1969-70_v10,n60_Chevron by Editor Imprint

volume 10: number 60

UNIVERSITY

OF WATERLOO,

Waterloo,

Ontario 147n

argued that it perpetuates male “A crowd of over 500 people came supremacy and can only be chan. to the campus center on wednesged by “abortion/ on demand. ” day, march 25 to hear the panel Robinson’s method of ‘a”voiding discussion on birth ’ control and this question was to make proabortion. . Although most of the, audience ’ fessorial and chauvinistic r,emarks (usually in some form of was there to learn about the var-’ cute little joke aimed at the ious aspects of use and availability of birth control and abortion, 7 questioner ) . His entire attitude exactly those characseveral people were not content I displayed teristics %which were being pointed to sit passively and listen to what out in the’questions. can and cannot be done about unSoon after the question period wanted pregnancy. ; These few people asked why started it was pointed out that there is a large discrepancy beabout a lot of things and in the tween . the availability of aborprocess of their questioning and ti&g. iti, London and in the Kitwell informed ,.examples brought chener- Wa &loo’ area. out rriany of the paternalistic and George Clark, a. local obstetchauvinistic attitudes, moral prerician and gynecologist, joined * judices and profit motives of the panel members and the medical the panel at this point to defend the area doctors against charges. profession at large. - j Before’ the question .period that they were applying their own started the panelists, each had a morals to their patients and igi 1 noring the legislation available in chance to say how they viewed Canada. ‘birth control and abortion. ,-Later Clark defended the Martin r Robinson, an obstetri“board” method of approving cian .from London, led off the panabortions on the grounds that -.el presentations placing stress on “doctors do assume some responthe position that prevention, iibility” and of ten have to “search, through a program of’ birth control and sterilization, is, vastly their consciences” when granting an abortion. Clark. also felt that preferable to abortion. The stress doctors should be able to refuse on- _prevention was , continued to do even a legal abortion be‘throughout the evening. The birth control and abortion discussion * proved to be ‘ndt so open and frank’ as kxpected cause it was “a filthy job”. The second speaker was Jack One woman, who works at the when panelists were unable (or unwilling) to answer import&t questions from the audience, Thurlow, a counsellor from the birth control center at the Uni_ Universityof Western Ontario. versity of. Toronto, claimed that L , He felt that the problem, of undoctors profit from the restricl wanted pregnancies could not be tions on abortion. She cited figsolved by liberalization of the l j -use of -birth control and abortion. ures from Bill Baird, a supporter L of unrestricted birth control and I “People just don’t know ‘about abortion on demand, which show human sexuality, they’re not as SUDBURY (CUP) -- Sixty-students at LaurenAt Saturday’s meeting, the senators +eiterated that illegal abortions are the sophisticated as they think they tian University, demanding the resignation of Presidemands that they had made for many months that are”, he said. I“Glib prescription third largest racket in the U.S. It dent Stanley Mullins, agreed to continue their OC- they be included in financial decision-making and is largely practicing doctors who of the birth control pill is just as cupation of the administration lobby at least till long-term planning.. bad as total refusal. ” Perform and Profit from illegal after a joint meeting including the committee of Until $e decision has been made, virtually every John McGarry, a lawyer, also abortions. senators, governors and students. The meeting was group at Laurentian is. in ‘opposition to the governors, , She alSO cited an example Of &h&led.fOr y&e&y. from London, explained the laws Interviews with students and faculty members in/ of Canada as they apply to abor- f doctors charging up to 500 dollars Scott Merrifield, one of the leaders of the, ocdupadicated that they supported the student occupation tion. just to take a woman’s case before tion said that the students want the meeting to conand senate demands. The only legal abortion is called the existing hospital board, firm, Mr. Mullins’ resignation, establish a presidenEdward Lanfranconi, a drug salesman before he a therapeutic abortion and must . and that doesn’t even guarantee tial search committee with student and faculty memreturned to Laurentian for further education, said * be‘ performed in an -accredited that she’ll get an abortion. hers, and give assurance that the university’s govhe thought the demands were completely *justified The panelists’ only answer to -erning structure will be reformed. hospital. Therapeutic means the He said some students were turned off by the longthis was “there are some bad abortion is performed because ’ In mid-March the senate voted non-confidence in ’ haired appearance of many of the demons#@itors continued pregnancy could endan: % apples in every group.” both Mr. Mullins and in the executive committee but did not oppose their demands. Although the panelists were1 f or t urning down the request ger the life or health of the mothmade by Mr. Mullins Vice-president Cloutier stated, “‘The mood of -the and more polisher. I The decision as to whether or much smoother for a two year sabbatical which would have signalled senate’s, motion. . . reflected the mood of the whole ed in- their methods of public not a woman’s condition is severe he1s permanent departure from the president’s office. university. ’’ speaking than the people asking enough’to rate an abortion is made The senate condemned the governors for continued Ray Johnson, an English’ professor, who considquestions it seems that. they left by a board of three physicians. refusal to hold .a meeting concerning the senate’s ered himself as a normally conservative person ’ .quesWhen the discussion period be- a lot of really important motion of non-confidence in the president and the said he felt he had little choice. gan the%first thing that was pointed tions unanswered. board’s executive committee. \ “What can we do,” he stated, “with a board of govThere were only about a dozen out was the absence of women on At this time., individual, senators disclosed to governors that’s completely unresponsive? We can’t .” the panel. Later this was expandpeople (nearly all women) who ernors that the university community had lost unseat the provincial Governrnent which appoints _ ed and it was charged that it is . them.“. ’ thought the .questions* important faith in Mr. Mullins beginning in early February. enough to struggle about. One usually a group of three men who i I decide whether or not a woman member of the audience remarked “I don’t understand why more should’ be allowed to have an Several people \ came people aren’t angry about this abortion. situation and it won’t be changed back to this very important aspect until they are.” ’ of our present legal system and

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year. Each camp lasts tw.o weeks Calinp Columbia, the summer and accommodates 50 kids. project organized by Uniwat students last year, is looking forward Allen feels the successful existo bigger things this summer. tence of last year’s camp demonA staff of 15 counsellors has, al- strated the need in the area for a ready been chosen, and has been =summer camp for underpiivibusy organizing this year’s camp. leged children. The kids are slec“AS Usual, Our biggest Problem ted by means of referrals froh at the moment is fund raising,” welfare and. children’s aid organ’ said staffor Jim Alle-n. iza tions. “To ‘date, we have roughly one The camp philosophy of unthird,of the 17,500 dollars required structured activity, emphasizing to run the camp,” he said. The cooperation as opposed to the money has arrived in the form of competition prevalent at most

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personaldonations,pubproceeds, othercampsremainsintact.

button sales and a 4,000 dollar grant from the Federation of Students: Other difficulties, such as charitable org&ization. status, camp site rental, and licensing are close to being overcome. The camp organizers hope to operate for eight long weeks this summer, twice as ,long as last . A

The -camp’organizers also hope they will be able to utilize university facilities to an even greater extent than last year. Allen said there is still much to be done and invited anyone interested in helping the camp in any way to drop into their office in room 226 in the campus center. subscription

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Federation f ejects booking proposal The Federation of Students has taken up the gauntlet and decided to challenge an administration proposal for a new bookings policy. During Wednesday’s council meeting Federation President Larry Burko presented a memorandum to the administration of his proposal concerning the bookings policy. He suggested that the events that draw student audiences and that have any form1 of revenue would come under the bookings policy of the federation. Further, he wanted the number of events by a group, exclusive of the federation and the society weekends, to be limited to five events per term. Individuals could receive no salary for promoting or organizing the events, must be a member of the sponsoring group and may only belong to one sponsoring group per term. The maximum honorarium for an individual organising the event would be $150 for major weekends and $25 for single events. A fine of four months cancelled bookings would be enforced should the group not comply with the federation booking policies. Burko then presented a draft proposal made to him by Jack Brown, ancillary enterprises chairman. In the draft, Brown outlined that student groups would be allowed use of the university buildings twice a month, that bookings would be accepted on a 90. day lead time basis, that winter weekend, summer weekend, orientation and homecoming would have priority over other events and that normally only one facility could be reserved for one event, with the exception of the four major functions above.

The other present policies of the bookings office would remain in effect. This would allow persons wishing to hold conferences and seminars to make their plans as much as two years in advance. Brown felt that his proposal would satisfy the requirements of all groups on campus and at the same time provide maximum service to the majority of students. The system will go into effect as of mayl. The discussion that ensued indicated that most of the members were not in favor of the draftbecause it would allow the small time capitalists to maximize the use of the buildings to the tune of a handsome profit of one to two thousand dollars per month. They would not have to pay for the use of the buildings as they would if they had to rent a hall or auditorium off campus. The council members expressed the concern that this would bring in the entreprenuers by the dozens and not allow student groups the opportunity to make the most use of the buildings on campus. A motion expressing displeasure with the policy was moved by vicepresident Rick Page and arts rep Jennifer MacDonald. The motion read that “if the administration persists in this policy and legal interpretation fails, the Federation of Students censure the administration and put the case to the students and confront the administration with the students’ demands.” The legal interpretation refers to the agreement between the federation and the university when the federation was incorporated. Council members supported the motion as it was carried unanimously.

It’ sure seems funny, but early in the morning when nobody’s around to watch, great gobs of black smoke pour out of PP&P’s stack. Perhaps they don’t want people to worry about air pollution on campus.

