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Redevelopment-Importance of Preserving the Community: Case of Dharavi Project _____________________________________________________

Table of Contents 1. Introduction............................................................................................................1 Section 1: Community Discourse.................................................................................2 1.1.

Community in General.....................................................................................2

1.2.

View of Modern Sociologists...........................................................................2

1.3.

Community as Space......................................................................................3

1.4.

Community and Contribution...........................................................................4

1.5.

Changes in global viewpoint on Community in last few decades...................5

1.6.

Doolittle and Macdonaldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Sense of Community............................................9

1.7.

Political Definitions of Community.................................................................10

1.8.

Criticisms and Re-conceptualization of political definitions of community....13

1.9.

Community: East Vs West.............................................................................14

Section 2: Case Study-Dharavi Redevelopment Project............................................16 2.1. Dharavi: The story so far..................................................................................16 2.2. Relations between stakeholders......................................................................18 2.3. Dharavi and Policies.........................................................................................21 3. Conclusion...........................................................................................................24 3.1.

Further Research/Recommendations...........................................................24

References.................................................................................................................26

1. Introduction Redevelopment in a region carries with it many influences on the local community of the region. The community of the region is the element that is affected by the consequences of the redevelopment regardless of whether they are positive or negative. Hence, every redevelopment plan should consider the local community as the one of the most critical element and should further make them an active member. The local community participation and making them the centre stage of the changes that are going to take place should be the core strategy of the redevelopers. Any redevelopment carried out without keeping local community in perspective can result in discontentment among the community, create feelings of distrust towards the redevelopers, can create acts of clashes within the community or with the government and can even alter community value structures. For instance, if highly modernized redevelopment takes place suddenly across a culturally rich community then it is bound to affect the individuals of the community and especially the youngsters creating imbalance. The present research aims to study the influences of redevelopment on the community residing in the slums of Dharavi, one of the biggest informal settlements across the world. A key aspiration of the study is to analyse the various facets of the community and conduct an in-depth analysis of theoretical framework of community. Further the theoretical underpinning is then compared with the case of the redevelopment project being carried out in the community of Dharavi. The study will reflect upon the scenario of the Dharavi redevelopment project and will analyze how the redevelopment plan is ignoring the role of the people of the community. Further the dissertation will also talk about the relation between the stakeholders. Building upon these, the dissertation will study the agenda of the government and how government policy has affected the redevelopment plan and its impact on the Dharavi community. The findings highlight the need of recognising the diversity within a community and acknowledging the diversities to design a redevelopment project conducive for the needs of the whole community. Further recommendations are provided on how the redevelopment plans can be made more community based and participatory. 1

Section 1: A review of Community definitions and various facets of Community Section 1 of this dissertation will explore the different ways in which community is defined by academics as well as through policy and politics. This includes the key features of a community; what it generally consists of and the different interpretations of community by different elements or stakeholders, especially the people that make up the community. Further, the introduction will also reflect on the implications of these concepts and features of community in the context of the redevelopment plans in Dharavi. Though the researcher has attempted to explore a good deal of past literature by exploiting secondary resources, however, several of unpublished sources or inability to access several other piece of literature might have occurred. Hence, this review can be seen as only a part of literature on the subject that is synthesized by the researcher by reviewing through own viewpoint. 1.1.

Community in General

The term “community” comes from the ancient latin term “communitas” which actually means comrade or well structured society (Messing,2009). In Communities, purpose, faith, resources, choices and hazards are some of the influencing variables that are common and they impact upon the behaviour and identity of the participants of the community and their mutual bonding. In today’s times, an ideal definition of community would include mutual ethics, shared individual care among fellows, and concern for one another (Peck, 1987). This idea strengthens the 'communitarian' idea of social equality, wherein nationality essentially involves shared responsibilities deprived of which discrete rights would not be imaginable. According to Dwyer (2004), “a solid logic of 'community', described here as 'an entity with certain shared standards, rules and objectives wherein every adherent aspect it is where the shared objective is as their own', is a general requirement for communitarians. Hence it can be said that Community makes distinct independence promising by guarding and supporting its adherents

and is capable to ask for and defend distinct faithfulness to mutually described responsibilities and exercises that are specific and definite to a selected community. 1.2. View of Modern sociologists Modern sociologists employ the notion of community largely to denote the communal procedures of communication and the exchange of functioning within assemblies, instead of labeling assemblies that are obvious and recognizable on the platform (Crow and Allan, 1994; Day and Murdoch, 1993). But, the notion of a native community

defines certain logic of common personality, that persons who reside in

a region are far more than merely its ‘populace’: "residing in a region gives a possible chance for shared contribution and participation with others living there as well". (Crow and Allan, 1994) In the works of Putman (2000), the ironic engagement of lives which occurs inside native communities is perceived to establish valued communal wealth for the government, along with the distinct inhabitants themselves (Halpern, 2005; Prime et al, 2002). But, the procedures which together create and reinforce a community give evidence that can be freely used to recognize that community. 1.3. Community as Space Peck (2006) remarked that building a sense of community is easy but maintaining this sense of community is difficult in the modern world and the idea of ‘space’ is extensively involved on strength, strategy, equality and citizenship. Webster and Engberg Petersen (2002) denote to ‘political spaces’ as those official networks, political treatises and communal and political rehearses by means of which the deprived and those groups operational with them can trail poverty drop. A few writers review ‘democratic spaces’ wherein inhabitants can involve themselves in demanding nationality and impact governance procedures (Cornwall and Coelho, 2006). Andrea Cornwall through are writings highlights, that these spaces for contribution are not impartial, however are themselves formed by strength and relationships, which both border and go in them (Cornwall 2002). Between all, she pulls upon French societal philosophers (Lefebvre, Foucault, and Bourdieu) for whom the idea of strength and the idea of space are intensely related. Citing Lefebvre:

