Empowering Ceramicists: Exploring the Relationship Between Material Variations and Visual Artifacts Within a Glaze

By Madelynn Tahsler Faculty Mentor: Dr. Sarah Libba Willcox, Department of Art and Design

Article Abstract

In exploring relationships within ceramic glaze formulas, this research project analyzes how understanding and gaining control over a glaze formula can change the way potters approach their work. This exploration of glazing promotes empowerment and independence, as artists can begin to assume a larger role in a previously inaccessible portion of their artistic processes. Many potters do not have the availability of materials or the understanding to create their own glazes and purchase pre-made bottles of glaze, which inhibit the artists from having complete control over their pieces as a whole. In this project, I have worked to analyze the minute variations in each glaze recipe. I researched the relationships between the recipe and the visual, textural, and functional elements of a glaze through a series of test firings, recording relationships, and formulating alterations. Findings show that the amount of silica, clay, and flux can affect a glaze’s maturing temperature and overall appearance, and that colorants react differently with different base glazes. These findings provide a point for ceramicists to alter their own recipes, giving artists a new sense of control and opening up opportunities for future research on materials used in glaze chemistry.

As I began to explore ceramics as the medium of focus in my undergraduate experience, I became curious about the process of glazing. I had only ever used pre-purchased or pre-made glazes before and had no understanding of how they worked. That lack of understanding quickly blossomed into a hunger for knowledge; I found myself checking out book after book from the library in the hopes of understanding glazing a bit further. This newfound curiosity led to this research project in hopes of understanding the visual, functional, and textural aspects of glazes. Through the exploration of materials and mediums, I began to understand parts of the ceramic process as it influenced the outcome of every piece. This new understanding of process and material, and how they can be altered, has the potential to give artists a deeper sense of control in every step of the way, and therefore further empowers the artist to make his or her art as intended.

Background of the Problem

Often times, ceramic students will spend years making and glazing with store-bought or shop glazes without understanding what they are putting on their work. In my experience working in different studios, shop glazes are typically those made by people in five to ten-gallon batches to be used as a palette for everyone in the studio. Shop glazes are often extremely flat in color with no variegation. This works well for ceramic students who are still working on understanding clay and craftsmanship, as a shop glaze will usually cover up surface defects for a more finished surface. However, many advanced students will spend time adding surface textures and details only for them to be masked by glazes made for those beginning in clay. While store-bought glazes are extremely reliable and beneficial, they can only take a ceramic artist so far. As an undergraduate student using shop glazes, I had no way to address surface issues or explore the deeper possibilities of how I could finish my own art with glaze. Because of this, I asked the question: “how does the exploration of material in

glaze development, and testing its effect on the visual, textural, and functional aspects of a glaze, promote further appreciation of materials and empowerment among ceramists?” To better understand this question, I consulted previous literature about glaze development, materials used, and their impact on one another in a glaze. Then, I researched developing two glazes. Below I share previous research, my methodological approach, and my findings to help others understand how the minute alterations in glaze components can affect the overall qualities of a glaze. Through this research, I was able to understand the impact of glaze testing on the confidence and self-sufficiency of art students at the undergraduate level.

Literature Review

The exploration of materials and the unknown can be found in many forms of art. However, in order to understand how to make a glaze, the chemical makeup of each glaze and its reactions between materials must be addressed. Ceramic artist and author Robin Hopper (1983) echoed this sentiment when he said,

Squeezing paint out of tubes and mixing desired colors by sight is a simple luxury not available to the ceramist. The glaze maker only sees what he has mixed when the glaze emerges from the kiln in its incredible metamorphosed beauty. (p. 138)

Hopper expresses the need for potters to learn about the materials that make up a glaze in order to understand how its appearance changes in the kiln.

Glaze Components

Glazes are comprised of three components: a glass former, a flux, and a clay. The amount of each varies depending on

different melting temperatures and the material chosen to fulfill each component varies based on the intended outcome (Rhodes, 1963). Silica, or the glass former, is the powdered form of quartz. When this is heated to high temperatures (approximately 3000° Fahrenheit) it will melt and turn into a liquid glass. Thus, the glass former is the primary component of glaze. Because most kilns do not reach 3000° Fahrenheit, a flux is needed to lower the melting temperature of the silica. Fluxes come in a range of different materials with low melting points. The amount used in a recipe varies depending on the desired maturing temperature (Pitekla, 2011). Clay is the final main ingredient needed in a glaze. Clay is used as a stabilizer to prevent surface defects or running, also known as excessive melting (Pinnell, 2007). With the three main components forming a stable glaze, an artist can then use different material additions to make a more unique and interesting glaze. Artists can alter the color or translucency of a glaze through different material additions. Additional ingredients commonly used are opacifiers to adjust the amount of light transparency in a glaze and colorants to change the its overall visual quality (Rhodes, 1963). Common colorants used are metallic oxides, which can change appearance drastically based on what other ingredients are used in a glaze as they react with one another in the kiln environment (Eppler & Obstler, 2011). With each of these elements in varying amounts, through the firing process, all the materials will work together to form a stable glaze. From fixing surface issues to altering colors, the ability to alter a glaze and change the finished product helps ceramists achieve the piece desired and to become empowered in the understanding and appreciation of their materials. Ceramic sculptor and author Daniel Rhodes (1963) discusses the traditional methodology of glaze testing:

Historically, glazes were originated by cut-and-try methods. Potters simply tried various materials in various percentages, rejecting those which did not

work and making the most of those which did… One can, then, originate glazes very much in the manner of the old potters, by mixing, percentage-wise, various materials, trying them out in the fire, then changing the mix and trying it again as many times as necessary until it works. (p. 113)

Through this method of trial and analysis, potters begin to better understand the functional impacts of materials used in a glaze. While this is a time-consuming method, and potters are extremely likely to encounter different glaze flaws, it is beneficial for hands-on learning and can contribute to future research. Solely relying on commercially produced glazes and underglazes takes a sense of understanding and control away from the maker. There are thousands of commercially produced glazes available for the potter in any color imaginable. These glazes are extremely beneficial for a potter who wants a glaze color that is not easily achieved, such as reds, oranges, yellows, and purples (Hopper, 1983). However convenient this may be, the artist gives up control over the surface finish of their piece with the use of expensive commercial glazes. Further, without the knowledge of what is in the glaze and how each material affects it, artists may not be able to take control of the adjustments they desire (Pinell, 2010). Hopper (1983) expresses this sentiment in The Ceramic Spectrum as he states:

Exceptional cooks alter recipes to suit their needs and taste. Exceptional ceramists do likewise, in the pursuit of a special, elusive quality. You may want to modify a glaze recipe to simplify the mixture, change the firing temperature, alter the fluxes, change the glaze surface quality, improve glaze fit, or substitute materials when those suggested in a recipe are not available. (p. 97)

The ability to modify a glaze, as needed, contributes to a potter’s artistic independence and proficiency within glazing.

Glaze Problems

Through this exploration of literature, one can infer that some potential problems faced during glaze testing are the issues of pinholing or pitting, running, and miscalculated color variation due to material additions. In the literature about glazes and in my experience, glaze application plays an important role in the type of issues faced in glaze chemistry. If a glaze is applied thinly, it can become matte and will not melt properly. If the glaze is applied too thickly it can form pits or pinholes in the bottoms of cups, therefore making them unsafe for food (see Figure 1) (Eppler & Obstler, 2011).

Figure 1 shows the development of small holes, known as pits or pinholes, in the bottom of a cup.1 According to Hopper (1983), pitting and pinholing are “the most annoying and difficult glaze flaws to cure. They can be caused by a badly controlled firing cycle, the glaze composition, or can originate with the body, particularly highly grogged clay bodies” (p. 103). Another common issue that I have encountered in several of my own glazes is running. Running can be found in a glaze that melted too much and dripped off the pot and into the kiln (see Figure 2). This can be a significant issue as a runny glaze can ruin both the piece and the kiln shelf on which it is sitting. Often glazes will craze; this is when glazes form small cracks across the piece due to shrinkage differences (see Figure 3). All of these glaze flaws are commonly seen when testing new glazes and can cause issues with food safety or studio safety.

In addition to surface and functionality issues that arise during glaze testing, achieving the intended visual effect can be quite challenging as well. According to Rhodes (1964), another common problem when creating glazes is the ability to achieve specific colors when making glazes. To achieve such different colors, solutions often include adding metallic oxides to a transparent glaze recipe. These metallic oxides often appear as a much different color after firing than before. For example, colorants like magnesium dioxide look black when mixed and become a range of tan or even purple after being fired; this color change depends on the other materials found in the glaze. Knowing this information while using my research allowed me to prepare for possible issues and to start mixing my own glazes.

Methods

While I understood the theoretical components of mixing my own glazes, I knew it would not matter until I married it with practice. Thus, I engaged in research to explore the question: how and to what extent does learning to make glazes contribute to a deeper appreciation of materials and the empowerment of artists? To understand this question, I broke the elements down to three sub-questions: 1) What changes are needed to a glaze recipe to affect the visual (i.e., texture and color) qualities of a glaze? 2) What changes to the process are required to eliminate pinholing? and 3) How can minute material adjustments affect the outcome of a glaze? To answer these questions, I researched existing recipes, created a glaze formula based on intended visual, textural, and functional elements, and then test-fired the glaze to analyze the outcomes. After analysis of the outcomes, I could then alter the recipe with minute variations to affect the glaze outcome desired. This process was informed by Hopper’s (1983) discussion of test glazing. He stated,

When one alters a glaze, there is almost certainly going to be some change in the way a glaze will respond to color

development and in the way it will flow on a vertical surface. Faults and defects may occur in the process of altering, requiring new solutions. (p. 97)

In my experience, a glaze may take as many as 15 different recipe tests to find a solid and reliable base, and as many as 10 variations to address each issue. This process can take anywhere from a few weeks to several months for one glaze. This extended time frame poses concerns when in a school environment, as access to the studio and materials used in research is limited to each semester. When I began to formulate a glaze, I needed to consider maturing cone temperature, color, translucency, texture, and visual effects. To explore these components, I referenced different recipes that have partial components I would want in my own glaze and explored the materials responsible for the said effect. Many of the recipes I used for reference came from Glazy (n. d.) and Ceramic Arts Network (n. d.). Both of these organizations have public sites that provide potters of all skill levels access to recipes and the ability to share their own. With end goals in mind, one can then begin referencing different recipes for clear glazes and common colorants. Within the past six months, I have focused on the development of two glazes in particular: 1) Kraken Blue, and 2) The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman. Each glaze was tested with several material variations and intended outcomes. Each of the Kraken Blue test recipes worked to amend the functional issue of pinholing. These tests show how each material alteration worked to address pinholing and how the change affected the overall color of the glaze. Table 1 shows the chemical adjustment of each recipe and its effect on visual quality, surface texture, and functionality with this glaze. With The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman, every recipe variation was made with the intention of altering glaze color in the hopes of producing a red glaze. Table 2 shows how each chemical change affected the overall color, texture, and functionality of the glaze. I discuss in further detail how the process of testing impacted the visual, textural, and functional aspects of these two glazes and how this research promotes understanding of materials and empowerment of artists.

Kraken Blue Test Results

Variation

Initial Recipe Chemical Adjustment

N/A

Initial over white N/A Visual Effect Deep sage blue, pulls dark brown where thin and pools robin’s egg where thick

Light blue base color with oil spot streaking. Dark brown where thin and white where thick

Variation 1

Variation 2

Variation 3 Remove 3.8% calcium carbonate

Replace calcium carbonate with 3.8% wollastonite

Replace calcium carbonate with 3.8% ferro frit 3134 Muddled reddish-brown with blue undertones where thick

Reddish-purple and brown where thin and pools light blue with green specks

Brown where thin, olive where thick with a few areas of deep blue present

Variation Add 3% Bright blue, 4 barium brown where carbonate thin, with variegation and rutile tan pooling similar to reduction firings Table 1: Kraken Blue Test Results.

Surface Texture

High gloss

Gloss

Satin

Gloss

Gloss

High Gloss Functionality

Pinholing

Extreme Pinholing

Pinholing

Minute Pinholing

Minute Pinholing

No Pinholing

The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman Test results

Variation

Recipe 1 Chemical Adjustment

N/A Visual Effect Clear and translucent Surface Texture

High gloss Functionality

Notable crazing

Recipe 1, Alteration 1

Recipe 1, Alteration 2

Recipe 1, Alteration 3

Recipe 2, Alteration 1

Recipe 2, Alteration 2

Recipe 2, Alteration 3 Add 2% bentonite, 1% copper carbonate, 1% tin oxide, 0.5% cobalt carb, and 0.5% rutile

Add 5% tin oxide, 2% bentonite, 0.6% cobalt carbonate, and 0.17% chrome

Add 5% tin oxide, 2% bentonite, and 0.25% chrome

Add 5% tin oxide, 1% chrome

Add 5% tin oxide, 1% chrome, reduce to 10% calcium carbonate

Add 5% tin oxide, 0.5% chrome Uneven, translucent denim blue

Opaque cornflower blue with white spotting

Translucent, milky, cream

Translucent leaf green where thin and purple where thick with bright blue spotting

Opaque kelly green

Translucent raspberry where thick and white where thin Gloss

Gloss

Gloss

High gloss

Gloss

High Gloss Minute crazing

N/A

Minute Crazing

N/A

N/A

N/A

Recipe 3 Add 10% bone Opaque Satin Minute ash, 15% red dark brown Pinholiron oxide where ing thin, deep reddishorange oil spot where thick Table 2: The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman Test Results.

Findings

To answer my research questions, I engaged in a series of test firings of two glazes: 1) Kraken Blue and 2) The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman. Each of these glaze tests shows the vast impact material variations have on the visual, textural, and functional qualities of a glaze. Below I share my findings from the specific alterations of each recipe.

Kraken Blue

Using different recipes for inspiration and reference, I developed a muddled blue glaze that I began to call Kraken Blue. This was the 18th glaze I had mixed for testing, but one of the first ones I began to play with variation to alter. The original 97

Kraken Blue recipe is deep sage blue, pulling dark brown where thin and pooling light blue where thick with noticeable pinholing (Figure 4). Further tests with the initial recipe show that, when layered over white, the brown spotting becomes more apparent and the base blue is lighter in color with variegated streaking toward its pooling. When placed over a white glaze, the brown spots become much darker and the body of the glaze shows an oil spot effect as the blue of the Kraken Blue and the white glaze muddle together in spots and swirls (Figure 5). However, this glaze also had issues with thickness and pinholing. With these issues, I spent the next several months trying glaze variations to remove the pinholing entirely.

To remedy the issue of pinholing, I had to address what materials present in the glaze were likely the causes of my pinholing and how to fix them. Pitekla (2011) indicated that a common cause of pinholing is calcium carbonate, or whiting, which I used as one of the main opacifiers and fluxes in this glaze. I chose whiting because of its stability and surface variation, however, whiting has a high loss on ignition; according to Hopper (1983), this means that it can lose up to 40% of its material in a firing. This outgassing of material can form bubbles and pinholing as gasses move to the surface.

I began to try different variations of the original recipe to address the pinholing as it related to whiting. The first variation attempted removed the whiting altogether, which resulted in the glaze turning brown and not melting properly (Figure 6). With this information, I learned that removing the whiting negatively impacted my glaze and that further tests are needed to focus on replacing the whiting with different materials. Charles Mckee’s book, Ceramics Handbook (1984), addresses a possible solution for pinholing as “adding 1-2% barium to the glaze will neutralize this problem. A small amount of vinegar in the water also helps” (p. 71). With this in mind, I moved on to formulating the next variation options. The second attempt at removing the pinholing involved replacing the calcium carbonate with 3.8% Wollastonite, which aligns with Pitekla’s (2011) suggestion. This alteration caused the glaze to run reddish-purple and brown where thin and pool to a light blue with green specks. This glaze surface turned out to be extremely interesting, but the issue of pinholing remained (Figure 7). A third variation replaced the calcium carbonate with 3.8% ferro frit 3134. This alteration muddled the glaze to be brown where thin and thick with a few areas of deep blue in between, with minute pinholing still present (Figure 8).

The fourth recipe alteration showed that the addition of 3% barium carbonate left the glaze extremely variegated with bright blue pooling and lots of visual texture, but had no pinholes where the glaze pooled (Figure 9). According to McKee (1984), barium is “usually a more active flux than calcium . . . adds exceptional brightness to fluid glaze surface . . . intensifies all colors, in a broken surface glaze, can result in two or more colors, rutile and cobalt usually give excellent results” (p. 16). This impact could easily be seen in the bold colors of this test tile. Of the above results, the addition of 3% barium carbonate helped remedy pinholing while leaving the visual effect of the glaze interesting.

The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman

With the glaze The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman, I intended to achieve a deep maroon glossy glaze with lots of depth. Similarly, to my research for Kraken Blue, the initial recipe testing consisted of using a clear base and colorants commonly used in red glazes. Looking into the common colorants of reds, I found that “Chrome oxide is the most versatile coloring oxide, a veritable turn-coat. It will produce red, yellow, pink, brown, or green glazes, depending on the kind of glaze used and the

temperature of firing” (Rhodes, 1964, p. 131). This colorant offers a vast range of color options, all varying based on the amount and other materials in the base glaze. Initial firings showed that my clear base had an even gloss with minor crazing and pinholing (Figure 10). I formulated three different colorant additions to try with this base glaze. The first alteration consisted of 2% bentonite, 1% copper carbonate, 1% tin oxide, 0.5% cobalt carbonate, and 0.5% rutile. This alteration developed an uneven, translucent denim blue (Figure 11). Secondary alterations included 5% tin oxide, 2% bentonite, 0.6% cobalt carbonate, and 0.17% chrome. This recipe left an opaque, cornflower blue with white spotting (Figure 12). My final alteration added 5% tin oxide, 2% bentonite, and 0.25% chrome to create a creamcolored, milky, translucent glaze (Figure 13). With these new tests not providing the red I had hoped for, I began to wonder if the base materials were negatively impacting the development of reds commonly found in tin oxide and chrome additions.

With this in mind, I left the initial base and tried a different one, changing the fluxes and clays used. This new base, with the addition of 5% tin and 1% chrome, created a glaze that was leaf green when thin and reddish-purple in thicker areas. This glaze also showed spots of bright blue (Figure 14). Using the same 101

recipe and colorants but reducing whiting from 20% to 10%, produced a flat kelly green glaze (Figure 15). With these tests showing a small amount of purple, I began to further analyze the coloring ratio as it applies to tin oxide and chrome oxide.

Previous literature and recipes have shown that when tin oxide and chrome interact, they can form pink and red colors within a glaze. Rhodes (1964) discusses the role that chrome has in this interaction with an extremely small amount as he states that “less than one-half of 1 percent [chrome], is sufficient to give a pink color in a glaze which contains 5 percent of tin oxide” (p. 132). With Rhodes’ colorant reference, I decided to alter the proportion of colorants to 5% tin and 0.15% chrome. This provided me with a bright raspberry glaze that pulled white when thin (Figure 16). This test had beautiful results, but still did not show the red colors intended with initial glaze formulations.

Moving forward from this, I attempted a new recipe where I used a different colorant all together, this time using a satin-finished glaze that included 10% bone ash and 15% red iron oxide. This combination left me with a glaze that was dark brown in thinner areas and muddled dark reddish-orange with an oil spot texture and minute pinholing in thicker areas (Figure 17). This last test provided a lovely red glaze, and though not what I was hoping for when I began this glaze journey, I could see it had beautiful and unique qualities that I appreciated.

