Issuu on Google+

,University of Waterloo Waterloo, Ontario volume 17, number 11 friday, july 23,--l 976 1

/nsidl.y Four page_ pull-out . supplement on -Antioh pastfewdays.

Al/ segments oi the campus community seem tQ be taking advantage of the warmth and sunshine of the This was the scene at the Faculty Club this week as prois enjoyed wining and dining on the outside

Student

president

Shane Roberts and Kitchener city council came to a parting of the way,s Monday over the issue of further reductions in the public transit system. -The UW student president told city alderpersons that if the Kitchener transit service were reduced acy more, then council would run the risk of becoming the “laughing stock” of the community.

Chevron

workshop

terrace.

objects

“=With all due respect the transit system is rivalling tte ward syStem as the biggest joke about city council.” Council was considering a loo-page report outlining cuts in frequency of service and plans to drop the Avalon extension from the ‘Forest Heights route and to terminate the Rosemount route at 6:30 P-m. _

However, council,made changes in the report’s recommendations after hearing complaints from Roberts and Ken Drummond of Avalon Place. The transit service alterations will ‘take effect in October. Council cut five minutes from the waiting period during mid-peak hours of the Frederick Street bus,

suggestion

Feds may seek divorce Changes in the present relationship between the student federation and the chevron may be in the works. The question of possible autonomy for the chevron was discussed in a wqrkshop at the federation council’s annual meeting of july 10-l 1. Board of publications chairman Ralph Torrie raised the general issue of the federation’s relationship to the paper and what it should be. Torrie said the question was “whether or not we ihould be moving to have a separate publishing structure set up with its own student fee, and just completely sever ties with the paper; or whethkr we should be leaving things the way _ they are now; or whether there are small chang,es-that could be made that would be satisfactory”. Federation president Shane Roberts said there was probably a need to clarify several aspects of the federation/chevron relationship. For instance, as publisher, the federation is legally responsible if there is any sort of suit - somebody who wants to sue the chevron would have to sue the federation. Also, said Roberts, the chevron has no legal relationship to the university except through the federation - “it has no space, no furniture, no personnel, no nothing, in itsel‘f ‘.

A problem, he said, is the difference in purposes between the two. The federation is interested in seeing that there’s news and inforrhation provided on campus to people in general; it’s also interested in making sure that its activities are communicated to the student body so that students know what it’s doing, and how it’s doing it. According to Roberts, the chevron also has an interest in disseminating information in general, but on the other hand “traditionaily it sees itself as playing 2 watchdog, devil’s advdcate role of a critic, independent in that it not only gives information, but it assesses and makes value ,judgements, and that’s where a lot of the tension comes up:”

to consider setting up its own communication instrument, w‘hich might be “a bulletin or some other way of getting what it sees as straight information through, or even information biased toward what it is doing”. Questioned on the opinion of chevron staff, editor Adrian Rodway said that staff had not had time to examine the implications of the question and -to formulate a position on it. He felt that a lot more study was needed, and that the relationship between student federations and newspapers on other Canadian campuses should be looked at, as well as all the legal and financial implications, before any action was taken.

Roberts said the paper is stuck with having no official autonomy “outside of what’s arranged at any one time”, and that if the present set-up continues, it will have to be clarified to prevent misunderstandings.

Chevron staffer Larry Hannant said the question should certainly be studied further, but that the pr& vailing trend among chevron staff was they wanted at least as much autonomy as they have now, and did not want any closer ties with the federation. ’

Alternatively, he said, if the chevron is severed from the federation, ways would have to be found of setting-up the paper so that it can function on its own. For example, it would probably have to be incorporated to protect individuals on staff from law-suits.

Tom Benjamin, president of Canadian University Press (CUP) and Francis Fuca, who was president last year, were present at the ‘workshop and answered questions about the situation on other campuses.

In the event of separation, he added, the federation would have

continued

on page

4

making it 25 minutes, 120 minutesin Alderman Harold Chapman told rush hours and 40 minutes at other council that “it’s delegations like times. this that make me want to switch In addition, the alderpersons cut over sometimes,” and support the waiting period on the Queen further reductions in the transit service. Street run from the current 25 mi“I don’t care how many of your nutes to 20 minutes, after traffic services director John Webster students think it’s the biggest joke next to the ward system, but we -said. typographical errors accounted for the recommendatiofis have a staff that prepared a report which would have increased the based on economics and we have to waiting period. consider it,“. Chapman said. ,And after council heard a comRoberts pointed out that his views didn’t represent those of stuplaint from Drummond about plans to eliminate the Avalon section of dents but people in the K-W area as the Forest Heights route, the alwell. “I Fide the buses and I hear .derpersons endorsed W~ebster’s what people say about the service . suggestion that an “outbound” bus . . .what I say represents more than run from Avalon Place to. downjust the student opinidn.” town Kitchener between 6:30 and 9 And aldeiperson Merv Vila.m. and an “inbound” bus run belemaire retorted: “What about the tween Yand 6:3Op.m. over-burdened taxpayer, doesn’t Webster said the “selected” bus he have a say in it?” run op Avalon would cost the city Roberts also-said “it makes a lot $13,260 anriually for the two peak of difference to the users” if they periods of the day. t have to wait 40 minutes for a bus Council also approved cutting off during winter. But his remark fell on deaf ears the Rosemount route af6:30 p.m. as far -as alderperson Robert and the addition of an express bus on the Mainline ‘route during rush Wagner was concerned. “You hours from the Farmers Market to should use a schedule to see when the bus runs . . . .Your point is lost Fairview Park. City staff was directed by council by me,” Wagner said. to look into the cost of running spe“It’s hard to keep up with the cial buses for routes where the regfrequent changes in the schedules ular night service had been elimiand a lot of people live far from the nated. bus stop,” Robefts countered. Roberts’said most professors and ‘Wagner then told Roberts that students are now using cars or “as a student you probably base hitch-hiking as a result of service things on theory and utopia,” but cutbacks implemented by council someone has to pick up the tab for last February. ’ the transit service. “These cutbacks come at a time “Students would probably like a when we’re trying to promote aldial-a-bus system so they can catch ternate living and transportation a ride whenever they like,” styles in the K-W area,” Roberts Wagner said. said. Chapman informed Roberts that He added that the student federacouncil expanded the transit systion is preparing a handbook for tem three years ago but the ustige ,12,000 students and the editor still didn’t increase. “I know there’s a doesn’t know what to say about the -lot of people who need the transit Kitchener transit system. system at night, including students “In the past, we’ve encouraged and senior citizens, but we have to students and faculty to use the see if we can afford it. ” Alderman Frank Hoddle ended transit system but this year we just don’t know what to say to people.” the debate by reminding his fellow alderpersons that they should But the student president’s comments were ill-received by “keep open-minds” on the. matter several alderpersons, who critiand listen to delegations that come .cized him for his approach iid lack to council. -john morris of concern for .the $q&payers. , _


. .

2

the chevron

friday,

july

23, 1976

*

.is looking for someone to fill the position of

News Editor .

\

.:twoc r Friday

3O,i976 1

Overseas Students Barbeque at Laurel Creek. Swimming, games, food, Canadian folksongs. Meet Campus qentre 4:30pm. Everyone yelcome. Free for all. Sponsored -by the Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship. Campus Centre Pub opens 7pm. Disco from g-lam. Free admission. Federation Fticks-Reincarnation of Peter Proud with Michael Sarrazin

drays. Maximum

secretary. of 30 words per AL 116.

c

Tuesday Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon. Little Boys Blues Band from g-lam. 74 cents after 8pm.

-PAPERBACK PARADE

on campus--stud&t,

staff, See the chevron

Monday

pne

The, student’s

events and happenings

Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon. Little Boys Blues Band from g-lam. 74 cents after 8pm. P&-a-legal assistance offers nonprofessional legal advice. Call 885-0840 or come to CC 106. Hours: 1:30-4:30pm. Olympic Celebration Concerts by the Stratford Festival Ensemble. Adults $1, Students and seniors $.50. Auditorium, Kitchener Public Library. 12 noon. For more info call 886-3850 or 743-0271. Movie-When Worlds Collide. This is a classic disaster film. Door prize to be awarded. Cost for non-WATSFIC members $1.8 and IOpm. MC 2066.

PAPERBACKS? There’s only specialist.. .

is a free column for the annokncespecial seminars or speakers,- social

Chapel. Worship and Bible discwssion. Conrad Grebel College. 8pm. Federation Flicks-Reincarnation of Peter Proud with Michael Sarrazin and Jennifer O’Neill. 8pm. 4L 116. Feds $1, Others $1.50.

Sakrday

Applications are due July 2~9, 1976. Interviews will be held July

Of meetings,

Sun&y

Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon. Disco from g-lam. Free admission’. Federation Flicks-Reincarnation of Peter Proud with Michael Sarrazin and Jennifer O’Neill. 8pm. AL 116. - Feds $1, Others $1.50. Go Where The Action Is. Dance at Bingeman Park Ballroom. 8:30-lam. Music by the Esquires. Come join in the fun. Free admission for all students. Carlton Singles Club. 745-l 665.

Duties include organization of the news department, teaching and recruiting of staff & attendance at endless meetings. _

merit

and Jennifer O’Neill. 8pm. Feds $1, Others $1.50.

Six For The Summer. An exhibition of photographs. UW Art Gallery. Hours: Monday-Friday 9am-4pm till Aug 6th.

The position is full time starting Sept. 1, 1976 -. April ‘30, 1977. Salary is $145/w&ek ’

This Week On Campus

Chess 7:30pm.

Club Meeting.

All wel”come.

CC 135.

Deadline

facufty or is nuon Tues-

submission.

Wednesday Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon. Little Boys Blues Band from g-lam. 74 cents after 8om. WEN-DO Women’s Self Defence. six week course. $10. Beginning Wednesday July 28. Register by Friday July 23. Phone 886-3170. Waterloo Regional Rape Distr&s Centre. Olympic Celebration Concerts by the Stratford Festival Ensemble. 8pm. Auditorium, Kitchene,r Public Library. Phone 886-3850 dr 743-0271 for more info. Free Movie-2001 by Stanley Kubric. 10:15pm. Campus Centre Great Hall. Sponsored by the Campus Centre Board.

Thursday WCF Meeting. Come and question Christians on their values and principles. II:29 and 12:29 at Laur’el Creek fireoit. Campus Centre Pub opens 12 no&. Little Boys Blues Band from g-lam. 74 cents after 8pm. _ Para-legal assistance offers nonprofessional legal advice. Call 885-0840 or come to CC 106. Hours: 1:30-4:30pm.

Friday

~

Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon. Little Boys Blues Band from g-lam. 74 cents after 8pm.