Hiring

Campus center turnkeys have voiced displeasure recently over the hiring policies of the center manager, Carol Tuchlinsky . At a meeting held april 1st turnkey Peter Desroches outlined proposals-which he hoped would be endorsed by fellow turnkeys and forwarded to the campus center board-removing hiring au thori ty from the manager as well as changing the composition of the board itself. Two days later Desroches was fired, allegedly for not adhering to board security policy concerning locking of certain doors. Tuchlinsky, who stated she would be happy to see the board

CmmciI still juggling Wednesday’s council meeting decided that the Creative arts board should be given an extra 8,200 dollars subsidy in order to establish the subsidy at 13,200 dollars. In the past, the board has received a considerably greater amount (last year the CAB budget was 23,035 dollars) but there has been a growing feeling in the federation that the students had little control over this expenditure and that too much was being spent on such things as professional entertainment which was of greater interest to the community in general rather than a special interest to the students. The council ammended the bylaws concerning the structure of the creative arts board, mainly reducing its size to facilitate greater student control. The budget differs from last year’s mainly in the reduced allocation to funds directed to professional entertainment and the sponsoring of gallery display. The federation hopes that administration will provide grants for these services. The additional money for the creative arts board was taken from the budget for the major weekend events (summer, winter and homecoming) and orientation,. The report from the salaries and honoraria committee recommended to council that Larry Burko be eligible for 110 dollars a week in the summer ;I 80 dollars for full time orientation chairman and 25 dollars for part time federation _ president. Burko has said in the past that

he would only accept an 80 dollar a week salary. Despite his objections, Glen Berry, math rep, who co-authored the report argued that 110 dollars a week didn’t look very high in comparison to co-op computer science salaries that he has held, and that Burko had every right to the salary in view of his two jobs that he holds. The council ceased debating the issue and passed the report when Burko reaffirmed

IS students At a march 26 meeting integrated studies students voted to dismiss their three resource persons, Jack Gray, Keith Rowe and Alice Kohler . On the issue of dismissal, neither Gray nor Rowe managed to muster a single vote, whilst Alice Kohler garnered three to justify her $16,000 salary. The students’ profound dismay with the resource teachers has been growing steadily since december when Gray told them he would resign if professor George Haggar were appointed to IS. In the past six weeks or so Gray has been seen on campus only a few times though he is being fully paid for rendering no services. He is reported to be busy in Toronto producing a play. Keith Rowe has not had a single student working with him since january and Kohler who began with seven students in the fall, now sees three periodically. .

policy

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relieve her of hiring and firing responsibilities, denied there was any reason for Desroches’ dismissal other than a- breach of policy. She said she had made the decision only after “consultation with a few board members”, and that Desroches’ negligence had cast doubts upon his trustworthiness as a turnkey. Desroches, who does not plan to appeal to the board, commented “Whatever is going on, and few people really know, it seems that anyone proposing any sort of change will receive the axe.” Desroches’ proposals came soon after the summer turnkey ‘list was announced in which one

turnkeys new person and one other, who had not worked as a turnkey since October each were given 20 hours work per week in preference over two turnkeys who have been on regular staff for over a year. These regular staff members were offered only stand-by positions, as was a non-student. Many turnkeys expressed the feeling that appointments should have been made on the basis of seniority and that other regular turnkeys should have received the jobs that will go to the three “new” personnel. When asked for comments, one turnkey refused to comment specifically for fear of “losing my job”.

budget. priorities

that he would waive the right to salary over and above 80 dollars a week. Cyril Levitt, chairman of council’s committee on research in the university outlined what the committee had accomplished to date. He had written a letter to Jim ,Tomecko, director of research asking that the letters of application which members of the university. community have sub-

vote

mitted concerning the nature of their research be made public. Levitt expressed his opinion that since the name of the university was implicated in the research on campus and since the descriptions made public were too simple, that the applications would afford a more precise description of what was really going on on campus. In reply to the letter, Tomecko wrote back that he was unwill-

to dismiss

Disenchantment with the resource people and their highhanded authoritarianism were the cardinal causes for the ouster vote. At a tumultous meeting the students were informed that the three resource people had promised last summer that they would resign if and when the students voted a censure motion against them. This the students did, almost unanimously. Instead of resigning as promised, Rowe and Rohler in a memorandum to the inter faculty council dated april 2, proposed the dissolution of IS as it now exists and along more its restructuring reactionary lines. In addition the report recommends that no faculty member not already associated or associable with the university be aaffiliated with IS. This recommendation refers specifically to the status of Hag-

ing to release the applications because as he put it, “this is the privilege of the applicants concerned. ” As a result of the discussion, ti motion by Burko and engineering rep Rich Lloyd was put forth. It read “that council mandate the executive to send a letter reaffirming the federation’s concern over the type of research going on, at the university. ” The motion carried.

profeisors

gar who is currently a visiting professor at IS. Haggar, a controversial political and social theorist has been teaching a class in Canadian political and social theory, the only functioning seminar at IS. Students, both in and outside IS have been flocking to his seminars and most are favorably impressed Recently, over with his work. thirty students signed a petition requesting Haggar’s full time appointment and’ were assured by academic vicepresident Jay Minas that a decision would be made by apri12. The Kohler-Rowe brief has further stalled a decision by bringing about the postponement of tuesday’s meeting between IS management committee and the inter-faculty council. The meeting had been called to study briefs regarding proposals for admission procedures for next year, as well as the hiring and

firing of faculty and the granting of degrees. The meeting has now been postponed indefinitely and students are worried. that this is a deliberate move to sidestep the issues, and face with them with a fait-accompli in September. They are also upset with the Rowe-Kohler brief which recommends that IS be split into two units, namely the Waterloo Fellows and the Group Action unit. The former offers a watered down version of the credit system. taken at the student’s own pace, while the latter offers nothing except the occasional use of a roorn to hold seminars in. Most students see this proposal as an attempt to isolate the more radical faction in IS and to render them powerless by depriving them of any say in the operation of the <department. The brief now goes to the inter faculty council for further study and hopefully an early decision. friday

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“The objective of the Front de Gagnon, who has been out of jail. probably grow very fast. ” h ‘Liberation d/e Quebec, make an for a month, having spent the Gagnon was asked if he felt that ’ r 4 independent socialist society in last three and-a half years behind the tactics of the FLQ were the Quebec. ” says gacques Langlais, bars, has had five trials of which He replied that it right ones. ,I a member of the FLQ who spoke two ended with hung juries, two must be taken into account tha-t 1 wi thaquittals and one conviction ’ the struggle is just beginning and ! to’a small gathering in the campus _ bentec Wednesday? march 25.> for conspiracy to commit robwill be a long one. “Now it’s just Langlais and Charles Gagnon bery. The charge carries a maxagitation, ‘and things will not conare ,on’ a speaking tour of Canada imum two year sentence. tinue the same%n the future. The whose purpose is to tell nonLanglois said that the release of tactics of the FLQ were effective * Quebecois of the activiti& Gagnon proves that Quebec as political agitation. - of: the FLQ and to enlist support for authorities are holding Vallieres . When asked‘ how one could get their struggle. ” , . ’ illegally since they were both information _ on the activities of’ v The main objective of liberation charged on the same evidence. the FLQ, Gagnon I said that Yal’ straggles, said L+nglois~ is to give Innovember, the ,FLQ demanded lieres has written a book to be This, j all ’ power &K the people. the release of Vallieres and Gagpublished soon called White means that ‘the basic units of non’ and the ” dismissal of Remi Nigger of &nerica , which exs&i&y,workers, Stirdents,, ‘and Paul, ’ Quebec’s minister of plains the struggle in Quebec: ., \ justice. The current speaking . tour is also to get support from ‘other Canadian militants for Operation Vallieres, a ’ demon- I stration on may i5 to seek _his release from jail. Langlois described how “police would invade the premises of a leftist - .group *and seize lists of names \and ,addresses -with a warrant .to search ,for explosives. He said he has been charged, three times with contempt, as well as various,sedition charges. He said thatthe accusing of Gag? -non for murder, was a political act and they have pleaded with the Quebec government to proceed on the sedition charges in order to make them political trials Jagues Langlois : as they should be.’ other proletarians would adminHe said that they have succeeded ister themselves. This implies a in making the arrests af Vallieres complete change in capitalistimperialist power structures, -he and Gagnon tools for showing’the liberation struggle, and he belieyes I ‘said, and the FLQ seeks to release that the Quebec population is Quebec fr6m’ the hold America behind them. The FLQ is organhason it. , ’ izing public meeting with Quebec “All oppressed minorities must , workers, and believe. that the . get,, together to fight American workers understand their degree imperialism, ” he‘ told the group, of alienation and exploitation, in adding that all exploited workers that they are turning away from are oppressed minorities, inthe electoral system. “The FLQ cluding white anglo-saxon prohas. offered Quebec political intestants. but like Brazil, dependence, ‘ ‘Liberation struggles are making the world aware of alien? ating and exploiting structures, and it is possible there will be radical changes, made in the next few years.” He went on to say that he doesn’t pretend that . a small group/such as the FLQ will make the revolution. Langlois then described what the FLQ has been doing in Quebec ’ since 1963. “Our main object is ’ to reach the population and help . them see the true dimension of .their alienation and exploitation * i;1 Propaganda is a ‘difficult means because we are up against the . bourgeois press”. As an’example,, , he said that if the FLQ issued, propaganda, press release, it ‘Charles Gagnon L mieht a make naee 48 of the MonBolivia and Guatemala, we’re \ treal Gazette: wuhereas a bombing still American colonies. However of the Montreal Stock Exchange we think there are many who will . would get front-page treatment. “Bombings helped the workers join the struggle’.” Gagnon described the movement to identify the enemy.” he stated. . Langlois then related the case in Quebec as a war. “There are wars on this continent,” he said, of two FLQ members, ’ Pierre “Quebec’s liberation, black libI Vallieres and Charles Gagnon, eration, Puerto Rican liberation l who were arrested in k966 after and Indian liberation.< The war in other members of the FLQ were I Quebec is real. It’s just beginnarrested for attempted armed . ing, but it’will grow,‘.’ robbery. \/ -. He said that after two centuries, At the time, Vallieresand Gag.\ non were in the United States on a Quebec -has had enough of colonization. He said it is not easy to speaking tour. When they heard # be french in Canada. of the arrests, they began a hunHere in Waterloo, he said he ger strike and picketed for two i days in front of the United Nations. must speak english, whereas an english Canadian can speak ‘his They were arrested and charged own language in -Montreal. “I had with ‘disturbing. the. peace and to learn the language of the masillegal entry into the U.S.; They ter, the economic and political were held for three and a half I t master.” months without e,ver being taken He said that the Quebec struggle to court. When they were released, they is not only a fight to defend and were immediately picked up by &Protect its own culture, but also American immigration authorto organize the social and econities and turned over to the MonOmiC life to its own advanfage. ‘He said there will be: agitation j treal police who charged them in ‘North America in ‘the next few with murder, manslaughter, conyears. spiracy to murder and three “In Quebec, things are t;’ such, that the fight cannot be charges of planting bombs. Their trials are still going on. stopped. It is going on and it will , r

con@mmy .I -

MAGAZINE ..K/ '"-

Applications are-invited for the position of EDITOR / of Compendium Magazine for 1970-71. i