Discussion

Through my research, I found that every material addition or subtraction has differing effects on a glaze’s overall color and surface. In my first sub-research question, I asked: “What changes to the process are required to eliminate pinholing?” This question was addressed through Kraken Blue glaze variations as I worked to remedy the pinholing caused by the inclusion of calcium carbonate in the glaze. The replacement of calcium carbonate with ferro frit 3134 showed a minor reduction in pin-holing and the replacement of calcium carbonate with

wollastonite reduced pinholing as well; however, there remained minute pinholing present in each of these tests. The variation that eliminated this surface defect the most was the addition of 3% barium carbonate to the original recipe. These test results helped to identify the role of calcium carbonate as it relates to the textural and functional aspects of a glaze. With the glaze test exploration of The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman I worked to answer the question “What changes are needed to a glaze recipe to affect the visual (i.e., texture and color) qualities of a glaze?” Through the exploration of different colorant additions, I was able to see how a base glaze could change radically from one alteration to the next. These glaze tests highlighted the importance of the minute ratio of tin to chrome and its effects on the development of color especially in the search for reds. I was then able to analyze each of these glaze test results to answer the question “how can minute material adjustments affect the outcome of a glaze?” Both the Kraken Blue and The Glowing Red Eyes of Mothman test-glazes show extreme changes in surface, color, and texture with acute material alterations. Overall each material, even in extremely small quantities ranging from 0.5%-4%, will react with the other present materials radically changing the visual, textural, and functional artifacts of a glaze. Due to the vast impact material variations can have on a glaze, artists can begin to understand the importance of materials and how they can use these variations to their advantage.

Implications

Deeper research of glaze materials and the exposure to different outcomes change artists’ perspectives on their materials and their work through the analysis of how each variation can impact the finished characteristics of a glaze. It is hard to have a profound appreciation for materials unless one begins to understand the work that goes into each glaze. The research,

testing, experimentation, problem-solving, and final tests allow artists to delve into the possibilities of their work and how they can achieve the desired aspects of a piece to further promote artistic independence (Wilson, 2010). Pursuing glaze research has left me with confidence in my art that I would never have found otherwise, and an understanding and deeper appreciation for the materials with which I work. This process of experimentation allowed for the exploration of material in new and exciting ways. This experience provided me with the confidence in my education and skills that could help me move forward in my career through graduate school, applicable jobs, or business ownership. The opportunity to explore glazing has also been instrumental in developing curiosity. Many students will not get the opportunity to test their own glazes or to investigate until further on in their career or education. However, to promote empowerment and functional knowledge of materials among undergraduate students, exploration and research through processes like glaze testing must be encouraged at all levels.

References

Chrystal, Paul. Roman Military Disasters: Dark Days & Lost Legions. Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2015.

Eppler, R. A., & Obstler, M. (2011). In the bucket: The key to consistent glazes. Buyers Guide to Ceramic Arts, 11, 7–12.

Glazy. (n.d.). Retrieved from https://glazy.org/

Hopper, R. (1983). The ceramic spectrum. Radnor, PA: Chilton Book Co.

McKee, C. (1984). Ceramics handbook: A guide to glaze calculation, materials, and processes. Belmont, CA: Star Pub. Co.

Pinnell, P. (2007, January/February). An introduction to glaze chemistry. Clay Times, 13(1), 23–25.

Pinnell, P. (2010, January/February). How to get the clay body you’ve always wanted. Clay Times, 16(85), 17–19.

Pitekla, V. (2011). Glossary of common ceramic raw materials. Buyers Guide to Ceramic Arts, 11, 36–37.

Rhodes, D. (1964). Clay and glazes for the potter. New York, NY: Chilton Books.

Wilson, L. (2010, January/February). Learning from failure. Clay Times, 16(85), 21–22.

Pyrrhus of Epirus: A Walking Catastrophe

By Danielle Edens Faculty Mentor: Dr. John Dunn, Department of History

Article Abstract

Pyrrhus of Epirus was a commander and a leader during the Hellenistic era. Hannibal Barca said that Pyrrhus was the second greatest general right after Alexander the Great. However, as we shall see, research confirms that Pyrrhus of Epirus was not the second greatest general, nor will he ever be. In this article, major battles and their outcomes are discussed and related back to how Pyrrhus was not even a decent general. Details on his tactics, outcomes, and how he commanded his army are discussed. These battles range all the way from the Pyrrhic War to his final stand in Argos, in which he met an untimely death. Before jumping into these battles, a brief backstory on Pyrrhus is told on how he received his power and control over Epirus. While researching, there were many biased accounts of Pyrrhus, as well as mixed opinions from historians. By combining all of these, a more accurate conclusion may be reached on Pyrrhus.

“. . . that when they fell to discussing generals and Hannibal declared Alexander to have been the mightiest of generals, and next to him Pyrrhus, and third himself . . .”1

1 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: The Life of Titus Flamininus”, Vol. X, 383, Penelope. Chicago, 29 March 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/ Plutarch/Lives/Flamininus*.html

Hannibal Barca once stated to Scipio Africanus at Ephesus that the second mightiest general was Pyrrhus of Epirus. However, since then, many generals have come and gone that others have considered to be the greatest or mightiest. Who is to say that they are right or wrong? When determining this, do ancient historians or modern historians have a clearer answer? While there seems to be countless ancient accounts of how Pyrrhus of Epirus was a great commander, some modern historians seem to think that he was rather an overconfident ignoramus. The question at hand then is: Was Pyrrhus of Epirus as great of a general as Hannibal Barca thought he was? In today’s world, the answer is no, and there are many reasons why. To start off, it is important to observe each of Pyrrhus’s battles and their outcomes. Before that, it is vital to understand where Pyrrhus, also spelled Pyrrhos,2 was coming from. After Alexander the Great passed away, his generals fought over who should own what territory. In 301 BC, Lysimachus and Cassander, who both had a grasp over Macedon, wanted to fight Antigonus and Demetrius, who had control over southern Greece. This was known as the Successor Wars and it lasted from approximately 322 to 275 BC. Pyrrhus fought on Antigonus’s and Demetrius’s side and is said to have fought bravely, even resembling his second cousin, Alexander the Great, on the battlefield.3 Along with helping Alexander’s generals decide who would and should rule what, Pyrrhus himself had a troublesome rise to power in his home of Epirus. After the Battle of Ipsos in 301 BC, Pyrrhus was given to Ptolemy I as a hostage by his brother-in-law, Demetrius. This was a common practice in the Hellenistic era. However, while Pyrrhus was a hostage, this situation would work in Pyrrhus’s favor in the long run. While Pyrrhus was under Ptolemy, Ptolemy had grown to like Pyrrhus so much that he not only let him marry his step-daughter, Antigone,

2 Joseph Pietrykowski, “Part III: Pyrrhos of Epeiros”, Great Battles of the Hellenistic World. (Great Britain: Pen and Sword Military, 2009), 131, http://search.ebscohost. com.proxygsu-val1.galileo.usg.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db= nlebk&AN=458374&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 3 Ibid, 131-132

but also helped him with his birthright to rule Epirus by giving him an army to help him take it back. When Pyrrhus reached his home however, he was greeted by another familiar face, his relative Neoptolemus, who agreed to have a dual rulership with Pyrrhus over Epirus. Pyrrhus was now the King as well as the leader of the Epriote Confederacy.4 This dual rulership would only get in the way of Pyrrhus’s plans; a fear Neoptolemus felt too. A plot was devised to poison Pyrrhus and therefore make Neoptolemus the sole ruler of Epirus. Word about the betrayal soon reached the ears of Antigone. She told her husband about Neoptolemus’s plan and after hearing about the plot against his life, Pyrrhus invited Neoptolemus to a dinner in which he murdered him at the dinner table.5 Pyrrhus simply told the citizens of Epirus that Neoptolemus had gone mad and they believed him. Now Pyrrhus was the sole ruler of Epirus, and this led him to pursue his own military campaigns against different regions.6 As a ruler, Pyrrhus’s campaigns would not only be extremely costly but would lead to the well-known term of a “Pyrrhic Victory.” Pyrrhus would not only go to Rome and face defeat, but he would also attempt to conquer Macedonia, Sparta, and Argos.7 He would face even more defeat there, and he would also meet his death while trying to conquer Argos. His first major battle soon arrived, which occurred during his first major campaign against Rome.8

4 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX. 355-357, Penelope Chicago, 18 May, 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/ home.html. 5 Jacob Abbott, History of Pyrrhus. (South Carolina: CreateSpace Publishing, 2014), 96 (90), https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.hn6i5v&view=plaintext&seq=6 6 Jan P. Stronk, Semiramis’ Legacy: The History of Persia According to Diodorus of Sicily. (Edinburgh University Press, 2017), 15, http://eds.a.ebscohost.com/eds/ ebookviewer/ebook/bmxlYmtfXzE1O DQ5MzlfX0FO0?sid=71b219ae-54ae-451e8127-981f28e0d11d@sessionmgr4006&vid=11&format=EB&rid=2 7 Richard Billows, Before and After Alexander: The Legend and Legacy of Alexander the Great. (New York: Abrams Press, 2018), 90, http://search.ebscohost.com/ login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=nlebk&AN=2004435&site=edslive&scope=site&custid=val1 8 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX., 384, Penelope Chicago, 18 May 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/home.html. 109

In 280 BC, the Greek city of Tarentum asked Pyrrhus for help with their war against the Roman Republic. He, of course, answered the call for help and led his army to the city. Along the way, Pyrrhus and his crew were met with multiple storms while crossing the Ionian Sea. Due to this unforeseen circumstance, he was left with only a small army when he reached the shores. Pyrrhus himself almost died as well but managed to save himself by jumping overboard and swimming to the shore.9 When he landed, his army was shrunk down to a mere 2,000-man infantry and 2 war elephants, regardless of his original 25,500 men.10 Though the rest of Pyrrhus’s army was either lost or scattered from the storms, he still insisted on fighting. Luckily, just in time, some of his soldiers and allies rallied at the city of Tarentum, and, with that, he was ready. The conflict ahead would be known as the Battle of Heraclea, also spelled Heracleia, and it would be the start of the Pyrrhic War.11 At Heraclea, Pyrrhus took his now 20,000 infantry, 3,000 cavalry, 2,000 archers, 500 slingers, and 20 war elephants into battle.12 He sent his cavalry forward first but the Romans proved to be too much. He then ordered for his infantry phalanx to charge the Romans. Again, the Romans were still able to best Pyrrhus’s army. It wasn’t until Pyrrhus sent his 20 war elephants onto the field that the Romans knew “defeat,” and therefore, Pyrrhus won.13

9 Donathan Taylor, Roman Republic at War: A Compendium of Roman Battles from 502 to 31 BC. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017), 143, http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&A N=val.9915452011702931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 10 Joseph Pietrykowski, “Part III: Pyrrhos of Epeiros”, Great Battles of the Hellenistic World. (Great Britain: Pen and Sword Military, 2009), 135, http://search.ebscohost. com.proxygsu-val1.galileo.usg.edu/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db= nlebk&AN=458374&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 11 Jeremy Armstrong, Early Roman Warfare: From the Regal Period to the First Punic War. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2016), 156, http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&A N=val.9913847790802931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 12 Douglas John Nimmo, “Pyrrhus I, King of Epirus,” Geni, May 24, 2018, https:// www.geni.com/people/Pyrrhus-I-king-of-Epirus/6000000002187720008 13 Cassius Dio, “Roman History”, Vol. IX, 327, Penelope Chicago, 16 April 2011, http://penelope.uchica go.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/9*.html 110

So why is “defeat” in quotations? Due to ancient records being lost, burned, or incomplete, it is hard to give a definite total loss for the battle of Heraclea. Dionysius says that the Romans lost around 15,000 and the Epirots lost around 13,000, whereas Hieronymus says that the Romans lost around 7,000 and the Epirots lost 4,000.14 While total numbers differ on these accounts, both calculations show that Pyrrhus’s army was not too far from losing just as many as the Romans did at the Battle of Heraclea. This was the first battle of the Pyrrhic War, and Pyrrhus had already lost some of his best generals and troops whom he not only used the most but trusted the most as well.15 It was a terrible loss for both sides. Pyrrhus’s next big battle in the Pyrrhic War would be the Battle of Asculum, which was fought in 279 BC. This battle lasted two days, and Pyrrhus was outnumbered once again. The Roman army had roughly 40,000 men, and Pyrrhus only had roughly 25,000 in his army.16 While these numbers are also debated by historians, the Romans had a much larger army than Pyrrhus did. While Pyrrhus managed to scare the Romans when he brought his war elephants into the battle of Heraclea, the Romans adapted and quickly knew how to defeat these giant beasts at the Battle of Asculum.17 Pyrrhus sent his war elephants to the front line, but the Romans were ready. One of Pyrrhus’s biggest downfalls was that he never updated his combat routine to better suit the terrain or his opponent. The Romans, however, had now added

14 Donathan Taylor, Roman Republic at War: A Compendium of Roman Battles from 502 to 31 BC. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017), 144, http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&A N=val.9915452011702931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 15 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX., 402, Penelope Chicago, 18 May, 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/ Flamininus*.html 16 Donathan Taylor, Roman Republic at War: A Compendium of Roman Battles from 502 to 31 BC. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017), 68, http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&A N=val.9915452011702931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 17 Cassius Dio, “Roman History”, Vol. I, 355, Penelope Chicago, 16 April 2011, http://penelope.uchica go.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/9*.html 111

ox-drawn wagons with long spikes, buckets of fire, and soldiers who were armed with javelins.18 They had faced Pyrrhus’s war elephants before, and they were not going to lose to them again. The Romans were fully prepared, but, most importantly, they were willing to change up their combat style to better counteract Pyrrhus’s combat style.19 The battle raged on, but, by a very slim chance, Pyrrhus’s army was able to win. It is at this battle that the term “Pyrrhic Victory” is coined. In fact, Pyrrhus himself is known to have said, “Another victory like that and I’ll be going back to Epirus without a single soldier,” and “If we win one more battle with the Romans, we shall be utterly ruined.”20 If Pyrrhus knew that he was going to lose either way, why would he continue a campaign against the Romans? Did he feel that he needed to continue the campaign so that he could prove himself to be just as good, if not better, than Alexander the Great? Regardless of what Pyrrhus thought, he was on a downward spiral, and he was never going to be able to climb back up.21 Pyrrhus’s next big battle against Rome would be the Battle of Maleventum, also known as the Battle of Beneventum.22 In 275 BC, Pyrrhus had come back to Italy to fight the Romans after his trip to Sicily, where he attempted to aid them against their fight with the Carthaginians. Even though his campaign against Rome was not going according to plan, he decided to

18 Paul Chrystal, Roman Military Disasters: Dark Days and Lost Legions. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2015), 52, http://search.ebscohost.com/ login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&AN=val.991381368180 2931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 19 Cassius Dio, “Roman History”, Vol. I, 355, Penelope Chicago, 16 April 2011, http://penelope.uchica go.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/9*.html 20 Paul Chrystal, Roman Military Disasters: Dark Days and Lost Legions. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2015), 53, http://search.ebscohost.com/ login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=nlebk&AN=1164049&site=edslive&scope=site&custid=val1 21 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, “The Roman Antiquities”, Vol. VII, 401, Penelope Chicago, 13 August 2019, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/ Dionysius_of_Halicarnassus/20*.html 22 P.J. Rhodes, A Short History of Ancient Greece. (I.B. Tauris Short Histories. London: I.B. Tauris, 2014), 176, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthTy pe=ip,shib&db=nlebk&AN=1761993&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 112

help Sicily. This too would fail horribly. Plutarch says in his work, Pyrrhus, that Pyrrhus was “. . . very much like a player throwing dice that was able to make many fine throws but never understood how to use them when they were made.”23 Pyrrhus struggled to focus on one thing, which meant he could never put one hundred percent into what he was doing. While he was in the middle of his campaign against Rome, he stopped to go and start a new campaign against the Carthaginians.24 Meanwhile, the Carthaginians were fighting the Syracuse and held the port city of Lilybaeum. Of course, Pyrrhus failed to realize just how much effort was going to have to be put into this siege. He failed to take the city from the Carthaginians. Pyrrhus then thought about taking the fight to Africa to see if that would be easier. However, his troops grew tired of his arrogance and constant demands.25 After all, they left one campaign just to do another one, and both had failed miserably. Even the few Sicilian cities that Pyrrhus did manage to win from the Carthaginians were sick of him and how he ruled over them. This led to multiple riots, and Pyrrhus was forced to leave Sicily and go back to finish his campaign against Rome.26 Now that Pyrrhus was back, he would engage in one last battle with Rome: The Battle of Beneventum. While Pyrrhus was off in Sicily, however, Rome was reclaiming what they had lost in Italy. While there are few details on the battle itself, sources say that while Pyrrhus was gone, the Romans had time to devise a plan in which they could easily take out Pyrrhus’s war elephants

23 Jeremy Armstrong, Early Roman Warfare: From the Regal Period to the First Punic War. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2016), 157, http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&A N=val.9913847790802931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 24 P.J. Rhodes, A Short History of Ancient Greece. (I.B. Tauris Short Histories. London: I.B. Tauris, 2014), 176, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthTy pe=ip,shib&db=nlebk&AN=1761993&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 25 Marc G. DeSantis, Rome Seizes the Trident: The Defeat of Carthaginian Seapower and the Forging of the Roman Empire. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2016), 32, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=tr ue&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&AN=val.9913847793502931&site=edslive&scope=site&custid=val1 26 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, “The Roman Antiquities”, Vol. VII, 414, Penelope Chicago, 13 August 2019, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/ Dionysius_of_Halicarnassus/20*.html

and therefore, take out the rest of his army.27 Pyrrhus’s loss at the Battle of Beneventum not only let Rome take complete control over Italy, but it made them a powerful force. Pyrrhus depended too much on his elephants to help him win battles, and once they were taken out, he was easy to defeat28. He was forced to retreat back to his home in Epirus with the majority of his army and his elephants gone, thus concluding the Pyrrhic War.29 Not too long after Pyrrhus’s failed campaign toward Rome and the Carthaginians, Sparta began to look like an easy target to Pyrrhus. Unfortunately for him, neither Sparta nor Macedonia were in the mood for one of his “campaigns.” However, in 272 BC, Pyrrhus attempted a siege on Sparta after having some success by conquering parts of Macedonia. With King Areus away with most of the Spartan army, Pyrrhus felt that this was the perfect time to attack. However, Pyrrhus did not attack as soon as he arrived. Instead, he let Sparta know that he was there, and he even gave them time to prepare to fight back. Pyrrhus thought that regardless of how much time he gave the Spartans, they could never beat him in battle. This would turn out to be a huge mistake on his part.30 Just like the Romans, the Spartans knew that Pyrrhus depended on his war elephants to do most of the damage. So, while Pyrrhus and his army slept, the Spartans dug trenches in order to trap the elephants. These trenches included wagons that were lowered into the trench to block the elephants.31 They