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Persona! Pregnant and Distressed,? The Birth Control Centre is an information and referral centre for birth control, V.D., unplanned pregnancy and sexuality. For all the alternatives phone 885-1211, ext. 3446 (Rm. 206, Campus Centre) ,or for emergency numbers 884-8770. Pregnant? B IRTHRIGHT offers free pregnancy tests, counselling, medical assistance, maternity clothes, legal aid and housing for pregnant women. 579-3990. Gav Lib Office. Camous Centre, Rm. 21?C. Open’ Monday-Thursday 7-l Opm, some afternoons. Counselling and information. Phone 885-l 211, ext. 2372. HELP-745-l 166-We Care. Crisis intervention and confidential Iistening t-0 any problem. Weeknights 6pm. to 12 midnight, Friday 5pm to Mon-

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Typing Fast accurate typing. 50 cents a page. IBM Selectric. Located in Lakeshore Village. Call 884-6913 anytime. Typing: neat and efficient. Experienced. Reasonable rates. 884-l 025. Ask for Judy.


friday,

iuly 23, 1976

the chevron

In response to government attacks on international students, the “Group To Oppose Tuition Increases for International Students” was formed Wednesday. At a meeting sponsored by the International ~Students Association, foreign and Canadian students joined in what was felt to be a practical move for the purpose of mobilization and investigation on the issue. The Ontario government plans to triple tuition fees for foreign students who are not presently enrolled in a program. This-would mean an increase to $1500 from $585 for visa-holding students. The meeting felt that this is an arbitrary attack by the government for the purpose of splitting students and preparing conditions for at-

3

tacks on all students. Also discussed at the meeting were the racist and discriminatory aspects of the government programme. Participants pointed out that International students contributed to the Canadian economy by bringing in money, but are not allowed to take jobs. Along with immigrants, foreign students are also blamed for some of our economic problems. The meeting felt investigation was of immediate importance, and extensive work was planned on this _ front. A second meeting was planned for Tuesday, July 28 at 7:00 p.m. in the world room (c.c. 207) and it was emphasized that all are welcome to attend. --salah

bachir

In Alberta

Student-laboi

unity

CALGARY (CUP)%-- Student and leased by the SLC decried both the increases for international students labor organizations alike have conand the proposed 25 per cent tuition demned the Alberta government’s differential tuition fees for internahike for Canadian students. tional students. The brief says Canadian students The Federation of Alberta Stu“past and present have gone to dents (FAS), the University of Calschool abroad” and Alberta has the gary Students’ Legislative Council “responsibility to reciprocate this (SLC) and the Edmonton and Disgood will.” trict Labor Council have registered The international fee issue is opposition to the fee hike for interbeing used to detract attention from national students attending the cutbacks in the educational sector province’s colleges and univerwhich are th’e real cause for funding sities. problems at universities, according The labor council voted to opto the brief. pose the hike at their mid-june The increases would force international students to meet expenses meeting after hearing Eva Kroller, in Canada with savings from lower head of the University of Alberta’s International Student Committee, wages earned in home countries. describe the government’s policy The brief says international stu- and the minister responsible for dents eontribute a minimum of it - as racist. $3,000 per year of study to the International students create a -Canadian economy, and enrich the “cultural milieu” at universities. “different visual impact-on campus”, minister of advanced educaThe University of Calgary altion Bert Hohol said at a May meetready has a “Canadian first” ading with student leaders. mittance policy. He also- blamed international Only the United States and Unstudents for the tuition hikes planited Kingdom impose differential ned for fall of I977 because they fees for international students. at present. “didn’t tell Albertans who they ’ FAS president Terry Sharon has were and what they were doing Galled the fee hike “fiscally and here.” A two-page policy statement re- morally indefensible.”

First lecture

Lewis

An auxiliary housing office was opened by the student federation this week. The office, next to the turnkey’s desk in the campus centre, was created to take the pressure off the university housing office which is expected to be over worked come the rush for accomodatjon in September. The auxiliary office is open from 8:30 a.m. to hidnight seven days a week. It contains five free phones, free city maps and housing lists, for student use.

Nuclear Dower questioned I

Nuclear power development came in for criticism at a board of education film and discussion session Wednesday. “A Matter of Choice: Nuclear Energy Ontario”, said chairman Ralph Torrie, “is not an analytical film, it’s more a candid shot of people whose lives are affected by nuclear power development.” The film described the reaction of several Lake Huron-area residents to nuclear power development by Ontario Hydro. The film noted that by 1983 Ontario Hydro plans to, have 25% of all provincial electricity generated by nuclear energy. In discussion following the film a viewer warned that “unless we

start moving very quickly in Ontario against Hydro, the money we pay for our electric bill will be going for advertising in favor of nuclear power.” H.M. Morrison, a UW Physics professor, called the film “twenty-eight minutes of nothing. “It didn’t address itself to the problem. It didn’t address itself to the dangers or to whether or not nuclear power is necessary.” Another of the 25 people at the meeting argued that the crucial issue of nuclear energy versus alternate energy sources is “whether or not we need the energy Ontario Hydro says we need.” . Torrie argued that influencing the direction’of Ontario Hydro pol-

as a scab

refuses

to distcuss his SFU stti ts

BeURNABY (CUP) - Members of When Conroy accused Lewis of the Committee to Re-educate acting undemocratically in refusing the challenge of debate he was told: David Lewis clashed with the “I’m not preventing you from havformer national New Democratic Party leader recently, when he de- ing a debate . . .for Christ’s sake, livered his first lecture as a summer you can get the hell out and debate for all you’re worth for the next session instructor at Simon Fraser University. year. “All I’m saying is that this parThe group was protesting Lewis’ ticular audience has come here f&decision to take a job at the university despite a five year censure and a purpose, for which many people boycott there. imposed by the in this room have paid a fee, and I think they are entitled to have the Canadian Association of Univerfor which they came sity Teachers for the illegal firing in purpose here. ’ ’ 1969 of seven professors. A class vote showed the majority Committee spokesperson Tom of students present wanted Lewis Conroy challenged Lewis to a de- to continue his lecture on Canadian bate on the issue. Lewis replied, “I political parties. He was interhave no intention whatever of havrupted again but students shouted ing a debate because I have nothing “sit down, sit down” at committee to debate about.” He added he was members. at SFU to participate in the educaAt a news conference after the tional process and believed a malecture, Lewis denied he had been jority of people there welcomed his asked to honor the boycott by presence. CAUT. Reporters from the student paper, the Peak, said Jim Stevens, The comment was met with some jeers from the 100 people chairperson of CAUT’s academic freedom and tenure committee, crowded in the standing room only lecture hall provoking Lewis to had told them Lewis had been sent a letter asking him to refuse the say: “The bullshit is spread quite summer job. widely around here. ”

-

DAVID

LEWIS

icy “is simply a matter of convincing the legislature. I shouldn’t say --simply3 but that’s really the only thing involved. ” Another person stated that the meeting was taking a microscopic view of the reason why nuclear power has been developed, the problems involved, and the solutions to them.

.

He said that the supply of uranium, the nuclear power technology and the financing of the plants are monopolized by U.S. imperialist corporations, and that the solution would only be found by eliminating the monopoly capitalist class and the social system based on profits. )Morrison the U.S. is tions - the and France

countered that in fact trailing three other naSoviet Union, Canada - in the development

Ofnuclea’power. ’ -

He received the reply that Soviet social-imperialism also exercised the same domination in its own sphere, and was expanding, by, for example, working to become the major source of uranium for many European countries, including France. Tdrrie maintained that Canadians are actually in control of this country’s nuclear technology, and that the Canadian nuclear project, CANDU, is a model of nationalist pride among those involved with it. The problems and advantages of several alternate sources of energy were brought forward, with technical shortcomings appearing to cast a shadow oyer all possible energy development. One student insisted that Ontario Hydro scientists are not stupid, and that in developing nuclear energy they are simply choosing the best of a bad lot of choices concerning energy use and development in the future. A woman noted that Energy Probe in Toronto will soon publish a booklet describing alternate energy sources, like windmills. She stressed that such options were viable alternatives to the wasteful energy use now in effect. -larry

hannant

-

/


4

friday,

the chevron

Offered

.\rLocal strike n,ow seven weeks old For over seven weeks now, local 279 of the International Molders and Allied Workers Union has been on strike at two Canada Valve plants in town. The strike, invqlving close to 110 people, is situated at the company’s plants on Manitou Dr. and Water St. in Kitchener. Since the beginning of the strike on May 29th, the company representative hasn’t tried to negotiate with the union. The company has sent a letter to each employee telling them they may’return to work on Augusl3rd. . At that time they would receive a’ raise of 3 percent for the first year and 2 percent for the next year. -This was the American owned

company’s last offer to the union. This last tactic of the company is clearly aimed. to set a rift within the union and according to David Butler, president of the union, is outright strikebreaking. The offer “is pretty well an insult”, commented Butler. The union considers 9 percent for the first year and 8 percent for the next year to -be a fair settlement. The union has toned its demand down fro’m 15 percent for two years. The company has also tried to eliminate “several clauses that could weaken the contract”, said Butler. One of the clauses the company wants to eliminate concerns holidays. The clause states that an employee does not have to attend the day before and the day after a holiday to be paid for the holiday. This clause has been in effect for fifteen years. Butler commented on this, saying “we want to try and improve ourselves and not go backwards. The men are in good spirits - determined to win.” -salah

bachir

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1977 : WinterTerm Re&lence \ double $530 single $610 NowResident meal dans alsoavailable. WaterGo Co-operative -Residence Inc. 280 Philip St. I Wateilbo 884-3670 - ’ Applications .recei,ved before 1 October 1976 have the best chance of being suckessfull$ processed.

one

And in reply to a question by fed councillor, John Long, whether there were no cases where the fee was voluntary or refundable, Benjamin said that there were none. He said that newspaper fees were just the same as student federation fees.

The threat to Radio Waterloo’s operation resulting from recent government legislation’ is fading fast. last week the campus station was granted an AM carrier licence which allows it to continue operation until 1979. Station manager, Dave Assman, is confident that the station will be granted a permanent FM licence well before that. /fall goes we/I, UW students will be able to tune into their own FM stereo station by next summer. photo by loris gervasio

Uw wages 1

crimped

It was a tradition in student organizations, added, that student fees by referendum and are sory .

Canadian Benjamin are levied compul-

by A/B

wage disparity, the UW might have some trouble keeping staff and acquiring new staff. Lucy, however, felt that there was no reason to believe there would be any problems. \ As it stands now, the University has 30 days to appeal the AIB decision. It is now consulting with its There had been some question as legal advisors and is going to indito whether or not, as a result of the cate to the AIB that it may wish to AIB decision and the consequent appeal.

9.1 per cent pending the publication It is quite possible that an AIB These figures decision this month to restrict the of June’s statistics. have now become available and acsalary rise of the UW secretarial and clerical staff to 9.1 per cent will cording to Ernie LUCY, UW perthey do not sigleave UW workers roughly 6% be- ’ sonnel director, nificantly alter the 9.1 per cent in-hind their counterparts in industry crease allowed. in the area.

Radio

64 King St. S. (across from Zehr’s) Waterloo Square

page

On the matter of funding where the campus papers are autonomous, Fuca”said that these papers were supported by a nonrefundable student fee.

Using figures which did not inelude the month of June the AIB reduced the UW request of 9.7 to

AND TAVERN

from

Fuca said there was a wide variety of arrangements under which campus papers operated. But he said that less than fifty per cent of campus papers had their editors ratified by council, and that even this proportion was decreasing as papers gained more and more autonomy .