“Improving citizenship involvement needs far more than just appealing or comprising people to contribute. And it demands more than merely creating place accessible for people to present their requirements and movements in collective ‘voices’. Actual contribution needs allowing people access to data on which to base planning or to drum up to declare their privileges and claim responsibility. To do the same needs dynamic involvement in developing voice, constructing serious awareness, promoting for the presence of females, kids, uneducated, deprived and excluded people, forcing open cracks to broaden places for engagement in policy making and constructing the political abilities for independent involvement, it calls for procedure that reinforce the potentials of dynamic resident involvement with four of the official kinds recognized here; both those protracted by the influential, and those by which residents create and frame their own circumstance of involvement and discover and employ their individual voice. And it depend on policies to improve residents’ political abilities in the public policy field’ from the capability to make nous of compound financial or spending statistics, to having the linguistic with which to claim with technical authorities: on preparing common man with the ‘arms of the influential. With regards to the aspect of space coming into play in the current development plans at Dharavi, it can be seen that there exists space between the policy bearers (government) and people living in Dharavi. This is because government on its part has the power to force its plans and can justify it stating numerous reasons. However the community living at Dharavi still cannot come into terms with these justifications for redevelopment. As stated by Cornwall (2002),

‘Space is a communal

merchandise … it is not merely “there”, impartial vessel before you to be filled, however is an active, humanly built medium of regulator, and therefore of supremacy, of strengths’. Lastly, there are the spaces which are demanded by fewer influential players for or in contrast to the strength bearers, or shaped more independently by them. Cornwall (2002) denotes to these spaces as ‘organic’ spaces which arise ‘out of balances of mutual interests or credentials’ and ‘may arise into existence as an outcome of widespread organization, like around individuality or concern oriented worries, or may comprise of spaces where in compatible persons link collected in mutual recreations’(Cornwall, 2002).

1.4 Community and Contribution Citizens as statistics provided, as asked to propose views, as requested to participate in agreeing on primacies, as engaged in policymaking are all types of contribution that would appear requirement for speaking regarding â&#x20AC;&#x153;citizenship contributionâ&#x20AC;? as a civil right (Gaventa and Valderrama 1999; Gaventa 2002). All these kinds of asked contribution continue depending on being presented an opportunity to contribute. Still much arises to rest on who comes forward for these deals of engagement and the way the restrictions of their involvement are demarcated. Further micro-degree study is needed if we are to know which kinds of contribution work where in types of places to offer people with chances to understand comprehensive citizenship. (Cornwall, 2002)implies here that added knowledge is desirable of the requirements for involvements in specific space as well, avoiding from the one-size-fits â&#x20AC;&#x201C;all finest rehearses example in the direction of policies that take reason of ethnic, political and ancient backgrounds. It is with these queries that the effort of the DRP is associated, with introductory fresh viewpoints and creating fresh contacts. Considering contribution as sited rehearsal pleas for methods that discover places for contribution in the spaces where in they happen, outlining their prospects related to real political, societal, ethnic, and ancient exactitudes, rather than perfect ideas of independent rehearsal. This is response give occasions to question few of the structures by which we presently create sense of contribution and for an added thorough logical conduct of main ideas and their inferences for contributions as a political rehearsal. It is expected that the effort of the DRC can donate to these schemas.

1.5 Changes in global viewpoint on Community in last few decades As seen in the previous paragraph, the modernization has brought with it queries regarding on how the rapid development can be balanced with the need of equality and freedom and uniqueness of communities involved therein. Thus it can be seen that community in the modern world are viewed as a hindrance to development. This is what is happening in the case of Dharavi. The redevelopment though might appear necessary will hugely affect the spirit of the community that has been living there for several years. 5

In this section I will discuss how the concept of community has changed through the last decades and how modernization has influenced these changes. During the era of the 1960s and early 1970s, the notion of community had a great outline - together as an explanation of how people existed as well as a prototype for planners. Rapid financial changes were resulting in extraordinary physical movement, and also in the direction of the centralism of strategy creation, wherein communities usually seemed to be implications to the development. This in response assisted to weaken native bonds - as for instance, with alterations in native communal accommodation distribution, whereby poor 'outside people' took primacy over less poor 'inside people'. There was a conceptual response as well to the idea of community between sociologists, particularly those women's lib who sensed that females' roles in communities established a restriction on womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s individual liberty. Simultaneously, sociologists were serious of the manner that certain planners were employing the word to influence native decision making (Rex, 1988). Hence adverse features of the idea came into light, wherein community was supposed to be conservative, contentious and high-class. Though, by the end of 1980s began a rise of the sense that there was something precious being missed, resulting in efforts to recollect the idea. This in turn then cultivated an entire fresh trend of guidelines to improve and redevelop communities over the reorganization of authority. Numerous of these openly, however more usually implicitly, identify that the unity of a community and publics' connection to it are straight associated with populace steadiness and period of stay in a region. (Young and Lemos, 1997) An aspect which at times seems to stop this association from being revealed more openly is the place of racial subgroups. Extensive migration has had a weakening outcome on numerous town regions; however most critics have desisted from stating this for anxiety of being termed as racialist (Browne 2004; Dench 2003; Furedi 2001). Conversation of community associations concerns has been reserved for numerous eras. But, there exists an irony in it. Racial subgroups themselves are perceived as requiring having constancy so as to form and defend their individual communal wealth, and their individual issues in attaining this have progressively gained consideration of people of host societies in recollecting theirs. This has resulted in thankfulness that â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;poor white communities' can be destructed by quick movement in populace, usually motivated by community housing strategy, and that 6