\ Applications should be kbmitted to-the chairman, Board of publications by Friday, April 24,197O. . I

Board of Pubs \

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Fed of Studetits .,

B - B - - -

FIGHT POLLUTION

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1. Consider whether you are a basically creative person ; 2. Consider whether you would be willing to lend your talents to the creation of an exciting community life ; 3. Consider being a don at Renison College (which is not your ordinary, runofthemill don) ; 4. Contact Renison College about what would be so unusual about being a don there ; 5. Do not litter: keep this ad close to your body at all times. 6. Deadline: April 13, 1970, (for applying not littering ) w-s---

EAT DISPOSABLE

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A meeting of the U of T’s Encounter and Tea group, held in the corridor of Simcoe Hall, decided to show sensitivity toward mothers and babies by occupying the senate chamber.

Day

care

TQRONTO(CUP)Following a two day occupation of Simcoe Hall, the University of Toronto’s administration building, members and supporters of U of T”s day care centre cooperative won a major victory in their battle for funds from the university, to improve and guarantee the existence of day care facilities for its students, staff and faculty. The occupation started on march 25 following a noon rally of about 100 mothers, babies, students and faculty, where they discussed the history of the day care centre and action that must be taken to assure its existence in the future. The group then decided to march to Simcoe Hall to talk to the president Claude Bissell. By the time they had reached the building the ranks had swollen to 250. After a delegation met with Bissell, who said he would not meet with the demonstrators, they decided to occupy the senate room in Simcoe Hall until their demands were met. With mothers and babies first, the demonstrators stormed the building. The campus police

I pick up every little thing I need, From cosmetics to prescriptions at a VERY REASONABLE price

wins

funds

offered a little resistance but not wanting to hurt the babies, eventually let the demonstrators pass. At 5:30 pm Bissel finally made an appearance. He suggested two possible ways of providing support for the day care centre: a long term commitment by the board of governors to give finan_cial support to the centre or a short term grant from the varsity fund. He went on to say that he could not guarantee either of these until he had met with the Board. The students were not too pleased with this and decided to remain in the building until a solution had been reached. After spending the night in the building, the demonstrators were finally greeted by Bissell once again the next afternoon. He related to them that he had met with the board and that a grant of $2000 would be made to the day care centre. The day care centre in question was that at 12 Sussex drive in Toronto. The money was needed for renovations necessary in order to have the building pass the government regulations. An examination of the Day

Care Centre’s brief history is a chronology of frustration : 0 At the initiative of the Toron to Women’s Liberation Movement, the Students’ Administrative Council asked the U of T administration to provide facilities to establish a day care centre for its employees and students. l They were disarmed by an unexpected response of sympathy and promises of help from Simtoe Hall. But after meetings with Prof. Don Forster, U of T Vice-Provost and Executive Assistant to the President, and with Brian Levitt, his special assistant, the day-care organizers were told that the administration could not help. They were referred to Crown Trust, who handles all U of T rental arrangements. l On their own initiative, the or ganizers phoned Crown Trust, who said there weren’t any houses available. 0 They walked up and down the street in the university area and found that the Crown Trust house at 12 Sussex Ave. was empty. l When the organizers asked Crown Trust about the empty house, the rental agents said it would be torn down in a few months and that the wiring was unsafe. l By this time, applications for day-care had been received from parents of over 40 children, and the organizers agreed to take the house even under the limited conditions. l A housing inspector said the wiring in the house had been installed two years ago and was safe. e About 20 parents and the organizers met Thursday September 18 and decided they were fed up with the university. They agreed to occupy the house. There was a broken window in the back door. They spent the weekend painting and cleaning the house. The university could not however guarantee occupancy. At first they offered assistance in trying to find a new residence but soon this helpful cooperation deteriorated to one of bureaucratic stubborness. The day care people and their supporters then resolved that if it took an occupation to get the building it would probably take an occupation to keep it. The demands of the demonstrators were fourfold: that the university guarantee space for the centre; that larger, safer accommodation be provided; that the university undertake necessary renovations ; and that the rent be free. The occupiers felt that the grant from the board of governors adequatelysatisfied these demands. friday

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-I+ . tIn 1968 ithappened at Ther&otex Wind-a scab is a strange <animal. There are a <.’ _ ‘ows of Canada&i 1969 it happened at Wiefew that are just so mean and low’that ner Electric.” The.story was the same at / being one of the scumof the earth doesn’t both plants. , * really matter to,‘them so long as they get j ’ The workers in these factories had gone money for it. But, there are many others \ f ;on strike. They were fighting for higher of this ‘breed who do usually give reasons .k wages, union recognition and job security for doing it. ( In other words,, they were asking, in the Why Scab? \i: only way that w s left open to them, to When they first took the job, the stuget the kind of t% ings needed to support dents were told that it was an illegal /’ themselves and- their families in this dogstrike and that they therefore . weren’t ^ eat-dog kind of society. ’ really scabbing. They were .also given the j Most of the workers were skilled craftsline that these plants always hire extra men. They worked hard, like most other summer help, and. that they weren’t acmen and women in the work force, to protually taking jobs from anyone. Yet, it was especially difficult for the . duce’ the goods that keeps this country ’ alive .and growing. All they were asking picketers to get thestudents to understand’ for was a share of the -wealth they prothe damage they were doing and to get duce daily. &it the bosses were only them to stop crossing the picket line -and . paying their employees a little more give up scabbing. It was really hard for b then the poverty line minimum‘ wage of two reasons: Ontario, although a’ few of the workers, In’the first place the kind of education got, almost $2 an hour; hardly enough to the students get makes it almost imposeven survive on in thi.s affluent, “just” sible for them to understand the problems I I society. of -workers and, in-the second place, even . Yet something ~else happened, at th,ese if they’did understand there were prestwo plants. Scabs were brought into keep sures being put on them not to do anything /’ the place going and to try and break the, aboutit. I j strikes. And, because’ it was late spring, Most students’ attitudes towards workmany of the scabs were students. Although ing people are -abstract and negative. I I lacking any previous skilled training, al- : They have very little contact with the’daymost all of these strikebreakerswere paid to-day life‘of the people who work in fata lot more than the regular employees. tories, on construction sites,, or in offices. Why1 would students scab? ~Why would Most of the knowledge of the struggles of they steal the jobs and the pay that belong earning a wage and just surviving in this : to others? Why would they side with the” society,, as a, result, come to students bosses who were trying to deny their emfrom what they are taught indirectly. ployees the weapon of union protection? ’ Thus when the boss told the students It is a hard question to answer because that the picketers were free to work if ,

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had some a&u/ with a corkscrew glue. Where othis a traitor to his.

So”;

. After ‘God had finished. the rattlesnake, -,fhe toad atid the ‘vampire, he substance left with which he mede a scab; A scab is a two-legged animal Spul, a waterlogged brain anda tiombinatiofi -backbone .mad& of je/ly and ers have hearts he carribs a’ tumo,ur of rqtteh principles. A strikebreaker ’ God, his cquntry, his family and his class.’ . ‘A I

\ a

. / R!

c&&e&

Jack

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/. .