I

1

23, 1976

Divorce

3 per cent

continued

july

.

W5atdrloo

Friday July 23rd 1:OO Rock Feature Mike Hummel features the EAGLES. 2:30 Story - Each weekday at 2:30 pm Marilyn Turner reads an ~excerpt from a <. well-known story. Today Marilyn reads from the story “The Borrowers” by Mary Norton. IO:00 Down to Earth Festival 1 “Alternatives to the Supermarket Culture” Part 1 - In this programme Dr. D.W. Stanley from the University of Guelph, Dept. of Food Sciences, talks about sources of protein, the health food rip-off and the advantages and disadvantages of home preservation of food. Dr. Stanley points out that commercial canning and freezing is better from the standpoint of nut\ rition but that home can- , ning leads to better tasting foods. He also discusses the dangers involved from improper processing of food and how enzymes can lead to food poisoning. Saturday July 25th 6:00 Live From The Slaughterhouse From the Sfaughterhouse, a coffee house in Aberfoyle, Ontario, this week’s featured artist is Legacy. 7:00 Avant-Garde Classical Music-An examination of some of the works of modern composers, hosted by Gabriel Durocher and Dave Harrison. Sunday July 25th 3:00 Latin American Students Association - The Latin American Students Association presents a programme in Spanish fortLatin American Students.

Features

6:00 Classical Music Feature with Brigitte Allen. Another in the series of+ programmes tracing the life of composer Richard Wagner and the development of his work/ 9:00 Information Made Public - Hosted by Bill Culp, this programme .focusses on public affairs. Monday July 26 2:30 Story -I- with Marilyn Turner. 4:30 Rock Feature - Eugene Haslam features the rock band KANSAS. 6:00 The World Around Us _Professors Leo Johnson and Donald Morganson talk about areas of personal and institutionalized violence that surround us in our daily lives. The speakers pointed out that these forms of indirect violence are often more dangerous than direct violence to society and individ uals. 8:45 Musikanada - Interview and music programme featuring the Canadian band BOND. Tuesday July 27th 2:30 Story with Marilyn Turner. 4:30 Poetry Readings - David Spence and Ralph Granz present a selection of poetry. 6:00 Native Communications - Each Wednesday at this time Flora Conroy produces a programme of concern to native people. 10:00 Scope - From United Na, tion Radio: 1. UNICEF Director-General Mr. Henry Labouisse, talks about the agency’s work. 2. Plans to protect waterfowl - a UNESCO commentary. 3. Some statistics ‘on population, mortality and life ex-

pectancy, according to the UN 1974 Demographic Yearbook. Thursday July 29th 2:30 Story with Marilyn Turner. 4:30 Community Services - A programme on the Landlord and Tenant Bureau, City of Kitchener. 6:00 What’s Entertainment-A review of the cultural ‘and recreational events in the Kitchener-Waterloo area., 9:30 Perspectives - Ambassador Salim Salim of Tanzania and Ambassador lvor Richards of Britain, talk of Rhodesia, Namibia, and Soweto in this UN Radio in_I terview. Friday 2:30 10:00

_

i

July 30th Story with Marilyn Turner. Down to Earth Festival Dr. Stanley from the University of GueIph talks about dangers associated with home processing of food. Molds are discussed initially and it is pointed out that although most molds only cause degradation of flavour and odour, some molds are toxic. The harmful effect of different types of bacteria also comes under discussion in this programme.

Saturday July 31st 6:00 Live From the Slaughterhouse - From the Slaughterhouse, a coffee house in Aberfoyle, Ontario, this week’s featured artist is Bill McLean. 7:00 Avant-Garde Classical Music-An examination of some of the works of modern composers, hosted’ by Gabriel Durocher and Dave Harrison.


The chevron received john Sad’s feature “Angola and After” with the request that it be reprinted. It is taken from a recent issue of Monthly Review, and was one article in a three-part forum on Angola. Among the chevron staff there is considerable diversity dr opinion on the situation in the former Portuguese colony, as there is throughout the world. So after debate the staff decided to give a hearing to what it considered to be, the two main positions on the issue. One is that upheld by York University political science , professor, john Saul. He argues that Angola has been liberated by the MPLA with the help of Soviet aid and Cuban troops. The other argument is that the Angolan people,‘with three liberation groups, freed thevselves from Portuguese colonialism, but now suffer under Soviet socialimperialism. In Canada this position is held by the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist), and on this campus by the Anti-Imperialist Alliance. An article was solicited from this organisation. “1s Angola liberated or has it So the question becomes: yet to be liberated?” Within the paper debate on the question remains; there are people who subscribe to one or-other of the positions; _ others who see merit in both; and some who would rather neither were published. But the consensus is that the Angolan question is an important one and one which merits careful attention’. By printing this special supplement we hope to contribute to the debate. We, of course, we/come readers’ comments on t‘he articles. The Saul article begins on this page and is cFntinued on page” four. The A/A position is contained in the centre pages. \

. Angola and after: Saul’,s view sumptlon by press and politicians. Equally unsettling-is the The Angolan situation has been widely inisinterpreted likelihood that such distortion will increase as the battle for (often quite wilfully, it would seem) in conventional, southern Africa draws closer to the core of racist oppression liberal/conservative circles in Canada, but also in some and Western involvement in the area - South Africa itself. radical ones. Rather surprisingly, the essence of such misinThe Angolan ta-se demonstrates clearly the difficult work terpretations has been similar. It stems from a temptation to ahead for all those who would seek to advance the cause of ignore the concrete history of the struggle in Angola and the the African liberation stuggle in this country. specific social and political characteristics of the territory itself. The result is the reduction of the full complexity of the Analysis situation there to a mere manifestation of “great-power pslitic s . ’ ’ The key to a more realistic analysis of what has transpired . Thus, in the Canadian mainstream, concern about the role in Angola lies precisely in turning the above viewpoints of the Soviet Union and its assistance to the Popular Moveinside ou,t, starting not with a global formula but with an ment for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) holds interpretahistorical analysis of the Angolan liberation movements tive sway, with the hoariest old cold-war mythologies of the which have now laid claim to world attention. A statement 1950s being dusted off to distort the claim of the MPLA to made at the time of the Portuguese departure from Angola primacy. In the process, that movemenf’s twenty years of (November 1975) by Samora Machel, President of the Mpzambique Liberatioq Fiont (FRELIMO), provides the political and,miljtary struggle are consigned to limbo, its long-terq historical thrust reduced to some mere manipulabest starting point: tion from Moscow (whether this be interpreted as direct Let me speak to you about how Mozambicans regard manipulation or as being orchestrated via Havana.) From the events in Angola. For us, the problem is posed in the this perspective, the “pro-Western” FLNA and UNITA following way: Who has led and is leading the struggle in are viewed as nobly battling the “Sovietlbacked” MPLA; Angola? And against whom? Who is the enemy? Who is and even South Africa--the very heart of brutal white responsible for the deStruction of both human life and hegemony in sduthern Africa-has been allowed to appropvillages? Who shoots, who kills the people? We haLe riate the halo of resistance to “Communisf aggression”. analyzed the Angolan situation throughout the many This in spite of the fact that the latter country has actually years of its evolution. We have asked ourselves: Who has invaded Angola in order-to challenge MPLA’s attempts to really struggled against colonialism? Who has really consolidate independence! fought? Left of center, there has been the curiously parallel tenThere is no doubt that it is the Popular Movement for dency to emphasize, in quasi-Maoist fashion, the dangers of the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) which has directed and “superpower rivalry” and “Soviet social imperialism,” and continues to direct the struggle in Angola. And today, on this basis to deny support to MPLA in spite of the latter just as the Portuguese colonialists are departing, when the movemenf’s indisputable claim to represent the most vibAngolan people, who identify strongly with the MPLA, rant and praiseworthy forces thrown up. by the Angolan prepare to celebrate their victory, just as they are about revolution. This, in turn, has led either to an-irrelevant call to enjoy the fruits of their liberty, various groups guided to support “the Angolan people” (somehow miraculously by imperialism try to impede the process of liberation in freed of internal turmoil) or, at worst, to actual backing for order to delay independence and leave the way open for UNITA and/or FNLA over and against MPLA. Even the foreign military intervention. fact that any such posture places Canadian miiitants firmly What one must understand, the w’hole of Afyica must in concert with South African and American designs in the I realize, is that the outcome of the revolution in Africa is area seems not to have di!suaded some of them from their being determined right now in Angola. As in the past, foolhardy course. we have always supported the MPLA, with whom we Both these sets of distortions are of interest, the “Maare allied’. We are continuing and will continue our oist” variant because of what it reveals about the pathology ’ support. This act is neither spontaneous nor impulsive. df the left in Canada, the conventional variant because of Our relations of concrete and effective solidarity have what it re’veals about the strength of a phalanx of news media been forged in the course of a long struggle again& the which is profoundly hostile to revolutionary change same enemies. Because for a long time we have deand a political consensus which is blandly and unreflectively fined the common enemy according to common prin’ “liberal?’ To the pathology,of the left we shall return. As for\, ciples and with common objectives in mind. the heavy weight of “conventional wisdom,” we need only consider the terrifying ease with which Canadian “public opinion’ ’ could move, in a matter of a few weeks, from a A brief consideration of the two movemen& which have point where almost no,one in the country had even the most been advanced as alternatives -to MPLA confirms the minimal awareness df Angola to a point where virtually strength of this perspective. Certainly, as regards Holden everyone did have an opinion 2 albeit the same opinion and Roberto’s Front for: the National Liberation of Angola. a grievously erroneous one. Once again, fhe true character (FNLA) there is no room for even the slightest misundersof the African challenge to the racist and imperialist status tanding. Militarily active only very br-iefly in the early 196Os, quo in southern Africa had been denatured for public conit quickly retired to Congo-Kinshasa (now Zaire) where,

under the patronage of the sinister President Mobutu, it passively awaited an+. invitation to participate in any , .neocolonial solution which might be forthcoming in Angola. As recent American disclosures have documented, the movement was ultimately deactivated, with Holden Roberto for some years being granted only a $lO,OOO-a-year retainer as “information-gatherer” for the CIA. “Reactivated,” in the pungent phrase of one American official; after-the Portuguese coup of 1974 and soon enjoying material assistance from China as well as from Zaire and the United ‘States, FNLA clayed the only card it could in the Angolan power game. Lacking+ vigorous popular base such as might have been nurtured through years of guerrilla activity, fell back upon the desperate use of brute military force - in Luanda, the capital of, Angola, and throughout the north - in an attempt to block MPLA. Fortunately, the judgement of Nathaniel Davis proved sound. Kissinger’s man-in-Africa (as he had once been his man-in-Chile), Davis resigned from the State Department in opposition to the American policy of backing FNLA and UNITA and striving to isolate MPLA. His reason: the former two movements couldn’t fight their way out of a paper bag (as he put it)! In fact, much of the fighting in northern Angola, while it lasted, was carried out by Zairean troops and by white mercenaries. The National Union for the T&al Independence of Angola (UNITA) also was insignificant militarily during the colonial period.- Al J. Venter’s The Terror-Fighters, a firsthand and knowledgeable early-1970s appraisal of Portugal’s wars in Africa, written from the South African side, scarcely mentions this movement, emphasizing that the Portuguese attached importance only to the threat from MPLA. Basil Davidson’s magisterial In the Eye of the Storm: Angola’s People, also written at first-hand but from the side ofliberation, came to a parallel conclusion. More recently, Davidson’s suspicion that UNITA - small and ineffectual - existed mainly on sufferance of the Portuguese has been ’ given weight by letters,. released in Portugal after the coup, which show Jonas Savimbi, the UNITA leder, to have been in close touch with the Portuguese during the “war years,” exchanging arms and information. Add to this a telling statement from former Portuguese dictator Marcel0 Caetano’s autobiography,Depoimento, to the effect that the strategy of Costa Gomes and BetanGourt Rodriguez on Angola’s eastern front in the early seventies : ‘included negotiations with UNITA, a group of rebels which, under the leadership of Savimbi, was operating there against MPLA,” and yap soon have a picture of no movement at all during the long ye&s of struggle. Small wonder that Savimbi wasfirst to announce a ceasefire in Angola - in June 1974, even as PAIGC in GuineaBissau, FRELIMO in Mozambique, and MPLA were iritensifying the military struggle against the intrigues of General Spinola, still President of Portugal. Or that Savimbi could show up on the Isle of Sal in September 1974, to plot with Mobt$u, Holden Roberto, and Spinola as to how best to sidetrack MPLA, a meeting whose immediate outcome the ,