this is a reason of white opposition to migrants and leading to proposals of clash, separation and community collapsing down. According to Mumford and Power (2003), "It is the point where in community approval is crucial and has, actually, been ignored by community housing agencies. The possibility for ethnic fight over this matter is genuine, and if not tackled sensibly, could weaken community relationships for long." Till now there is certain disparity over these matters. However the agreement which appears to be evolving currently, particularly after the Cantle Report (2001), is that 'community cohesion' is declining where populace movements are much quick or huge. Native private communal bonds consume time to grow. Migrant crowds may spend the intermediate time of establishment more effortlessly if they also reside collected in racial alliances among which solid shared provisions are guaranteed (Chisholm and Smith 1990; Goodwin and Cramer 2000). Hence racial communities have worth in the private realm. However so as to avoid risky splits in the native community, novices should be united as soon as possible into occupied contribution within prevailing community establishments together with recognized adherents, instead of making perpetual distinct individualities. Certain consistency in housing forms is required earlier to family and individual bonds can grow; thus time is needed (Forrest and Kearns 1999; Willmott, 1963) however it is not enough. Assembly places are required, that is, sites where isolated links of interdependence can collect to extract mutual site significance. Community institutes like schools play a vital character here, as site where the bottom-up procedures (the private realm) of domestic life interconnect with the (top-down) territorially-planned community realm, input into it and develop to be planned by it (Morrow, 2000). This is vital logic, as it implies that 'community' is what interlinks the people and the isolated spheres. 1.5.1.Community viewed as based on locality and civic amenities Civic amenities, like schools, society halls, faith-based groups, shops, hospitals and fitness centers, are appreciated as civic institutes where individuals and families collect and part their â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;isolatedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; lives. Channels of exchange grow into relations at these sites, in manners which strengthen bonds to neighborhood. (Hidalgo and Hernandez, 2001) These places then turn into basic structure masses of native community uniqueness, on which a pyramid of more comprehensive ranks of 7

affection and individuality is built. In certain communities, nearly all the people are alike in reference of few vital feature or features. The mining communities Durham and the Lancashire cotton cities used to be ruled by a sole career and a solitary communal class. Existing communities also show some shared features, compared to communities described by racial individuality. Contrary, the idea of community does not indicate the need for regularity in the populace. In fact, the very notion of mutual requirements and duties conveys the inference that communities require various expertise and aptitudes to work efficiently (Peck, 1987). 1.5.2. Community Engagement viewed as a identity of a community â&#x20AC;&#x153;There are several dissimilar kinds of community, and producing harmony among people who live close to each other relies not merely on communal equilibrium or unity, but instead on the groups of communal give-and-take, fight, interdependency, offense and the like which persons produce in their associations with others engaged". (Crow and Allan, 1994) As a result, although similarity of the populace on few features may be an appropriate standard to recognize communities, the overall tactic is to take into account the character of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;populaceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; services which offer the prospect for community participation to be made and which in any case concurrently recognize the centers of those communities. There has been certain work done recently to create tools of community engagement and events. The UK Home Office Citizenship Survey (Home Office 2004), for instance, gathered information on a range of kinds of native association and contribution, which could direct to probable pointers for evaluating the forte of native community. The information is restricted, but, by their avoidance to casual bonds, specifically family associations, which in the opinion of maximum sociologists are the things supporting the life of communities usually. A least, the data does not allow native communities to be recognized all across the native administrations of UK. Due to lack of direct methods, constancy in the populace gives a valuable pointer of forte, as endurance is of the core in community life (Phillipson et al, 2001). Hence there are several native communities which have extensive pasts of sensible existence as mutual articles and (independent) artistes, within which families and institutes have tailored for descendants, and native character developed. But, to depend only on the

constancy of the populace as an investigative of native communities would be a too basic tactic to the stuff. Consequently we arrive to the point that, at numerous facts in the conversation, the significance of institutes, stores, community halls faith-oriented services, hospitals and health centers has been emphasized, these services offering comparatively steady and significant sources which allow communities to practice and to operate. These, and perhaps other, services are pointers of designs of everyday and weekly conduct. In this reference, they are suggestive of what is recognized as efficient communities, efficient being one more term to indicate the operational of communities. To the degree that these conduct forms produce sense of native belonging; the services also discover the cores of efficient communities, the apparent or touched communities. With reference to institutes, it is noteworthy that the progress of kids' trusts and centers implies that in the time to come many amenities may come to rotate round basic education institutes, so that their salience might arise as facts of civic facility delivery, along with their importance as the centres of community procedures. 1.6 Emerging Sense of community As we move through the community discourse we will now look upon sense of community. Sense of community is the power that binds a community together (Doolittle and MacDonald, 1978). Understanding sense of community is imperative for this research as people in Dharavi has been living there for decades and have developed

strong

cohesive

connection

with

their community

and

any

redevelopment that place has to consider that it should not affect this sense of community. Doolittle and MacDonald (1978) established the 40-article Sense of Community Scale (SCS) to review interactive conducts and approaches at the society or locality phase of community association. The SCS is based on what was named as the "critical measurement of community organization" (Truman, 1969), and it was to be employed to distinguish low, medium, and high SCS localities on its five aspects: casual communication (with fellow citizens), security (occupying a decent place to reside), pro-urbanism (secrecy, obscurity), neighboring likings (liking for often neighbor communication), and localism (sentiments and a wish to contribute in 9

