lives brush on the international more than ever before in history. Cultures are meeting and colliding in ways they never have before. As the world grows more interconnected, individuals are beginning to hear far more about cultures other than their own. Sometimes what they are told is accurate, but often what they are told is generalized or biased. If we fail to evolve our human globalization alongside corporate globalization, we risk accepting such incorrect portrayals as fact, and in the process dehumanizing those of other cultures. Direct interaction, on a personal level, between members of different cultures is the strongest defense against prejudice or cliché. There will always be those who try to dehumanize people that they see as enemies in order to convince citizens to support conflict. The more that people from different backgrounds have spent meaningful time with one another, the more difficult it will be to convince them that violent conflict is the most reasonable way to resolve a difference of agenda. This is the dynamic that CouchSurfing counteracts. To date, nearly 4 million people in over 230 countries and territories have joined CouchSurfing.org. They contact one another in order to stay in each other’s homes when travelling, or meet for coffee, attend events, or to discuss ideas online. While the act of hosting and visiting is the heart of the CouchSurfing community, over the years it has developed a richly woven social fabric that encompasses a wide variety of social activities. For example, a young Polish woman may stay with a Chinese family in Beijing and meet up with an Australian traveler one day to visit the Great Wall. Couchsurfing online/offline community gives people the opportunity to systematically learn about the world and people of other cultures. When a person travels to another country and is welcomed into the home and life of a local, or when someone opens their home to a stranger from another part of the world, it becomes impossible for them to see that person as anything less than human. because beneath the surface, every time that two people who would not otherwise meet together and share their stories, the world becomes slightly more human for each of them. And this is an effect that we should treat with significance.

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A Radical Change in Perception. Meredith Hutcheson