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.. For more than one year the issue of the anticolonial wars in Angola has held the attention gf people throughout the world. Although the scene of the struggle may be distant from Canada and from many other countries, its lessons are of vital importance everywhere. However, there is a great deal of propaganda about Angola.which contains errors of fact, distortions, and seriously incorrect positions on the principles of national liberation struggles. John Saul’s article “Angola and After” is that kind of probaganda. The article employs these devices to attack and slander a genuine national liberation movement in Angola, the National Union for the Total Indepen- dence of Angola.(UNITA). It also perverts the just stand of the People’s Republic of China on the issue, and viciously attacks Canadian Marxist-Leninists, who, it claims, have relied on “abstract formulas” and “favored centers of revealed revolutionary truth”. By this,-Saul strikes out at the only political organisation in Canada which supports UNITA, the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist). The entire article, with all its lies and fraudulent piinciples, serves the cause of Soviet socialimperialism, which is everywhere contending for world domination with its rival superpower, U.S. -imperialism. It is the type of article that for several years has been circulated around the University of Waterloo and in the pages of the chevron. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), one Angolan liberation movement, has basked in lavish praise in the chevron, while UNITA has received nothing but abuse. Moreover, this solidarity with what is called the only “Marxist” liberation movement in Angola, has been accompanied by support for Soviet socialimperialism and its aspiration to build an international empire on the backs of the world’s people. Until recently, this propaganda has spread, unchecked by any contrary word from UNITA. Occupied in the armed struggle against Portuguese con.trol of Angola, UNITA did not have the ear or%pens of the international set of bourgeois and socialimperialist reporters. I But it has become impossible for this propaganda machine to suppress-news about the fierce struggle waged by ‘UNITA, against first Portuguese colonialism, and now against Soviet social-imperialism and the 30,000 troops of its puppet, Cuba. On the question of national liberation struggle the Anti-Imperialist Alliance (AIA) has a definite, prin. cipled ppsition. In accordance with these principles it has taken up the defence of UNITA, and has supported UNITA’s call forj first, a government of national unity composed of all three liberation organisations in Angola, and, now, for a second anticolonial liberation war. In this vein AIA presents the fo.llowing refutation of John Saul’s article. AIA makes it clear that we support UNITA, hut at the same time, unlike John Saul, we do not attack the other two liberation movements in Angola, MPLA and the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA). Saul’s stand simply allows the Soviet Union to pit one liberation group against the other two. In taking its stand, AIA follows the lead of CPC(M-L), which declares that support for a na. tional liberation organization must be based on whether it: “ 1. resolutely stands for the national ihdependence of its country, and 2. whether its activities, its acts of liberation, assist in tweakening imperialism, social-Imperialism and all reaction on an intemational scale. While it is possible that some liberation organisations, after their countries are liberated, may take up the bapner of socialism and that some may in fact become neo-colonies of another country, our support for their national liberaticin styggles cannot be based on a: ‘guarantee’ that their struggle will always be socialist. It is the responsibility of the proletariat in the capitalist and imperialist countries, in revisionist and social-imperialist countries, to give unqualified and enthusiastic support to all the liberationmovements and liberation organisations. “As for the relations between individual organisations, each can have its choice. It i: our choice to support the revolutionary Angolan organisation UNITA, but at no time have we been a source of slanders against any other organisation . . . ;The issue is not whether UNITA will take over MPLA or vice-versa, or whether FNLA will be wiped out: It is up to the people of Angola to decide how they are going to btig about the unity of all the genuine liberation forces. It is up to us to 1. staunchly suppqrt their national liberation struggle and

2. vigorously denounce all foreign ’ intei-vention in Angda. ’ ’ (Against Soviet Social-Imperialism and For National Liberation and What Kind of Friendship? by Hardial Bains, Norman Bethune Institute 1976) AIA also writes this article in order to correct Saul’s unjustified distortion of China’s principled stand on Angola. China says that: “The Chinese government and people have always deeply sympathizkd with and firmly supported the Angolan people in their just struggle for national independence against Portuguese colonialism, and sincerely hope that the three Angolan liberation organisations, setting store by the interests of the Angolan nation and the whole situation, will unite themselves, remove their differences, oppose the common enemies, expel superpower meddling and interference and work together to establish a united, unified and truly independent Angola with national

Recent hist0r.y A brief examination of recent history further clarifies the intent of Soviet and Cuban intervention. Prior to 1975 the Soviet Uriion supported only one movement, MPLA, whereas China supported all three movements against Portuguese colonialism. With the signing of the Alvor Agreement of January 1975, Portugal agreed to get ‘out of Angola by November, and the three movements formed a tripartite transitional government to set up countrywide elections prior to the November 11, 1975 independence day. At this point the Chinese no longer gave arms to any of the three-movements and instead supported the plan for a government of national union. And what was the response of the Soviet Union? It increased its supply of armaments to MPLA man\

a .

AIA: Second ‘anti-colonial struggle must be fought ~. concord.”

(“Peking

Review”

November

21, 1975)

Main issue At the outset AIA would like to point out that Saul’s thrust at UNITA is simultaneously a thrust away from what we assert is the main issue confront: ing both the Angolan people and their supporters in Canada. = The main issue is Cuban troops, with Soviet weapons and advisors, slaughtering Angolan peasants! This slaughter continues to this very day. NO

amount of self-righteous cant from a microphone revolutionary like John Saul can cover up these criminal acts. . These Cuban troops have shot up everything in Angola but the South Africans. They soundly defeated FNLA forces, who had with them several white mercenaries, and they have waged a long and bitter campaign against the UNITA fighters. (Estimates of-the number of Angolans killed by the combined MPLA-Cuban forces run to over 100,000 in one year.)

Pact with S. Africa The Cubans have never compromised with FNLA or UNITA. But what about the South Africans occupying Angolan soil at the Cunene Dam? Were they routed from Angolan soil by -Saul’s Cuban heroes? No ! In fact, on March 26, MPLA signed an agreement with South Africa to protect its economic interests in Angola. The Cubans came to Angola on the pretext of resisting South Africaa invasion, yet they have been quite magnanimous towards the white settler fascists. In practice, their line is compromise with South Africa, no compromise with UNITA; ceasefire with South Africa, no ceasefire with UNITA. Saul refers to this situation as a “defeat” for South-Africa. But is it a defeat to have your eriemy willingly agree to see that your interest8 are not -harmed? We don’t believe so. The Cubans supposedly went to Angola to assist in the struggle against U. S. imperialist domination. Yet the outcome is that MPLA recently received $200 million in my&es from Gulf Oil Co., which has res.umed operations in the enclave of Cabinda. The Cuban troops are striving to suppress UNITA while at the same time making Angola “safe for capitalism’ ’ . These are undeniable facts, so it is not surprising that Professor Saul chases to sidestep them.

yfold. In the one-year period leading up to “independence day” it gave MPLA twice as much “aid” as it had provided during the entire struggle agajnst the Portuguese. In the hands, of MPLA and Cuban troops, these advanced weapons were directed against Angolans in the other two movements, not against South African racists. UNITA, remaining out of the factional civil war, tried to mediate between the FNLA and the MPLA in an attempt to unite them. (“African Report” May-June 1975; “New Statesman” August 1, 1975) UNITA was successful in coaxing the two movements to the negotiating table in Nakuru,_Kenya, where an agreement of the &me name was signed between the three movements (June, 1975). Eight days later, the MPLA launched violetit attacks ori FNLA barracks and UNITA offices. The transitional tri-partite government collapsed, FNLA was expelled from Luanda by Cuban soldiers and Soviet arms, and UNITA withdrew to its areas of popular support., The civil war was taken by the MPLA to all corners of the country, while the Soviet socialimperialists stopped at nothing to strengthen the Cuban forces in Angola.. To us, these facts show that the Soviet-Union is using its puppets to achieve hegemony in Angola, and is colludhg with U.S. imperialism in order to suppress the movement for total independence-of Angola, UNITA.

Internationalism? And how does Saul view them? He calls the invasion of .Angola by Cuban troops and Soviet “advisgrs”, and their slaughter of Angola&peasants, ‘-‘a laudable manifestation of proletarian internationalism and revolu ticinary solidarity. ” This stance of Professor John Saul is an unspeakable crime against the Angolan people. Let us tell you something,-sir.‘ When wor&rs a&l peasants of Cuba spill the blood of workers and peasants of Angola onto the soil of Africa, it is not because of proletarian internationalism. It is because the puppet Castro regime has been forced to do the bidding of Soviet social-imperialism. The Albanian comrades, them-selves the subject of an “internationalist” economic boycott by the Soviets, .have this- tb say about Soviet “internationalisni” : “When Brezhnev orders the occupation of Czechoslovakia, that is internationalism; when he

defends Lon No1 again again he is acting as an Kremlin leaders send ten to Israel year after year i internationalist act; whe instigate civil war in A themselves for others; a weapons and credits a gl regimes to suppress re-vc actingh the name of “i These acts of aggressi U.S. adventures in Indoc under the name of “den the free world”. In Ango name of “socialism’? to ; tic designs. There is nothing socia country and slaughtering called himself a “Natic Union’s parading under t aggression in the same ! - By supporting one ( movements while tram] sending in huge shipmer quality never seen during independence, by incil movements against the a ing the Cubans to send Z the Soviet Union sing transitional government which were to be held tc of Angola before indep 1975.