27 Jeremy Armstrong, Early Roman Warfare: From the Regal Period to the First Punic War. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2016), 158, http:// search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&A N=val.9913847790802931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 28 Graham Wrightson, Waldemar Heckel, Timothy Howe, and E. Edward Garvin, Greece, Macedon and Persia: Studies in Social, Political and Military History in Honour of Waldemar Heckel. (Philadelphia: Oxbow Books, 2015), 64, http://search. ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&AN=val. 9913741826602931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 29 Polybius, “The Histories”, Vol. I, 17, Penelope Chicago, 10 December, 2016, http://penelope.uc hicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Polybius/1*.html#23 30 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX., 438, Penelope Chicago, 18 May, 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/ Flamininus*.html 31 Paul Chrystal, Women at War in the Classical World. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: 114

were the perfect size to stop and entrap an elephant. Pyrrhus had deeply underestimated the Spartans by giving them time to prepare. The trenches served the Spartans well, at least until day two of the siege. By that second day, the trenches had been filled with so many corpses, weapons, and broken pieces from wagons that they lost their purpose of stopping Pyrrhus’s army. Since Pyrrhus wanted a simple battle, and he was not getting it, he decided to try and break through the trench by finding the most filled up one. Pyrrhus let his rage get the best of him as he crossed over one of the trenches. Just when he thought he had Sparta, a javelin pierced his horse and Pyrrhus fell.32 Pyrrhus somehow managed to escape death once again and called for a retreat. Unlike his idea in the beginning of giving the Spartans time to get everything together, as soon as Pyrrhus and his army awoke the next day, the Spartans had reinforcements and were ready to finish him and his army off. Not only did King Areus come back to Sparta, but the King of Macedonia, Antigonus, had sent thousands of mercenaries to aid them in their battle against Pyrrhus.33 Pyrrhus knew he was outmatched and tried to escape to Argos. The Spartans were right behind Pyrrhus the entire time he fled. They were not going to free him after he tried to take over their city. Pyrrhus was so alarmed that he sent his own son, Ptolemy, to fight them but it did nothing, and Ptolemy was slain in front of his father.34 After seeing his son fall, Pyrrhus turned around and led a charge. Pyrrhus was upset, and of course he wanted to avenge his son. Pyrrhus almost died once again because he was too careless to notice his surroundings. A soldier, named Evalcus swung his sword, and it just barely missed Pyrrhus’s

Pen and Sword Military, 2017), 86, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct= true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=cat06556a&AN=val.9915158231602931&site=edslive&scope=site&custid=val1 32 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX., 445, Penelope Chicago, 18 May, 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/ Flamininus*.html 33 Ibid, 447 34 Jacob Abbott, History of Pyrrhus. (South Carolina: CreateSpace Publishing, 2014), 288 (294), https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.hn6i5v&view=plaintext&seq=6 115

head. However, it cut the reigns off of his horse, making Pyrrhus even more infuriated. As Spartans and Epirotes gathered around, bloodshed continued and many from both sides were slain35 . Eventually, the Spartans withdrew and, of course, Pyrrhus saw this as another victory, at least in his eyes. With the Spartans finally withdrawing, Pyrrhus gathered up what was left of his army and marched on to the city of Argos. After a long and drawn out battle, Pyrrhus thought he was finally free and safe from harm. Of course, the thought of capturing Argos crossed his mind. Regardless, he did not have time to think of capturing a city, but rather, needed sanctuary behind its walls.36 As Pyrrhus approached the gates, he saw a sympathizer on Argos’s wall who let them into the city.37 While Pyrrhus was in Argos, another general knew he was there, and he was not happy. Negotiations went on for days. Pyrrhus was not himself anymore but rather someone who was filled with rage and disbelief that he had been bested and defeated so many times. He wanted to win and yet again, made a huge mistake. It was night now, and Pyrrhus and his army were able to sneak through the gates unnoticed. Pyrrhus decided to lead a small group into Argos and capture key points in the city. Since it was nighttime, he thought that no one would be able to see him. Unfortunately, he was wrong.38 While Pyrrhus was sneaking in his army, he also wanted to sneak in his war elephants. To do this, he would have to take apart the towers that were attached to the them. Pyrrhus wanted his war elephants in Argos so badly that he commanded his army to take apart the towers, so they could fit and then put the towers back together so no one would suspect a thing.39 Citizens

35 Ibid, 289 36 Janice J. Gabbert, Antigonus II Gonatas: A Political Biography. (London: Routledge: 1997), 31, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&d b=cat06556a&AN=val.9913730705002931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 37 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX., 452, Penelope Chicago, 18 May, 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/ Flamininus*.html 38 Janice J. Gabbert, Antigonus II Gonatas: A Political Biography. (London: Routledge: 1997), 31, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&d b=cat06556a&AN=val.9913730705002931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 39 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX., 453, Penelope Chicago, 116

in nearby houses of course heard the commotion and soon the entire area was filled with curiosity. Word had reached General Antigonus, whohad a deal with Pyrrhus for him to leave since he had the high ground in Argos. Pyrrhus did not listen, and another battle would soon be underway.40 The general had come to attack Pyrrhus and King Areus with an army. With the battle occurring at night, it was hard to determine who was who. Because of this, allies were fighting allies and foes were fighting foes. With enough friendly bloodshed already occurring, everyone decided to wait until dawn to attack again. As dawn approached, Pyrrhus looked around and saw something. When he was younger, an oracle said that he would know when his death was near when he saw a wolf encountering a bull, which is exactly what he saw on the statue above him.41 As dawn was now there, a bloody battle ensued.42 With fighting going on here and there, Pyrrhus and his army were scattered all over the city. Mass confusion ensued. Pyrrhus tried to give out orders but they were either misheard or never heard at all. As men kept falling in the city, men kept trampling one another. With all of the confusion, the elephants were going mad and began trampling anything and everything in their path. Meanwhile, Pyrrhus was fighting soldiers left and right. At one point, his breastplate was even pierced. While it did not pierce his skin, it made him even angrier.43 However, while he was fixated on this one soldier, the mother of another soldier saw what was happening on the rooftops and decided to join in on the action. She picked up a roof tile and chunked it down toward Pyrrhus. It struck him on the head, and he fell off of his horse. It was a large enough

18 May, 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/ Pyrrhus*.html. 40 Janice J. Gabbert, Antigonus II Gonatas: A Political Biography. (London: Routledge: 1997), 31, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&d b=cat06556a&AN=val.9913730705002931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1 41 Jacob Abbott, History of Pyrrhus. (South Carolina: CreateSpace Publishing, 2014), 294, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.hn6i5v&view=plaintext&seq=6 42 Plutarch, “The Parallel Lives: Life of Pyrrhus”, Vol. IX., 458, Penelope Chicago, 18 May, 2018, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Plutarch/Lives/ Flamininus*.html 43 Ibid, 459

impact that it is believed to have paralyzed him due to it striking his vertebrae.44 Pyrrhus’s own army, or at least those who saw what had just happened, fled the scene and ran as an attempt to escape. While Pyrrhus laid upon the ground, not moving at all, a group of men approached him. They dragged Pyrrhus to an opening, and as they went to deliver the final blow, Pyrrhus opened his eyes. This scared the man delivering the strike so much that he missed and instead sliced Pyrrhus’s mouth and chin. The soldier kept missing and kept mutilating Pyrrhus’s face. Eventually, Pyrrhus’s head was severed from his body and with that, it was over.45 Throughout Pyrrhus’s campaigns, he accomplished nothing. Though he was a fearless man, he was an overly confident person. For a man to be considered such a great general, why is it that the only thing he is remembered for is the term “Pyrrhic victory” and his awful defeat against the Romans? Pyrrhus of Epirus did his best to be one of the greatest generals, but he fell short. His tactics were suitable, but when it came to executing his plans, he failed. Hannibal Barca said that Pyrrhus was the second greatest general. However, is it possible to believe such a statement from someone who did not even win his own war? Ultimately, Pyrrhus of Epirus was not the second greatest general, nor will he ever be.

44 Justinus, “Epitome of Pompeius Trogus’ Philippic Histories”, Book 25, Section 25.5, 29 February, 2016, http://www.attalus.org/translate/justin4.html#25.3 45 Janice J. Gabbert, Antigonus II Gonatas: A Political Biography. (London: Routledge: 1997), 31, http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib& b=cat06556a&AN=val.9913730705002931&site=eds-live&scope=site&custid=val1

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Billows, Richard A. Before and After Alexander: The Legend and Legacy of Alexander the Great. Vol. First edition. New York: Abrams Press, 2018. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db =nlebk&AN=2004435&site=eds-live&scope=site

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Stronk, Jan P. Semiramis’ Legacy: The History of Persia According to Diodorus of Sicily. EdinburghStudiesinAncientPersia. Edinburgh:EUP, 2017. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&A uthType=ip,shib&db=nlebk&AN=1584939&site=edslive&scope=site.

Taylor, Donathan. Roman Republic at War: A Compendium of Roman Battles From 502 to 31 BC. Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db =nlebk&AN=1511833&site=eds-live&scope=site.

“The Histories.” Polybius. Bill Thayer, 10 December, 2016. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/ Polybius/1*.html#23.

“The Parallel Lives: The Life of Pyrrhus.” Life of Pyrrhus. Bill Thayer, May 18, 2018. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/ Plutarch/Lives/Pyrrhus*.html.

“The Parallel Lives: The Life of Titus Flamininus.” Plutarch. Bill Thayer, March 29, 2018. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/ Plutarch/Lives/Flamin inus*.html.

“The Roman Antiquities.” Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Bill Thayer, 13 August, 2019. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/ Dionysius_of_Halicarnassus/20*.html.

Wrightson, Graham, Waldemar Heckel, Timothy Howe, and E. Edward Garvin. Greece, Macedon and Persia: Studies in Social, Political and Military History in Honour of Waldemar Heckel. Vol. Hardcover edition. Philadelphia: Oxbow Books, 2015. http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&d b=nlebk&AN=1131569&site=eds-live&scope=site.

Down the Rabbit Hole: A Multifaceted, Topsy-Turvy Analysis of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland

By Sarah Farmer Faculty Mentor: Dr. Marty Williams, Department of English

Article Abstract

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, written by Charles Dodgson under the pen name Lewis Carroll, has become one of the most widely known texts of the Victorian era. While broadly categorized as a work of children’s literature, this article shows that the text exists within a hybrid-genre of both children’s literature and Victorian adventure fiction. When viewing the text as a piece of adventure fiction, it is integral to analyze Alice’s transition from the embodiment of Victorian stereotypes of the idyllic girl child to a fierce “adventuress” in new lands. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a mobile text, with the ability to cross boundaries of both genre and gendered social conventions.

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a unique, manifold text that exists in a cross-section of Victorian adventure fiction, the Victorian woman, the female adventurer, as well as Victorian children’s literature. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a work by Lewis Carroll that is characterized by multiplicity and mobility; it is not only a piece of Victorian children’s literature, but a work of Victorian adventure fiction, which features a young female protagonist who transforms from an idyllic Victorian child to a brave traveler and adventuress of new and foreign worlds. This shift allows Alice to shed some of the Victorian gender roles and to be viewed as an adventurer with her own agency, a space culturally occupied by men. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a famous work crafted by “Charles Lutwidge Dodgson, now more familiarly known as Lewis Carroll” (Winchester 3). Carroll was influenced by his relationship with the Hargreaves family, specifically their children. On an afternoon boating adventure, young Alice Hargreaves asked for Carroll to tell a story, and thus, Wonderland was created (Woolf 153). Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland has become one of the most well-known works of the Victorian period. According to Simon Winchester, “It has been translated into more than 125 languages, 100 editions have been created, and from the work innumerable plays and puppet shows and ballets and masques and films… have been rendered. And the book, one of the most popular in almost every language in which it has been published, has never been out of print” (Winchester 89). This book has been influential to many creative works around the globe for decades, but that doesn’t mean it is any easier to define. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland has become the center of a complex web of literary criticism and analysis. Robert Polhemus comments on some of the speculative criticism surrounding the Alice texts, including theories that Queen Victoria was the true author of the texts, that Alice is a literary phallus, and even that her tears represent amniotic fluid (Polhemus 343). This list only solidifies the Alice texts as a mobile and versatile body of work. They do not easily fit into one neat category. Instead, Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland depends on multiplicity, both of genre and narrative, to be understood.

1. The Ambiguity of Genre: What is Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland?

Victorian Adventure Fiction

The Victorian era, which spanned from around 18401900, was focused on art, culture, and propriety, especially in Britain. During this time, there was a heightened social emphasis on travel writing and adventure fiction. Individuals were leaving the confines of their own homes and countries to press forward into the unknown. In her book A Wider Range, Maria Frawley shares, “travel seeps into the social fabric of Victorian fiction and colors the narratives of female identity… In fact, the idea of travel and correspondingly, of access to the world outside of England influenced almost all writers of the period, permeating English culture in ways that are only partially reflected in its literature” (Frawley 19). Victorian literature was directly influenced by travel culture. Travel was becoming more common among the middle class; this increase in travel is reflected in literary texts of the time. While travel was integral to Victorian society, this liberty to voyage from the known into the “beyond” was generally reserved for Victorian men. Women were previously given access to travel and adventure through their partnership or compliance with men. However, in the Victorian era, “increasingly unchaperoned by fathers, husbands, or brothers, women ventured into, on, or through all parts of the globe” (Anderson 15). Women were beginning to voyage on their own rather than as a subordinate of a male authority. A new sub-genre of travel writing appeared on the English literary scene, women’s travel writing. This exploration of a female traveler gained popularity in both first-hand nonfiction accounts as well as in works of fiction. In her book Women and the Politics of Travel, 18701914, Monica Anderson recognizes that, “… women travelers, seemingly free from domestic constraints, challenged the strict boundaries of the woman’s sphere while appearing to operate within it” (Anderson 14). Female travelers used their gender to

their advantage, playing into social gender roles to benefit their own desires. Once able to travel alone, or to find time during travel to set out on their own, women were able to broaden their horizons. They gained knowledge and cultural capital as individuals, rather than mere manifestations and reproductions of the singular Victorian woman. In 1845, Elizabeth Rigby wrote an article on “Lady Travellers,” which included positive sentiments regarding female travel (Anderson 19). This article proposed the idea that “Lady Travellers” were a new category of adventurers. While this article presents these original adventuresses in a positive light, it is important to note that the article itself is written by a woman. Women were giving voice to their travels, but to what end? At this point, travel stories with women at their center were either written by women and marketed to a female audience or they were written into a work of fiction. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is an example of the latter, a piece of Victorian literature that features an adventurous female as the main character, but is a work penned by a male author. It follows tropes of the adventure fiction genre, following an individual’s departure from home, their journey and experiences, and their eventual return to their normal world.

Victorian Children’s Literature

Victorian England shows a heightened interest with children and their idyllic or angelic nature, specifically with girls. The children’s literature of the time is strongly gendered, generally targeted toward either male or female children. According to Deborah Gorham, “even when written for children of both sexes, Victorian children’s literature emphasized sex differences, and should have been seen as one of the period’s main agencies for inculcating sex role differentiation” (Gorham 18). These works of literature, like Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, were written in the context of stereotypical Victorian gender roles. The ideas and ideals of the society influenced authors of many genres, including children’s literature. Its concentration in children’s literature is particularly interesting when both the

characters and the readers are children in their formative years. They are learning their social cues and roles from literature and art as much as they are from education and familial rearing. James Holt McGavran states that, “The general effect, then, is to foreground the child as the vital center of a static house, or even perhaps as the single inhabitant who is fully alive… Alice’s journey… enables her to escape the boredom and conventionality of the adult world…” (McGavran 74). Alice’s descent into wonderland is a representation of the child breaking free from the domestic confines of their home. Because Alice is a child, she is able to navigate spaces an adult character could not. Her placement in the novel draws attention to the mobility and inconspicuous nature of Victorian children. “In the Alice novels, the subversive secret spaces of childhood fantasy and dream cannot be integrated into the house as a whole, but rather serve as a parodic comedy on adult realities” (McGavran 86). Alice’s story is written as a dream narrative, allowing her to navigate outside the bounds of traditional spaces associated with childhood and the domestic. Alice’s adventures do not belong or fit in the traditional setting from whence she came, they are something new entirely. For this reason, Alice’s place as a child enables her to cross boundaries. Victorian authors had many intentions with their pieces of children’s literature. However, one of the most common use of these texts was to relay morals or life lessons. Authors wove social commentary and narrative into their prose to present children with lessons, within the domestic confines of their own homes. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is one of such texts. In the beginning of the work, Alice can be seen reasoning with herself in a new situation, Wonderland. In Chapter One of the text, it states,

… for she had read several nice little stories about children who had got burnt, and eaten up by wild beasts, and other unpleasant things, all because they would not remember the simple rules their friends had taught them: such as, that a red-hot poker will burn you if you hold it too long; and that, if you cut your finger very deeply with a knife,

it usually bleeds; and she had never forgotten that, if you drank too much from a bottle marked “poison,” it is almost certain to disagree with you, sooner or later. (Carroll 16)

Alice is aware of the rules of safety. This passage presents readers with a Victorian safety lesson, a trope consistent with Victorian children’s literature.

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland: A Cross-section of these Genres

Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a liminal text that is not easily categorized. It inhabits the genres of children’s literature, fantasy, feminism, and adventure fiction while centering around a character who is, within herself, liminal by representing the Victorian child, an adventuress, both a norm and the emergence of one. Robert Polhemus looks at the Alice texts as malleable literature, not confined yet conformed. He recounts, “These malleable texts resist closure of meaning; they remain open ended and dialogical” (Polhemus 343). Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a work of fiction grafted onto the traditional plot structure of an adventure tale. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is centered around a “bold and independent” heroine. Carroll was able to create Alice in such a way because, “Fiction gave them the receptive mode for that vision. In humorous fantasy— the topsy-turvy world of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, for example—an independent heroine could be readily dismissed as part of the delightful reversal of reality” (Honig 71). By writing a fictional piece, Carroll was given the liberty to present a strong female character. Alice was not forced to confine solely to cultural expectations because she wasn’t real. Alice, as a character, embodies Victorian concerns of female agency and social value, whilst presenting her narrative as a fictionalized variant of Victorian travel writing, a piece of Victorian adventure fiction. The first key feature of any journey is the departure, and its cause. At the beginning of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Alice is found sitting in a field with her sister. Seemingly out of nowhere, an animated white rabbit

rushes past, speaking to itself. Alice is startled, not by the fact that the rabbit is speaking, but because it has a pocket watch. So, “Alice started to her feet… and burning with curiosity, she ran across the field after it” (Carroll 8). This one sighting catalyzes a fictional journey that will be recounted for many generations to come. The importance of Alice’s departure is what drives her to leave. Alice was bored with her situation with her sister and domestic proceedings, so when the unknown presented itself, she was moved to follow. In Monica Anderson’s book Women and the Politics of Travel, she explains that, “Such [Victorian] women felt compelled to venture forth from the safe confines of home by curiosity or rebellion” (Anderson 15). Alice’s departure was fueled by her “burning curiosity,” an element that would continue to drive the narrative for the remainder of the tale. The second stage in a literary adventurer’s journey includes the depiction of the journey. When Alice begins her descent down the rabbit hole, she tries to reason her way through her current situation. She asks herself, “‘I wonder how many miles I’ve fallen by this time?’ She said aloud. ‘I must be getting somewhere near the center of the earth’” (Carroll 8). Throughout her journey, Alice has lost a sense of both time and location. This transition allows Wonderland to become separate from Alice’s known world, therefore isolating it from reality. By othering the entire realm of Wonderland, the traditional conventions of time and reason become malleable in the liminal, fantastical space. In his book on travel writing, Carl Thompson writes, “all travel requires us to negotiate a complex and sometimes unsettling interplay between alterity and identity, difference and similarity” (9). This interaction between known and unknown can be seen in Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland through the third characteristic of the literary adventure tale, the description of new places and people. Once Alice enters Wonderland, her prior knowledge is no longer relevant. She must adapt and observe in order to survive in this new place. As Alice enters Wonderland, she begins musing about the kinds of people she will meet. Alice expects to find “antipathies” (Carroll 13). She expresses, “How funny it will seem to come out among the people that walk with their heads downward” (Carroll 13). Alice attempts

to use her former, “rational” thinking as a way of understanding Wonderland. The term “antipathies” insinuates a settled dislike or aversion. Within the first chapter, Alice has already begun the process of identifying the inhabitants of Wonderland as other. As Alice begins to meet these Wonderland citizens, her expectations are not entirely wrong. She finds characters that are animate yet animalistic, human but lacking humanity. Alice’s first conversation with the Cheshire cat presents an interesting logic of who is other, or, in this case, mad.