/ . if they don’t get a job the assistance pro’ gram automatically expects each stud‘ent to have earned and saved a certain amount of money according to the amount qf education of each student- (eg. a third year engineering student is expected to save $500 whether or not be got a job for the summ_er ) .

they wanted to and that the workers on 4 the picket line were not allowihg free acI “cess to the plant to those who wanted to work for the company, the students by-and -large bought these eighteenth century ideas about employment and freedom. J ’ Because the students weren’t aware of the crap that people get every &ay as they sweat for a decent living wage in payment Thus during a time when the economy is for. all of the wealth they create, these i in trouble, students are forded to compete summer-time scabs didn’t know that the with working people for scarce jobs. Refreedom they were supporting was not grettably, students become prime scab that of the workers but that of the bosses: material as they have -willingly resolved’ it was the freedom to squeeze every cent their money problems by stealing the jobs out of every minutes’ labour of their emof strikers rather than putting pressure on ployees, with little or no concern for the ‘the government to make changes in the security or working and living conditions educational assistance programs., In the of the employees or their .f amilies. long run both the students and the workThis kind of freedom may be okay in ers lose. . the jungle but it should not exist in our so-.’ ’ . called just society. , , - This sum_mer promises to be the worst .,+ Sometimes, however, the men and womin the last twelve years, as far as sumen on the picket line, although pushed ar’ mer employment prospects are concernound by 1the police, got through to the ed. This means that once again many strike-breaking students and explained students will likely consider scabbing as \ all this to them. A few quit, but many-of one means of solving their dilemma. Sad \ the students. still crossed the line. The I to say, there is little indication of presreason they ‘gave was that they had to sure coming from any other source to get money in order to go back to school. solve this problem. This leaves the ZstuT dent four ways out:, ) ’ The reason for this is the high costof education and the nature of student aid. Bea:) a student can scab / sides discriminating against kids . from b.) a student can swear, not to scabbun_working class .backgrounds, it means that der any circ;umstances) . during the .summer months, many stu: C. )-a student can hope for a temporary ‘dents depend on employment to get en‘recovery’ of capitalism. ough money to pay for the cost of their ’ d.) a student can try to end all of this and books; room and- :board. . ’ (tuition insanity by working for socialism in any If they* don’t make enough. money, stuway possible. dents can apply for student aid. Yet even The choice is yours. ,-

,’

, M

rate of Unemployment of ~execu- . in the K-W area, reaching a peak have lately come to foreign competition has deprived . tives! of 11,060 out of work in the last describe the present economic them of the expected markets. .__ week of February. .’ s&&ion ’ as a. “soft ’ economy”.. = The major demon ‘decried at Overall, ’ then, unemployment. . ‘This &lick phrase serves to cover , present is inflation.\ And, the Perhaps the most insane ai= I. over the hard reality the present * source of this unholy plague is pro- -’ increases are being consciously- pect. of the “punishing ‘the work- . ,1 I situation means for most people.: ’ claimed to ‘be exorbitant wage . caused. Government policies ‘and er” solution being used by the-fedhighprices, inadequate housing at - demands by labour. Hence, labour j ’ publicly announced with the ‘us; I _ inflateq rates, >andunemployment, , . is punished for its crime by being’ ual rationalititions being the s’ ’ Hardship and tension are likely to s_-unemployed through a combina,to the crisis in the American e& “hard times” and greedy labour - i be the outcome. The only softness ‘onomy. Our- well integrated (i.e. tiOll ‘Of gbVeRNTM?Ilt and” corporate . demands. So, working people are’ / is the ease +with --which some - actiiin . foreign owned) economy gets an .I blamed _and punished. with -fewer people in high positions throw off ext!a .heavy dosage Of’ the econ.The ‘facts are, however, thatthe. ;, jobs, and cutbacks in those, IiOW, terms like “soft economy” to desomit ills of the U.S. business dec-, -_ employed. roles , of saint George and the, - tribe the diffitiulties at hdnd for line. yet to think that the Trudeau Dragon are actually reversed; the majority ‘of ..Canadians, while or‘ Roberts government can in .The visible effect of all the athough labour is still. to be slain intentionally unemploying people any meaningful way, use ,its lim- f bove,has been evident in the KhW 1 * -‘.i- area in recent months. .Our local ’ The present rise in unemploy.be it as‘demon or dragon. ited fiscal and monetary policies merit is due to a,.complex of faCt. AS resorted by -the Toronto - ’ links (to tne US auto industry, are - to effect the present recession, I orson a general level. There has . .Globe,and Mail,; April 4,1970:.-3 the numei!ous; frames, springs, I ’ is to suggest that 1Iceland &n Cf% 1’ been a slight. oip in corporation- ‘, real income of exe~utivesincreas- cvalves, tires,-- and ‘upholstery, in really change NATO ‘colicy. . profits. Though, this dip, as stathd., ed by 10.1 percent in 1969.?At the , the person of Budd Auto, General , . Forecasts for this ‘summer a,nd ” ’ comes at *t&&d of an unpr.eeed- T same time the average weekly Spring, and others. The ,American . ented boom -and record profit lb‘wage in manufacturing industry auto industry is a, prime example I fall. do not show any encouraging . signs. Students finishing % & since 1959. Linked to this uny increased only 5.95 percent in <‘the of -,ai rapidly expanding’ industry school will -add greater pressure “c, . equalled ps‘ofit level have j been same year. In abtual dollars, 40, which ,has been caught in the. on ‘thgse already without work. fecord +&es of growth. The Budd Percent of all executives -now ’ squeeze of decreasing sales, due . I ”Auto I$6$‘million expansion is an earn over $20,900 per ‘year, up., to: high interest rates and ‘foreign . Layoffs will likely continue as , ~am$l@of this. At the same tim’e 9 percent from the previous year:- competition. Consequently,: .by- i-r ‘Our governments I bontinue the& jhriior chamber of commerce, ap&&&, many cprporations have And; at the same time; the avet‘. I orf.sin the US havb usually ‘been I . 1 fi~$,&$en &aught in a squeezeduo age wage in, manufacturing indus- ‘fallowed shortly by layoffs in the, . ./.proach to the?piroblems facing the ;. to ov&expansion. The expansions try is,$5650. - _, : local .feeder in&lstri,es ysuch-.as ’ .pe”ple OfCanada. ,L ; I *: _,_ , werojmade in the expectations of It :m.ust.be added that the latter “‘, I tit Budd, Gene@ Spri,ng,.and .the -/ This. could be, ‘the summer of .’ ever$&d rapidly, increasing markfig&s ‘only ‘apply to those who our -discontent and-Samuelson and “crash pad,. “&ep#$ment at-Uni-, x.-S -- ets$ Rowever, the‘ combination’. of. ‘tare working. There has no&been . royal with the ‘ominou&.‘.layo#fs. .’: Scott could become -~tgyrn@$+rs i ‘&$f&tiim, high interest rates and -’*Iany ’ ‘onthe welfare ro,lls; : , , : X 11:.<?. increase. noticed in the in late february--and. early m&&h . > .g&at “AL LI e’ . \ i Politicians

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Kids...~ and

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Little things are happening these days in room 207 of the campus center. a Several babies and their parents have come in to get a look at what could and hopefully will become the Waterloo Baby Commune. The baby care center has been operating for over a week. The babies are there. The mothers are ready and willing to both use the center and also contribute time and any other kind of assistance needed to get and keep it operating.

care

For example, Andy Tamas, integrated studies, the father of one of the babies has offered to do carpentry work building barriers for the doors and climbing and bouncing toys. Fire, health and zoning officials have given approval of the rooms as a site for a baby care cknter and also encouragement to get it going. Before an official license can be granted, the center must be observed in operation. The only stumbling blocks remaining for organizers Lesley

center

Buresh and Marie Kennedy are the gaining of approval from the campus center board and the university administration. The campus center board has expressed some hesitations on the long term assigning of campus center facilities. At present the rooms needed for the baby care center are used very rarely, with the exception of room 211A, the area designated for sleeping. This room is used frequently at night but only occasionally during the day. On these occasions other arrangements could hopefully be made without too much inconvenience. The university administration is concerned primarily with the legal responsibility of the university as a corporate body in such ventures as the baby care center. Safety officer Nick Ozaruk met yesterday with the university solicitors to see what extra coverage would be required to protect all involved from accident or ,liability. Ozaruk said Wednesday, that so far things looked favourable for the baby care center. Parking has also been a possible obstacle. However, Miss Buresh feels stopping on the ring road in , front of the campus centre for five minutes to deliver a baby should not cause traffic problems. Many people presently park in front of the building to use the. campus center bank. As the center is run on a loose schedule of use when the parents need it, no particular time will be very heavy for arrivals. A sub-committee of the campus center board is compiling all the information and will make recommendations to the board sometime in the next week or so. In the meantime the rooms in the campus center are open for anyone (and their babies) to drop in and visit.

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The graduating engineers of Uniwat received their iron rings at an annual ceremony conducted in the modern languages theatre by the wardens of camp fifteen. The ritual was first conceived nearly fifty years ago by Canadian engineers and has been copywritten as a strictly Canadian phenomenon. The -writing of the ‘script’ for the ceremony was commissioned to Rudyard Kipling - probably the greatest proponent of Imperialist aggression in the poetic community and the scenario was first performed at the University of Toronto. _The engineering recipients of the Ring stand beside an endless loop of chain (cold iron) during the preliminaries, which involve a few introductory comments and then the striking of the anvilsymbolizing steel, stone, and time. Following a reading from the fourth book of Azrad the representative of the graduating engineers asks for leave to speak to the camp. He is then questioned by the person officiating: “What do you know?” “Only that we know nothing.” “Are you familiar with the strength of materials? ” “More or less.” “And have you witnessed the ultimate breaking strain?” “No. Thank God! ” “Thank God! ” The camp warden, having thus assured himself that the engineers participating are sincere in their desire to. join the camp, commands-“ Lay hand on cold iron! ” The prospective recipients of the rings then grasp the chain at their feet and recite the obligation. “I, John Burns, in the presence of these my betters and my equals in my calling, bind myself upon my honor and cold iron, that to the best of my knowledge and polver, I will not henceforward suffer or pass, or be privy to the passing of, bad workmanship or faulty material in aught