The net result of this Union has gained a j hegemony of U.S. imps John Saul does not be ing hegemony in Angol; lutely no reason to thin1 gled for its freedom for ’ up that freedom again, But the issue is not. rr issue is the freedom, indl all of the Angolan people Angolan countryside 2 30,000 Cuban puppet trc life-and-death struggle cenaries; MPLA has signed p; U.S. imperialism; yet th *fessor Saul cannot expl If MPLA has lost it: puppet of Soviet social. genuine autonomy, the] its own right. There is n ist about promoting he own couqtrymen by a j Aside from these qu article includes numerc par? of a campaign inte people and instigate c Union. ”

UNITA? This slander campaig Just two months after MPLA magazine “Vic 1966) expressed the vie fight the MPLA. By charting the view! imperialist media on th tent of complicity agaii Prior to the April 25, sotirces. acknowledged nary organization. Moscow Radio (18/l that UNITA b;sed itse tung? ’ , but tried to disc by claiming that “in separate the Angolan liberation movement al and communist mover countries. ’ ’ To Moscow, any lib to genuine independent ruled “international movement’ ’ . The bourgeois medi; revolutimary strengt Congress, the Zambia 1 women and children hz intruders. On the soil, reliant ( life was devel people personified the for Daring People’. Th 30/2/73) Time magazine

revolutionary

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minded UNITA”. (Time 8/7/74) The coup in Portugal in April 1974 put the liberation of Portugal’s African colonies on the immediate agenda. The Soviet propaganda machine could not deny the popular support enjoyed by UNITA. But it strove to defame it by changing its label to a “moderate or reactionary movement in possible &laboration with the PortugueseI.” Soviet radio and magazines, in Russia and abroad, began a campaign to isolate and slander UNITA. The July 21, 1974 issue of Afrique-Asie, a French magazine - “influenced” by Soviet socialimperialism, carried a startling revelation of alleged plot and treachery entitled “An Explosive Document: The Long Treason of UNITA”. In this attack ‘ ‘Afrique-Asie” made use of copies of forged letters

UNITA had the backing of as much as 45 per cent of the Angolan people.* (3/4/75). -This figure should be compared to the Soviet lie that UNITA was either non-existent or composed of only 11 individuals (Soviet Weekly 1l/73) As the Angolan resistance, led by UNITA, grew, the final deception was employed: UNITA was said to be backed by South Africa. Here the case of Holden Roberto of the FNLA merits some attention. In 1972 the Soviet Radio Peace and Progress said that Roberto had “long been employed by the CIA.” (15/l/72) But later Radio Moscow said that a meeting between the FNLA (then called GRAE) and the MPLA would

material support for the liberation struggles of the -Cambodians, the Palestin@s, the Indian people, the Azanian people and the Zimbabwe people. Moreover, this support is strengthened and complemented by struggle against U.S imperialism and the monopoly capitalist class in Canada. Saul has his pop-gun reversed when he directs such a charge against CPC(M-L). It is he who consigns socialism in Canada to some distant era, and seeks to gain some vicarious honor by claiming to be an expert observer of the liberation struggle in southern Africa. This unfounded charge against Canadian revolutionaries lays bare Saul’s political nature. He is an apologist for Soviet social-imperialism, the _ butche; of the Angolan people. In addition, by

purporting to be written by Jonas Savimbi, UNITA leader, to the Portuguese armed forces. But the magazine admitted to never having seen the original letters! It is no accident that John Saul makes the same accusation, relying on the same “letters” ! The Afrique-Asie article continued, plucking terms out of context from UNITA documents to try to prove them nothing more than recitations of the “‘Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-tung”. Seeing UNITA’s popularity growing, Moscow Radio introduced further distortions. It reported that UNITA “had been set up with money .from the Portuguese secret police, PIDE. Its leader, Jonas Savimbi, championed the ideas of -Mao Tse-tung.” (Moscow Radio 1 l/12/74) Corresponding to the Soviet vilification of UNITA, the Western media began to change its line. The ‘!Maoist-minded UNITA” became UNITA “headed by Jonas Savimbi, a onetime disciple of Che Guevera turned moderate, who controls much of rural Angola . . .” (Time may 26, 1975) As the Soviets geared up their war machine to intervene in Angola, the Soviet news agency Tass claimed that UNITA had “practically not taken part in the liberation struggle.” (Tass 12/6/75) UNITA’s popularity, however, could not be denied. The Christian Science Monitor admitted that

have a “beneficial effect on Angola’s- struggle for freedom.” (9/6/72) Isthe CIA beneficial for Angola? Moscow Radio (8/10/72) said that Neto would make every effort to ensure that both the MPLA and “FNLA would fight for the same objective and thus achieve unity. ’ ’ Pravda reported (16/12/72) that the MPLA and FNLA united, with Roberto first in ‘command and Neto second. The FNLA suddenly became “patriots” ! The next year Radio Peace and Progress (S/ l/73) changed its mind about the “long-time CIA emp-loyee”, saying that unity not only ledto consolidation of the Angolan people’s victories in the struggle for independence but also created conditions for a new decisive stage in the fight against Portuguese colonialism. ” Finally, when the FNLA split with the MPLA the Roberto group became “tribalist,“. (Tass 12/6/75) To compound his crimes, Saul does not rest con( tent with slander of an Angolan national liberation movement. ‘He also attacks revolutionaries in Canada by claiming they “have no significant practise’ ’ . Under what rock does-this slug live? Certainly if he were even slightly aware of the world around him, Saul would know of the political practice of CPC(M-L). . That practice includes active propaganda and

spreading a multitude of lies and slanders about IJNITA, -he sows discord among the ranks of revolutionaries in both Angola and Canada. Whether or not Saul has spent a decade in Africa does not change the facts: Aggression is aggression, and this is what he has aligned himself with. The Anti-Imperialist Alliance, which is led by CPC(M-L), is willing to defend its views anywhere, . and we are even willing to debate a slug like John Saul on this question. At that time he will not be able to juggle his words to fit his master’svoice, as he has done previously. The AIA calls on all progressives and antiimperialists, in the glorious tradition of support for the Indochinese people, to denounce the armed occupation of Angola and to support the second anticolonial struggle of the Angolan people! The Angolan people have a great will to be free! They have resisted Portuguese-colonialism for 500 years and will surely kick out these new colonialists! As for those who seek to deny the Angolan people their victory, or who tieate illusions about the nature of the Angolan struggle, they, like King Canute, will drown in the waves they have ordered to recede! Support the Second Anti-Colonial Struggle of the -Angol an People ! All Foreign Troops Out of Angola! Long Live UNITA!

Idian people st; when the of emigrants rming a great Pakistan and ‘e sacrificing supply with f reactionary :hen they are m". rent than the he U.S. went I “defense of Des under the n hegemonis-

Final Deception

lding another le. Hitler also ’ ; the Soviet socialism” is in_ liberation ther two, by quantities and lguese war of he liberation ally, by pushinto Angola, abotaged the the elections : government November 11, at the Soviet broken the thern Africa. JSSR is \seekthere is absohaving strugout to deliver :nds.” ; freedom. At well-being of masses in the er attack by are waging a foreign mer:h Africa and lin. Even Proe facts! , then it is a f it possesses movement in sive or Marxagainst one’ s lciple, Saul’s )rications, all : the Angolan id the Soviet rl back to 1966. r’mation, the ’ ’ (April-May ,‘s aim was to lis and socialJITA, the excomes clear.‘ortugal , most 3 a revolutiougly admitted s of Mao Tses”self-reliance :ant trying to n-the African ional workers the socialist ent dedicated 1the KremlinI communist zed UNITA’s ITA’s Third e: “The.men, leir land from Id, a new selfrevolutionary e: ‘Victory is bia Daily Mail

JNITA was a “the Maoist-

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(London) Sunday Times could summarize by saying that “Spinola’s elaborate courtship with Mobutu, Roberto, and Savimbi has made Angola safe for capitalism - for the moment.” (“Angola: The Carve-up of Africa’s El Dorado,” October 20, 1974)To reinforce this possibility Savimbi soon found himself bankrolled by right-wing Portuguese business , interests in Angola, then allied with well-heeled American agents, European mercenaries, and ultimately the South African army itself. As Samora Machel concluded the statement cited above: ‘$In Angola, two forces are confronting each other: on the one hand, imperialism and its allies and its puppets; on the other, the progressive popular forces which support MPLA. There is nothing else.” Against this dismal record we can set that of MPLA. Media coverage - and some left debate - might lead one to think that this movement had emerged oply in recent months, despite the fact of its having been founded in the mid-fifties and having engaged in 15 years of armed struggle. Hampered by lack of access viaZaire to the most populous regions of Angola, MPLA first built an effective military presence in the Cabinda enclave and then, operating from Zambia after 1964, in eastern Angola, slowly but surely pushing westward during subsequent years. Equally important, it began to develop the social infrastructure of a new Angola in the liberated areas (see Davidson). Perhaps MPLA was somewhat behind FRELIMO militarily and politically when the Portuguese coup came in 1974. The scattered population of the east made that a difIicult terrain for triggering off the same “logic of protracted struggle” which had served to radicalize FRELIMO. Moreover, . internal tensions - orchestrated by opportunistic and conservative elements within the movement (the Chipenda faction) and by Portuguese intrigues-continued to rack the movement right up until the time of the coup. Nonetheless, a process of radicalization had begun and a direction been set, and it was this increasing clarity’ of purpose, forged in the struggle, against which “ the West” reacted. Clearly, outside interests - Zaire, South Africa, the United States, and Western European countries - have felt threatened in Angola, not so much by the presence of Sqviet arms and Cuban troops as by the promise of a genuine and radical decolonization which MPLA represents. For any such decolonizaF tion could be seen to involve, sooner or later, a stiff challenge to corporate access to Angola’s riches, a tantalizing and attractive counter-example to faltering neocolonial projects in the area (e.g., Zaire, Zambia), and a firm base for the escalating struggle, spearheaded by SWAP0 in bordering Namibia, a territory now occupied illegally by South Africa. The shift of the center of MPLA’s activities after the coup to the crowded capital city of Luanda - MPLA’s original spawning ground in the fifties and a long-time source of underground support - served to reinforce the movement’s radicalization. In the wake of General Spinola’s ouster from power in post-coup Portugal, MPLA, alone of the three movements, tried to make the short-lived, power-sharing Angolan transitional government work; then moved, under siege, to establishment of the independent People’s Republic of Angola in November 1975. But during both phases the movement. was increasingly premising its activity upon Poder Popular, people’s power, a program which involved the establishment of vital organs of popular participation everywhere at the base of the new system. Spurned from the outset by FNLA and UNITA as a dangerously democratic departure but real enough in its practice to have impressed even some of the most jaded of Western correspondents, Poder Popular has been one of the crucial features distinguishing MPLA’s positive plans for a transformed Angola from those of its rivals. Moreover, this program has begun to be a springboard for the distinctive departures in the direction of workers’ control in industry and for a move toward collective productive activity in the rural sphere (to the extent that the logistics of war have permitted). And it contains the promise of even more radical undertakings to come. Certainly, the popullar identification with MPLA which Poder Popular facilitated has been one key to the military success of the new People’s Republic. Equally impressive, band quite important in present-day Angola, have been MPLA’s efforts, once again rooted in its long history, to transcend tribalism and, to forge a genumely national policy. Again, this contrasts sharply with the ac- tivities of FNLA and UNITA. First and foremost the catspaws of outside interests, these movements (and especially. UNITA in Ovimbundu areas) have managed to strike some indigenous roots by the demagogic manipulation of ethni.c fears. Though this is a common enough tactic among the more opportunistic of petty bourgeois politicans in Africa, it is always difficult to know how deep the resultant kind of ethnic ideology and identification really cuts. What can be said with more confidence is that MPLA has begun working to redress this kind of negative “learning experience” in such areas, even as the war has begun to wind down. Particularly encouraging in this respect is the fact that MPLA has heretofore demonstrated, in Luanda and elsewhere, precisely the methods of political work which can be expected to overcome such difficulties and bring all Angolans to a higher level of consciousness. But this is merely to I;epeat the same point from another angle: MPLA is a revolutionary movement, whereas its so-called rivals are ‘not and never have been.