‫ﻛام أﺛﺒﺘﺖ اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻧﺰع اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ »اﻵﺧﺮ« ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﴫاع ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻛﺎن ﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة ﺟﻨﻮد ﰲ اﻟﻌﺮاق ﳌﺪة مثﺎين ﺳﻨﻮات‪ ،‬و ﰲ أﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن ﳌﺪة ‪ ،١٠‬وﻳﻘﺎل ان اﻟﴫاع ﰲ دارﻓﻮر أودى ﺑﺤﻴﺎة ‪ ٤٠٠,٠٠٠‬وﴍد اﻛرث ﻣﻦ ‪٢,٥٠٠,٠٠٠‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ؛ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰال اﻟﻌﻨﻒ واﳌﻮت ﺟﺎري ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ ﺑﺪون أي ﻗﺮار ﻳﻠﻮح ﰲ اﻷﻓﻖ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ أﺳﺒﺎﺑﻬﺎ اﻟﺠﺬرﻳﺔ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮن أﻋامل اﻟﻌﻨﻒ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ دون واﻗﻊ ﻗﺪرة ﻛﻞ ﻃﺮف ﻋﲆ إذﻻل اﻵﺧﺮ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻠامء اﻷﻧرثوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ اﺷﲇ ﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎﺟﻮ وﻓﻠﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺗﺴﻮن‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮة أﻧﻬﺎ »اﻟﻔﺎرس اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ ﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ اﻟﻌﺎمل«‪ ,‬و ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﴬر اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ وﻗﻮﻋﻨﺎ ﰲ منﻂ رؤﻳﺔ اﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺄﺷﻴﺎء ﻣﺠ ّﺮدة‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ رؤﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺒﴩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻨﻤﻮ و ﻳﺘﺼﻞ اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﻴﻮم أﻛرث ﻣﻦ أي وﻗﺖ ﻣﴣ ‪ ,‬ﻧﺘﺤﺪث ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ واﻟﱰاﺑﻂ ﺑﻄﺮق ﻋﺪﻳﺪة ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ اﳌﻌﺘﺎدة أﻛرث ﻣﻦ أي وﻗﺖ ﻣﴣ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت و ﺗﺼﻄﺪم ﰲ ﻃﺮق اﻟﺘﻲ مل ﺗﺤﺪث ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ ,‬ﻓﻜﻠام اﺻﺒﺢ اﻟﻌﺎمل أﻛرث ﺗﺮاﺑﻄﺎً‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪأ اﻷﻓﺮاد ﺑﺴامع اﳌﺰﻳﺪ واﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى اﻛرث ﻣام ﻳﺴﻤﻌﻮه ﻋﻦ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎل ﻟﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﻮن دﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﰱ اﻷﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻌﻤﻢ أو ﻣﻨﺤﺎز‪ .‬إذا ﻓﺸﻠﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ ﺟﻨﺒﺎً إﱃ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ ﻋﻮﳌﺔ اﻟﴩﻛﺎت‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﻄري ﻧﻘﻮم ﺑﻘﺒﻮل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﻮﺻﻒ اﻟﻐري ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﳾء ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬و ﺑﻘﺒﻮل‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺠﺮﻳﺪ اﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﳌﺒﺎﴍ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺸﺨﴢ ﺑني أﻓﺮاد ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻫﻮ أﻗﻮى دﻓﺎع ﺿﺪ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﺮأي اﳌﺴﺒﻖ أو اﻟﻜﻠﻴﺸﻴﻬﺎت‪ .‬دامئﺎً ﺳﻴﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﺎول إذﻻل اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﱪﻫﻢ أﻋﺪا ًء ﻟﻪ‪ ,‬و ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ إﻗﻨﺎع اﳌﻮاﻃﻨني ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻓﻜﺮة اﻟﴫاع‪ .‬ﻛﻠام ﻗﴣ اﻷﻧﺎس ﻣﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬ ‫وﻗﺘﺎً ذا ﻣﻐﺰى ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮن أﻛرث ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ إﻗﻨﺎﻋﻬﻢ ﺑﺄن اﻟﴫاع اﻟﻌﻨﻴﻒ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ اﻷﻛرث ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﺔ اﻻﺧﺘﻼف ﰲ اﻵراء و اﻟﱪاﻣﺞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬا ﻫﻲ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ اﳌﺘّﺒﻌﺔ ﰲ )‪ ,(CouchSurfing‬ﺣﺘﻰ اﻵن‪ ،‬اﻧﻀﻢ إﱄ اﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺮب ﻣﻦ ‪ ٤‬ﻣﻼﻳني ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ اﻛرث ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢٣٠‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان‬ ‫واﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ‪ ,‬ﻳﻘﻮم اﻷﺷﺨﺎص ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺼﺎل ﺑﺒﻌﻀﻬﻢ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺒﻘﺎء ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎزل ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ أﺛﻨﺎء ﺳﻔﺮﻫﻢ ‪ ،‬أو ميﻜﻨﻬﻢ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء ﻟﴩب اﻟﻘﻬﻮة‪،‬‬ ‫وﺣﻀﻮر اﻷﺣﺪاث‪ ،‬أو ﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر ﻋﲆ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺣني أن ﻓﻜﺮة اﻻﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ واﻟﺰﻳﺎرة ﻫﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ )‪ ،(CouchSurfing‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎم ﻫﺬا‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺮ اﻟﺴﻨني ﺑﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻘامش اﳌﻨﺴﻮج ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل ميﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻻﻣﺮأة ﺑﻮﻟﻨﺪﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﻘﺎء ﻣﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺻﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻜني اﺛﻨﺎء‬ ‫زﻳﺎرﺗﻬﺎ و ميﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ ان ﺗﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﻣﻊ اﳌﺴﺎﻓﺮ اﻻﺳﱰاﱄ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻳﻮم ﻣﺎ ﻟﺰﻳﺎرة ﺳﻮر اﻟﺼني اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫)‪ ،(CouchSurfing‬ﺳﻮاء ﻋﲆ اﻹﻧﱰﻧﺖ ‪ /‬أو ان‬ ‫ﻛﺎن ﻏري ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺈﻋﻄﺎء اﻟﻨﺎس ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺎمل و ﻋﻦ أﻧﺎس ﻣﻦ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎت أﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻓﺮ اﻟﺸﺨﺺ إﱃ ﺑﻠﺪ آﺧﺮ وﻳﺘﻢ اﻟﱰﺣﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺖ و ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎة ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮم ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻔﺘﺢ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻳﺄيت ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰء آﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻬﻢ ان ﻳﺮوا‬ ‫ﴩ‪ .‬ﻷﻧﻪ و‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﺸﺨﺺ أي ﳾء أﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺑ ً‬

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‫‪‘... this is why strangers meeting‬‬ ‫‪for coffee, or for a homestay,‬‬ ‫‪really can be the foundation of‬‬ ‫’‪change in our world..‬‬

‫’‪ ...‬وﻟﻬﺬا ﻓﺈن اﺟﺘامع أﻏﺮاب ﻟﺘﻨﺎول‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻬﻮة أو ﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن أﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﳌﻨﺎ ﻫﺬا‪‘.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴري ﺟﺬري ﰲ اﻹدراك‪ .‬ﻣريﻳﺪﻳﺚ ﻫﺎﺗﺸﻴﺴﻮن‬