“But I don’t want to go among mad people,” Alice remarked. “Oh, you can’t help that,” said the Cat: “we’re all mad here. I’m mad. You’re mad.” “How do you know I’m mad?” said Alice. “You must be,” said the Cat, “or you wouldn’t have come here.” (Carroll 65)

This iconic scene sheds light on the question of othering. The Cat, one of the Wonderland inhabitants, recognizes Alice as one of his own. He reasons that her reasoning is similar to his own because she chose to voyage into Wonderland. This doesn’t, however, keep Alice from viewing herself as separate. In the following chapter, Chapter Seven, Alice learns of the Red Queen’s violent habit of decapitating citizens who offend her. To this, Alice exclaims, “How dreadfully savage!” (Carroll 73). Alice views Wonderland through the eyes of an outsider, attempting to reason with the fantastical. The fourth characteristic of the piece is to finalize an opinion of “new world,” in this case, meaning Wonderland. In the last several chapters of the novel, Alice is concerned with determining who is sane and who is the true authority. By the end of the narrative, Alice has become a figure of knowledge and reason within Wonderland. When the queen ordered the Cheshire Cat to be beheaded, an argument broke out. “The moment Alice appeared, she was appealed to by all three to settle the question” (Carroll 87). Alice had become and was recognized as the intelligent figure, serving as the deciding vote. The Wonderland citizens consulted her on a matter of life and death, literally.

In the final chapter of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Alice is on trial, and she directly addresses the king. She cut him off midsentence. The text reads, “she had grown so large in the last few minutes that she wasn’t a bit afraid of interrupting him” (Carroll 122-23). Alice’s physical growth comments on the change and intellect she has gained throughout her journey. Alice becomes larger than those around her, gaining confidence and authority within Wonderland. She is no longer merely a child that can be passed over or ordered around. When the queen’s card soldiers attempt to attack Alice, she responds with the iconic line, “You’re nothing but a pack of cards!” (Carroll 125). Alice has become the voice of reason in the nonsensical Wonderland. The final component of the adventure narrative is the return to home. In this text, returning home also symbolizes a return to reality. Alice addressing the soldiers and referring to them as mere cards marks the beginning of her ascent back to her known world. She is growing back to her normal size, shifting back into reality. When she wakes up on the riverbank next to her sister, the text says, “she could remember them, all these strange adventures of hers” (Carroll 126). Alice recounts the adventures to her older sister, who tells Alice that it was all merely a dream. Alice returned home and recounted her adventure tales to those she left behind. Then, her sister, “sat on, with closed eyes… though she knew she had but to open them again, and all would change to dull reality” (Carroll 127). This passage shows that Alice’s journey inspired curiosity and a yearning for adventure in another young girl.

2. The Character of Alice: From Angelic Victorian Child to Fierce Adventuress

In Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Alice undergoes a metamorphosis. As a character, she is physically and mentally in a state of flux. Upon descending into Wonderland, Alice begins to change. At first, it is physically, drinking the first potion bottle marked “drink me” and shrinking to a fraction of her original height. This transition is only the first of many, marking Alice’s journey in Wonderland as a voyage of growth and discovery.

Alice herself states, “I know who I was when I got up this morning, but I think I must have been changed several times since then… I am not myself” (Carroll 46). This conversation takes place with a caterpillar, an animal associated with change and metamorphosis. It parallels how Alice’s adventures catalyze a change within her from a mere embodiment of the Victorian image of the “angel” child to a curious adventuress.

The Victorian Child

When considering the importance of Alice’s role in the story, her social standing as a girl must be considered. It is essential to be familiar with the Victorian idea of the “Cult of the Child,” a subcategory of the cult of the domestic. According to Deborah Gorham, “A cult of domesticity, an idealized version of home and family, a vision that perceived the family as both enfolding its members and excluding the outside world, is a major recurring image in Victorian art, literature, and social commentary” (Gorham 4). This isolation of the family unit is similar to the idea of a nuclear family. The domestic sphere of the home is central to the cult of domesticity with all of the family members performing their roles within its borders. Gorham also recognizes that, “… an idealized view of the daughter’s role is a crucial feature to the cult of domesticity” (Gorham 6). Within Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Alice fulfills this role of the daughter. According to Edith Honig, these daughters, and other Victorian women, were marked as the “angels” of the house. Alice depicts this sense of propriety and purity throughout the text, when not wanting to be rude or offensive (Carroll 90). However, Alice is not the only adolescent girl character in Victorian fiction to grapple with the “angel” role. Hadria, an adolescent female character from Mona Caird’s Victorian novel The Daughters of Danus, explained, “Girls… are stuffed with certain stereotyped sentiments from their infancy, and when that painful process is completed, intelligent philosophers come and smile upon the victims, and point to them as proof of the intentions of Nature regarding our sex, admirable examples of the unvarying instincts of the feminine creature’” (qtd. in Richardson

145). This quote comments on the societal expectations set for a Victorian girl, the angel of the house. They are labeled as inferior from birth, growing up under the engendered societal expectations projected onto them. At the beginning of the text, Alice is shown as lacking in thought and reason. Her descent into Wonderland occurred based on instinct and curiosity. “In another moment down went Alice after it, never once considering how in the world she was to get out again” (Carroll 8). Even after falling down the rabbit hole into Wonderland, she continued to make choices without thought. Three times in the first full page of the novel, Alice acted spontaneously and without careful thought. She acted on instinct, on curiosity, and did not pause to rationally evaluate the situation. This lack of thought can be tied to her position as a child, but also as a female. Women were expected to be the moral individuals, not necessarily rational. Throughout Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, there is a recurring comparison between children and animals. They are given animalistic characteristics, or directly identified as an animal. In Chapter Six, Alice’s adventures lead her to the Duchess’ home, where she meets the Duchess and a baby. The Duchess first references the child by saying, “Pig!... it was addressed to the baby” (Carroll 59). In this scene, it is a figure of authority, an adult, that dehumanizes the child and refers to it as a pig when it cries. It is young, before the age of reasoning, and yet the adult chastises it for its natural instinct of crying. At first, Alice pities the child. Then, when their lives are threatened, Alice takes the child and flees. In this way, Alice is the one to step into the position of authority. However, Alice then becomes judgmental herself. She tells the child, “‘If you’re going to turn into a pig, my dear,’ said Alice, seriously, ‘I’ll have nothing more to do with you. Mind now!’” (Carroll 63). Alice mirrors the examples of power and dominance that she has seen in power relationships between older and younger individuals. By taking on the role of the baby’s caretaker, Alice actually becomes the “adult” of the relationship. The association between children and animals is also incorporated into Chapter Five when Alice is associated with a snake after her neck extends upon consumption of an enchanted

mushroom (Carroll 54). The Pigeon is then afraid of her, calling her a snake. To which she responds, “‘I’m not a serpent!’ said Alice indignantly…but she thought there was no use in saying anything more until the Pigeon had finished” (Carroll 54). Alice, as a young girl, is seen as a snake. Snakes as a literary image are associated with the unstable. This comments on her unstable nature; Alice is a character who remains stagnant neither in physical description nor in intellect and understanding. Christine Roth says that this extension of Alice’s neck “dramatically changes her own perspective of Wonderland” (Roth 27). This shift in height can be seen in a shift in Alice’s viewpoint. This scene is near the halfway part of Alice’s journey, both the physical trek through Wonderland as well as the intellectual progression of Alice’s mind. However, when attempting to defend herself to the Pigeon that insists she is a serpent, Alice decides to remain silent. As a child, Alice has internalized that she does not have a voice. She views the Pigeon as a superior, stepping into a position of subservience, and therefore, of silence. She allows the Pigeon to dominate the conversation. At this point in the tale, Alice is still primarily functioning through her learned role as a Victorian angelic girl. When identifying the standing of the child within Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, it is important to identify a recurring phrase that is used nine times, “the poor little.” In isolation, this phrase may not carry much weight. It is first used in Chapter One when Alice is distraught and isolated. The line reads, “when she had tired herself out with trying, the poor little thing sat down and cried” (Carroll 17; emphasis added). The phrase “poor little” is added as a qualifier for Alice in a moment of weakness, in a moment in which she acts like a child. The text also uses the phrase when referencing a lizard, a dog, and a crying baby. Throughout the story, the phrase “poor little” is used to identify a frail creature when they are vulnerable or weak. As seen above, the text draws comparisons between children and animals throughout, but adding the qualifier “poor little” demeans the character to something lesser. Its first use was to describe Alice, but as the text progresses, Alice is the character that says the phrase, using it to describe other characters. She has stepped

out of the role as the “poor little” Victorian child, displacing this inferior identity onto other creatures in Wonderland. Alice is no longer the inferior being; she has become something else.

The Adventuress

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the first use of the term adventuress, meaning a female adventurer, was in 1707. However, it is also used in more famous works predating Carroll’s Alice novels, such as William Thackery’s Vanity Fair in 1848 (“Adventuress”). There was so little room to believe that a female could, of her own volition, be an adventurer that a new, gendered term was created. In Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, Alice steps out of her sole role as a “Victorian angel” and into the identity of an adventuress. She becomes defined by her travels, her character evolving upon her abandonment of the normal. In her book Breaking the Angelic Image: Woman Power in Victorian Children’s Fantasy, Edith Honig dedicates over forty pages to Carroll’s character of Alice. Alice, Honig shares, “is distinctly Victorian in upbringing—polite, well-mannered, and somewhat limited by a typical Victorian home education—but also as assertive, adventurous, independent, and even aggressive as any male hero, breaking the mold of the ideal girl” (Honig 69). While Alice maintains the advantageous characteristics of the Victorian child, such as her polite demeanor and wellmannered behavior, she also becomes an autonomous character. Honig argues that she can be set beside male heroes as an equal; Alice has become a female hero, an adventuress. The role of an adventuress is distinct from the traditional image of a Victorian woman or girl. The two concepts are nearly mutually exclusive. Susan Bassnett points out that, “One of the themes running through many popular studies of women travelers is the difference between their lives at home and life on the road. Women travelers are often presented as having been somehow able to break free of the constraints of contemporary society, realizing their potential once outside the boundaries of a restrictive social order” (Bassnett 233). The identity of

female travelers changes after they’ve escaped the border of the domestic. As with Alice, her identity as a Victorian girl is colored by her experiences in Wonderland. She emerges from her travels a different person than when she entered. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a text that explores female and adolescent agency, Alice lying somewhere in the liminal space between the two. In the Victorian era, the genre of fiction gave women a space in which they maintained agency over their own lives. They were able to make decisions and have experiences not allowed to them in domesticated society. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is one of these texts, allowing Alice a new level of independence and personal growth when separated from her familiar societal roles. She was no longer the angelic young girl, but an independent adventurer and traveler in brave new worlds. Rudy Ruceker, a modern author who has based several of his works on the Alice texts, recounts in an interview, “I don’t remember Alice as being all that passive. She’s a somewhat willful little girl, and I think she kicks or breaks a few things in the stories… One point to make about Alice in the books is that she is never frightened; she takes all these of these odd things as a matter of course” (qtd. in Hooley 56). Alice is not a little girl who is blindly, mindlessly traveling along. She is intentional and strong, becoming a rather brave and liberated creature as the text progresses. Meredith Miller states, “The novel as a cultural form is coincident with an increasing sense of female public agency in European culture” (Miller 2). The liberation in fiction writing parallels the liberation of Victorian women and the emergence of the “New Woman.”

Another Victorian author, Flora Annie Steel, was concerned with blending “New Woman ideology with adventure tropes to create a New Woman adventure novel—a novel that puts these tropes in service of feminist ideals” (Richardson 77). While Steel wrote from the perspective of a Victorian woman herself, Carroll used Alice to comment on similar ideas, even though he was a man. Alice’s journey and character progression shows a divulgence from the domestic. She is becoming something more than just an embodiment of the Victorian child. Scholars have

associated Alice’s journey as her transition into a New Woman as well as, possibly, a fallen woman (Roston 212). Another scholar, Christine Roth, states, “Writers like Lewis Carroll… [used] child subjects as mediators between the spaces of childhood and adulthood, creating fictional(ized) child characters who are not as much natives as double agents, of sorts, in the untamed Wonderland” (Roth 23). Alice is a character in flux, she is fixed somewhere between child and adult, between dependent and self-governing. Alice is not a native to Wonderland, but a young voyager trekking within its borders, somewhere between reality and the imagined. In Chapter Ten, Alice begins to recount her adventures to a group of Wonderland creatures. She marks the beginning of her adventures as that morning, when she entered Wonderland. “‘I could tell you my adventures—beginning from this morning,’ said Alice a little timidly: ‘but it’s no use going back to yesterday, because I was a different person then.’ … So Alice began telling them her adventures from the time when she first saw the White Rabbit” (Carroll 104; emphasis added). Alice didn’t recognize herself as having had adventures until she was in Wonderland. For Alice, there was a clear distinction between her time in her home world and in Wonderland. Alice identifies a change in her identity since she entered Wonderland, saying, “I was a different person then” (Carroll 104). Alice’s journey has brought about a full shift in identity; the Alice who enters Wonderland as a naïve young girl is not the same Alice who towers over the Red Queen. Alice was no longer the little girl sitting on a riverbank with her sister. She had evolved into an independent traveler.

Alice and the Alice Texts: In Conclusion

When grafted onto the structure of an adventure tale, the narrative of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland can be followed as a piece of adventure fiction. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland is a piece of children’s literature, but it is also so much more. This malleable text cannot be defined by one specific genre; neither can its lead character, Alice, be bound to one stagnant identity. Alice is not merely a “Victorian angel,” but an adventuress, which allows the text to be viewed as both Victorian children’s literature as well as Victorian adventure fiction. This shift in genre allows the character of Alice to grow and evolve in ways traditionally withheld from girls, and it challenges cultural gender roles and the agency of a child. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland continues to be recounted and reimagined because of its mobile nature. It has remained relevant and engaging to readers and viewers, both adults and children for decades. This topsy-turvy tale of a bold Victorian adventuress continues to invite readers to a new and foreign world by falling down a rabbit hole.

Works Cited

“Adventuress.” Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford University Press, 2019, oed-com.ezproxy.library.valdosta.edu/ view/Entry/2934?redirectedFrom=adventuress&. Accessed 04 November 2019.

Anderson, Monica. Women and the Politics of Travel, 18701914. Rosemont Publishing & Printing Corp, 2006.

Bassnett, Susan. “Travel Writing and Gender.” The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing. ed. by Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs, Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. 225-241.

Carroll, Lewis. Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland & Through the Looking-Glass. CRW Publishing, 2004. Frawley, Maria. A Wider Range: Travel Writing by Women in Victorian England. Associated University Presses, 1994.

Gorham, Deborah. The Victorian Girl and the Feminine Ideal. Indiana University Press,1982.

Honig, Edith. Breaking the Angelic Image: Woman Power in Victorian Children’s Fantasy, Greenwood Press, 1988.

Hooley, Steve and Cristopher Hollingsworth. “Thoughts on Alice: An Interview with Rudy Rucker.” Alice Beyond Wonderland: Essays for the TwentyFirst Century. University of Iowa Press, 2009, pp. 53-62.

Jordan, Thomas. Victorian Childhood: Themes and Variations. State University of New York Press, 1987.

McGavavran, James Holt, editor. Time of Beauty, Time of Fear: The Romantic Legacy in the Literature of Childhood. University of Iowa Press, 2012.

Miller, Meredith. Feminine Subjects in Masculine Fiction: Modernity, Will and Desire, 1870-1910. Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.

Polhemus, Robert. “Lewis Carroll and the Child in Victorian Fiction.” Alice in Wonderland, ed by Donald J. Gray, 3rd ed., Norton, 2013, pp. 341-345.

Richardson, LeeAnne. New Women and Colonial Adventure Fiction in Victorian Britain. University Press of Florida, 2006.

Roston, Murray. Victorian Contexts. New York University Press, 1996.

Roth, Christine. “Looking through the Spyglass: Lewis Carroll, James Barrie, and the Empire of Childhood.” Alice Beyond Wonderland: Essays for the TwentyFirst Century. University of Iowa Press, 2009, pp. 23-35.

Winchester, Simon. The Alice Behind Wonderland. Oxford University Press, 2011.

Woolf, Jenny. The Mystery of Lewis Carroll. St. Martin’s Press, 2011.

Opioid Deaths Across the 50 States

By Ibsa Kejela Debela Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Article Abstract

This article examines various factors that could have an influence on the abuse of prescription opioids across the 50 States. Opioid abuse in the United States often leads to death. A lot of Americans are starting to use prescription opioids to manage pain, even if that pain is bearable. As a result, people are suffering from opioid dependency as opioids are highly addictive. Seven independent variables were selected to see whether they were influenced by opioid abuse, which were per capita income by state, unemployment rate by state, percentage with a high school diploma by state, poverty rate by state, population density by state, percentage of white population by state, and region. These independent variables were tested using a correlation analysis, a regression analysis, and analysis of variance for the regional factor. Two of the independent variables, unemployment rate and population density by state, were found to be statistically significant in relation to opioid deaths across the 50 states. The independent variables of percentage of white population, poverty rates, percentage with a high school diploma, and per capita income had no significant correlation to opioid deaths. The regions of each state were observed using an analysis of variance, which shows that the Northeast has more opioid related deaths in the United States. It can be therefore be concluded from this study that population density and unemployment rate have a significant influence on which states experience the most opioid related deaths.

According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIH), opioids “are a class of drugs that include the illegal drug heroin, synthetic opioids such as fentanyl, and pain relievers available legally by prescription . . .” (Opioids 2018). It was in the late 1990s when pharmaceutical companies promised the medical community, as well as patients, that opioid pain relievers would not cause any harm. With that reassurance, healthcare providers began to prescribe opioid pain relievers at greater rates. As a result of increased prescriptions, widespread misuse of prescription and non-prescription opioid pain relievers began to highlight the addictiveness of these medications. According to data provided by the United States Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), 130 people die every day from opioidrelated overdoses. Between the year 2016 and 2017, 11.4 million people misused prescription opioids. As a result, in 2017, the HHS declared a public health emergency to try and combat this epidemic, however, the opioid epidemic is ever-increasing, and resources to combat this issue are limited. This study focuses on opioid death rates across the 50 states in America and it will attempt to identify factors that cause opioid abuse. This study will also attempt to answer the underlying question, “What factors predict opioid deaths across the 50 states?” Several articles from various credible sources highlight reasonable statistics, graphs, and models to showcase the seriousness of opioid abuse in the United States, and to identify the factors that cause opioid abuse. To answer the underlying question, this study is split up into five sections; introduction, literature review, data and methods, findings, and a conclusion. The literature review presents the various articles and studies done on opioid abuse, where the data and methods section are a statistical representation of current opioid abuse as a result of several factors, or the independent variables. Furthermore, the findings section will provide an explanation of the outcome of each independent variable in relation to the dependent variable. Finally, the conclusion will go over key findings from the study, and will highlight issues, as well as provide insight on how to go about studying this topic in the future.