Autonomy Such a ju’dgement provides the proper touchstone for evaluating external involvement in Angola. The imperial linkages of FNLA and UNITA are patent, their domestic counter-revolutionary credentials impeccable. Yet Soviet arms and Cuban soldiers have also been important to MPLA’s success. What is one to make of these realities? There will be some, of course, who have no difficulty here and who will see this merely as a laudable manifestation of proletarian internationalism and revolutionary solidarity. As noted, others, of right and left, will have greater misgivings about Soviet intentions. However, the crucial point is that whatever one’s interpretations of these intentions, there is absolutely no reason to think that MPLA, having struggled for its freedom for 20 years, is about to deliver up that freedom again, even to its friends. As we have seen, the whole thrust of MPLA’s development demonstrates the movement’s autonomy and drive, as well as distinguishing it clearly from its rivals. In the words of Agostinho Neto, independent” Angola’s first President: ‘Just because the Soviet Unionsupplies us with weapons, it doesn’t mean that we have become a satellite. We’ve never been one. We’ve never asked Moscow for advice on how to set up our state. All the major decisions ‘in our country are taken by our movement, our government, and our people.” Moreover MPLA has over the years,accepted concrete assistance from a wide range of sources in addition to the Eastern bloc - the World Council of Churches, the governments. of the Scandinavian countries. and Holland, Oxfam-Canada, SUCO, and the like - without feeling its autonomy or its policies to have been compromised; and it

will probably continue to do so. Similarly, the movement has been firm-about keeping the door open to China - not the normal practice for a “Soviet puppet,” to say the least. Again, Neto’s own words are worth quoting at length: One must recognize that the People’s Republic of China has played an important role in southern Africa in sustaining the liberation movements of many countries. However, China has erred in certain cases, perhaps for lack of a correct anaiysis. Thus we have seen China support reactionary secessions and coups d’etat. Also ‘n Angola, we see China supporting the reactionary c orces created, armed, and financed by the Americans -with the aim of impeding Africa’s revolutionary path. Thus we see China at the side of the Americans fighting against the only forces of national liberation. We hope wholeheartedly that a new analysis of the situation will lead the Chinese to modify their attitude and to support the only progressive forces in Angola. But on our part there is no hostility with regard to China. On the contrary,*we desire good relations. After independence, we are going to establish relations with the People’s Republic of China.

Here spoke the leader of a genuine national liberation struggle, radical and robustly independent - a leader and a movement fully deserving of its prize after 20 years of struggle against a cancerous colonialism and that colonialism’s imperial allies. Why have these realities been ignored in Canada? It is not difficult to understand the reasons for distortion on the part of media and politicians. How much more palatable is opposition to a process of profound social transformation if it can be packaged as resistance to Soviet or Cuban “aggression.” Just why some sections of the left should also play this game is more problematical. Perhaps this reveals, first

and foremost, the tendency of a left, foiled of significai practice, to permit abstract formulas (“Marxism Leninism” and the like) and favoured centers of reveale revolutionary truth to dictate thinking and strategizinl rather than to undertake the more arduous work of concrel analysis. Certainly, for anyone who has, like the preset author, spent more than a decade analyzing the liberatio struggles in southern Africa, the mushrooming of il informed instant expertise.on the subject of Angola has bee particularly distressing. But is it merely the exotic which h: been so deformed? In fact, awareness of the difficulties ( the Canadian left in dealing with Angola may help sharp< awareness of the extent to which a failure to concretii Marxism in Canada itself has also led to sloganeering ar distortion in the discussion of Canadian political economy Whatever the case in this regard, it is clearly fortuna that the accumulating victories of MPLA have rendered tl vicious distortions of that movement’s position a matter 1 merely academic, not practical, concern. History seems 1 have left at the starting gate those Canadian parliamel tarians of all parties who piously and unanimously agreet as late as February of this year, to call on “the three maj( Angolan political groups-the MPLA, FNLA, an UNITA-to desist from armed combat and proceed tc wards a mutually agreed upon peace settlement.” So, tot those denizens of the Canadian left who were busy hosting UNITA representative in Canada at about the same tim Even “official Canada” now has been forced to keep pat with events. To be sure, for many months delegations r questing that Canada recognize the People’s Republic Angola met a stone wall in Ottawa, the..government’s refus sometimes phrased in ironic counterpoint to its earlier at parallel refusal to recognize Guinea-Bissau for long montl after that country’s winning of independence. Then one the Canadian government’s primary arguments was th PAIGC did not hold the capital city, Bissau. In the Angel; case, MPLA’s holding of Luanda was seen as being unir portant. Plus qa change . . . Similarly, Prime Minist Trudeau, far-from using the opportunity of his Cuban visit enlighten Canadian opinion about Angola, chose to furth mystify it, the Canadian government adopting a position ( . the issue worthy of Henry Kissinger and tacitly acceptil the latter’s “threat to NATO,” “red menace,” ignore Sou Africa, bluster. Nonetheless, by the end of Februar Canada had followed other Western countries -though n yet the United States - in recognizing the People’s Repu lit of Angola as that country’s legitimate government. That much seems settled. The fact remains that the co tinuing confusion over what really happened in Angola the victory of the popular forces -has obscured the broad significance of the confrontation there. The reverence he is to the overt involvement of South Africa in the Angel, struggle, its defeat by a combined MPLA-Cuban force, al the ramification of ‘this involvement and defeat. What evident is that the question of South Africa itself has nc been placed on the historical agenda more forcefully than any previoustime, and the myth of the white laager’s invi cibility tarnished, perhaps irrevocably. Revolutiona forces within South Africa can only be the beneficiaries Of course South Africa has used the opportunity of mil ary action in “the;North” to buttress itself in Namibia (s Roger Murray’s article, “South Africa Grabs Opportunj to Bash SWAPO,” African Development, January 197( But internally, African advances in Mozambique alreal have had their impact, as the trial of the SAS0 Nine, Pretoria for last year’s pro-FRELIMO demonstrations currently demonstrating. Now not only have Vorstej catastrophic Angolan adventures thrown the South Afric white community off its stride, but they have also madt further contribution to growing black militancy, as see e.g., by the fourth annual Congress of the Black Peoph Convention, meeting amidst war hysteria in South Africa December, which came out in direct support of MPL Internationally, the Republic’s illegal hammer-lock Namibia must be even more open to question, and SWAl will now have its Angolan base, MPLA has promised. addition the military situation in Zimbabwe has begun heat up again, with African action resting this time or much firmer foundation. And then there are the hope signs that the Soviet Union, having reaped propaganda gai in Africa from its assistance for MPLA, will seek simi gains by more effectively backing liberation groups el: -where. Perhaps China too will have learned something frc its disastrous Angolan policies and begin again to play I positive role in supporting genuine popular forces in otl southern African locales that it once did in Mozambique. short, it is a heady time indeed in southern Africa.

\

.


fiidiy,july ,’ -

23, 19-76

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to ,P the day in ‘B level, as St., Pml’s j -the. fall.Xdngrarularlo.ns teams kxcellegCe *l-.7 upset -the .pre;v@@‘ly 9ndeL ti a’_‘._for ---I- their -- - 1 :I,:. ’ of pl?y / - I.-- c- ‘i - - I m---- m lli fi Smer’ Kats Dear, I my 1oaare,rs . feated Strikers 1413.‘. Tit: e Qu$kss*in t a, Eigh-‘&oring’.‘aff&-(88-m maqaged:to ups& the; PUSS@I which, wais dei=ided iri the fast five ‘ers 9-4: @ ot,her games; the ! minutes. I ‘- . *’ Foons have-feather&d the, pum Iq the”‘othar gan& Ph+ntoms Ducks .8- 1 ‘and ou$c$‘grked ; ‘sutprised *lb I@iock& Bic$& by’ijutQl;l&ks ’ 7-2. Tesrn’ cracker + .A!.- --e.ahA,..,. %&$ing~di+ rm!?-on-a r~eill~~uu.~s~ D graduated the. Civil C$&s 18-3 tp final would have 3rd and 4th +eah&‘the f&ls?s we’ll . ,pQ a&they $V?n eat@1y, (ir9-46). ! advance to the .$emi-fin?& ._ _ ,p-&d _ Co-op-‘-fi&$ed Lap&s 12-3 see,it happen:*& Cheb, pla&ed - .In. the c??gy$?; ]M:T..O. met Basket! lallers ,mwnar.pFoved -to. be. - while the/Ball ,Bruisers eruslhed k$y inj-urje’s, 1061 ,l’O-5 & an ‘in; the Sad !&KS 21-3.’ 1-n quarfef-ispired p&lball team..Mean&ilt. . a rdal;stn lggle- [for wee- .qu%iefS. ahead by $‘ Basketbaers the PbySed Pyr final play, ‘the’ Brdisers do\ftmkd I s 1Were1.Ionly 1 rPhantom players. Alf &ut 3 ;were +%tfiree~,q@?r~er ~me” Duf :.Uonny Co+ 5-2 while -the BallBu’ste-rs -Green broke v:T.O. in>t&’ fourth . --’ def?ated St.- Paul’s e-3. jl . ~omrnitted to , the Qlympics, quarter as- he $ore$ io. p&@“ l In T&Z day’s Se&fin&, ,ttie . mworlt;; etc. AS-a rasult; the Foulwent, on. @post ’ a+- ; ‘.Racoons tt s Team, Cracked and’,+‘a,lls take on -ihe Ply’ers.‘in A - .Basketbtill~rs Upset *ictoi+y:gLer&@.O.,-(4?-33) ’ Ball, @usteFs vs Ball Brui&rs. \. level.‘, _ _ -r ’ 1 . I-with Gi&$ jeading fhe -tiay with 22 Pred@b - R&cooiis all; the ‘way, ’ - Jn B level; number; one ranked ’ points. Senn scored ‘f--3 for -the$sr - ml:(usually known as the+M kiss-of * lk&~olis~ were tipset by a’ i-ejuye,$he B-ii1 . $‘%. ._’ . ‘. .“-’ “’ ;-, ’ ’ ) death).; : ‘. .. .’ ’ ‘naked. Team Cracker,bretty much as. In -A ‘pltiy, the iioulb,@l$- outE+uiser - Buster g&e wa”s callbd-;- -. .The A-fmtil,went ekpecfed .as -Doii%arma& &d :;Sbm ’ computed the Bit’ Disturb&s 10,5; after 3 innifigis d& tp -rain. It, will. Kie&vetter pidted tos-- mu&h io; while the-Fly&-s, due-to a-default .’ be pIi<& oa Thurs&y with B ,__, to .htindle-. In the’ ,by Matli; a$ance; to se& filialfinal ‘moved to M&day j:30 1- the Ph&n&i& ..‘play. : ,.. : ~ ...-- I , : ’ z -. >Columb.ia Field-5.a. _ ;< . J- k \ $d.+qpa$eI: Larm@, an$-Y&$py~~ finals: in both d and B$a&es . ” ,, -* : ’ .I .i . ’ ’ ter ~~oinb;in@ $ok\ !&or: 25 of -th& ’ teams’ 3 1 porn]+ and,gliwe Rat,s-a big . arti schedded: for ThuFsday,- July s -r 71-55 ,lead-go&g into the’ fimql @w->22 at 5:30.on 5a %a@d 5b or; if rained’ out - Monday, -July 26 Tlie intramural playoff? ended ’ ter: Phanto@s came back btit %eie _-down’by, too. mq.ch as-R&$von b-u:& same t&e: * W,edne@ay ‘night’ as- the. A dnd : - I (8 1-73). Don L&an was ” B’league ch&nipi&<hips wk~~ df- j .’poi& : ‘ST{cer: Gr&e&ggei% )( c&d. h the-, ql+rter-&&ls _last -- t&to@coeep for th&%&&s as he ._ s” buryDirtyFekt/ I-X - week.’ MfT.0. defeated St. Pauls n.etted. -27.,- point& Kieswetter