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However, the one thing that is emphasized before the ceremony is that the obligation is meaningless It is a promise to try, as opposed to a promise to do, and as such is essentially ignored by all practising engineers. The only other substantive part of the ceremony is the receipt of the ring. This then *must be the part that has such serious overtones. But the ring is only a status symbol. It is something that an engineer can wear to tell people he is a professional, and it can be obtained without attending the ceremony. Thus, the real motives behind any individual’s attendance is very hard to determine. Enough information is available before the event to assure that the engineers about to attend are aware of the aura of witchcraft surrounding the receipt of the ring. Rationalizations for attendance vary from curiosity to “going for a laugh” to a noncommittal j shrug. But the fact remains that nearly everyone goes, and when they get back, talk about what happened is virtually non-existent. This unwillingness to discuss the ceremony can be attributed as much to embarrassment as to the desire to maintain secrecy. Actually, of course, it is this secrecy that allows the ceremony to exist. If everyone knew that “professional engineers” received their rings in the atmosphere of a combined cub scout-mason’s meeting the ridicule that would be heaped upon the profession would be so great that either engineers would become . professionals in the true sense of the world, or their perspectives would be corrected so that they could recognize themselves for the technicians they really are. Professionals serve society. Engineers serve industry. Until this indisputable fact is changed engineers cannot claim professional status, and all the iron rings in the world will not change that. The iron ring is either a symbol of the obligation, and if so symbolizes the hypocritical document of the century; or a symbol of status-something that the engineer doesn’t have and doesn’t deserve. Either way it is irrelevant and has no right to exist.

that concerns my works before men as an engineer, or in my dealings with my own soul before my maker. “My time I will not refuse; my thought I will not grudge; my care I will not deny towards the honor, use, stability and perfection of any works to which I may be called to set my hand. ‘*My fair wages for that work I will openly take. My reputation in my calling I will honorably guard; but l will in no way go about to compass or vvrest judgement or gratification from any ona with whom I may deal. And further, I will early and warily strive my uttermost against the professional jealws y or the belittling of - my working brothers, in any field of their labor. “‘For my assured failures and derelictions, I ask pardon before and of my betters and my equals in my calling here assembled; praying that in the hour of my temptations, weakness and weariness, the memory of this my obligation and of the company before whom it was entered into, may return to me to aid, comfort and restrain.

The assistant wardens then approach the newly obligated engineers and, placing the iron ring on the small. finger of the working hand, welcomes each one to the camp with the words, “May good luck be with you all the days you are in my calling, oh my brother! ’ The ritual is then ended on a more earthly note by asking if any business need be brought before the camp. The chief war.den’s parting words warn that, although the ceremony is not a secret one, details of the proceedings are not topics for discussion outside the camp. At this point the unsmiling, obligated, engineers freshly file quietly out of the theatre and back to the pub. The outstanding thing about the Kipling ritual is not so much the contrived paganistic atmosphere, or the masonic preoccupation with secrecy, but rather the fact that until this year the whole show was, almost without exception, taken seriously. Such an attitude toward the obligation would be understandable if it meant anything and if the organization had any but occult powers over the engineer.

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they do its days are numbered. The fatal flaw in the arguments of the crackpot realists is that our society is terribly vulnerable to internal attack and disruption. It is a dreadful mistake to take the angry rhetoric of our black power leaders and student radicals for reality. They really have not given up on society; they really are thinking of ways to make it human, decent, viable-none of which it is right now. Whatever they may say, they are not seriously thinking about how to bring it down in ruins. This would not be a hard thing to do. I have occasionally played the game of thinking myself into the mind of an angry guerrilla, and the things I can think of in only a short space of time scare me enough so that I don’t want to tell anyone else about them. If a hundred thousand people-or perhaps even ten thousand, or a thousand-with determination, knowledge, and a certain macabre sense of humor were to give their serious attention to making our highly complicated and vulnerable society grind to a halt, they could probably do it quite easily. But they would have to be serious-that is to say, they would really have to have given up the hope of making it into a good society. The young people have not given up. If we want them enough.

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OTHING worth saving, or worth having, in the university is seriously threatened by the demands of even the most radical students. Indeed, in ‘their efforts’ to get agreement N from the university, the third world people atBerkeley very quickly watered down their original demands to the Point where I, for one, felt they were nowhere near radical enough. One of the students demands that most terrified the university, and at first most puzzled and startled me, was the demand for open admissions. During the strike I thought about this a great deal, There is no more crucial question in our society than this question of relationsips between the old and the young, between educational institutions and their students, between the people who hold effective power in our society in and out of universities and the young people who increasingly demand to be given more and more of it. The revolt of the young, or the battle between young and old (look at it how you will) is the most important question of our time, and on the way we resolve it or fail to resolve it will probably depend, more than on any other one thing, our society’s prospects for survival. But I was puzzled by‘ the proposal for open admissions. I found myself thinking, if anybody could get into theuniversity, why wouldn’t ten thousand, twenty thousand, a hundred thousand people come here, and if they did, what would the university do with them? I accepted almost without realizing it the assumption on the part of my hearers that a college must make decisions about who can come in and who cannot. After all, their facilities are limited, aren’t they? They can’t take in everyone, can they?

Then one day I found myself thinking of the Boston Public Library, which I go‘to quite often, more to borrow classical records than books. Here is what must certainly be called an educational institution. Yet it does not make decisions and judgments about who can come in and who cannot and-what is more important-who is good enough to come in and -who is not. It simply says like libraries everywhere, “Here are some facilities-books, records, films, exhibits. If, you want, come in and use them, as much as you want, as long as you want.” I thought of many other educational institutions that serve society, none of which exclude anybody, and it suddenly occurred to me that the admissions problem of our universities is not a real problem but a manufactured one-that is, it exists because the universities want it to exist, not because it has to. Why shouldn’t a school, college, or university be like a museum, a library, a concert hall, a lecture hall, a sports facility? Why shouldn’t it, like them, say to the public, “Here is what we have to offer you; here are the possibilities. If they appeal to you, come in and use them, for as little or as long as you like”? If more people want to get in than there is room for, let them handle this situation the way a concert hall or theater handles it. Why not hang out a sign saying “Sold Outnext performance tomorrow afternoon, next week, next month next year”? If a student wanted to take a course with professor so-and-so and there were hundreds of other students wanting to take the same course, why not let him make the’kind of choice that someone makes who wants to see a very popular play? Let him either, in effect, wait until there is an opportunity to get on the course, or, if that seems like too long a wait, think about getting the same sort of information or help somewhere else. If I want to see a doctor, and someone says that he has so many patients that I won’t be able to see him for four months, the sensible thing to do is find some other doctor, maybe not quite as good but with fewer patients. Nor is there any necessary reason why universities should worry so about qualifications. This will seem startling at first. But after all, when I borrow a book or record from the Boston Public Library, nobody gives me a quiz to be sure I will understand it. It’s up’to me to decide how I want to spend my time and to run the risk of wasting it. It is perfectly true that universities of this kind would be in important ways different from the ones we know today. The universities as they exist have come to think of themselves as private clubs. They are in a race with each other for prestige, which is quickly translated into money and power-the professor from a prestigious university has more chance of getting a big foundation or government grant than a professor from some less prestigious one. Therefore, they have an interest in convincing the world that their club is harder to get into than anybody else’s. At the same time, they try to convince the oncoming generations of students that membership in this club will in the long run prove more valuable-again in terms of power and money-than membership in any other. That is what creates the admissions problem. HE universities that consider themselves superior have an 9normous investment, financial and psychological, in the notion of their own superiority, and I don’t expect T them to give it up quickly or lightly. Given its present concerns, which do not for the most part have much to do with education. As long as universities areinterested in prestige and power, they will want to go on saying to the world that people are coming to them because they are so good, and that they are turning away most of their applicants or supplicants because they in turn are not good enough. But a university truly dedicated to education, to the

by John

strike

Holt

John Holt, teacher and educational reformer, is the author of “How children fail” and “The understanding school”, published last year. He originally wrote this article for the february 22 issue of New York Times Magazins.

spreading of knowledge, skill, and-most important -wisdom to all who wanted or needed it, would think in other terms, People ask, what about the granting of degrees? If anybody who wants can come to a university and there study as much or as little as he -wants, how will the university issue its credentials? I don’t think the university ought to be in the credentials granting business. Why should our universities be hiring halls for business and government? It does not seem to me to be a vital or necessary or even acceptable part of the process of education. In any case, there is plenty of evidence that educational institutions do not and cannot teach competence. Since they don’t and can’t, why go on any longer with the pretense that an academic degree is a certificate of competence? All it shows or can show is that suchand-such a person has taken so many courses and played the school game for a certain length of time; it says nothing about what he will or will not be able to do in his later working life. The prestige universities have worked hard, for reasons already given, to convince employers andthe public at large that their degrees are indeed certificates of exceptional competence and worth. They have to do this to create among the students a demand for these degrees and among employers a demand for holders of them. But it is a con, and there is really nothing in it. If the universities grew interested in education they could give up this fiction along with others. Our young people start living under the shadow of universities almost as soon as they’re born. What the universities want, what they think is good, bad, valuable valueless, certainly determines and creates the kinds of pressures that our young people live under beginning as early as age 3 or 4. Our young people spend a very large part of their time, even before they go on to college, doing what the schools think the universities want; they go on doing what they want while they’re at the universities, which may be anything from four to heaven-knows-how-many years; and, as I said before, they’carry on them for the rest of their lives whatever sort of brand the university has chosen t&put on them. I Their demand-that since universities exercise this enormous control over the lives of their students, students should have something to say about them and the way they are r&r-seems to me to be altogether right and just. If universities want to say to our young people in effect, “We are just a gathering of scholars doing our thing; please stop bothering usgnd interfering with us, and let us do our own thing the way we want,” then they have got to get their feet off the collective necks of the young and give up the extraordinary and unjustifiable power that they have acquired over their lives. friday

10 april

7970 (70:60)

Canadian~zation panel: (left to right) Carleton professors James Steele and, Robin Matthews, Integrated Studies visiting professor George Haggar, Phil. osophy professor Leslie Armour and Electrical Engineering Chairman Peter Bryant. .