locality matters). The outcomes of Doolittle and MacDonald's research resulted into three generalities. First, there is an opposite association among pro-urbanism and liking for neighborhood. Second, there is a straight association among security and favorite for neighborhood. Lastly, pro-urbanism drops as vision of security rise. Glynn's (1981) degree of the emotional sense of society is founded on the efforts of Hillary (1955), enlarged by replies to a survey circulated to arbitrarily chosen associates of the Division of Community Psychology of the American Psychological Association. Glynn managed his method to associates of three societies and theorized that inhabitant of Far Blum, and Israeli Kibbutz, would show a superior sense of society as compared to inhabitants of two Maryland societies. He recognized 202 conducts or sub theories linked to sense of society, out of which 120 articles were established, demonstrating actual and perfect features. As forecast, greater actual stages of sense of society were there in the Kibbutz as compared in the two American cities. The toughest forecasters of real sense of society were (a) predictable span of society placement, (b) fulfillment with the community, and (c) the quantity of fellow citizen one could recognize by first designation. Glynn got an affirmative association among sense of community and the capability to work proficiently in the society. Rigger and Karakas (1981) researched sense of society as reproduced in local connection and got two analytically separate however connected aspects they named ‘community relationship’ and ‘interactive rootedness’. The community relationship aspect confined articles regarding the capability to classify fellow citizen, sensing portion of the locality, and amount of local kids recognized to the participant. Interactive rootedness denotes to years of societal placement, whether one's house is owned or leased, and projected span of placement. Employing these aspects, the writers recognized four "significant and separate clusters of inhabitants": new mobiles (less attached, less rooted), new contributors (high bonded, low rooted), isolates (low bonded, high rooted), and settled contributors (high bonded, high rooted). In this research, age played a key factor in deciding affection. We had discussed role of contribution in the previous section, it can be seen that sense of community and contribution are related to each other.

They gathered that those who were utmost dedicated and pleased observed their locality as a minor community inside the town, were far faithful to the locality as compared to the entire town, and believed of their locality as proposing specific events for its inhabitants-the features demonstrating the writers' concepts of sense of society. Also reflected to be a partaker to dedication to locality and fulfillment with it was societal cloth, a word they employed to capture the "influences of social associations" as restrained by various kinds of fellow citizen connections. 1.7 Political Definitions of Community An attempt to study the theoretical growth of definition of community by governments is met by an early hindrance. The policy channels distribute community unevenly into two elements: the one considers community as social relations; the second, who has lead between governmental geniuses and public policy experts, theorize channels as structural relations among commercial, government and private players. Inside and through these two elements, there is procedural and epistemological diversity. Some researchers depend on qualitative approaches to plot political definitions

community

whereas

others

embrace

additional

quantitative

approaches. The political definitions focuses on the physical (not social) method to community which leads between differences in viewpoint of scholars of dominant and public policy. However even inside the physical method, there is no agreement on the significance of the important notions of political definitions. Though theoretical variety, there are certain mutual facts of settlement between those who obey to a political definitions method (Borzel, 1998). The political definitions are motivated by the faith that these ideas offer an analytically considerable description of the process of development of policy on community. As per Daugbjerg and Marsh (1998: 55) say that government bodies that define community, , “Are vital political organizations by which we are administered or directed.” In same words, Rhodes (1997) announces that political definition of community informs us “who administers?” How do they administer?” and “for whom do they administer?” Moreover, Borzel (1998) defines community as “one, if not the, leading manner of supremacy in contemporary governments.” Consequently, the research on description of community in is motivated by the confidence that finding them will recognize who makes verdicts and why verdicts have the burden they do. 11

After the conceptions of community initially got attention in the 1970s and particularly the 1980s, they got motivation from growths in local politics that recommended that policy making had turn into more complicated, focused, and exhaustive as governments had extended their contribution in community and the financial planning. With respect to the complication and specialty, innovative administrations pursued both probability and constancy in their policy formation situations, and the assets and collaboration of non-government players. Dominant governments, it was debated, merely cannot operate individually; they require the sources that provide information and consent or lively assistance of social players for influential rule. The rise of policy sub-branches in which government (primarily bureaucratic executives) and non-government players were together involved in making policy and execution was observed as an operational reaction in this reference. The fundamental principle of the policy community/network method is that it is these which clarify distributed, and comparatively standardized and synchronized, communications among government and social players that policy formulation. Concentrating on official and high-level decision-making entities such as first-ministers, legislature and cabinet sessions therefore disregards the truths of the policy procedure and confuses the necessities for active and genuine ruling. By the beginning of network conception, the attention was on relations among government and commercial or other financial welfares; with time, it has been stretched to include other social players. Conversely, not all expert debates that nongovernment players are a vital constituent of policy community. A prominent protagonist of policy community, the British scholar, R.A. Rhodes, for instance, usually emphases on associations between government players only, and considers community are considered to be observed in policy executions compared to making policy. Till now many experts, counting Canadian researchers, consider community to be framework of focused crowd mediator that could be observed in one the policymaking or the other policy execution levels. Where ascertain community experts debate that community are so omnipresent in order to form the leading outline of supremacy in some states such as the European Union (Ansell 2000), western governments have usually been more careful, advising that whether policy formulation progresses by means community is a prospect that has to be analytically examined and executed. 12