Stanford University’s Institute for Research in Social Sciences has been investigating how CouchSurfing’s network builds trust amongst members, using anonymous, public data from our system. Diagrams have been produced (taken from a video study) to show how the effects extend beyond CouchSurfing members. It is a ripple effect: even friends of CouchSurfers begin to be drawn into increased interaction with other social circles because of the connecting force of the community. Globalization never extends into our personal and emotional lives. Awareness without connection can play out, paradoxically, as a decrease in openness. And this is why strangers meeting for coffee, or for a homestay, really can be the foundation of change in our world. We can’t all travel the world. But the internet affords each of us the ability to be part of the movement towards a human globalism. It isn’t enough merely to be aware of the wider world. We must learn from one another what it means, in the 21st century, to be a member of the global population Diagrams extracted from video of a study showing the increase and effect of Couchsurfing society being involved with other social circles. © Couchsurfing

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‫رﺳﻮﻣﺎت ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺮﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻗﺼري ﺗﻮﺿﺢ دراﺳﺔ ﻟﺰﻳﺎدة و ﺗﺄﺛري‬ .‫« أﺛﻨﺎء إﻧﺨﺮاﻃﻪ ﻣﻊ دواﺋﺮ إﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ أﺧﺮى‬Couchsurfing» ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬

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A Radical Change in Perception. Meredith Hutcheson


‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏري ﻣﺮيئ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮة ﻳﻠﺘﻘﻰ اﺛﻨني ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎس )مل ﻳﻜﻦ ُﻣﻘﺪﱠر ﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء ﻏري ﻛﺬﻟﻚ( ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل ﻗﺼﺼﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺒﺢ اﻟﻌﺎمل أﻛرث إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻬام‪,‬‬ ‫وﻫﺬا ﻫﻮ اﻟﺘﺄﺛري اﻟﺬي ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻧﺄﺧﺬه ﰲ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎم ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﻔﻮرد ﻟﻸﺑﺤﺎث ﰲ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ )‪ (CouchSurfing‬اﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑني أﻋﻀﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎت ﻋﺎﻣﺔ و ﻣﺠﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻢ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺮﺳﻮﻣﺎت )ﻣﺄﺧﻮذة ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻮ( ﻟﺘﻮﺿﺢ ﻣﺪى اﻧﺘﺸﺎر اﻟﺘﺄﺛري إﱃ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ أﻋﻀﺎء )‪ ,(CouchSurfing‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻮ أﺛﺮ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺒﺪأ أﻋﻀﺎء )‪ (CouchSurfing‬ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺠﺮار إﱃ زﻳﺎدة اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻷوﺳﺎط اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺮى ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬مل متﺘﺪ اﻟﻌﻮﳌﺔ إﱃ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ واﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔ اﺑﺪا ً‪ .‬ميﻜﻦ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺪون اﺗﺼﺎل ان ﻳﻜﻮن – ﻟﻠﻤﻔﺎرﻗﺔ –‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﰲ اﻧﺨﻔﺎض ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎح‪ ,‬وﻟﻬﺬا ﻓﺈن اﺟﺘامع أﻏﺮاب ﻟﺘﻨﺎول اﻟﻘﻬﻮة أو ﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻜﻮن أﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴري ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﳌﻨﺎ ﻫﺬا‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﺘﺎح ﻟﻨﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎً اﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﰲ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ اﻻﻧﱰﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻜﻞ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﺎ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﲆ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺟﺰءا ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﺮك ﻧﺤﻮ ﻋﻮﳌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮرﻫﺎ اﻹﻧﺴﺎن‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻋﲆ اﻻﻃﻼق ﻣﺠﺮد أن ﻧﻜﻮن ﻋﲆ ﻋﻠﻢ و دراﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎمل اﻷوﺳﻊ‪ ,‬و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻨﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻓﻴام ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺤﺎدي و اﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ ان ﻧﻜﻮن أﻋﻀﺎ ًء ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻲ اﻟﻌﺎمل‬

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‫ﺗﻐﻴري ﺟﺬري ﰲ اﻹدراك‪ .‬ﻣريﻳﺪﻳﺚ ﻫﺎﺗﺸﻴﺴﻮن‬


THE WORD ON THE STREET. Collaborative Traffic Management in Cairo. Gamal Eldin Sadek

.‫ إدارة اﳌﺮور اﻟﺘﺸﺎريك ﰱ اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬.‫ﻛﻠﻤﺔ اﻟﺸﺎرع‬ ‫ﺟامل اﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺻﺎدق‬


Gamal ElDin Sadek came up