Literature Review

The article, “America’s opioid crisis has become an epidemic of epidemics,” provides an example of how a young mother who had a dental abscess in her jaw was given several medical treatments. She had a Hepatitis C infection, which is a dangerous bacterial infection that resulted from her heroin use. According to the article, Dr. Michael Brumage, the Charleston Health Department Executive Director, stated that opioid abuse in the United States is “an epidemic of epidemics” (Nilsen 2018). As stated in the article, “around $45 billion dollars is needed to treat the opioid drug crisis” (Nilsen 2018). In the study, “What is the U.S. Opioid Epidemic,” the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, provides details on the opioid epidemic and the numbers around several independent variables leading to death. The article, “Prescription Opioids,” however, gives a brief explanation of what prescription opioids are, and how people misuse them. Prescription opioids, according to the NIH, are naturally found in the opium poppy plant. Prescription opioids can be made by scientists directly in a lab using the same chemical structure, or they can be made from the plant. The reason opioids are often used as medicine, as stated in the article, is because they “contain chemicals that relax the body and can relieve pain” (“Prescription Opioids,” 2018). Also, opioids can be used to treat cough and diarrhea. Most often, however, people become addicted to the “high” that they receive, as stated in the article. The most common types of prescription opioids are hydrocodone, oxymorphone, morphine, codeine, and fentanyl, however, according to the article by the NIH, “the most dangerous opioid in the world is heroin, and is never used as medicine in the United States.” This is because heroin is highly addictive and can cause overdoses, or even death. The NIH article also explains how people misuse prescription opioids, and how it can cause negative effects in the brain. Prescription opioids are safe when taken for a short time and as prescribed by a doctor, however, they can be

misused by taking the medicine “in a way or dose other than prescribed” (“Prescription Opioids” 2018). It is also stated in the article that taking someone else’s prescription medicine or taking the medicine for the effect it causes to get high, are also ways people misuse prescription opioids. The article by the NIH goes into further detail by explaining how exactly a person can misuse prescription opioids. As stated, a person can “swallow the medicine in its normal form, crush pills or open capsules, dissolve the powder in water, and inject the liquid into a vein (“Prescription Opioids” 2018). In most cases, however, it is also reported that some people will snort the powder. A study done by Thomas R. Kolten, M.D., and Tony P. George, M.D., titled, “The Neurobiology of Opioid Dependence: Implications for Treatment,” explains the neurobiology of opioid dependence and how to treat it. According to the study, major changes occur in the brain because of opioid abuse, leading to stronger addictions. As stated in the study, when heroin or any other opiate travels into the blood stream to the brain, the chemical attaches to “special proteins, called mu opioid receptors” (Kosten and George 2018). Also, the attachment of these chemicals to the receptors in the brain triggers the same feeling of pleasure when they engage in activities that promote basic life functions, such as eating and sex. The study also states that detoxification can help resolve opioid dependence, but the abnormalities that come from the addiction are complex and long-lasting. According to the study, “long-term treatment can help improve someone who is dependent or addicted to opioids” (Kosten and George 2018). Richard Florida (2018) explains the real cause of the opioid crisis, which relates to geographic inequality and economic despair. Florida gets his data on deaths from opioids to key indicators of local economic conditions, as well as he availability of opioids in different places. Florida also used the Multiple Cause of Death files of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control to find the data. Florida’s study is analogous to the facts and reasoning of how opioids effect unemployment in the article titled, “A closer look at how opioids effect unemployment.”

According to the article, on average, “115 Americans die every day from a drug overdose which involves opioids” (Carrie and Schnell 2018). The crisis revolving around opioid abuse effects many facets of an opioid abuser’s life, such as families, communities, and workplaces. The article states that addiction leads to job loss and is one of the major reasons for the decline in labor force participation in the United States. According to the data provided in the article done by the Harvard Business Review, 85% of opioids prescribed for working age people are paid for by private health insurance. Thus, employers are contributing to the epidemic (Carrie and Schnell 2018). Mikaela Conley showcases the detrimental side effects of opioid abuse in her article, “Why are Americans in so much pain?” Conley starts off the article by introducing Brian Whitefield, an opioid addict, in a dilemma about taking his own life. According to the article, Whitefield had contemplated suicide multiple times before he had actually sat down with a gun in his hand (Conley 2019). Conley explains that Whitefield had felt depressed and abandoned as a result of his use of prescription opioids. The article also explains that Whitefield sustained knee and back injuries as a result of his service in the United States Marine Corps, and to relieve his pain, the doctors prescribed him opioids. Whitefield, however, is just one of the many people facing opioid abuse across the United States. Conley explains that “in the year 2017, 70,000 people were killed by opioid related deaths, which eventually decreased the overall life expectancy in the United States, depressing the average to 78.6” (Conley 2019).

Data and Methods

After review of various scholarly research, and in addition to key findings on opioid abuse, this study was designed to focus on the 50 states in the United States, making it the unit of analysis. The dependent variable for this study is opioid abuse across the United States. The data obtained in this study comes

from the United States Census Bureau, United States Department of Labor, and a statistics website called Statista. There are seven independent variables; per capita income, unemployment rate, population density, percentage white population, percentage with a high school diploma, poverty rate, and region. These are the factors that will be tested to determine opioid abuse and deaths across the 50 states.

Table 1

Variables, Characteristics and Sources

Variables Opioid deaths across the 50 states Per Capita Income

Unemployment Rate

% With a High School Diploma Poverty Rate Min.

2.40

40528

2.3

82

8

Max.

43.49

76127

6.4

93

20

Population Density

Percent White Population

Region

1

27

1 1225

95

4

Mean

14.484

S.D

9.001

56000 9183.432

3.720 0.786

88.580 3.058

13.120 2.883

202.180 267.651

80 12.254

2.660 1.062

Source

U.S. Bureau of the Census U.S. Bureau of the Census U.S. Bureau of the Census U.S. Bureau of the Census U.S. Bureau of the Census U.S. Bureau of the Census U.S. Bureau of the Census U.S. Bureau of the Census

The data for this table was obtained from the United States Census. The unit of analysis for this study is the 50 states, located in the United States. Each independent variable is used as a comparison to the dependent variable to showcase a relation between the two. This dependent variable was calculated as opioid-related overdose deaths per 100,000 people. It has a range of 2.4-43.49, with a mean of 14.484. Nebraska had the fewest opioid related deaths in the country, whereas West Virginia had the most opioid related deaths. This means that on average, 14.484 people die, out of a pool of 100,000 people. The first independent variable, per capita income, was calculated to compare the average salary of a state to opioid related death rates. It ranges from $40,528$76,127, with a mean of $56,000. The second independent variable is the unemployment rate, which can be a determining factor on opioid related abuse and death. The second variable was calculated as a percentage, with 2.3% to 6.4% being the range. Independent variable three shows the percentage of people who graduated with a high school diploma, ranging from 82% to 93%. The fourth independent variable shows the percentage of poverty within each state. The fifth variable shows the population density, which is the number of people per square mile, with a range of 1 person to 1,225 people per square mile. The sixth variable is to see if the percentage of white people in a state has any correlation to opioid abuse within a state. The range for this variable is 27% to 95% white people in each area, with a mean of 80%. The last independent variable focuses on the region, which at the end of the study, will show which region of the United States has more of an opioid abuse problem.

The hypotheses that will be tested in this study are as follows:

H1: As the unemployment rate increases, the opioid death rate increases.

H2: As population density decreases, the opioid death rate increases.

H3: As the percentage of population with a high school diploma increases, opioid death rate decreases.

H4: As per capita income increases, opioid death rate decreases.

H5: As the poverty rate increases, opioid death rate increases.

H6: As the percentage of white people increases, the opioid death rate increases.

H7: The south is more susceptible to opioid abuse than the three other regions of the United States.

Findings

The findings in this section are somewhat interesting. Of the seven independent variables, variable five, population density, was the most significant with correlation coefficient of 0.412 at p<.01. The second variable that was also statistically significant was the unemployment rate with a correlation coefficient of .240 at p<.05. The rest of the variables are presented within Table 2.

Table 2

Correlation Analysis of Opioid Death Rates

Independent Variables

Per Capita Income

Unemployment Rate

% With A High School Diploma

Poverty Rate

Population Density

Percentage White Population

.150 N=50 *P<.05

Correlations

**P<.01

0.240*

0.058

-0.052

0.412**

0.214

The analysis above shows that only two variables were statistically significant, whereas the other variables were of no importance, or had no correlation to the dependent variable, which was opioid deaths across the 50 states. The figures below will show in detail the relationship between each significant variable to the dependent variable and will finally conclude whether the hypotheses for each variable is accepted or denied.

Figure 1

Opioid Deaths and Unemployment Rate

50

O p i o i d

D

0

2 7 U R Line Equation Y = 4.279 + 2.743 X r = 0.240* Prob. = 0.049 N = 50 Missing = 7

The correlation of 0.240* between opioid abuse and unemployment rates is statistically significant at p<.05. The r2 for the regression model is .0576. This figure showcases how important the unemployment rate is to opioid abuse; therefore, H1 is accepted.

Figure 2

Opioid Deaths and Population density

50

O p i o i d

D

0

0 1230 P o p u l a t i o n Line Equation Y = 11.682 + 0.014 X r = 0.412** Prob. = 0.002 N = 50 Missing = 7

Figure 2 reveals a correlation of 0.412 that is statistically significant at p<.01. The r2 for the regression line is at .169. According to the figure, H2 would be rejected. The scatterplot showcases that there is a correlation between population density and opioid deaths. More importantly, it shows that states with lower population density tend to have lower rates of opioid abuse and deaths.

Figure 3

Opioid Deaths and Region

50

O p i o d

D

Overall Mean 14.484

0

Northeast Midwest South

R e g i o n

West

This variable is represented as an ANOVA, as it examines opioid death rates across the four major regions of the United States. The ETA square is 0.262 and is statistically significant. In relation to the independent variable, population density, the region of the United States with the most abuse of opioids is the Northeast, as population is denser. The South is shown to be right along the mean, further indicating that my hypothesis was wrong. Finally, the region with the least abuse of opioids is the West. As a result, H7 would be rejected.

Conclusion

There is a relationship between unemployment rates, population density, and region, to opioid death rates across the 50 states. According to this study, the strongest indicator for opioid deaths in the United States was population density. The results from this study indicate that the higher the population density, the higher the rate of opioid abuse. In relation to population density, a future study on this topic could also look at areas where the most injuries or hospital visits occur. This study shows that the correlations are indeed there, and that the opioid epidemic is as serious as medical institutions claim. For future studies, it should be noted that there are many types of opioids, including lab produced opioids. Most importantly, heroin is an opioid that is mainly abused by people who have no prescription for opioid drugs. Looking into crime statistics for heroin use could help when looking into heroin use across the 50 states. Furthermore, there could be more factors that result in opioid deaths across the 50 states, such as crime rates or previous abuse of substances. The data obtained for this study should also reflect the most recent year. In conclusion, this study can provide valuable insight into how detrimental opioid abuse can be, and the data in this study can be compared to new data obtained.

Bibliography

Carrie, Janet, and Schnell, Molly. 2018. “A Closer Look at How the Opioid Epidemic Affects Employment.” Harvard Business Review, August 20. https://hbr.org/2018/08/ a-closer-look-at-how-the-opioid-epidemic-affects- employment.html (August 20, 2018).

Conley, Mikaela. 2019. “Why are Americans in so much pain?” Yahoo News, January 30. https://news.yahoo.com/ americans-much-pain-141918964.html (January 30, 2019).

Florida, Richard. 2018. “The Real Cause of the Opioid Crisis.” CityLab, February 14. https://www.citylab.com/ life/2018/02/the-real-cause-of-the-opioid-crisis/553118/ (February 14, 2018).

Kosten, Thomas R, and Tony P. George. 2002. “The Neurobiology of Opioid Dependence: Implications for Treatment.” National Institutes of Health 1 (Jul): 13-20.

Nilsen, Ella. 2018. “America’s opioid crisis has become an epidemic of epidemics.” Vox, March 6. https://www.vox. com/2018/3/6/16453530/america-opioid-crisis-epidemicbacterial-endocarditis-hepatitis-c (March 6, 2018).

National Institute on Drug Abuse. 2019. Opioids. https://www. drugabuse.gov/drugs-abuse/opioids

National Institute on Drug Abuse. 2019. Prescription Opioids. https://vsu.view.usg.edu/d2l/le/content/2001572/ viewContent/35448262/View?ou=2001572

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 2019. What is the Opioid Epidemic? https://www.hhs.gov/opioids/ about-the-epidemic/index.htmlSedit, totat. Aximodi tiustrum is dolenis ex earchilibus sitempor aut ate num

Christian Asceticism and Ascetic Women in the Fourth-Century Roman Empire

By Kallie Adams Faculty Mentor: Dr. Lavonna Lovern, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies

Article Abstract

Asceticism, a practice of restricting one’s bodily desires, was practiced in many cultures before the rise of Christianity, but the Christian Ascetic movement of the Roman Empire differed from other forms of asceticism in its rewriting of women’s roles. This article will examine the rise of Christian asceticism as both a social and political alternative to traditional female roles that required early marriage, child rearing, and subordination to men. The article will focus on research conducted by Elizabeth Castelli and Elizabeth Clark, including their distinct interpretations of the female’s role in the fourthcentury Roman Empire. The article will also examine how Christian asceticism allowed women to step outside of these traditional sociosexual roles and enabled them to express their sexuality in different ways, pursue intellectual endeavors and academics, and obtain their own wealth and property. While asceticism promoted these possibilities for social and political advancement, the masculine-dominated theology continued to discuss female ascetics using hypersexualized language. This article describes the average Roman woman’s experiences and how these experiences could change in pursuing an ascetic lifestyle, with discussion as to whether women benefitted in rejecting traditional sociosexual roles.

In the fourth-century Roman Empire, despite the patriarchal culture in which the majority of people existed, the opportunity to pursue an ascetic lifestyle that transcended gender roles was offered to women. Asceticism, an ideology stemming from Stoic logic, was adopted by the Christian religion as a minor movement that had an impact on sociosexual roles. A lot of writing done by the Church Fathers and other Christian church leaders focused on the concepts of virginity and asceticism. The sociosexual roles women followed were sharply contrasted with the ascetic movement. Traditional gender roles and marital customs were ignored by ascetics and those who supported them. Women who chose to follow ascetic logic were given the chance to step outside of the primarily sexual role women played and instead travel, pursue an education, and befriend and speak to men almost as equals in non-sexual contexts. Despite some parallels between the laws followed by the Roman Empire in the fourth century, the ascetic movement, as interpreted from what documentation is available today, can be viewed as a liberating concept for the women of this time. When considering this research, it is important to note the limitations of attempting to characterize and describe the true experiences of ascetic women. Most imperative among these limitations is a lack of writings by women from the time period this research discusses. What information is accessible on ascetic women and ascetic lifestyles comes from writings by the Church Fathers and other church leaders who either wrote on the topic of asceticism or wrote letters to women encouraging an ascetic lifestyle. Therefore, scholars know little of the thoughts and opinions of women on asceticism aside from attempts to guess at them through interpretation of the ascetic woman’s actions, which again, are documented from the multiple perspectives held by men at the time.

Christian Asceticism

Before the rise of Christianity, asceticism was a concept practiced in numerous ways in Jewish, Greek, and Roman cultures. Christian writers defined asceticism very narrowly, but

before it was transformed into the Christian asceticism studied today, it was simply a practice of “silencing the demands of the body” and “decentering . . . the self as an adequate controlling faculty of morality” (Wills, 2006, p. 904). This was done by people of various religious backgrounds for spiritual reasons. In the Christian interpretation, an ascetic lifestyle was seen as a marriage or union with Christ for women, and for men it was “receiving knowledge” (Kraemer, 1980, p. 303). These notions of ascetic spirituality came from the “persistent suspicion of the flesh and its passions, a suspicion not solely Christian in origin, but found throughout the Stoic philosophical tradition which influenced much Christian thinking about virginity” (Castelli, 1986, p. 73). In the Stoic system, humans should strive “to become logikos and apathes, reasonable/logical and without passions” (Castelli, 1986, p. 73); by becoming logikos and apathes, those who followed Stoic philosophy left behind human desires to further their spirituality. A frequent conviction of Christian writers at the time was that passions and bodily desires were the greatest impediments to the ideal model of Christianity, and through the use of Stoic logic, asceticism offered a strict model of abstinence from all bodily desires that devout Christians could follow. Many viewed asceticism, but specifically Christian asceticism, as dangerous because this was a time in which every woman would have needed to rear around “five children simply to keep the population constant” (Clark, 1986, p. 371). Christian parents feared their children choosing ascetic lifestyles because it might have meant the end of the family line. Alongside this concern, critics of asceticism argued that God made two sexes specifically for procreational purposes, so it naturally follows that the woman should bear children (Clark, 1986, p. 377). The Christian ideal of motherhood held great religious significance. In spite of these convictions, Christian asceticism became especially attractive because followers of Jesus at the time were under the impression that the end of the world was coming, as was preached by the disciples of Jesus such as St. Paul. In following this teaching, there was no longer a need to

procreate, and therefore, no longer a need for marriage and sex (Clark, 1995, p. 359). Early Christian ascetics were living in anticipation of this day of reckoning, and desired to live their lives on Earth as if they were already in Heaven. Along with this body of thought came the interpretation that those who lived an ascetic lifestyle were equivalent to angels, could not die, and were “like the sons of God” (Brock, 1973, p. 6).1 Because they practiced ascetic Christianity, they believed they would not die on Judgement Day; they would instead live on in spirit. As Christian asceticism further strayed from Stoic logic, writings on Christian ascetic ideology moved further into discussions on what it meant to be an ascetic woman. In much of the Church Fathers’ writings, the virgin woman was effectively freed from the punishment brought on Eve in The Fall: the pain of childbirth (Castelli, 1986, p. 70). Writings by the Church Fathers discussed this extensively. An example of this focus on virginity comes from John Chrysostom, who dedicated twentytwo chapters of his De Verginitate to the “pains of marriage and how the virgin escapes them” (Castelli, 1986, p. 68). As women were liberated from marriage and childbirth in asceticism, they often cast aside femininity all together. Some women who closely followed the ascetic lifestyle called themselves men and were called men by those who encouraged their asceticism. John Chrysostom said of the ascetic Olympias, “‘[d]on’t say ‘woman’ but ‘what a man!’ because this is a man, despite her physical appearance” (Castelli, 1986, p. 75). Other ascetic women went so far as to cut their hair and don men’s clothing, such as St. Thecla2 in The Acts of Paul and Thecla or Mygdonia in the Apocryphal Acts, though some Church Fathers, such as St. Jerome, condemned these behaviors (Castelli, 1986, p. 76).