Their description of eight dissimilar community models, consequently employed in the amended group of case strategies in Coleman and Skogstad (1990), well-known community on the foundation of the physical sources of government and community players: more precisely, the official independence of communal interests, synchronization capability of government players, and the mobilization or structural growth of communal players. In their award-winning volume, the government, corporate, and Industrialized Alteration in the west, Atkinson and Coleman related these physical qualities straight to the receipt and realization of different types of industrial policies. The Atkinson/Coleman/Skogstad classification proposed a diversity of dissimilar strengthened associations between government and nongovernment players, which also included associations in hierarchy (government directed community), those where communal players were in the chauffeurâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s place (clients pluralist channels), and those where there was a more equitable balance between state and economic actors (corporatist community). The classification has itself been polished by other researchers (Pal, 1992) however they have not discarded its dual physical axes (of government volume/independence and corporate growth of communal players) or the evidence that these qualities profile the strength dynamic among government and community in a policy segment. Whatsoever its charm to specialists, the western classification and difference among policy for societies and policy for community has not been similarly incorporated external to west. There are numerous other classifications, created on similar magnitudes according to the quantity and kind of members, the operations carried out, and the stability of strength in the network (for instance, Van Warden 1992). Perhaps the utmost extensively referred plan is the range established by Rhodes and Marsh (1992) and cultured by Daugbjerg 1998. It differences community in words of their level of incorporation, association, and circulation of sources between adherents. At a corner of this range are communities, as incorporated, constant and high-class strategy community and other corner is occupied by problem community of insecurely associated, manifold, and usually clash backbite adherents. 1.8 Criticisms and Re-conceptualization of political definitions of community Although the political community definitions are supportive in offering an expressive picture of a policy procedure at a particular instance in time, still, critics advise there are significant boundaries to their strength to describe policy and they result into 13

three specific issues. First, it requires to be revealed that it is features of the community itself, instead of the features of the clients to the network, which is the main clarifying constituent (Dowding, 1995). Second, policy description of community must be associated more analytically to circumstantial aspects. The last are the resource of not merely the policy notions and plans that produce modification, on the other hand describe why specific kinds of community and societies, benefiting some players and policy results, ascend as well. And third, respect must be provided to the part of `agencyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in policy communities/community; which is, the volumes of particular players to react and work on their benefits and favorites. Energies to reply to the first and second censures, and show that the restrictions (and prospects) modeled by the network and/or wider reference outline conduct and policy results, underestimate the autonomous influence of planned players on means of communication inside the network and eventually policy results. Critics actually said that it is a method that observes political players, policy network configurations, and circumstantial aspects in communication. 1.9 Community: East vs West Rudyard Kipling states in the Poem of East and West: â&#x20AC;&#x153;East is east, and West is west; and not ever the two shall come across.â&#x20AC;? Still, he never anticipated that with the technical growth in transport and interaction, the Westerners and Easterners that have fairly dissimilar beliefs correspondingly would come across so often these days in global set up. Though, logically, Kipling is unquestionably right in that persons with dissimilar traditional forms (counting politics, standards, arrogances, rules, duties, and physical characteristics), particularly those from East and West, do come across interaction issues, failures, confusions and even fights and conflicts only for the reason that they were not able to comprehend one another in their cross cultural interaction (Messing, 2009). For the reason that of dissimilar account, topography, philosophy, finances, government, tradition, speaking, life style, communal duties, etc., persons in dissimilar portions of the globe, particularly those in the East and those in the West do vary intensely in their traditional designs or alignments (D.A. & Perkins, 2003). Easterners, in contrast, are supposed to be high-class, and do not need much detailed contextual data as most of the data is previously in the folks. And they, 14

because to their past and custom, have a habit to admire communism, chain of command and relational synchronization in the community (Canuto, 2000). In the case of Dharavi , Mumbai is the largest metro city in Mumbai and at the forefront of modernization. Dharavi may have community that is under privileged, but it cannot avoid itself from a rapidly modernizing lifestyle in the city. These fundamental national changes may be difficult in cross-cultural interaction In case the redevelopment takes place. We exist in an era when deviations in tools, tourism, financial and party-political methods, migration forms, and inhabitantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mass have shaped a sphere wherein we progressively communicate with persons from dissimilar traditions. And however we want it or not, those communications will endure to develop in both occurrence and strength. In the 21st era, the world has developed so minor that we all rely on one another at present. Whatever occurs in one part of the globe influences other parts as well. So, it is to the benefit of all the almost 7 billion of us who part the globe to enhance our relational and cross-cultural interaction capabilities. In general, our philosophies, standards, or traditional designs and alignments regulate what we observe, the way we respond to circumstances, and the way we associate to others. Becoming aware of the foundation or detailed arrangements of the traditional modifications may support people to see underneath to realize why people from different traditions behave as they do. In different terms, being aware of the variances in traditional forms or positioning is much more significant as compared to being aware of the eating habits of people (Scott, 1987). This location may result into gaining the ironic variety and intellect that occur both in the western and eastern part of the world. Finally, it is just by realizing that we may be clever to get vision into ourselves and our individual tradition. And according to Halls, â&#x20AC;&#x153;An understanding of various traditions may fine be our personal most significant strength in facing the dares of our stints, overseas as well as at home.â&#x20AC;? This has huge implications for the current redevelopment plans at Dharavi. Firstly, Globalization and modernization is rapidly increasing as discussed above. Further, Mumbai, being one of the most prominent metros of India is perhaps at the heart of this modernization. Hence, it can be certain that community at Dharavi, though may be living in much lesser privileged conditions than other Mumbai residents, but they 15

are

definitely being

affected

by the modernization

taking

place. Hence,

redevelopment plans has to be such that the communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s core values and integrity is maintained while benefits of modernization are transferred to the community.