A large and enthusiastic crowd braved hostile weather last thursday to hear professor& Robin Mathews and James Steele in a panel discussion on Canadianization. They were well rewarded for their trouble: The debate, sponsored by Integrated Studies, was one of the most provocative, amusing events on campus this year. The afternoon opened with a twenty-five-minute Speech by Steele, the “facts and figures” half of the team. He made absolutely and convi’ncingly clear the tendency at Canadian universities, and at Waterloo in particular, to,-hire fewer and fewer Canadians, even as many more of them

Pan,elist John Wilson became positively snarly when he discovered that the Chevron story he attacked was written by none other than Leo Johnson, Uniwat’s very own history professor. .

shouts of “where’s Howie‘Petch now” many _ did. , When Steele finished, the moderator, George Haggar a visiting professor in I.S. passed the floor to the other panel members, professors, . _John Wilson, of ‘political science, Peter Bryant, chairman of electrical engineerirrg, and Leslie Armour, of ,philosophy.VWilsonand, Armour both Canadian-born, seemed to be in basic agreement with Steele,although only Armour might have been said to‘ be strongly, or “militantly” so. Wilson chose to take exception to a statement

‘by Steele that, in a survey of political science departments across Canada fifty eight percent of Canadians were doing research in Canadian topics, while people from other countries were The or’ganizers of the Canadianization debate made d&o ” considerably Wilson argued that f ifI less. every effort to recruit the most. serious opponents of ty eight .percent was nothing to crow about, igMathews an.d Steele on campus. Pro-tern president i. noring the main point that Canadians have-a.far Ho ward Petch and academic vice-president Jay Minas . tendency to do work on Canadian topics_ greater declined on’ the grounds that .’ he’ would not share a stage 1. with Robin Mathews. than do immigrant scholars.’ ’ - Bryant was the-next to speak. He was someainst in their own universities, since he was , :what puzzled as to why he had been asked to rewarded with a massive ovation. appear, and well he might be, for he has never ’ Towards the end of Steele’s speech, th,e arts theater was plunged into total darkness, a mis-

his remarks the audience became so incensed that it was necessary for the moderator to restore order, Armour the last panel member to speak, de-, tailed in a humorous way the history of the Philosophy department, which now boasts one and a half Canadians out of a total of twenty facultv members. “The half is a whole man, but he’s half in religion,” Armour explained. He added that from the time Americans became a majority in the philosophy department Canadians were never hired and rarely considered. This he said fn the last Chevron it was reported that the chairman of Psychology had refused to advertise in the Globe & Mail or the CAUT Bulletin. He had not in fact refused to advertise in CAUT even though the ad has not yet appeared.

(us!) become available. Evidently, the audience agreed with his thesis that Canadians are being. thoroughly and systematically discriminated ag-

hap that plagued the debate throughout thelentire afternoon, though not always to the detriment of the’proceedings. At one point in the debate ‘when Mathews proposed that a university president refused to deal with Canadianization should be asked ‘to resign, he was asked from the floor what should be done if the president refused. His answer was lost in instanttotal darkness and dead microphones. One might easily imag’ine that this was the administration’s idea of, a debating’ tactic, by the hoots of laughter and the and judging

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The philosophy department at Uniwat passed a motion last week recommending that: all positions be advertis’ ed and preference given to canadian applicants ‘except in exceptional (unspecified) circumstances, and that foreign graduate students be reduced to twenty percent.

taken a public position on Canadianization, and de-Canadianized his department is no more than most. As the one panel member willing to put himself on record as opposed to ~Steele’s views, Bryant spoke of the irrelevancy of country of origjn, and the importance of judging people on their present performance. At one point in

was partly because Canadians are not imbued ’ in their graduate studies with the combative spirit and because of this are judged as academic inferiors by many Americans. Mathews was the next to speak. He is the man who, after all the figures have been presented and the case made, prevents people from saying “so what” by presenting the gut issue of Canadian survival and culture. Easily one of the best, and the mosteffective public speakers in Canada, he quickly demolished what oppositjon there was, and drew the audience to “the cause.” There then followed an hour of exchange between the panel and the audience, and questions were raised as to whether there is in fact a Canadian culture, whether there is any point in bringing these issues before students, who have no power to influence hirings, and whether the talked-about Canadian Studies Program can ever get off the ground as it is presently constituted.

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7970 (70:60)

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.” the’ Chevron

V,ictoria

an essay

E STAND FOR ACTIVE IDEALOGICAL STRUGGLE, because it is the weapon for ensuring unity within the party and the revolutionary organizations in the interest of our fight. Every Communist and revolutionary should take up this weapon. But liberalism rejects idealogical struggle and stands for unprincipled peace, thus giving rise to a decadent, Philistine attitude and bringing about political degeneration into certain units and individuals in the Party and the revolutionary organizations. Liberalism manifests itself in various ways. To let things slide for the sake of peace and friendship when a person has clearly gone wrong, and refrain from principled argument because he is an old acquaintance, a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a close friend, a loved one, an old colleague or old subordinate. Or to touch on the matter lightly instead of going into it thoroughly so as to keep on good terms. The result is that both the organization and ihe individual are harmed. This is one type of liberalism. To indulge in irresponsible criticism in private instead of actively putting forward one’s suggestions to the organization. To say nothing to people to their faces but to gossip behind their backs, or to say nothing at a meeting but to gossip afterwards. To show no regard at all for the principles of collective life but to follow one’s own inclinations. This is a second type. To let things drift if they do not affect one personally; to say as little as possible while knowing perfectly well what is wrong, to be worldly wise and play safe and seek only to avoid blame. This is a third type. Not to obey orders but to give pride of place to one”s own opinions. To demand special consideration from the organization but to reject its discipline. This is a fourth type. To indulge in personal attacks, pick quarrels, vent personal spite or seek revenge instead of entering into an argument and struggling against incorrect views for the sake of unity or progress or getting the work done properly. This is a fifth type* To hear incorrect views without rebutting them and even to hear counter-revolutionary remarks without reporting them, but instead to take things calmly as if nothing had happened. This is a sixth type. To be among the masses and fail to conduct propaganda and agitation or speak at meetings or conduct investigations and inquiries among them, and instead to be indifferent to them and show no concern for their well being, forgetting that one is a Communist and acting as if one were an ordinary non-Communist. This is a seventh type. To see someone harming the interests of the masses and yet not feel indignant, or dissuade or stop him or reason with him, but to allow him to continue. This is an eighth type. To work half-heartedly without a definite plan or direction; to work perfunctorily and muddle along-“So long as one remains a monk, one goes on tolling the bell. ” This is a ninth type. To regard oneself as having rendered great service to the revolution, to pride oneself on being a veteran, to disdain min-

or assignments while being quite unequal to major tasks, to be slipshod in work and slack in study. This is a tenth type. To be aware of one’s mistakes and yet make no attempt to correct them, taking a liberal attitude toward oneself. This is the eleventh type. We could name more. But these eleven are the principal types. They are all manifestations of liberalism. Liberalism is extremely harmful in a revolutionary collective. It is a corrosive which eats away unity, undermines cohesion, causes apathy and creates dissension. It robs the revolutionary ranks of compact organization, and strict discipline, prevents policies from being carried through and alienates the Party organizations from the masses which the Party leads. It is an extremely bad tendency. Liberalism stems from petty bourgeois selfishness, it places personal interests first and the interests of the revolution second, and this gives rise to idealogical, political and organizational liberalism. People who are liberals look upon the principles of Marxism as abstract dogma. They approve of Marxism, but are not prepared to practise it or to practise it in full; they are not prepared to replace their liberalism by Marxism. These people have their Marxism, but they have their liberalism as well-they talk Marxism and practise liberalism; they apply Marxism to others but liberalism to themselves. They keep both kinds of goods in stock and find a use for each. This is how the minds of certain people work.

on criticism

by Mao

Tse Tung

Liberalism is a manifestation of opportunism and conflicts fundamentally with Marxism. It is negative and objectively has the effect of helping the enemy; that is why the enemy welcomes it’s preservation in our midst. Such being it’s nature, there should be no place for it in the ranks of the revolution. We must use Marxism, which is positive in spirit, to overcome liberalism, which is negative. A Communist should have largeness of mind and he should be staunch and active, looking upon the interests of the revolution as his very life and subordinating his personal interests to those of the revolution; always and everywhere he should adhere to principle and wage a tireless struggle against incorrect ideas and actions, so as to consolidate the collectivelife of the party and the masses; he should be more concerned about the Party and the masses than about any private person, and more concerned about others than about himself. Only thus can he be considered a Cornmunist. All loyal, honest, active and upright Communists must unite to oppose the liberal tendencies shown by certain people among us, and set them on the right path. This is one of the tasks on our idealogical front.

Mao Tse Tung is a well known revolutionary fighter, poet, and philosopher. He presently resides in Peking, where he is the leader of the People’s Republic of China.