1 Like Syrian practices of asceticism, Christians felt alienation from this world was a key component of ascetic practice (Brock, 1973, p. 10). By maintaining an alienation from the world and themselves, ascetics confirmed the argument that they were like angels. 2 It is important to note that Thecla is not necessarily a historical figure. She is most likely a literary affectation used to represent multiple ascetic women. While she is not necessarily real, the ascetic figure she represents is important to the ascetic movement because she is widely regarded as a hyperbolized representation of the experiences of many ascetic women.

Despite straying away from the typical earthly gender roles women were intended to exhibit, many writers discussed how the traditional roles of motherhood carried over into the afterlife. Christian writers, such as St. Gregory, discussed the “special spiritual fecundity” of ascetic women who “as imitators of Mary, become themselves mothers of Christ” (Castelli, 1986, p. 71). Virginity was highly praised by many Christians at this time, though motherhood was highly praised as well. While ascetic women could have no children by physical birth, they had spiritual children when they converted others to the Christian ascetic religion. Although most of the Church Fathers, if not all besides Gregory, would not go so far as to make the ascetic woman a mother of Christ, the ascetic woman was the closest that a woman could come to the mother Mary, the ideal woman, both virgin and mother, in the eyes of Church Fathers who studied the asceticism practiced by women.

Gender Roles and Marriage before and during the Fourth Century in the Roman Empire

The Christian ascetic movement widely revolved around women; they were the primary focus of much ascetic writing during the rise of Christianity. This focus on ascetic womanhood is due primarily to the fact that women had the most to gain from the movement. Asceticism effectively liberated women from the traditional sociosexual roles they were intended to fill. To better understand this, one must look to the sociosexual roles of the fourth-century Roman Empire. Generally, women were thought of as property. St. Thomas Aquinas, in his writing The Purpose of Sex, glazed over this ownership as commonplace by saying, “Suppose there is a woman who is not married, or under the control of any man, either her father or another man” (1998, p. 91), as well as, “... a wife is naturally subject to her husband as governor” (1998, p. 94). In the Roman Empire, a woman only escaped servitude toward her husband if she came into the marriage with more wealth and property (Castelli, 1986, p. 69), though this was a rare case

which typically only occurred within the Roman aristocracy. In those few cases where the wife subjugated her husband, her father, as well as the patriarchal society as a whole, continued to rule over her, limiting her in her agency. To further this idea of women as property, many Church Fathers described marriage as a “sale,” sometimes using the two terms interchangeably (Clark, 1995, p. 371). Women’s property also became the property of their husbands. Men often sold the property of the women under their control. Husbands beat and raped their wives. None of these actions were considered crimes since the woman who married became indentured to her husband (Clark, 1995, p. 370). While there was a general consensus on the roles women should fill, there were some points on which these roles diverged between the traditional Roman aristocracy and roles constructed by the Christian church, specifically in terms of divorce. During the time of the Roman Empire, traditional marriage was a much more private affair. Parents arranged marriages for their children, and they were not officiated by religious and civic officials in the same way they are today; there was not as much legality involved. It was not until the fifth century that marriage certificates or other legal documents as well as dowries were required by law, although both were still quite standard before being officially required (Miller, 2005, p. 253). Marriage contracts for Romans of non-Christian backgrounds typically included divorce clauses (Geller, 1994, p. 82). In other words, divorce was often anticipated, especially when it came to Roman aristocrats. These arrangements were not specific in time or location to the fourth-century Roman Empire. Divorce clauses were present in marriage contracts under the Neo-Babylonians, as well as in Jewish marriage contracts (Geller, 1994, p. 86). While Christian marital ideals were generally the same as Roman traditions, Christianity did not consider divorce an option. Christianity followed the idea that the purpose of matrimony was solely procreational. As raising children required a lifetime of work, parents should be united for this lifetime to make child rearing efficacious. Another reason for

lifelong dedication to a partner was that women alone were not adequate as sole guardians of a child. According to Christian ideals, raising children “demands the work of a husband, in whom reason is more developed for giving instruction and strength is more available for giving punishment” therefore, “the society of man and woman of the human species, which we call matrimony, should . . . endure throughout an entire life” (Aquinas, 1998, pp. 93-94). Since marriage should be a lifelong endeavor in the Christian opinion, “[o]ne of the fundamental innovations of the early Church was the abolition of an ancient, venerable institution—divorce” (Geller, 1994, p. 82). As Christianity offered no option to leave a marriage, Christian marital customs and thoughts were more restrictive than Roman traditions. Frustrations with marriage were furthered by Christian ascetic writing which made the act of marriage and child raising out to be particularly unfavorable for men and women. Paul writes in 1 Corinthians 7:33-34 that “. . . the married man is anxious about worldly affairs, how to please his wife, and his interests are divided . . .” and “the married woman is anxious about worldly affairs, how to please her husband” (Miller, 2005, p. 255).3 These quotes from Paul, although they demonstrate much of the general Christian thoughts against marriage during the rise of Christianity, pale in comparison to other Christian writers’ criticisms of marriage. John Chrysostom wrote extensively on this subject, and twenty-two chapters of his De Virginitate were dedicated solely to the pains of marriage for women alone. The idea of marriage and family as a painful construct was so deeply ingrained in some dedicated followers of the religion that they often exalted losing these things. According to the story of Melania the Elder’s loss of her husband and children, a woman known for her conversion to asceticism after this loss, “she thanked God for relieving her of such a great burden” (Clark, 1995, p. 357). From these Christian ideals and aside from the obvious motivation for pursuing an ascetic interpretation of religion—that motivation being spirituality—many women may have pursued an ascetic lifestyle to avoid or attempt to escape the matrimonial and motherly roles they were prescribed.

To be an Ascetic Woman

“Women’s sexuality, historically, has been appropriated as a tool of men’s power . . . a commodity in the system of exchange” (Castelli, 1986, p. 86). Structurally, the ascetic woman still became a commodity by exchanging herself and her earthly experience for a better experience in the afterlife; religion simply reinforced women’s commodification “by investing it with theological significance” (Castelli, 1986, p. 86). While this holds significance in its subliminal reinforcement of the Roman ideology of the time, it is obvious that despite structural similarities in the use of women as an earthly or religious tool of exchange, ascetic women had freedoms beyond those of the typical Roman woman that cannot be ignored. A key concern for modern notions of asceticism is that the vast majority of ascetic women written about were aristocrats (Kraemer, 1980, p. 300). They came from power and were subsequently already awarded more liberties than women of lesser status and finances. For this reason, women of higher status were much more likely to be afforded the opportunity of an ascetic lifestyle whereas common women were not. While modern opinions of asceticism may not specifically characterize the experiences of more marginalized women, it is likely that they participated in the movement because “[r]eligious systems which legitimize the rejection of the established sociosexual standards, as did ascetic Christianity, are likely to attract large numbers of discontented and marginal women and to propound standards of worth and redemption more consonant with their circumstances” (Kraemer, 1980, pp. 306-307). It is appropriate to assume that converting to asceticism was significantly more dangerous for marginalized women because those who rejected roles as mothers and wives were often killed or imprisoned, but these women likely believed risking persecution was worth it if they could give themselves value and worth beyond what they were prescribed (Kraemer, 1980, p. 304).

Sexuality

The sexuality of the ascetic woman was widely discussed. As these women rejected traditional sociosexual roles, Christian writers of the time had much to do in defining new roles for this group of women. This discussion followed two main bodies of thought. The first is one in which the woman becomes the “primordial hermaphrodite” (DeConick, 2011, p. 135), like a man in thought and sometimes appearance. In The Acts of Paul and Thecla, we see Thecla disguising herself as a man to seek out Paul and live as he does, preaching and taking on a role much more characteristic of Roman Christian men (Goodspeed, 1901, p. 189). In following this ascetic tradition, women would often cut their hair, wear men’s clothing, and bind their breasts, completely denying their femininity. As mentioned previously, men following ascetic Christian traditions were thought to receive true knowledge (logikos). By denying their femininity, women became like men in their asceticism as well as appearance. In contrast to the transgenderism that characterized some ascetic women, sermons and letters to women from Church Fathers and other Christian leaders of ascetic belief often contained sexualized imagery or tales of Christ to encourage women to convert to asceticism. For example, Jerome encouraged St. Eustochium, a notable ascetic woman, “in the words of Psalm 45, ‘Forget thy people and thy father’s house, and the king [Jesus Christ] shall desire thy beauty’” (Clarke, 1995, p. 367). Similar to Jerome’s letter, letters and writings by other influential Christians often depicted Jesus as the holy bridegroom of the ascetic woman, making ascetic women the brides of Christ. Some women even chose to veil themselves in anticipation of this union. Along with the sexualization of Christ came the depiction of a strict devotion to the men who converted ascetic women. Thecla exemplifies this as well. As is divulged in The Acts of Paul and Thecla, Thecla shows an unwavering devotion to Paul; she follows him from Iconium to surrounding cities, even seeing a manifestation of God in Paul’s image moments before what she believes will be her death (Goodspeed, 1901, p. 189). By many, this is interpreted as a manifestation of sexual or emotional desire in a religious leader comparable to the desire for the holy bridegroom.

Regardless of which sociosexual characteristics may have characterized these ascetic women—the hermaphroditic or the sexualization of the virgin—both offer an opportunity to step away from matrimony and motherhood. This would have been especially beneficial and emotionally fulfilling to women who were unable to conceive, widowed, disabled, or otherwise discontented, or women who did not necessarily have sexual or emotional interest in men.4

Intellectual Endeavors

Women of the Roman Empire had no means of pursuing academics. They were not thought of as intellectual beings, and their sole purpose was to bear and raise children as well as managing the daily duties of the household, such as cooking and cleaning. When ascetic women cast aside these roles, they gained the opportunity to seek out knowledge, spiritual and otherwise. This was the only means by which women could do so in the fourth-century Roman Empire (Castelli, 1986, p. 82). Asceticism gave women new religious significance outside of motherhood by allowing them to pursue intellectual endeavors. Ascetic women often prospered in academics having been given the opportunity to study them. For example, the aforementioned Eustochium and her mother Paula, two Roman aristocratic women known for their asceticism, were exceptionally proficient in learning Hebrew where Jerome, their spiritual mentor and a Church Father, had learned it “with great difficulty” (Yarbrough, 1976, p. 159). Along with the entertainment of excelling in academics, pursuing intellectuality allowed ascetic women the freedom to travel. They traveled to

4 There is much debate within feminist contemporary writing on Christian asceticism as to whether the ascetic movement may have been an outlet for non-heterosexual women and men. Though the modern labels characterizing sexuality today would have had no place in the Roman Empire, it is important to consider the experiences of ascetic people who may not have fit the sexual norms characterizing Roman society during and surrounding the fourth century. This is supported by previous evidence used by Kraemer: “[r]eligious systems which legitimize the rejection of the established sociosexual standards, as did ascetic Christianity, are likely to attract large numbers of discontented and marginal women and to propound standards of worth and redemption more consonant with their circumstances” (1980, pp. 306-307). 164

various holy places and wrote extensively on their experiences. Yarbrough captures perfectly how ascetic women must have felt to have this form of liberation. Ascetic women cast aside roles traditionally asked of them, “everything that was tedious and boring in Rome,” to live life as an individual with free will to do whatever they pleased (Yarbrough, 1976, pp. 159-160). To be free not only from the hypersexualized imagery of womanhood but also the societal pressures it brought on must have been an exciting adventure for the ascetic woman.

Wealth and Property

Along with having control over intellectual endeavors, ascetic women often gained control over their own wealth and property. Although for many ascetics the ideology followed that one should give up his or her wealth, aristocratic ascetics were encouraged to use their wealth to the benefit of the Christian church (Castelli, 1986, p. 83). A major reason for the allowance of this was not spiritual; it was allowed within the Roman aristocracy because the main duties of a child to his or her family “were the transmission of familial wealth to the next generation and the continuation of the lineage itself” (Yarbrough, 1976, p. 154). Due to this, asceticism often became a “‘fad’ among the aristocratic women of Rome” (Yarbrough, 1976, p. 161), contributing to the fact that so many aristocratic women would forgo asceticism until after fulfilling procreational duties. Some ascetic women only chose asceticism after having children so as to maintain familial wealth because the primary ways in which one could gain wealth was through inheriting money and property or marrying for a dowry, so “[t]he total amount of Roman aristocratic wealth . . . had no way of ever increasing significantly . . . . It could only become poorer” (Yarbrough, 1976, pp. 155-156). For some aristocratic families, this meant that having more than one daughter dedicated to the ascetic lifestyle would be detrimental to familial wealth and political bonds made through marriage (Yarbrough, 1976, p. 157). Other families found asceticism beneficial. As dowries were typically paid by the family of the bride to the groom’s father, some

families chose to save on dowries by dedicating daughters to asceticism at birth (Yarbrough, 1976, p. 162). The decision to become ascetic was itself a bargaining tool for families of the Roman aristocracy and contributed greatly to the complex monetary exchanges of this elite group of people. While this financial aspect of asceticism often turned women into bargaining chips, it also allowed them financial mobility they did not have before. Many ascetic women were given large sums of money by their families or, as in Thecla’s story, generous donations by grateful companions and converts. With this money, ascetic women could travel in the name of Christian charity work. This wealth contributed largely to the aforementioned intellectual endeavors taken on by ascetic women. Many would be unable to travel without the finances afforded them by those who supported them. There is also some evidence that Christian ascetics may have “pursued business dealings, perhaps to support themselves” (Castelli, 286, p. 83). The documentation supporting this suggests that these women owned their own land, though it is unclear that these women were ascetic. However, it does lead one to consider the possibility of ascetic women doing the same. In conjunction with their elevated sociosexual status, they would have been much better off in supporting themselves than women who chose traditional marital customs.

The Opposition of Asceticism

Asceticism faced much opposition. Today, many theologians who study Christian asceticism are not convinced that asceticism was not “as domesticating and circumscribing of women’s sexuality” as the ideology which governed these women’s time (Castelli, 1986, p. 85; see also, Kraemer, 1980, pp. 303-304). In some ways it may have been even more restricting, particularly in terms of having to deny oneself of fulfilling their innate physical desires. While some women may have renounced marriage and motherhood to escape the burdens of their social roles, they would also be denying themselves a form of physical and emotional intimacy. 166

Ascetic women were also often in great danger due to their conversion. They sometimes faced death for choosing a lifetime of virginity and crossing into intellectual territory that was dominated by men. Thecla’s own mother wanted her to be burned for her beliefs (Goodspeed, 1901, p. 187). Rape was a major concern for ascetic women as well. As this was a society ruled by men, the woman was always to blame for sexual offenses committed by men. If a woman was raped, she was often persecuted, becoming a social pariah if not sentenced to death. Due to this, many women fell victim to suicide when threatened with rape. Castelli calls this the issue of self-dissolution within the “culture of continence” (1986, p. 86). In the case of self-dissolution with asceticism, women became so involved in their religion that they would rather die than have anything happen to contradict their beliefs. They effectively lost themselves in their religion.

Conclusions

From a modern perspective, women’s outlook on sexuality and what it meant to be a woman was a bleak one, but in looking through the eyes of ascetic women, this was likely the most liberating option they had. The chance to escape the issues that came with marriage, motherhood, and domestic life to pursue education and travel and to manage their own finances was much more than most women in the Roman Empire ever experienced. Although the movement did very little to permanently transform the sociosexual roles in which women were placed, it had a great impact on Christian thought and writing for the short time it thrived, and it gave women more of a choice in the lives they wished to lead.

Bibliography

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The Siege of Alesia: Caesar as a Military Leader

By B. Cordell Moats Faculty Mentor: Dr. John Dunn, Department of History

Article Abstract

This research sheds light on an important event in the life of Julius Caesar, one of the best-known figures from the ancient world. Before Caesar became the famous figure he is in modern society, he learned his leadership skills while leading the military through the Gallic Wars. The Siege of Alesia is an apt example of how Caesar led his military, from personally fighting on the front lines, to developing unique and effective ways to turn the tide of battle to his favor. His role in the Gallic Wars is an aspect of Caesar’s life that has not been explored as often as the rest of his career, such as the later Civil Wars and Caesar’s time ruling over Rome. His ultimate victory at Alesia established his military and political capital that allowed Caesar to subsequently become the master of Rome.

“The Romans have not won by superior courage or in a fair fight . . . but by their expert knowledge of siege craft, a special technique that we were unacquainted with.” -Vercingetorix1

Vercingetorix was the primary leader of the last major Gallic Rebellion against Roman rule at the end of the Hellenistic Era. Whether or not Vercingetorix was correct in his statement quoted above that claims he lost because of Rome’s mastery of siege craft is questionable. His rebellion began in 52 BCE, after years of forceful Roman control through Julius Caesar, who was the governor of Gaul. Today, Caesar is famous for many reasons. However, his time in Gaul is not as well-known as his other endeavors. Caesar’s experience as a military leader is often forgotten or overlooked in modern times. When it comes to the Gallic Wars, Caesar was a great leader and strategist, overcoming every challenge presented to him, which is best highlighted by the Siege of Alesia, after which organized resistance to Roman rule never recovered. The Battle of Alesia demonstrates how Caesar was a superb military leader, with great adaptability to changing situations while in the midst of combat. The composition of the people of Gaul was not as commonly imagined in the modern day. It was not a homogenous state, and up to this point there had been no “King of Gaul.” Each tribe operated independently of one another; there was no significant shared culture or geographical identity between tribes of Gaul. ‘Gaul’ referred only to the geographical expression of the area these tribes inhabited. The existing tribal society held more Germanic people to the east, some settled tribes that were largely Romanized, and the tribes in the west that were less influenced by Rome.2 Caesar’s early campaigns included forcing Germanic tribes back out of Gaul and across the Rhine River, as well

1 Vercingetorix quoted in Ludwig Heinrich Dyck. The Roman Barbarian Wars: The Era of Roman Conquest, (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2015), 134. 2 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory: The Battle of Alesia 52 BC (Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2016), 55.

as some clashes in modern-day northern France and Belgium. For a while, only the far northwest was largely insecure, which would fall under subjugation in 56 BCE, which seemed to complete Roman domination.3 While all these conquests helped Caesar to develop as a strong leader, the resentment of the Gauls toward their new rulers began to grow: “Besides, he probably thought Gaul was fully sorted. He had no reason to fear the more settled tribes who had caused him little or no bother to date.”4 It could be said Caesar’s success allowed a strong force to form around one single leader, such as Vercingetorix, in the first place. Without the threat to their independence presented by Caesar, many of the Gauls would not have offered a unified force in the way they gave to Vercingetorix. Some tribes were against Vercingetorix’s revolt as it could lead to their subjugation under a different tribe just as harshly as they would be under Rome.5 For them, the Gallic Wars were a no-win situation, demanding they either support one foreign leader or another. Caesar knew this and often exploited these tribal differences to his advantage. Limited primary sources are available to study the Gallic War. However, Caesar provides some insight in his book The Gallic Wars. Caesar was a prolific writer, however, only his commentaries on the Gallic Wars and Civil Wars have survived completely intact. It is important to remember that most of Caesar’s writings were self-promoting propaganda intended to build support among the people back in Rome.6 These commentaries were always written in a way that glorified Caesar and his armies. This would give Caesar support for his actions. Caesar controlled the flow of information into Rome to influence what was known about his actions and campaigns among the people in Rome. This allowed Caesar to maintain plenty of public support while far from the capital.7

3 Mary T. Boatwright and Daniel J. Gargola and Richard J. A. Talbert, The Romans: From Village to Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press,2004), 242. 4 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 62. 5 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 61-62. 6 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 53-56. 7 Josiah Osgood, “The Pen and the Sword: Writing and Conquest in Caesar’s Gaul,” Classical Antiquity 28 no.2 (October 2009) 346.