Conclusion: Section 1 It can be seen that rapid financial changes in the last few decades has changed the community perceptions both in the view of sociologists as well as the government. The modernization has resulted in extraordinary physical movement, and also in the direction of the centralism of strategy creation, wherein communities are seen as implications to the development Further there has also been a conceptual response as well to the idea of community between sociologists, particularly those women's liberty, who sensed that females' roles in communities established a restriction on womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s individual liberty. Simultaneously, sociologists were serious of the manner that certain planners were employing the word to influence native decision making In the present section it was also discussed how Persons with dissimilar traditional forms particularly those from East and West, do come across interaction issues, failures, confusions and even fights and conflicts only for the reason that they were not able to comprehend one another in their cross cultural interaction In the case of Dharavi, Mumbai is the largest metro city in Mumbai and at the forefront of modernization. Dharavi may have community that is under privileged, but it cannot avoid itself from a rapidly modernizing lifestyle in the city. These fundamental national changes may be difficult in cross-cultural interaction In case the redevelopment takes place. In this reference, the idea of disputed metropolitan culture targets to characterize numerous powers that form the policies of Dharavi, presenting serious perceptions and, probably, a revived moral regeneration of the disciplines of design and metropolitan strategy.

Section 2: Case Study-Dharavi Redevelopment Project 2.1. Dharavi: The story so far The community discourse has provided important insight into the various facets of community and the various factors and variables that influence its participants. Further, it has also reflected upon the role of the contribution of the participants of the community in maintenance of its integrity and its sustainability. The discourse has also discussed the political point of view regarding community and its varying definitions in policy. Thus, the community discourse has set the tone for the next part of the dissertation, which is the case study of the Dharavi redevelopment project. This is because the Dharavi slums being in existence from decades have developed a closely knitted community and its participants have created a strong bond with their way of living and community atmosphere. Thus te analysis of the theoretical background on community was very essential for understanding how redevelopment will affect the community living in Dharavi. Encompassing nearly 239 hectares and over a projected inhabitants around 700,000 and one million individuals Dharavi is identified as one of the biggest informal settlement in Asia and globally (BBC, 2006; Sharma, 2000). Dharavi is branded by its planned site at the mid of Mumbai and hence catches itself at the core of an interesting, extremely disputed argument on the future of the town. By means of the contentious Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP), global creators, officials, government agencies, public community and societal activities are involved in numerous conflicts over property, mass, type and the right to a good life, whereas ultramodern Dubai or Shanghai-type sites are fantasy for growth on what is major real estate at present.

In the past developing from a minor fishing rural community, Dharavi turned into the city’s topographical focus, since Mumbai’s metropolis growth and matching resident settlements moved northwards, away from valued property in South Mumbai on its present marshy, insanitary site (Sharma, 2000). On one occasion downgraded, ignored zone Dharavi is currently located among city regions innovative economic center named the Bandra–Kurla Complex, close to the Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport. From the past the place has been vividly altered and its growth associated, layering descendants of slum inhabitants in what are today 85 districts, systematized in a compound maze type physical design, constructed near multioperational work-live residence types. Its prosperous casual economy creates yearly revenue of business projected to be greater than £350m (BBC, 2006). Comprehensive growth procedure encouraged by public community and mixed resident clusters in Dharavi. The earlier was expressed in a journal published by Bombay First and McKinsey & Company Inc. (2003), in which out of the several aims to turn it into a first-class metropolitan one was described as lessening the amount of persons residing in slums in Mumbai from more than 50 % to 10–20 % by 2013 by means of “more effective administrative techniques and market-oriented tools,” and moreover “guaranteeing no fresh slums build up in the town” (ibid., pp. 20–21). Out of the central troops repelling these exclusive, top-down and market-steered image of Mumbai is the Alliance, an alliance of an NGO called the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) along with to two non-profit groups, Mahila Milan and the National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF). Comprehensive growth from scratch is compelled by the Alliance in their meeting with Dharavi’s accommodation supportive societies to build restoration homes by a society-oriented procedure, and by their contribution in building a substitute for the Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP). Precisely, the thing pursues to spatially portray the contests and objectives for the existence of unstable personalities and constructions over the challenging and hindering kinds of supremacy in Mumbai and Dharavi that form publics’ admittance to lodging and slum renovation, as paradigm of a broader challenge over societal integrity.

Dharavi as a community desperately needs attention from the authorities to improve the adverse living conditions of the informal settlement. As section 1.3 highlights the community as space calls for more involvement in governance concerning the community. There is clearly a lack of involvement of the community in the redevelopment project. Further, the top down approach can be viewed as the consequence of the view of government towards community as discussed in the section on community in policy. It was discussed in the community discourse that definition in policy often deviates from the actual condition that may be happening within the community at that particular event of time. Further, it is a general definition and character and nature of every community differs as discussed in the opening section of the community discourses. Further, it was reflected that contribution of the participants of the community is absolutely necessary for it maintaining its sustainability and integrity. However the top-down approach towards the redevelopment project has excluded the community in decision making concerning them. 2.2. Relations between stakeholders Kamala RahejaVidyanidhi Institute for Architecture (KRVIRA) has been associated with the development project providing assistance in carrying out research within the community of Dharavi and giving recommendations to the government. KRVIRA points out that any development project carried out in Dharavi has to be community driven â&#x20AC;&#x153;As what Dharavi is today is due to what the people made it.â&#x20AC;? According to the research carried out by KRVIRA the community of Dharavi is very efficient and selfsustainable, the community is highly mobilized and has a very strong network which extends to other similar informal settlements around the city. KRVIRA highlights government redevelopers carry out research and mapping activities with involving the community and thus the plan of high risers has failed in the redevelopment project. The one size fits all attitude of government led redevelopment has ignored the community of Dharavi leading to discontent. KRVIRA held research and mapping exercise highlighted that within a particular sector of Dharavi the community further need to be divided sub sectors due to the diverse needs of the people which need to be considered in the redevelopment. For example a part of the community needs a considerable amount of open space with adequate sunlight to dry poppadum which is one of the means of lively of many families in the community. Also the community 19