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i S tr~ategy

r Can&la ’ by Jim Harding

hen I went to public school in Regina a person who had travelled to the United States, even just to Montana or North Dakota, had more sta%rs among the students than someone who had been east or to the west coast. Canada didn’t really exist for us. We knew more about events in the (then) 49 states than in the 10 provinces. An anti-eastern attitude rooted in the depression had something to do with this attitude (Toronto financiers controlled farm mortgages then) but basically our colonial mentality was responsible. Post-war Canada was a primary market for U.S. capitalism and the ’ attitudes of the first post-war generations reflected the boom mentality. A majority of my friends in public and

t is part of the rhetoric of the Canadian movement to be opposed to chauvinism (both male and national). This is a healthy sentiment but it is necessary to understand the conditions that live rise to chauvinism, not just to oppose it in principle. National chauvinism arises from a defensive posture. Chauvinism in Canada arises as a reaction to the american colonization of the country. As anti-americanism grows here so does Canadian chauvinism. Lacking a historical perspective of ourselves (which neither a flag nor formally nationalist school texts will provide) but still reacting to our colonization we end up with an abstract anti-americanism and Canadian chauvinism. It is not abstract in that it comes from our own experience but that experience is far more colonial (we are a national nigger) than revoluntionary thus far. Until there is struggle our chauvinism will remain. This chauvinism must of course be challenged, but not with a leftist purism. We do not have to choose be-

high school talked openly about Canada becoming a part of the United States. This colonial mentality is deeply rooted in Canadian culture, but it is more a social than a natural culture. The symbols of our colonialism are imposed, not grounded in the realities of our history. U.S. magazines, radio and TV programs (or specially prepared ‘subsidiary programs’) inject US folklore and propaganda into Canada. It is mainly the mythology of an alienated urban society (much of it a romantic life). It is as often as not inappropriate to the practical lives of the Canadian people all of whom have special local and regional characteristics. This social culture is basically middle class in its symbols and- this further removes it from

the realities of most Canadians. It is the branch plant market place which integrates the US and Canadian cultures more than a common life and work style among the people. Canada as a branch plant satellite has a unique political economy (which I will later describe). The historical development of. the country also has a unique character (e.g. French Canada). Our colonial mentality is strong since as a satellite we are ideologically, not only economically, integrated into the US empire. But in the day-to-day lives of Canadians there is an explosive potential for revolutionary nationalism. As the United States becomes further and further isolated in the world this potential will escalate.

tween a potentially conservative chauvinism that stresses the symbols of Canada rather than the self-determination and quality of life of the people and a naive internationalism and humanism which opposes all forms of nationalism in principle. Both these are irrelevant to the task of building a liberation front in Canada. The thing is to challenge the chauvinism in terms of its roots and its potential. It can be a stage towards revolutionary nationalism once the colonial mentality is replaced with an existential understanding of our- historical experience as a people.

This is not the nationalism of the social democrats (New Democratic party). Their nationalist rhetoric ‘Canada must be socialist to be independent)’ plays only a minor role in breaking up our colonial mentality but it remains of an academic, parliamentary variety. In a sense it is chauvinist since symbolism and form, not personal commitment, lies behind it. Somehow new content (nationalism and bureaucratic socialism) and the same old forms (parliamentary politics, centralism, etc. ) is going to provide freedom for the Canadian people. Analysis will show that this is not only a false position but a totally irrelevant one.

A militant form of nationalism is beginning to develop in Canada-mainly among the young. It is militant because people are willing to struggle and take the necessary risks because of it. The value of self determination is central to this new militancy. It takes autonomous people to struggle for an autonomous land. As the libertarian ethic grows among youth in Canada, so too can a militant nationalism.

Chauvinist nationalism is not reactionary but it does not breed the belief that Canada can be independent without a radical movement-without political struggle. Such belief, in effect, aids those who are daily building and managing the satellite political economy. A strategy for Canadians then must attempt to transform all chauvinism and nationalism into a militant form. friday

70 aprii

7970 (70:60) y9 ..

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. .___ -.___.. _.........I.... -.. ---. C rarely sho~~~~~~~~~~tandin Both the ‘American Revolution’ and ‘Canada’s Con- , federation’ have been rn~~~~~~ed ::<:?;: ,..,.‘.*,, and the history surrounding these developmen.~~~~torted. .:~~~~~~~~~:.~::, The left has been affected by this igno~~~~~~~~:. much as any group. IX3 radicals of the swc&@d American Revolutio~~~~~~~~~~~~,realizing that a d~@&&s- : 0: . ..A. z..q> ..,...A.......... 5 ‘...,... c . . . . . . . . A... .,..A ....+:.y<. .:~$;:;~~ X.‘& :,:.:.:.:.:.::,:::.~,::.:.:.:::::,::::~? -7,...: :.:.,. ti$ZZelite won rnilit~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~lgn elite-re~~~~~~ a ::::.:::::::*.: _::.,:.:,~.:.:.:.:.:.:.~~:::::.::::::.:::::~.:~,::~:~~~~:.:::::

hauvinist forms of nationalism in Canada will be transformed into revolutionary nationalism through political struggle that is rooted in the understanding of Canadian history. A strategy for Canada must therefore be both poli, tical and intellectual. The development of knowledge becomes a form of politic>1 action when it helps liberate people from their enslavement. It is historical knowledge which makes direct action into revoluntionary struggle. The orthodox and academic approaches to Canadian history do not take into account the struggles that have . shaped our history so they do not have ideas that are relevant for the present struggle. Revolutionaries will have to start afresh-using old historical information and uncovering the new-but reinterpreting our history in terms of our colonization. The ,colonizatiqg, of British North America to 1776 and of ‘Canada’ afte@&@ is the vital trend in our history. It is an understa~~~~~~~~f this that can ultimately relate the Quebec mo~~~~~~:.~:,, the .....A,_,.... .:..::.:.::.:.&,, youth and student movements and the reg~~~~~~~~~:,.:.:. .:.+..,.: _......:..:.:,:.:.:.:.: ...:,.A... :..

ideology of the nation state. The rhetoric of our movemerit has thus far stayed abstracted from Canadian realities. Our radicalism is thus more academic than existential. ‘We ‘know’ more, in an academic sense, about the Russian, Chinese and Cuban &evolutions than about our own history. Such is a poor beginning and footing for making our own revolution. The typical view of the American Revolution and Canada’s Confederation is rooted in a formal political ideology. It goes something like this: The Americans defeated the British colonialists and established an independent, free nation. The founding fathers of Canada met

.f’.“Y ‘. ,,&#+$$~~y the Quebec Act of 1774. The :. __: .::.. +z. ~:~~~~~~merican and british elites over ~~~~~~ to a head by this act. Both the

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i?+!%?:~.:~ .A :f::2e <c$:.:+: y$ &. ..:.:. t.*,~~.~.~+;.;.; .._,, ,,,.: I., Bovey ~~~~~~~~tecapitalists:Bakerof FoundationCo.of Canada; A’. .‘.....’ ,(:‘:y...: i__ .:;.::.::; ((: *.’L::.““Q.7.:.:... .‘i. .,...... :.,,:...,, ,:.<:.: .,.,, C.?. ;:,p: s:e.::.:.: X.’ :..,..,. ...::. ,‘: :<,w,<gfy: c.; .& ;:syj :T’ :;.:.:.:... ‘.‘.‘-“‘.‘.:. .“‘..‘..... .,.d.;.< ‘..‘.“.‘..C..” :,.:.: .:...: .‘.-.‘.‘.A .._,_ i,>,.:. .:z.,: .,i“ii’:.:.:<< .x.x, ,._ :...:+:. :,,,: :.:::.,, ....’ ‘.“‘.... .:.:.: :.,:?z.‘:..:~.::~ ‘.“.“‘...‘“..........:.,.:‘.:~~~~~~.. ii.,.,..~,,,,:.: _,_, ,.,.‘. Griffith of TheSteelCo.of Canada; of Northern ! if:: :~~~~~&~ :.,:.: j:;;&::. :,::.::.:: ;,~.$~~.~:.~~~~~~, v.. ..‘.)“: .:’.._ .;.:.7 “’__ “‘.‘.‘.‘....i... ‘..A.., ....: .:..: ..,. I’:‘...,,:. _, ..,.,.,., ....,,‘;,p.:...; z:::.~P”~:~,~~::~~:...,‘j~:.:~ :.:: ....___, ..,I_.... .::,:: ~~~~~~~;i~~~~d CentralGas Co.; Harrington of The Royal Trust _.i:,:1 ....w.. .... ‘:.&..: ..: ..:,. __ i.... ;_ ~~~~:~~~~~~~~ Hart of The Bankof Montreal;.Grumpof CPR;

~:~~~~~~~~~~~ with a spur into ~~~~~~ill, Saskatchewan and Al:...:.. .,., berta where the Corri~~~~~lits intO three parts, one came .~~~~~~~~’ :::y..:.:..:, ::i’:‘...,.,.: going into the Northwe&$&@ritories up the Mackenzie the two most exploited groups: the natives and the River Valley to the ~~~~~~cean at Inuvik and TukFren&. The picture of an anglo-saxon explorer-trader toy&&, another into ~~~~~~n Territory, and the third sitting at the helm of a canoe being guided by an Indian into the Prince RupBr~~~~~f British Columbia.” and paddled by several french voyageurs is not at all :.:.:.A..’ . . ,‘yz:z~ :‘. :::$$;:~~. _-_ ^ _ . . :<:i...~...:.:+. ..‘)r.>+. ‘...., smashed surreal. The french resistance was ultimately The mid-Canada~~~~~~~~orporation held its first at conference at Lakeh~~~~~~~~rsits in august, 1969. ‘:Phn on the Plains of Abraham and the native resistance ----A-- AL.,,

th&-e ” ____ _ are __ - nlans =----Resistance

for -p;;zation Canada. to---

_ in the past

@Rowis of Noranda Mines. It includes two state ca&&&s: MacMillan of CNR and Pratte of Air Canada ~~~~~~resident of the Canadian Labour Congress, __, ..~:,~::.t:,::...:.:..~ .;,.,,.,.., MacIX%&%% (It also includes the director of the Arctic Institute of North America. ) The integration of the union bureaucracies into the corporate society is once again shown. This alliance between corporate and state capitalism and the CLC means that the union bureaucrats will try to keep labor unrest and the disruption of capitalist expansion to a minimum. (The union heads of workers building the ,umbia River Treaty dams have already made no ike agreements to ensure a smooth sellout of our re&es. ) ##is council also presents an ‘all-Canadian’ facade to ggorridor. Air Canada ; Canadian National ; Canadian

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its limits of expansion in the southern and Pacific hemispheres it again looked to the north as it had briefly at the beginningOf the 1800’s. A wealthof resources exists here and the new colonization is well underway. An analysis of the mid-Canada Corridor will show

tions of the new colonization, *

ments imply.