Basketball YI: ,.,- ,

In one bf the lo’hg&t iames in J&I soccer hi&tory, the Gr?yediggers finally buried the Dirty Feet 4-1, afte-r a s$oreless ~.e@laXion game in which. the,&-avediggers, \ missed two ‘penpty shots an& twd break+$y s. In the first oyertime, -50th teams,excfianged goals, fort.itig a second o&&me &tie,- The Gravediggers sudd.enly cam& to ljfe ,with 3 unanswered goals,, An. etielleni game for everyone.. .. -1. / tL / \ ’I 2 . ;I , ! Hellenes Ctiptxire’ _ The ’ armtiar A level cham$&ship Soccei’ Series E?&v ‘ageven ~ $t two api& b&&en_M&h’&d i E&llenes. In the%%t * f&n+ teri& ‘sf. .com$etitive so&&, these?iwo tea&--h&ire me’t&..the final’:% the f&l1 .of 1974.the:Hellenes defeated&- Mat.6’ 2- 1. B-y identical ’ sboies, M.ath defea’ied fthe H&-feries in” the- sum&$ of 1975. sind’ iri triple over&e @ .the qfail Qf 1975. ’ ’ <’ _ 1 This year; tie Hellenes iook&l riot.% te&, shoving so’&


6

the chevrdn

friday,

Barnstorming

baseball’s Jmyths.’

“The Bingo Long Travelling , show without being exploited by All-Stars and Motor Kings” is the managers or cheated out of pretty much a subtle tragedy dis- , money that their work has produced. guised as a comedy. A superficial Various stars, disillusioned with viewing of the film leaves one such conditions get together to c thinking that the unfolding events self-controlled describe the success of a black all- form a travelling baseball troupe and “barnstorm” star team. A more thorough understanding includes knowing how a the small towns of the midwest. They share the returns from the separate Negro National Baseball well-attended games, and popularLeague existed prior to the acceptance of black baseball players in ity shifts to their arena from that of the league from which they dethe white major leagues-a,< transfected. formation which took place in the An important element of their early fifties. Withc this made presentation is the sense that enterknown, the film implies that the detainment and amusement are as segregation of major league rewarding as baseball skills. Out of baseball is not necessarily an adthis light-heartedness develops a vance for blacks. The story shows how a group of camaraderie that did not exist as strongly in the professional league. aspiring black baseball pros at: However, this mutual trust is tempt to break away from those “games” in the sport that have noshaken by disasters fomented by their ex-slave managers. . thing to do with baseball. The man-_ agers are as talented in their busiTheir separation from the managers begins a small revolution. n&s manipulations as the players are in their baseball skills. Howwithin the black sports culture. Unever, the players feel that they are fortunately, they become diverted by the excitement of their games I competent enough to run their own

Hamlet

iuly 23, 1976

and‘ the power gained by the money. At this stage, they slide back into a situation where they are being led rather than self-managed, even though there are no explicit leaders in the group. The personal dynamics in the team were such that they lacked a sense of trust and sharing needed to give them unity. The responsibilities were centralized around only a few individuals giving the others little reason to participate in the team’s security. Bingo Long and Leon Carter assume the roles of “theorists” and “strategists” while the others seem to fade into the back seat, concerned only with having a good time. Thus, when real crises arise, in the form of “counter-insurgency” by the ex-owners-the All-stars have their emergency funds stolen and one of them is beaten up by the owner’s goons-theircohesion and team identity falls apart. As some of their members leave, they become more easily co-opted by the Negro owners. The “problems that

befall them they blame on those ing, is clearlf sympathetic to the who took the central roles of the idea of an autonomous black culteam; most team members don’t ture. Unfortunately, very few peosee themselves at fault for getting ple are taking the trouble to see the into the mess to begin with. - film, a situation which discourages The movie is well put-together, the distribution of such works. and, apart from an ambiguous end-steve izma and lounsberry

is blunt and powerful

One critic has declared that inRichard Monette, a “Canadian Hamlet” is born. Whatever the implications of that statement, the truly remarkable thing about Monette’s Hamlet is that he is a not-sonot-so-subtle and melancholy Prince of Denmark, but definitely one worth seeing. In this season’s production of the great Shakesperean tragedy at the Avon Theatre in Stratford, Hamlet is not the brooding and melancholy Dane immortalized by Sir John Gielgud and Sir Laurence Olivier, but one with a fury expressed in even his fast line. When, in the opening scene, the new king, Claudius, refers to their relationship, Hamlet’s interjection-“A little more than kin, and less than kind” -is expressed loudly and sharply, rather than as an aside. Monette’s Hamlet is intellectual, introspective, impulsive and irresolute, but he also has a streak of cruelty enhanced by his anger over events of the past and his frustration over his inability to act. It is in the scene where he rejects

Ophelia that Hamlet is at his most the funniest characters in theater. brutal. His agony over his mother’s A pompous, insensitive, wiseinfidelity turns him against all cracking busybody with some of women, including sweet Ophelia, the best lines in the play, he comes whom he had once loved. In this off as a kind of Shakesperean Don scene his mis-directed fury makes Rickles. It is too bad he has to be Dreams Come True him insult her and to hit her in the bumped off so soon in the play. face with his love letters. , Humour is also provided by the Aerosmith Players, whose antics are really ex- Columbia A moving performance is given Wishes, hopes and dreams, the cellent, and the Gravediggers, who by Marti Maraden .as Ophelia, ingredients for success which elude emerge in an absurd pseudowhose frail and vulnerable nature many recording acts today, cerphilosophical exchange that had cannot endure Hamlet’s rejection tainly have not escaped Aerosmith the audience roaring. of her love and the death of her Although the One of the most remarkable as- and Gary Wright. father. She cracks under the strain, Aerosmith Album on Columbia Repects of the Avon’s “Hamlet”, diand in her mournful distraction, her cords was first released in 1973 and rected by Robin Phillips and Wilbittersweet words are all the more went nowhere j its re-issue this year touching. Her suicide could be the liam Hutt, is the set. John Pennoyer has reversed the fortunes of the has designed a stark and ascetic most tragicof all the deaths in this setconsisting basically of wooden ’ group. rather violent play. Marti Maraden Little known except on the eaststaircases and a platform. For an . is really excellent as Ophelia. ern seaboard, Aerosmith continued indoors effect, beams are dropped. Michael Liscinsky and Patricia to pump out their aggressive rock Costumes are simple; the characBentley-Fischer are a sensuous sounds until the rest of the’country ters are dressed in black, and the King Claudius and Queen Gerawoke to the realization that they effect is one of austerity. trude. Hypocritical and ambitious, were missing music that was well Lighting is particularly effective, Claudius’ saving grace is his love worth listening to. and for this Gil Wechsler gets the for his queen. Bentley-Fischer credit. Nightmarish lighting effects Born from the breed of early Enplays her role with effective simpare present throughout the play; glish rock akin to The Stones, The licity. indeed, at times the set, costumes Yardbirds, Them and the Pretty Eric Donklin’s Polonius is one of and lighting combined to achieve a Things, Aerosmith has produced an surrealistic atmosphere. album which gets down to basic, -val moghadam raw rock and roll. With seven of the

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eight selections written by lead singer Steve Tyler, the band’s material is original, yet echoes the influence of the aforementioned British bands. The hard driving tempo of most cuts engenders a feeling of excitement for the listener which is similar to reaction evidenced in the middle sixties when rock bands explosively presented their music to their avid fans. These gut reactions surface especially in the cuts “One Way Street”, “Mama Kin”, and “Movin’ Out”. The style is reminiscent of early Stone material, and Tyler’s vocal arrangements on these numbers sound much like Mick Jagger. The well known single “Dream On” is somewhat different to the style of the rest of the album, but to this reviewer, is one of the best produced and arranged songs since Ten C.C’s “I’m Not In Love”. Aerosmith is a group which definitely should be reckoned with. More of the same can be heard on the new Aerosmith album “Rocks”, which has just recently been released. Gary Wright’s Dream Weaver album on Warner Brothers relies almost totally on electronic keyboard music. Not since the introduction of electronic music by the Moody Blues has an album catered to, or offered in a tasteful manner so much of this form of musicianship. Wright is the focal point‘bf the album, writing all the material, providing strong vocals on all cuts, and playing superlative musical arrangements on the Moog bass, -clarinet, Hammond organ, Arp strings, and Moog brass. Wright tops off this singular effort by producing the entire work. His expertise in all fields has resulted in an extremely well balanced and enjoyable recording. Probably the best cuts are the title tune “Dream Weaver” and the current surfacing single “Love is Alive”. Also notable of mention’are the cuts “Much Higher” which harks back to the style of Stevie Winwood and Traffic or Blind Faith, “Feel For an electronic ballad, and Me”, “Made\ To Love You”, a melodic lovesong of deep personal feeling. Both Aerosmith and Gary Wright have found the acceptable ingredients of success which have made their dreams come true. Pick up both albums. You certainly