needs open space for children to play, weddings, funeral processions which are being overlooked by government redevelopers. A resident of Dharavi awaiting the redevelopment since childhood expresses his dislike towards the redevelopment proposal, “when I die there will be no way I can have a funeral where my family and friends can come to and help take my body through the community to the crematorium. The government will deny be a proper funeral.” According to KRVIRA there is lack of political will as every political party that is in charge of governance blames the predecessor and thus the redevelopment projects keep getting delayed. KRVIRA research has raised concerns of management and thus recommends a partnership between the community and the local authority in order to assure maintenance of facilities. The lack of political will is echoed by representatives of NSDF who points out that the miniscule amount of development that has taken place has been carried out on the main road connecting Dharavi to Bandra-Kurla Complex. The NSDF which mostly consist residents of Dharavi add this type of redevelopment is only to beautify the external area or the “border” of the informal settlement while the majority of the community suffers in the interiors with appalling living conditions. According the NSDF it is also done to hide the problems of the community by building high rises around the informal settlement. This highlights the obvious community’s lack of faith in the government. So as to comprehend how the spatiality of disputed metropolitan culture are replicated and to understand a dichotomization of place as corporal, stationary, metric place with societal agitations must initially be strengthened. Image of this kind is not fresh but worked upon in Heidegger’s (1962) “human spatiality”, Lefebvre’s (1991) usage of “existed place of the societal and political world” and Bauman’s (1993) embracing of multifaceted spatial communication among “reasoning, ethical and artistic places and goods”. Thus it can be seen that the barriers of redevelopment of informal settlements like Dharavi is due to the nature of these settlements. It has been discovered that debates about the crescendos of any informal settlements are mainly ruled by 20

absence of adequate awareness, in specific on the topic of transformation. These works highlight the reason for this is mostly due to lack of interest and abandonment by the government of the informal settlements. The subject is more heightened by the point that Dharavi is detached from the adjacent modernized locations and is considered redundant. In return, these informal settlements are omitted and ignored from official schemes. In this reference Sandercock (2005) mentions that self-governing exercise is weakened, since the contradictive principles of common crowds are socialized by individuals in rule having justified their personal prudence of what creates a “decent town.” She too suggests that within the modern age, progressively molded by worldwide aggressive capital, the principles that mold metropolitan sites are keen to turn into little locally circumstantial and more affected by a variety of leadership “preshaped and accepted cultural essentials,” which target to offer “social assistance” to a “pre-planned vision” of a maintainable, fit, striking, and aggressive “decent town” – as is seen in the exclusive, top-down principles conveyed by Vision Mumbai. In researcher’s view this agenda allows a in depth insight of the supreme associations implanted in town makeovers that methodically omit Dharavi slum inhabitants in the administration, adaptation, and development of their existing places. Regardless of such huge idealistic metropolitan visions, in reality, place has continued to be characteristic of actual/simulated supremacy and cash, and is hence an article of important controversy. The findings and annexation of such dialogues in reference to Dharavi points out to the letdown of planners to focus their personal considerations to evaluation and avoid their passion with the article itself, in the procedure opening up place for more traditionally delicate methods to build house or renovate in town makeovers. A dream like that, wherein integrating the idea of spontaneous, rhizomatic, liquid and obviously cumulative manufacture of places, as Brillembourg (2004, p. 79) claims, “links to the kingdom outdoor what is agreed logic, employed with what previously prevailed, substantially and communally,” as a “shared structure” breaking down the eternally unstable (Roy, 2009b, p. 80) contrast of the lawful–unlawful, genuine–illicit;

official–unofficial.

Hence, considering Dharavi not as an equal “worldwide example of a populace depository” (Davis, 2006) but as an “actual positioning that concurrently signifies, competitions and contraries all other ambiences” (Faubion, 2008) or a town formed of contamination, uncertainty, and in a situation of continuous transformation, will benefit us to know slum modernism as a reply and struggle to government and financial-led ideal and futuristic development. There “the casual clarifies the performs (societal, financial, architectural and metropolitan) and the procedures (spatial and physical) that a collection of shareholders (inhabitants, designers, architects, property-owners and the government) accept not just to acquire admittance to property and lodging, but to gratify their requirement to involve in town life as well” (Brillembourg, 2004), and in spirit permits for the rise of methods of profound social equality (Appadurai, 2001). A heterotopian dream like that assists to structure Dharavi and its disputed modernism as “places separately, exposed but lonely” (Foucault, 1984, p. 180), a place of delusions that condemns everything in space round it and challenges the deadliness and supremacy of the Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP). Truly, no dominant strategy, metropolitan design, zoning regulation, or building act can ask for share in Dharavi’s property, since it was constructed several eras ago exclusively by continuous movement of migrants flying rural scarcity, political harassment, and regular tragedies and its comes under the purview of SRA (Slum Redevelopment Act . The act also provides the right to the dwellers to choose the developers. By giving the right to the dwellers to choose their developers has huge implications for the residents. Firstly, in researcher’s view, this will provide the community to decide how they actually want the redevelopment to take place. By choosing the developer they can make sure that environment can be designed to suit their community needs. There exists a complex web of relationships between the stakeholders involved Dharavi community. On one hand the community is close knit and highly mobilized and at the same time political entities are causing the community progress to slow down. Taking cue from section 1.5 it is clear that there is strong sense of community

which is highlighted in the self-resilient character of the community. The community having very little resources still thrives on the many small scale business. Also most families generate income within the community or stay in the community to generate livelihood. Dharavi as a community desperately needs attention from the authorities to improve the adverse living conditions of the informal settlement. As section 1.3 highlights the community as space calls for more involvement in governance concerning the community. However the top-down approach towards the redevelopment project has excluded the community in decision making concerning them.