In his commentaries, Caesar breaks down the events leading up to the siege: “When all the horsemen had been put to flight Vercingetorix drew his forces back from their position in front of the camps and at once began the march to Alesia.”8 This would have marked a major victory for Caesar against the Gallic cavalry which was considered “ . . . the branch of their army on which they most relied . . .”9 The ancient geographer Strabo describes Alesia as a city of the Mandubii people. Alesia is situated at the top of a high hill and the land was bordered by mountains and rivers. Strabo also confirms that this is the location of the final major battle of the Gallic Wars; “… not only the commander was captured but the war had its end.”10 Caesar faced a disadvantage in the fortress’ position at the peak of a hill which would force his army to fight uphill, against the enemy.11 When the Romans laid siege to the city, Vercingetorix, as the leader of the Gauls, was forced to make a choice. Trapped and surrounded, he sent for reinforcements by having his horsemen ride out “. . .before the Romans could complete their entrenchments.” Vercingetorix had each man return home to call up arms to lift the siege. “Caesar had report of this from deserters and prisoners . . .”12 and therefore knew he had a limited amount of time before additional Gauls would arrive. “Caesar, therefore, thought proper to make a further addition . . .” to his siege-works, and when they were finished, “Caesar constructed parallel entrenchments of the same kind facing the other way, against the enemy outside . . .”13 Caesar’s foresight that he would be faced with a Gallic relief force serves as an example of his forward thinking and strategy. By the time the siege was completely underway, Caesar had constructed a fort around the one under attack, providing the Roman army protection via his siege walls,

8 H J Edwards trans, Caesar: The Gallic War (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 477. 9 H J Edwards trans, Caesar, 477-479. 10 Horace Leonard Jones trans. The Geography of Strabo (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969), 219. 11 Horace Leonard Jones trans., Geography of Strabo, 219. 12 Edwards trans, Caesar, 481-483. 13 Edwards trans, Caesar, 485-487.

lookout towers, and trenches. When the Gallic relief forces reached Alesia, they discovered rooting out the Romans would be harder than anticipated.14 After his men had completed the siege works around Alesia, Caesar adopted a new tactic, and went on the defensive. By letting the Gallic forces come to him, Caesar was able to overcome Vercingetorix’s high ground advantage. For the Gauls, attacking the Romans meant opening themselves up to counterattacks. This tactic allowed for Caesar and the Romans to not have to force their way uphill, as it was always on the hills that they seemed to struggle. Caesar discusses this as well in his commentaries by describing that “the unfavorable downward slope of the ground had great effect.”15 These hill entrenchments favored the Gauls, and so Caesar used his strategies to force conflicts to benefit himself. Two major conflicts occurred when the relief forces and Vercingetorix’s forces both attacked the Romans simultaneously, forcing the Romans to fight on multiple fronts. One of these events marks the moment Caesar finds a great ally; this was an important moment in his career. The Gallic Wars remarks that: “Then Marcus Antonius and Gaius Trebonius, the lieutenantgenerals to whom the defence of these sections had been allotted, withdrew troops from forts farther away, and sent them up to bring assistance . . .”16 Mark Antony and his fellow LieutenantGeneral were able to defend and hold back the Gallic forces despite their own troops being very hard pressed. From this point on, Mark Antony would become a close confidant. Caesar had a tendency to make allies by choosing those who demonstrated skills he would be able to call upon when needed.17 The second simultaneous attack by Vercingetorix and the relief forces ended in their complete defeat. During the final assault on the Roman lines, sixty thousand Gauls attacked the exterior wall while thousands more attacked the interior lines.

14 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 79. 15 Edwards trans, Caesar, 505. 16 Edwards trans, Caesar, 501. 17 Don Nardo, Julius Caesar: Roman General and Statesman (Minneapolis, Minnesota: Compass Point Books, 2009), 13-15.

Caesar first rebuffed the interior attackers, then redeployed his legions to reinforce the exterior defenses. Next, Caesar deployed his cavalry to finish off the Gauls from the rear. After this attack, the commander of the relief army –Vercingetorix’s cousin Vercassivellaunus—was captured, and the relief army broke and fled. With no more help or any more hope, Vercingetorix surrendered the next day.18 Caesar actively joined his soldiers and fought on the front lines at the battle’s end. The Gallic Wars notes: “Caesar hurried on to take part in the action. His coming was known by the colour of his cloak, which it was his habit to wear in action as a distinguishing mark.”19 Seeing the scarlet cloak of a commanderin-chief on the battlefield would boost the morale of the Romans, and inspire them to continue, while having the opposite effect on the soldiers of the opposing army. As a military commander, Caesar was always present on the battlefield and was not afraid to join his men in combat against their opponents. This was one of Caesar’s greatest successes; according to Richard A. Gabriel, Caesar “understood that soldiers fought for many reasons, not the least of which was the trust, faith, and confidence they placed in their commander.”20 Caesar built on this in his many successful battles such as the Siege of Alesia. He also made tremendous political capital due to his military victories.21 The main part of the army was the Roman Legions, which consisted of approximately 5,000-5,200 soldiers. These soldiers were organized into ten cohorts of about 480 men, and then further grouped into six centuries of 80 men. Caesar had eleven legions under his command during the Siege of Alesia.22 Thus, it can be estimated that Caesar had around 50,000-60,000 legionary troops. While these soldiers would have been the main part of his army and certainly a huge contributor to the Roman’s success, Caesar also benefited from his use of auxiliary forces.

18 Don Taylor, Roman Republic at War: A Compendium of Roman Battles from 502 to 31 BC. (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017), 51-52. 19 Edwards trans, Caesar, 507. 20 Richard A. Gabriel, Great Generals of the Ancient World: The Personality Intellectual and Leadership Traits That Made Them Great (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017), 172. 21 Richard A. Gabriel, Great Generals of the Ancient World, 171. 22 Don Taylor, Roman Republic at War, 8-9, 50.

The heavy infantry of the Roman army was mostly based on hand-to-hand combat. The primary weapon of the Legion was the sword. Many of the auxiliary forces were not as proficient in hand-to-hand combat tactics, and instead focused on other styles of combat such as cavalry, archers or light infantry. Light infantry were less likely to engage in direct hand-to-hand fighting, being less heavily armored and more of a reserve force.23 Caesar’s auxiliary forces included a powerful troop of German cavalry. Caesar had around six hundred German mercenary soldiers in his army. To these men, it did not matter who they worked for. They would fight for an opposing German Chief, a Gallic Lord, or even Cleopatra. In their culture being a mercenary was deemed socially acceptable and even honorable.24 Caesar effectively deployed these auxiliary forces throughout the battles of the Siege of Alesia. According to John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville’s analysis of the Siege of Alesia, “At some point the Gallic horse, possibly by sheer weight of numbers, began to push Caesar’s allied cavalry back. Then he threw in his Germans; fresh, brimming with ferocious élan and confidence, they tipped the scales. It is clear they possessed discipline and cohesion in far greater measures than their adversaries and, so far, the Gauls had never succeeded in getting the better of them.”25 The Gallic forces were outmatched by the Germans fighting for Caesar.26 Caesar was very impressed with these horsemen and relied on them as trustworthy reserve forces. Throughout the battle of Alesia, there were multiple encounters where the German troops of Caesar fought Gallic forces. A great example of Caesar’s successful deployment of his German troops would be the defeat of Vercingetorix directly preceding his move to Alesia. In this encounter, the Germans joined the fight and tipped the scales in the favor of the Roman forces. The ancient politician

23 Pat Southern. The Roman Army: A Social and Institutional History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 197. 24 Ludwig Heinrich Dyck. The Roman Barbarian Wars: The Era of Roman Conquest (Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2015), 144-145. 25 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 81. 26 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 81.

and historian Dio Cassius praised them for their “unquenchable enthusiasm and their mighty bodies which added strength to their daring.”27 Again during the siege, the Gallic archers were troubling the Romans when, “ . . . the Germans in one part of the field massed their troops of horse, charged the enemy and routed them, and when they had been put to flight the archers were surrounded and slain.”28 This is the second time German troops under Caesar’s command were able to successfully target and break a major force among the Gallic army, having already defeated the Gallic cavalry. Another part of the auxiliary forces that Caesar implemented very effectively was the Roman cavalry. They typically faced other cavalry units and were often not considered to be a match to infantry units during a battle. In a standard battle, the cavalry would be used to protect flanks, prevent encirclement, or to encircle enemy forces.29 For the most part, Caesar implemented this conventional concept. However, while facing the Gauls at Alesia, he would have to rely on his cavalry more extensively due to the fact that the Gallic Army was based around cavalry. In some instances, the cavalry was the main force in conflict, with the legionary infantry as support units.30 Even the final confrontation, leading to the surrender of Vercingetorix, heavily relied on these mounted units in the Roman Army. Caesar writes: “Suddenly the cavalry was noticed in the rear; other cohorts drew near.”31 The Romans were bolstered by the involvement of the cavalry, leading to Roman success. Here Caesar, seeing that his men were holding the defense lines, launched a surprise counterattack that found the Gauls trapped and disorganized. As a result, “Caesar had turned almost certain defeat into victory.”32

27 Earnest Cary trans, Dio’s Roman History vol. 3 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969), 465. 28 Edwards trans, Caesar, 499. 29 Pat Southern, The Roman Army, 197. 30 Edwards trans, Caesar, 497. 31 Edwards trans, Caesar, 509. 32 Don Nardo, Julius Caesar, 15.

Examining how unique Caesar was as a Roman military leader requires comparing him to his contemporaries of the time. The second most important leader from Caesar’s time was Pompey, who had similar experiences as a war leader, laying siege in Jerusalem. Pompey, involving himself in a war between leaders of Judea, marched on Jerusalem and placed part of it under siege to end the civil war.33 The leader of the opposition to Pompey, Aristobulus, had fortified the city of Jerusalem, but was then captured during negotiations; the remaining resistance would be hurt by considerable internal disagreements. Pompey was creative, similar to Caesar, and, to get ahead of his adversaries, built his siege works up on the Sabbath when the Jews were not allowed to perform manual labor or attack an enemy.34 During the Siege of Jerusalem, the Romans relied on siege engines to break their enemies, which Caesar lacked in the Siege of Alesia, possibly due to a lack in supplies and the inability to adequately use such machine works from a position on lower ground. Pompey’s siege also involved the tactic of constructing a siege wall around the enemy to force a surrender. However, because he was situated in a safe location free from worry over outside threats, Pompey’s siege defenses were single walled around the Jerusalem temple. This differs from Caesar’s situation defending from inside and outside attacks. At the end of Pompey’s siege of Jerusalem, Judea was “laid under tribute of Rome” and became a province of the ever-growing Roman Republic’s sphere of influence.35 Hyreanus, the leader of the other side of the civil war, was placed in charge of Judea as High Priest, not king, and from this point on Judea would be a part of the Roman Republic’s Empire.36 Similarly, at the end of the Siege of Alesia, organized Gallic resistance to Roman rule was extinguished and any other resistance would be over by the end of the next year.37

33 H S T Thackeray trans. The Jewish War. vol. 2 of Josephus (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), 65-73. 34 Robin Seager, Pompey the Great: A Political Biography, 2nd ed. (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2002), 59. 35 H S T Thackeray trans. The Jewish War, 65-73. 36 Robin Seager, Pompey the Great, 59. 37 Mary Boatwright and Daniel Gargola and Richard J.A. Talbert, The Romans, 242.

At the heart of this conflict were opinions of Rome. Both Caesar and Vercingetorix understood this. The Gallic revolt that Vercingetorix began in 52 BCE was strategically timed for when he had the best chance to weaken Caesar. In some ways, this was successful as Caesar was forced to postpone his planned return to Rome while dealing with the uprising. However, in Rome, the people supported Caesar and his attempts to “civilize the Gauls.”38 A great example of this support came in 56 BCE when Marcus Cicero, a famous politician of the time, gave a rousing speech on making the Gallic lands a territory of the Roman Republic, which was his solution to the long history of conflict between Gaul and Rome. Rome had a specific view of those outside their sphere of influence, which centered around the idea that people such as the Gallic tribes were hostile, unfriendly, or barbaric and therefore inherently suspect as being a dangerous force.39 Caesar’s writings help reinforce this and explain the value of his superior leadership skills and to build support for his political career. His writings were used as propaganda to build support from the Roman citizens. Caesar provided a strong account of the Gallic Wars. He also provides descriptions of the Gallic people, by painting them in a negative light and playing off the assumptions that the Gauls were uncivilized.40 With this tactic, Caesar not only overcame criticism over his conquest but increased his fame and admiration among the people back home. Caesar’s commentaries were as much a literary success as a political one. Caesar immediately became renowned for his achievements in the field of literature. This also added to the overall success of Caesar’s career. The commentaries also acted as an answer to the critics that had been plaguing Caesar’s career up to this point. In this way Caesar was able to affect his critics by building support for himself and making it harder for others to attack his success.41

38 Mary T. Boatwright and Daniel J. Gargola and Richard J. A. Talbert, The Romans, 242. 39 Andrew M. Riggsby. Caesar in Gaul and Rome: War in Words (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2006), 21-23. 40 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 53-56. 41 Josiah Osgood, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 350-352.

The historiography of Caesar’s victory at Alesia began with his own writings and has changed many times over the centuries since. Caesar most likely makes inflated claims, so the actual numbers cannot be confirmed. In 1892, Theodore Doge’s study of the Roman Empire suggested that Caesar and the forces of the Romans were outnumbered by five to one. Later on, Manuel Komroff’s study of the siege elevated the Gauls’ ranks by 75,000 soldiers higher than previous estimates, placing Caesar’s forces fighting at six to one. Modern studies, such as Adrian Goldsworthy’s, have shown these numbers are largely inaccurate, and the inflation was a part of attempts to heighten the accomplishments of Caesar.42 Caesar was a great military leader, whose skills can be examined through his control of the Battle of Alesia. While the historiography of the Siege of Alesia has suggested varying levels of difficulty over the years, Caesar’s success is a superb example of his skills. These military and leadership abilities would form the backbone of his later career and propel Caesar into history for the next two millenniums: as Sadler and Serdiville put it, “Alesia was a clash of titans; two charismatic leaders of equal genius competing for domination of Gaul and the prize of determining the course of history.”43 Caesar won against Vercingetorix and therefore went on to become a household name, even to this day. This time was a major influence on the rest of Caesar’s career as it laid the groundwork for the rest of his experiences as a leader of the Roman people. Without his experience as a military leader, Caesar would never have risen to power in Rome, and his rise is one of the most important points at the end of this period of history. This makes these events some of the most important of the late Hellenistic Era, and they would set the course of history for the next few hundred years.

42 Aaron Loftin “Julius Caesar and the Historiography of the Battle of Alesia.” Vocal. Vocal.media/serve/Julius-caesar-and-the-historiography-of-the-battle-of-alesia (accessed October 30,2019). 43 John Sadler and Rosie Serdiville, Caesar’s Greatest Victory, 75.

Bibliography

Primary Sources:

Cary, Earnest, trans, Dio’s Roman History vol. 3 Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969.

Edwards, H. J. trans, Caesar: The Gallic War Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979.

Jones, Horace Leonard trans, The Geography of Strabo, vol. 2, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969.

Thackeray, H. S. T. trans. The Jewish War vol. 2 of Josephus Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976.

Secondary Sources:

Boatwright, Mary and Daniel Gargola and Richard J.A. Talbert, The Romans: From Village to empire Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

Dyck, Ludwig Heinrich. The Roman Barbarian Wars: The Era of Roman Conquest, Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2015.

Gabriel, Richard, Great Generals of the Ancient World: The Personality, Intellectual and Leadership Traits That Made Them Great, Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017.

Loftin, Aaron. “Julius Caesar and the Historiography of the Battle of Alesia.” Vocal. Vocal.media/serve/Julius-caesar-andthe-historiography-of-the-battle-of-alesia

Nardo, Don, Julius Caesar: Roman General and Statesman, Minneapolis, Minnesota: Compass Point Books, 2009.

Osgood, Josiah, “The Pen and the Sword: Writing and Conquest in Caesar’s Gaul,” Classical Antiquity 28 no. 2 (October 2009): 328-258.

Riggsby, Andrew M, Caesar in Gaul and Rome: War in Words Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2006.Sadler, John and Rosie Serdiville Caesar’s Greatest Victory: The Battle of Alesia 52 BC, Havertown, PA: Casemate Publishers, 2016.

Seager, Robin, Pompey the Great: A Political Biography, 2nd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2002.

Southern, Pat, The Roman Army: A Social and Institutional History, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.

Taylor, Don, Roman Republic at War: A Compendium of Roman Battles from 502 to 31 BC, Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2017.

Vercingetorix quoted in Ludwig Heinrich Dyck. The Roman Barbarian Wars: The Era of Roman Conquest, Barnsley, South Yorkshire: Pen and Sword Military, 2015.

The Gipper and The Apprentice: A Comparison and Contrast of President Reagan and President Trump

By Kevin Lambdin Faculty Mentor: Dr. James LaPlant, Department of Political Science

Article Abstract

This article, through sources of journalism and political theory, will endeavor to answer, “How does President Donald Trump compare and contrast to President Ronald Reagan?”1 Washington Post journalist, Daniel W. Drezner, in his news article “How Donald Trump is like Ronald Reagan,” would advise his readers that Trump is no Reagan in word or deed; however, he does submit to the idea that “Trump and Reagan share some surface traits” (2018). From a political theory perspective, political scientist Richard Neustadt, in his book Presidential Power, discusses the key presidential power as the power to persuade (1991, 30), and Political Science Professor Samuel Kernell, in his book Going Public, argues that presidents make direct appeals to the public (1997). Often, it is a tool preferred by “independent” politicians who do not have strong ties to a political party and lack institutional loyalties (1997)—think Trump. Neustadt comes right out of the pluralist school with an emphasis on bargaining and compromise (1991, 32)—think Reagan, while Kernell is challenging that bargaining model of pluralism to give us more of a focus on the individual politician who makes direct public appeals to his constituencies (1997)—think Trump.

1This article was prepared for Presentation at the Georgia Political Science Association Savannah, GA, November 6-8, 2019.

What follows are some key background similarities between the two presidents: they entered into the realm of politics directly out of the world of entertainment (TV); they began their endeavors into politics as Democrats before running and governing as Conservative Republicans; they were attacked by the establishment as being extreme and simplistic; they were considered Washington outsiders and came under intense criticism for their political transitions. Some key campaign and presidency similarities in domestic policy are that they both focused on illegal immigration, tax reductions, budget issues, and the economy; furthermore, both were pro-life, proSecond Amendment, and related well to working-class America. The key dissimilarities between the two presidents principally centered on foreign policy. The Reagan Administration came to Washington determined to combat communism through winning the Cold War and rolling back Communism with the help of European Allies. Contrastingly, the Trump Administration came to Washington determined to combat terrorism abroad with a focus on national security and putting America first. Unlike Reagan, however, Trump has avoided the use of European Allies to help accomplish his foreign policy goals along with an endorsement of tariffs and a general world view that trade is bad (Woodward 2018, 208).