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,. -i friday,

the chevron

july 23, 1976

tioning the representative nature of other political parties? If you are insulted by my results perhaps you should take up your griefs with the PC party, not me. As in your letter you chose to attacve personally rather than commenting on my article I would now like to counter with a Although I should have been pleasantly rational defense. pleased with the fact of Dr. Towler’s nonYou begin your comments with, reference renewal of contract as Principal of Renison to the absence of “workers” in the party. College, the manner in which the Board of My reference to “workers party” was made Governors has decided to handle and repin the comparison of 59% to 9% composition resent this has decidedly nullified such feel- (‘of manual workers in Canada to those in the ings. To say that Dr. Towler has decided for -PC party. You have distorted the term by “personal reasons” not to seek a renewal of taking itout of context to make it mean any his contract exceeds the expected couching person who works for a living and then conof such matters in diplomatic language and tinue by reviewing the assets of one specific clearly borders on a deliberate attempt to socio-economic group concluding “These cover-up the truth. To be sure, Dr. Towler are people who are trying to build Canada did step down for “personal reasons” but and not tear it down”. Your conclusion may not for the kinds of reasons normally implied very well be valid but it has absolutely noby such a phrase. He stepped down for perthing to do with anything in my article. sonal reasons in the sense that his “adminisThe comment continues with an attempt trative style” had left the faculty, students to make three points about my conclusions and administrative staff with no option but to concerning education. First you point out fight to preserve the integrity of the that a strength of the party is that the memCollege’s academic program by forcing his bers are of good educational backgrounds. resignation. On this point I agree but I would not vouch The unwillingness of the Board to deal for the intellectual standards of all university honestly and openly with Dr. Towler’s status graduates. Your second and third points are at the College is only perpetuating and incontradictory and impertinentrespectively. creasing the estrangement between themYour next claim is that the results could not selves, the faculty and administrative staff. be possible but your evidence is somewhat If the tremendous damage which has been less than conclusive. I did not deal with the done to the morale’ of the faculty and adprovincial PC party so I will not even answer ministrative staff, to the commitment of stuthat claim. Federally, “second place in the dents to the College, and to the sound deHouse of Commons” can be attributed to velopment of the College’s academic progvoting behaviour, number of parties in out ram during the past two years is to be repolitical system and countless other factors paired, then it is imperative that the Board except for the topic of my article. In your qegain the trust and confidence of the fathird point you once again reverse your culty, staff and students. Neither their atstand on the desireability of weIl educated tempts to disguise Dr. Towler’s resignation party members. This last claim of yours, as nor their unilateral action in determining the though written about some other article, composition of the search committee for a suggests that your concern about my article new Principal are positive steps in this direcis nothing more than a desire to get sometion. thing off your chest, “the propaganda jndocThe Board must be fully aware of the untrination and brainwashing attempt by the tenable position they have placed the faculty AIA controlled chevron is not going to in for the forthcoming academic year and the work.” implications this raises for the quality of The final comment probably best illuseducation which students will receive at the trates the author’s intentions. The same perCollege. The resignation of the College’s son who distorted the term “worker” to suit current Academic Dean at the end of Auhis own purpose now claims “Pleet really gust, the failure of the Board to respond conmade me laugh when he pointed out that structively to faculty efforts to find a rethere were no delegates under the age of 15”. placement and to provide a period of overI propose that this statement has saved me lap, and the rather ambivalent position of Dr. an attack on .my intelligence and saved the Towler as a kind of lame-duck Principal for readers a comprehensive listing of the politithe next year all indicate that the administracal attributes of the under 15 age group. tive load directed at the Faculty Council will I rest my case. I can best take from my only increase further. This increasecin the critic’s own words in concluding “It is the faculty’s administrative load will only re- -people who choose the partyfhey join.” duce their time and energy for course prepP Brian Ple’et arations, student consultations and research. The students are clearly the real and most important losers in’ this whole affair. The faculty have on a number of occasions made it clear to the Board that the resignaIn response to S’alah Bachir’s letter of June tion or non-renewal of Dr. Towler’s contract 25: is not going to resolve automatically the Forrestal, one of twelve members of problems of the College. It seems the Board Truman’s cabinet, thinks U.S. involvement are determined to make this come true. in partition was scandalous. None of the Peter Westaway other cabinet ministers, nor Truman, nor his Renison College vice-president, express any such sentiment, but, when one’s case is as flimsy as Bachir’s, even one out of twelve has to be trumpeted as a great victory. Nevertheless, Bachir goes on to state that “only Liberia and the Philipines sucThis letter is in answer to a comment entitled “Class Collision” published in the cumbed”. By his own admission, then, chevron. As author of the article “How to Bachir is stating that “U.S. Imperialism” Identify A Canadian PC” I feel that it is my -did NOT create Israel - had Liberia and place to reply. c the Philipines voted against, the vote Instinctively my reply is that your critiwould still have been 31 to 12, far in excism is directed to the wrong place. You feel cess of the two-thirds majority required. very strongly aboutmy identification of the As for Israel not getting the support of any unrepresentative characteristics of the PC African country, it did get the support of party. I did not by any means, directly or Liberia. A look at the countries who voted indirectly make any comparison of the PC against partition is instructive - the six party to any other political organization. Arab states: Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen; four non-Arab The purpose of my article was to determine the composition of one political. party. My Moslem states: Afghanistan, ,Pakistan, Iran, article did not encompass any comparison; and Turkey; plus India, Greece, and Cuba. therefore how can you criticize me by quesAside from Egypt, there is notone African

Zionism

PC3a Class

country in that list. On it, however, are Turkey, which “the Palestinians heroically rose to overthrow” (Bachir, March 5), and Iran, presently home of a “fascist dictator who holds more than a hundred thousand political prisoners” (Bachir, June 25). It is also interesting to note that “U.S. Imperialism” was applied with such diligence that it could not even sway Cuba, surely the one country in the world (at that time) with which it should have had no difficulty. Also, the Soviet Union under Josef Stalin votedlfor partition, and was the second nation to grant diplomatic recognition to Israel. I will have to take Marlene Webber’s and Henry Crapo’s word for it (chevron, April 2) that Stalin was a true socialist in the AIA’s view. So, Salah, why did heso openly support, “racism”? Perhaps he was just interested in furthering the cause of “U.S. Imperialism”??? Which law is it, Salah; which “forbids Arabs to dwell. . . on 90% of the agricultural land”? As for the claim that Palestinians are denied all social welfare rights, they are certainly provided with schooling, and the right to travel to and from Jordan. As regards medical care, you seem so fond of quoting U.N. reports that I thought you would cer’ tainly quote the report to the World Health Organization by Senegal, Indonesia (neither of whom -maintains diplomatic ties with Israel) and Romania. The report is extremely favourable to Israel, but I guess that you, like. the W.H.O. have already rejected the report (with no reason given). It seems reasonable to assume that no health care scheme could be described at all favourably if the people for whom it is intended cannot afford to use it. The explanation is that the Military Administration foots the entire bill in Gaza, and most of it in the West Bank. If you intend to quote Talmudic Law, Salah, please be so kind as to provide the name of the tractate on which your argument is based, and not the opinion of some buffoon as to what it says. I know that you think that anti-Zionism is not anti-Semitism; BUT WILFUL DISTORTION AND MISREPRESENTATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF JUDAISM CAN BE INTERPRETED ONLY AS ANTI-SEMITISM. That is what you have done in point number 6 of your letter, Salah. Your blatant anti-semitismlshould be a source of shame to you. An apology is most certainly in order. Mark Buck did NOT mention his former &rote from Hamany in his latest letter. Once again, Bachir is making up the facts to suit his argument.-1 do wonder why Bachir keeps quoting the statement verbatim (three times to date) - I should certainly think that once . is too often. Many attempts were made to get Jews out of Europe during World War II. A lot of these attempts were to get Jews to safety in Palest’ e, but immigration quotas establishe CTat the insistence of the Palestinians caused the British to return them. Here was a case of people resident in a land preventing foreigners from entering it. It’s too bad you didn? give this, your real opinion on immig-

7

ration. to the Green Paner Commission. Salah. The only difference between the Jews then, and immigrants to Canada now, is that the Jews were in genuine need of somewhere to escape to. Palestine, however,-was not the only-place ’ to which Jews tried to escape. 769 Jews escaped to Istanbul on the Struma, but they were turned back into the Black Sea by the Turks. There, their boat was torpedoed by the Germans with the loss of every life but one. Another ship, bearing 318 passengers had to return to Germany because its passengers had no visas for any Black Sea port. Similar events occured throughout the war. Many other attempted escapes were initiated by the-Zionists. Hannah Senesch and Enzo Sereni, prominent Zionists, along with others too numerous’to mention, were captured by the Germans on such missions and executed. Zionists were prominent in the French resistance, which helped many Jews escape to Spain and Switzerland. Jose Aboulker organized the Algerian resistance. As for Kastner’s “collaboration”, it seems evident, Salah, that you wanted as many Jews killed as possible. I personally favour the saving of as many lives as possible, if trucks were all that was required as ransom. Kastner was involved in negotiation to save lives, not collaboration to have lives taken away. The negotiations failed, in the end, because Anthony Eden, the British’ Foreign Secretary, refused to supply the trucks, and the Jewish Agency had none to supply. It was NOT due to failure on the part of the Jewish Agency to try to free them. If you’re looking for examples of collaboration, however, you could do worse than to mention the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. He was the acknowledged leader of the Palestinians before the war. Then, he spent the entire war in Berlin as Hitler’s guest. After the war, he returned to Palestine TO HIS FORMER POSITION. I hope everyone who’s been reading these columns has been noticing Bachir’s “style” ofargument. I ASK him the source of one of his statements, and, in his reply, he states, “Leibman . . . never bothered to check the sources”. He has, in previous letters, called me a liar for making statements which are unquestionably true \ (typical example: I stated that the U.S. was not on the committee which recommended partition, and Bachir replied,’ “ Another strange historical incident inv&ted by Leibman.“) . I have been called a racist, although I have confined my arguments to historical inaccuracies and logical fallacies in Bachir’s arguments, and have not made any statements which could even vaguely be accused of racism. Last letter, I was called a “dog”. Of course, this is Bachir’s style - if all else fails, try namecalling. I can hardly wait to see what label he has in store for me next time. Oh yes, Salah, I almost forgot. Still no comment on Transjordan’s annexation of the West Bank? Or Egypt’s of Gaza? Or the Palestinian majority in Jordan? Or the terrible carnage raging in Lebanon? Owen

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Leibman

thechh

Member: Canadian university press (CUP). The chevron is typeset by members of the workers’ union of dumont press graphix and published by the federation of students incorporated, university of Waterloo. Content is the sole responsibility of the chevronceditorial staff. Offices are located in the campus centre; (519) 8851660, or university local 2331. More fuel for friends of the earth (and friends. of all god’s planets): How U.S. imperialism is polluting Mars. For those more earth-bound, the chevron supplement on Angola will be worth pondering. Staff this week: ernest von bezolt, (aka ernst von bezold), sylvja hannigan, newly: hitched neil docherty, brenda Wilson, loris gervasio, john IWrriS, jacot, arseneaulf, Steve izma, val moghadam, adrian rodway, Iounsberry, satah bachir, Chris jones, ray clement, who dropped in most fortuitously, and me Id. \

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