2.3. Dharavi and Policies In the previous section we have reflected upon the scenario of the Dharavi redevelopment project and how the redevelopment plan is ignoring the role of the people of the community. Further the previous sections also talked about the relation between the stakeholders. Building upon these, this section will now study the agenda of the government and how government policy has affected the redevelopment plan and its impact on the Dharavi community. From the early 1990s, inside the agenda of the Administration of Maharashtra’s slum restoration scheme, the Bharat Janata and Rajiv Indira Cooperative Housing Societies have functioned with the not for profit contractor group called NIRMAN of the Alliance in the making of their individual slum restoration home-making. In these model setup events, the Alliance has pursued to allow a bottom-up method by straight involving Dharavi’s underprivileged in the manufacture of place in Dharavi, demanding their right to accommodation in the town. These actions demonstrate, by earlier unrecognized resolutions in place they regulate the town poor’s capability to contest and alter formal guidelines and protocols that incline to work in the benefits of leading authorities. The latter is built in volume construction and authorizing slum inhabitants by exercise and service in the construction procedure, and particularly by connecting and instructing expertise to let them to deal with the government. Standard set up offers a language tool for dealing among the authorities of town administration and the “unlawful” engagements as well to which the underprivileged generally must have choice, transferring the load for civic bureaucrats and other 23

specialists far from cleaning unlawful actions in the direction of constructing on “genuine” replicas (Appadurai, 2001). In modern ages, though, fronting “Dubaification” (Dubaification is metaphor term taking Dubai as a measure of development that is aimed at) in the top-down, technological DRP procedure. Later in following years of bottom-up stress strategies and fights, counting exposed literatures to the administration and broadcast media and nonviolent complaints from inhabitants of Dharavi, frontrunners of noticeable proletarian crowds and non-profits and the Concerned Citizens of Dharavi (CCD, it in NGO run by the community of Dharavi to protect their rights and put forward their voice to the government, it is a registered organization under the Societies Registration Act of India, 1973), a place was prepared for recognized contribution when the CCD was authorized as a Committee of Experts (CoE) in 2008. Majority of residents and organizations like KRVIRA and NGO’s promoting community lead development are very doubtful and lack faith the redevelopment project. According to most the redevelopment being proposed is not for the benefitthe community but instead for economic growth. They feel human growth and that the aspect of kindness is not reflected, while monetary gain is. This has led to Dharavi being misused by revenue-driven builders observing the prospective in Dharavi as leading property to be retailed and by statesmen considering Dharavi as a “poll bank”, where assuring growth may create polls. NSDF calls for more transparency as it is of the opinion that the proposed redevelopment project favors entities that have vested interest mainly financial rather than favoring the community. NSDF feels there is lack of progressive policies and the interaction between the community and the officials is superficial. The NSDF strongly believes the community itself can take initiative and show the government a way forward for the redevelopment. NSDF adds that Dharavi can raise its own funds for the redevelopment by selling a small piece of land for commercial purpose to use for the redevelopment of the community. The government’s inefficiency to recognize the strength of the community has resulted lack of progressive policy. This in turn has contributed to growing discontent. As section 1.6 reflects it is importance to acknowledge the main character and

diversities of a community in order to crop up beneficial policies for the community in question.

3. Conclusion The above two sections have established the significance community and the features of a community. The literature review and the examination of the case study highlight the importance of the community and its involvement in a redevelopment project taking place. There are further challenges of redevelopment of informal settlements due to the nature of these settlements. It has been discovered that debates about the crescendos of any informal settlements are mainly ruled by absence of adequate awareness, in specific on the topic of transformation. The two sections of this dissertation highlight the reason for this is mostly due to lack of interest and abandonment by the state of the informal settlements. The subject is more heightened by the point that such informal settlements are generally detached from the adjacent towns and are considered redundant. In return, these informal settlements are omitted and ignored from official schemes. This in turn results in internal processes being developed within these informal settlements.

The

processes are founded on informalities without which it will be difficult for the informal settlements to survive. Renowned markets flourish within these informal settlements making them self resilient and self contained. The informal processes and markets need to be recognized by the authorities when conducting a redevelopment project in order for the community to continue to grow and prosper. The subject of outcomes of restoration is in the first place is a political issue. The absence of awareness about the underlying forces of the informal settlements, the inducements for restoration and the will to deliver adequate housing for the deprived

are the key problems associated to growth. So as to effectively restore the deprived populace of a town, these problems must be solved.

3.1.

Further Research/Recommendations

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List of Acronyms DRP- DRP or Dharavi Redevelopment project is an ambitious redevelopment scheme planned by the Mumbai development Autority to redevlopp the slums of Dharavi. SPARC- SPARC or the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres is an non profit society registered under Societies act of India 1973, and works in Maharsatra to help people leaving in slums or other unauthorized people to relocate Kamala RahejaVidyanidhi Institute for Architecture (KRVIRA) – It is an NGO and has been associated with the development project providing assistance in carrying out research within the community of Dharavi and giving recommendations to the government. National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF): It is national level NGO that works for welfare of slum dwellers.

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