In his article “How Donald Trump is like Ronald Reagan,” Journalist Daniel W. Drezner of the Washington Post suggests that Trump is “no Reagan in word or deed;” but nonetheless, uncannily does share “surface traits” with Reagan (2018). This article will expand on Drezner’s idea of “surface traits” by looking at the background, campaign, and presidency of these two presidents. Lastly, this article will look at both Reagan’s and Trump’s ideas and approaches to domestic and foreign policy.

Background

Reagan was born and raised in a low-income family in Tampico, Illinois and came from humble beginnings. In 1932, he graduated from Eureka College and a few years later, moved to California where he became a movie actor in 1937. In addition to being an actor, Reagan was a union leader. Throughout his acting career, he learned how to play the part and sell himself to an audience. Reagan worked as an actor for many years, starring in many Western films and TV shows (Metzger 2019, 30). One notable film was Knute Rockne All American, the story of legendary Notre Dame football player and coach, Knute Rockne (IMDb 1940). Reagan played George Gipp (The Gipper). Ultimately, he entered the realm of politics directly out of Hollywood (Drezner 2018). Donald J. Trump was born and raised in a high-income family in Queens, New York. He sprang and built his life and empire from the name and reputation of his rich father, Frederick Christ Trump, who was a businessman, real estate investor/developer, and philanthropist in New York City. From the time Trump was born until he reached adulthood, his father worked and made a fortune through real estate investments. On this foundation, along with a military academy education, Trump was reared and taught by his father. As a result, the stage was set for Trump to become a New York billionaire in real estate just like his father. With his local status, reputation, and financial power, he was able to work his way into the world of entertainment by building attractions such as his hotels and casinos. Although he gained some fame with a six-second cameo in the Hollywood movie, Home Alone 2: Lost in New York, which featured Trump’s Manhattan hotel, most of his nation-wide and global celebrity status was gained through his own TV show The Apprentice (Hindustan Times 2017). Through this popular TV program, not only America but, the world abroad became wellacquainted with him and his personality. Ultimately, he made it all serve him as a social and political springboard into the realm of politics (Drezner 2018).

Regarding partisanship, interestingly, Reagan and Trump both have a long-term history of being registered Democrats before ever running as Conservative Republicans (Drezner 2018). Consequently, they both received similar reactions from the establishment. For example, their abrupt transition from Democrat to Republican was met with great surprise and ridicule; furthermore, they were both viewed as Washington outsiders with extreme and simple ideas and visions for America, and quickly were dismissed as serious candidates for president (Meyers 2015). Notwithstanding his unpopular transition into the world of politics, Reagan served as the Republican Governor of California for two terms. Reagan won his first term in 1966 against Democratic Incumbent Pat Brown. He won reelection in 1970 with a win over Jesse “Big Daddy” Unruh, who had competed with Reagan in the California legislature. Reagan placed a great deal of pressure on student protestors in his first term and pushed through welfare reform in his second term as Governor of California (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 414). Although productive and successful as Governor of California for two terms, he decided not to run for office again and declined a third term in 1975. Instead, he set his eyes on the presidency of the United States. To the surprise of many, former Hollywood star and California Governor Ronald Reagan was elected president of the United States twice (1981-1989) (Meyers 2015). All the more so, few Americans ever imagined that a real estate mogul like Donald Trump would become president of the United States (Woodward 2018, 7). His run as a Republican Presidential Candidate was treated as a joke and not taken seriously, as noted in Woodward’s book FEAR: Trump in the White House (2018, 2-5). In terms of political experience, Trump was severely lacking. He had never held a political or public office or served in any level of government. He had only a history of being politically sociable and opinionated as documented in his interviews where he often expressed his

political views, ideas, and assessments on domestic and foreign policy and economics and business. Regarding age, Reagan was 73 years old when he was elected President of the United States (Drezner 2018). He brought maturity and political experience as Governor of California to the White House. Similar to Reagan, Trump was in his early 70s when he was inaugurated (Drezner 2018). Although lacking in actual political governing experience, Trump brought real-world business skills and experience to the White House. Trump’s political background and experience were rooted in the money and politics of the business world and what he learned from his father (Woodward 2018, 2-3). In terms of marriage and family life, Reagan was the first divorced president. Nonetheless, he firmly embraced the Evangelical community, and they embraced him in return (Drezner 2018). In comparison to Reagan, Trump, even more interestingly, has an incredibly firm and strong relationship with the Evangelical community in spite of having been divorced twice—one more divorce than Reagan (Harding 2019). Reagan’s family was reported to be dysfunctional (Drezner 2018). In spite of the family relations, he still managed to perform well as President of the United States, husband, and father and remained happily married to his second wife, Nancy, until his death. In a similar way, Trump’s family has been reported to be dysfunctional (Drezner 2018).

Campaign/Presidency

From a political theory standpoint, the campaign/ presidency of both Reagan and Trump can be compared and contrasted in terms of Richard Neustadt’s idea of “the power to persuade” and in terms of Samuel Kernell’s idea of “going public.” Conversely, Samuel Kernell in Going Public argues that presidents make direct appeals to the public; often, it is a tool preferred by “independent” politicians who do not

have strong ties to a political party and lack institutional loyalties (1997). Neustadt comes right out of the pluralist school with an emphasis on bargaining and compromising (1991, 32)—think Reagan, while Kernell is challenging that bargaining model of pluralism to give us more of a focus on the individual politician who makes direct public appeals to his constituencies (1997)—think Trump. A powerful and noteworthy similarity between the two presidents in their pursuit of the presidency was their ability and drive to relate and appeal to the common person, especially, the working class and those who believe in the wholesome traditional values of America. In a political science literature review of Kernell’s Going Public, Adam Brown of Brigham Young University, emphasizes “Kernell argues that American presidents have come to rely on ‘going public’—that is, on making direct appeals to voters in order to scare Congress into passing legislation that the president wants” (2020). Trump employed this political strategy during his presidential campaign (i.e., construction of a border wall between the United States and Mexico) and has continued to implement it in his presidency. Conversely, President Reagan relied on the power to persuade (bargaining/compromising), often working across the aisle with democrats on various issues. According to the authors in Trump Revealed, in 2012, after Obama was elected to his second term as president, Trump immediately bought the rights to the slogan “Make America Great Again” (Kranish and Fisher 2016, 292). Incidentally, this is fundamentally the same campaign slogan that Ronald Reagan used during his 1980 presidential campaign, except, Reagan worded it, “Let’s make America great again” (Kranish and Fisher 2016, 273). This slogan was an appeal to modern Americans as well as to the history, tradition, and status of this Republic. Their campaign strategies reflect a vehement love for traditional American values and beliefs and exhibited this posture strongly on the campaign trail for president (Meyers 2015).

In terms of economics, Reagan and Trump both appealed to small businesses, working-class people, and the military. They both campaigned as candidates who would balance the budget, cut taxes, and increase defense spending. Once Reagan became president, the combination of tax cuts and defense spending brought on an explosion in the budget deficit, hitting close to 6% of the GDP in 1983 (Drezner 2018). Likewise, Trump campaigned as a candidate who would balance the budget, and 36 years later, the Trump administration is pursuing virtually identical macroeconomic policies as Reagan’s administration in the early 1980s (Drezner 2018). In reference to other widely debated issues like national security, illegal immigration, taxes, abortion, and gun rights, both presidents passionately appealed to Americanism, constitutional rights (i.e., Second Amendment), and national security. On the campaign trail, they both discouraged illegal immigration, (however, Reagan did support extended amnesty in certain cases of illegal immigration), favored tax reduction, were pro-life (pushed for the rights of unborn fetuses), and last, but not least, Trump and Reagan defended gun rights and the Second Amendment in their campaigns (Meyers 2015). It is worth noting that Reagan’s policy on abortion was profound. He publicly and emphatically stated his opposition to the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade, which protected a woman’s right to an abortion. He also issued an executive order that prohibited the use of federal funds to advocate on behalf of abortion (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 418). Although Reagan had strong ties to a political party and strong institutional loyalties, at times, Reagan made direct appeals to the public, but he was willing to work across the political aisle. He was not called the “Great Communicator” for nothing (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 418). He was a powerful speaker who had the ability to be presidential, persuasive, and charming in addressing an audience (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 418). Reagan, oftentimes, demonstrated an ability to win

friends and influence people. Based on documented speeches given by Ronald Reagan, he presented himself to be very presidential, charismatic, charming and persuasive. He is wellknown for his one-liner jokes. Trump, on the other hand, has not been necessarily characterized as presidential in his manner, posture, and speech, as Reagan was. That is to say, Trump has been characterized as a New Yorker, especially, as a hard-spoken, hardball, shrewd businessman. Notwithstanding, Trump has won the approval, respect, love, and affection of many Americans. He appealed to traditional American values and beliefs and consequently, struck many chords, especially, among the common citizens and working-class of America. Lastly, an unfortunate similarity between the two presidents is the plague of scandal. With Trump, it has been the Russian Collusion scandal, and it still plagues his presidency to this day. With Reagan, it was the Iran-Contra Affair (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 417). Regrettably, this was a scandal that plagued the later years of the Reagan Administration.

Domestic Policy

In terms of domestic policy, Reagan came into office with the mantra “government isn’t the solution, government is the problem” (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 417). Reagan presented and pushed a philosophy of limited government. His domestic policy focused a great deal on economics. Reaganomics is the name given to Ronald Reagan’s economic policies (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 417). Reagan’s policies included broad tax cuts, cuts in social programs, and increases in defense spending. Regan advocated supply-side economics and reducing government taxes on businesses that would allow the private sector to grow the economy (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 417). Although these were seemingly good economic ideas, critics charged that Reaganomics favored the rich to the detriment of the poor and constituted a form of “trickle down” economics (Hudson and Matuz 2012, 417).

Another focus of his domestic policy was on immigration. Reagan encouraged legal immigration, but unlike Trump, he also advocated extending acts of amnesty in cases where individuals might have entered the country illegally many years before, but presently have roots in the United States (NPR 2010). Essentially, Reagan reasoned that since they were rooted and culturally established in the United States, it was unreasonable to deport them. The United States granted them amnesty and brought them into the fold of American citizenship. Conversely, Trump’s domestic policy does not advocate for acts of amnesty, but it does advocate for legal immigration. Trump’s policy on immigration is very strict and rigid. His perspective is once an illegal, always an illegal, until one enters the United States, through a legal port of entry (Woodward 2018, 322-323). Similarly to Reagan, Trump’s domestic policy calls for less government intrusion and tax cuts. The repeal of the Affordable Care Act (socialized government Health Care), also known as, Obamacare, was a big campaign promise along with major investment in public infrastructure, an overhaul of the tax code, cutting taxes for individuals, small businesses, and corporations, cracking down on illegal immigration, including construction of a wall along the entire U.S.-Mexico border, along with the deportation of millions of undocumented workers, and for “extreme vetting” of Muslim immigrants and a possible registry of Muslims in the country (Calmes 2017). Nonetheless, the question remains, how has Trump delivered on his campaign promises from a 2020 perspective? That is to say, what has he actually accomplished according to what he promised during his 2016 campaign for President? Interestingly, sourcing a news article in USA Today, Trump has had varying degrees of success, drawbacks, and setbacks on his promises; some promises he has delivered completely, some partially, and some not at all. For example, White House Correspondent for USA Today, Michael Collins, asserts that

Trump has not kept his promise to repeal and replace the Affordable Healthcare Act; in support of this assertion, Collins quotes Holtz-Eaking: “The big promise was the repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act; that hasn’t happened. Republicans in general had a fairly spectacular unsuccessful run at that.” On the other hand, Collins does point out that Trump’s administration has managed to dilute parts of the Obamacare law (2020). Looking further, Trump has cracked down on illegal immigration, and has even deterred some legal immigration, but has not deported all illegal immigrants. Even more so, the construction of a wall along the entire U.S.-Mexico border (and having Mexico pay for it) has not come to pass as promised to the American people (Collins 2020). In addition, there has been very little or no progress on rebuilding America’s infrastructure. In his news article, Collins states, “…but on the specific promises he made during his campaign, the administration has a mixed record; that’s partly because the White House has been unable to make deals with Democrats, has pursued its policies unilaterally and has been repeatedly shut down in court” (2020). By contrast, Reagan, during his presidency, did make a reasonable effort to work across the aisle with Democrats on issues. For example, he worked with a Democratic Congress to legislate and pass comprehensive immigration and tax reforms (Markell 2012). Another major campaign promise that has not been very successful is the Muslim travel ban. Trump’s administration suffered several defeats in court over the terms and conditions of the ban. A series of losses in court caused the administration to re-vamp the travel ban. Collins reports that the original version of the ban was not received well and caused a great deal of chaos and protests at airports (2020). On the other hand, Trump has kept his campaign promise to cut taxes for individuals, small businesses, and corporations. The drawback, however, is that the tax cuts have

not necessarily done everything Trump assured, such as not increase the federal deficit. In his news publication, Collins emphasizes that Trump promised the tax cuts would pay for themselves through faster economic growth, which in turn, would increase government revenue. But according to Collins and his source, the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, the tax law is projected to add $1.8 trillion to the deficit over the next decade (2020).

Foreign Policy

The Reagan Administration came to Washington determined to combat communism; therefore, the foreign policy of the Reagan Administration was focused on winning the Cold War and the rollback of Communism (USDOS 2019). A great deal of focus was on Latin America, not just relations with Russia; Reagan and his advisers, specifically, Haig, Vice Chief of Staff of the Army, focused primarily on El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Cuba, and decided to make El Salvador a “test case” of Reagan’s foreign policy (USDOS 2019). Reagan’s foreign policy also dealt with the many disagreements among his administration officials on policy with China; Haig wanted to transform the informal alliance with China into a “strategic association” to block Soviet “hegemony” in Asia; President Reagan insisted on loyalty to Taiwan (USDOS 2019). In contrast to Reagan’s foreign policy, the Trump Administration came to Washington aggressively focused on national and international security, specifically in terms of terrorism and immigration relative to Muslim countries/ peoples hostile to the United States (for example, Iran) (Durando 2016). Again, Trump’s foreign policy overlaps with his domestic policy in that it calls for “extreme vetting” of Muslim immigrants and a possible registry of Muslims in the country (Calmes 2017). Executive Order 13769 (the travel ban) is an example of Trump’s policy toward Muslims. Trump’s

foreign policy is against relations with Muslim countries like Iran. Trump speaks derogatively of the Iran Nuclear Deal negotiated by the Obama Administration. Since Iran has nuclear power and is known for acts of terrorism, he sees Iran as a dangerous power and hostile enemy to the geography, geopolitics, and interests of the United States. Interestingly though, in contrast to Reagan’s foreign policy, Trump’s foreign policy has taken on establishing diplomacy where old enemies become new friends. For instance, he has shown himself to want to establish friendly relations with Russia and has stated his admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin, according to Jessica Durando, News Editor at USA Today (2016). As evidence of these sentiments, during NBC’s Commander-in-Chief forum on September 14th , Trump said, “Certainly in that system, he’s been a leader far more than our president has been a leader” (Durando 2016). In contrast to Reagan, Trump has avoided the use of European Allies to help accomplish his foreign policy goals. A key foreign policy difference between the two presidents is Trump’s endorsement of tariffs and general world view that—trade is bad (Woodward 2018, 208). News editor Jessica Durando has published, “Trump has said he would reconsider the NATO alliance if other member countries do not pay their share of common defense expenditures, 2% of gross domestic product. Only five countries—the United States, Greece, the United Kingdom, Estonia and Poland—meet that benchmark” (2016). Moreover, she has published “During his campaign, Trump shocked Europe after vowing that he might not automatically come to the aid of the NATO allies if they were attacked. Instead, he would first look at their contributions to the 28-nation alliance” (Durando 2016). Regarding trade, Trump takes more of a hardball approach as opposed to Reagan. Trump endorses an “America First” philosophy; therefore, he is not very fond of agreements such as NAFTA that outsource American jobs to foreign

countries for the benefit of cheap labor. Durando reports that “Trump pledged during the campaign to withdraw from the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to revive U.S. manufacturing jobs that have fled to Mexico, where labor costs are much cheaper. During one debate, Trump called NAFTA ‘the single worst trade deal ever approved in this country’” (Durando 2016). As evidenced by these published facts, Trump has a negative attitude toward trade that does not put America first. This aspect of his foreign policy struck a chord with many working-class Americans who depend on industrial jobs.

Conclusion

Sources of journalism along with Neustadt’s and Kernell’s political theories of “the power to persuade” and “going public,” respectively, endeavored to answer: “How does President Trump compare and contrast to President Ronald Reagan?” The journalistic and theoretical analysis of the background, campaign/presidency, and domestic and foreign policy of Reagan and Trump give support to the claims and arguments relating to the similarities, differences, and surface traits attributed to both presidents. This article expanded on Drezner’s idea of “surface traits” by looking at background, campaign, and presidency of these two presidents along with Reagan’s and Trump’s ideas and approaches to domestic and foreign policy. Drezner’s fact sets, premises, and conclusions give credence to his implication that Reagan and Trump have similar “surface traits.” Moreover, after comparing and contrasting Reagan and Trump, Neustadt’s and Kernell’s political theories are reasonable, observable, exemplified, and hold true in the comparison and contrast analysis of Reagan and Trump. In the final analysis, Reagan exemplifies cooperation and the power to persuade, and Trump exemplifies polarization and the individual politician who makes direct public appeals to his constituencies.

References

Brown, Adam (2020). Summary of Kernell: Going Public—BYU Political Science.

Calmes, Jackie (2017). “Donald Trump: Domestic Affairs,” Miller Center.

Collins, Michael, et al. (2020). “Build the Wall? Travel Ban? Tax Cuts? After Trump’s State of the Union, Here’s Where He Stands on Promises.” USA Today, Gannett Satellite Information Network.

Drezner, Daniel W. (2018). “How Donald Trump is like Ronald Reagan,” The Washington Post.

Durando, Jessica (2016). “Donald Trump’s Big 10 Foreign Policy Pledges—Will He Stick to Them?” USA Today. Gannett Satellite Information Network.

Harding, Amanda. (2019). “How Many Times Has Donald Trump Been Married?” The Cheat Sheet.

Hindustan Times (2017). “When Donald Trump Demanded a Role in Home Alone 2 in Exchange of a Shoot in His Hotel.”

Hudson, David L., and Roger Matuz (2012). The Handy Presidents Answer Book. Canton, MI: Visible Ink Press, 2012.

IMDb (1940). “Knute Rockne All American.”

Kernell, Samuel (1997). Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential Leadership. CQ Press.

Kranish, Michael, and Marc Fisher (2016). Trump Revealed: an American Journey of Ambition, Ego, Money and Power. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

Markell, Jack (2012). “Reagan’s Legacy of Bipartisanship.” POLITICO.

Metzger, Robert P. (1989). Reagan: American Icon. Bucknell Univ.

Meyers, Jim (2015). “15 Things Trump and Reagan Have in Common.” Newsmax. Newsmax Media, Inc. Newsmax Media, Inc.

NPR (2010). “A Reagan Legacy: Amnesty for Illegal Immigrants,” 4 July.

Neustadt, Richard E. (1991). Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents: The Politics of Leadership from Roosevelt to Reagan. The Free Press.

USDOS (2019). “Reagan’s Foreign Policy,” Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State.

Woodward, Bob (2018). Fear: Trump in the White House. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

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