I will deal with the corrid---Al:- -

t is necessary to demystify the notion- of ‘strategy’. The word has come to have a reified meaning, unrelated to the commitand actions that any strategic analysis should -

A number of tactics-timed and ordered in way that a desired effect is had (the growth movement both in numbers and consciousness a vital criterion) is what constitutes a strategy tice. Once we get away from the academic idea tegy (fulfilling certain logical criteria-ignoring

1088 the Chevron

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reality of the praxis of radicals) we can begin to evolve regional strategies that can build a national liberation movement. These tactics must be regional because the regional political economies establish the context within which the struggle will occur. It is fine to romanticize a national strategy but the specific makeup of regions (the characteristics of the developing political economy ; the history of radicalism, etc. ) must be the basis of tactics. The increasing militancy of the western farmers is related to the international wheat market, the socalled

Canada’s

north.

Perhaps

the Corridor

‘cost-price squeeze’, and the history of the farmers’ movement itself. The strong separatist sentiment in *northern Ontario results from the continued economic and political exploitation of the north by the- capitalist power in the south. The nationalism in Quebec will never be understood until the particular history of the french nation and the capitalist political economy in Quebec is grasped. And so on, . . The form and content of national liberation politics in each region will depend i on such specifications. Attempts to build a national radical organization in Canada have failed not because they were premature.

’

I I

._, In an imperialist era, ~:zG@xMJ; (Canadian) capitalism and international (corpoX%te) .capitalism amount to the same thing. Capitalism iis “& titernational system and US capital. is the locus of if, $&called Canadian private enterprise, Canadian shar&’ &d government subsidies may be used to build the&ffastructure that is necessary for international (m&&?US) corporations to move.. /

really an attempt by Canadian nationalists (red tory types? ) to develop Canada for Canadians. What are we to make of a conference and a corporation that is clearly capitalist and seemingly nationalist? What are we to make of it in terms of what we earlier stated about chauvinistic nationalism and reof. jhe volutionary nationalism. 3 Is the ‘nationali&” corridor a form that can ever become militant?

= .

the Corridor will be necessary to absorb Canada’s population growth. The Corridor propaganda talks of Canada having a population of 120 million by 2067. The analysts commented that our resources cannot support this population (and we shouldn’t allow it to rise to this) and if itis to raise significantly the real growth will be in the f&rge cities now existing (more Canadian ghettoes). . Such criticisms stocked up and it became abundantly

bile cities st.ated :

‘hey have failed because the notion of a national radical movement is rooted in our colonial mentality. Accepante of the ideology of the nation state seeing ourelves in terms of the federal-provincial state) and our elated ignorance about the colonization of Canada (and rowing continentalist trend) has kept past radicals -om studying and acting in terms of their regional olitical economy. National organizations have been le panacea for those who have little or no understandrg of how imperialism works around them. Qnce the history of Canada is specified it becomes immigration patterns and a ear that particular

particular development of the political economy (among other things) have combined to create a particular political culture in each region. If we wish to work among and with the people to build a real national liberation movement we must understand the political culture within which we are organizing. A national liberation movement needs to be firmly rooted in the regional realities. r This analysis has several implications for the way organizing should be done in Canada. National vanguard organizations are laregely irrelevant to the task of building a national liberation movement because

they are too removed from the regional political cultures and political economies that determine the context of struggle. A formalized, sectarial leftism develops from such organizations and the development of the historic consciousness required to nurture a revolutionary nationalism is impeded. Such groups have continually diverted our attention from the struggle at home and hung us up on academic and sectarian debates about past revolutions. This is true even if the vanguard groups have a nationalist rhetoric. This form of leftism therefore must be countered; but by a regional praxis, not a counter-rhetoric. friday

70 apt-i/

7970 (70:60)

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\ he analysis also helps to clarify the ongoing debates over ca,ladian nationalism. Many quarrel in abstract about ‘nationalism’. Some say that nationalism is d secondary issue. (Some even say it is a reactionary issue. ) They argue that an anti-capitalist line must be stressed above everything. This tidy position forgets that struggle for the self-determination of a people is the basis of an anti-imperialist sentiment. And in the 20th century there cannot be an anti-capitalist sentiment that is not also an anti-imperialist one. A national liberation politics is the only viable foundation for this. I of ten think that the simplistic anti-capitalist, non-nationalist position is -rooted in a bureaucratic, non-libertarian view of socialism (with Stalinist implications) because it ignores the history and political culture of people. There are others who want a nationalist position that is not explicitly anti-imperialist. r Those in and around the NDP and the,*magazine Canadian Dimension who say Canada must ultimately be socialist to be independent are an example. They naively believe that independence can be achieved legalistically (without a militant revolutionary nationalism) and that capitalism can be reformed or replaced through a parliamentary strategy. They fail to understand that capitalism today is international and that it cannot be countered by an unp?incipled chauvinist nationalism. These un-

* \

principled nationalists are the kind that will be fooled by the kind of rhetoric that the Corridor is spreading. Focussing on state power and ignoring the nature of the political economy (satellite state capitalism), these nationalists are prepared to make alliancees and compromises to a point of accepting the colonization of the land. .They are the-ones who attack the militant nationa-* 1 .lists. in an attempt to dissociate themselves from any real struggle. Keeping their status within the satellite is tiltimately more important than a commitment to the liberation of, the country. Their habits are capitalist ev&i though their rhetoric is socialist. (Colonial mentality underlies this.) And the corporations are not afraid of words that do not imply acts. There are also those who argue that Canada is already too’ integrated into the United States to develop a national liberation movement. This too is a false position. For one thing, Canada’s north is just now becoming the frontier for US imperialism. The fact, that 20 million here are now ‘relatively integrated into the corporate ideology does not mean that the new; more total colonization should not be resisted. Such a logic forgets the crisis that the US empire now faces because of the national liberation movements abroad and the resistance movement at home. ‘Even if Canada will be further ,colonized, the task of revolutionaries is to build further opposition to the empire and develop the foundation for ,a liberation movement. If we do not specifically oppose our increasing colonization it is impossible to develop an anti-capitalist movement here. The stfuggle against the colonization of Ganada will be the basis of any libertarian socialism that develops here. Such will not come from the liberal groupings that oppose imperialism elsewhere and/or work for reforms in capitalism at home (like the NDP). If our choice is to work for revolutionary change, this means developing a revolutionary nationalism as part of a continual struggle against our own colonization. Some argue that nationalism based on regional strategies cannot lead to an anti-capitalist movement. They argue that regional separatism will fragment the social groupings that constitute the working classes. In the realm of tidy logical (non-dialectical) theory such may make sense. In the world of political struggle it does not. People must begin their struggle from their experience and. their experience has contr,adictibns (in ideology and commitmehts) ;but of,. which any radicalism must develop. If a national libeiatidn m6vement is to develop (and such a inovement must -be non-authoritarian, @&nce ‘decentralized) people must begin with regional issues and through political struggles come to see how the system and their problems are structurally related. Issues will then begin to form a hierachy with a revslutionary change in the political economy symbolizing specifically desired changes. * There cannot be revolutionary theory without revolutionary practice and there can be no revolutio?ary practice without issues that are rooted in contradlctlons in tire regional political economy. The increasing awaress of the international (corporate) social and economic structures of imperialism provides 3 new potential for recognizing such relationships. Most of our confusion about nationalism comes from our colonial mentality. A deep socialization to the ideology of the nation state makes it difficult to see that selfdetermination (national liberation) will entail the abolition of the repressive structures of the nation state. These structures are increasingly synonymous with those of capitalism (hence the term ‘state capitalism’) and therefore a revolution within the present state form is impossible. This is what makes all parliamentary

I I

and Leninst strategies inappropriate to the Canadian -- situation. Such colonial mentality keeps us from distinguishing between state capitalism and the historic experience of the Canadian people. The relationship of the people to the land and to the, man-made environment is not reducible to the social and economic relationships of ’ capitalism. These relationships mediate our lives, but, as a colonial land, we have a national culture which can be the basis of opposition and resistance to the system of power and control which maintains them. The contradictions (class) within the social and economic relatianships are then 8complemented by the ones resulting from colonization. Ignorant of our history, we often . see ourselves through- grand theory. A vulgar leftism easily fits with a colonial meetality. Those who talk of “seizing state power” are the same peopl_e-who fail to understand state T capitalism and who associate nationalism with the ideon logy of the nation state; not with the struggle for national liberation. Our colonial mentality also often leads i us to see our situation through the categories of the US movement. This is perhaps our .greatest error at pre! sent. What is really an ignorance of the Canadian- regions and an inability to see how an anti-capitalist and * anti-imperialist position implies, in practice, a’ national liberation orientation is often cloaked in abbased on imported categories. stracted analysis The detrimental efiects of the VS movement on Canada must be continually evaluated. Our ,colonial mentality often shows in our inability to critically evaluate i the appropriateness’of radical style and rhetoric from the United States for our own struggle. We ,will clarify our: own situation when we learn to challenge all those who import or deduce (deduction is bourgeois logic) i analysis from abroad. In dealing with the US movement to be’clear about our own priorities. I have argued that national liberation bzsed in regional tactics’mu& be the locus of all of them. . Once (and. if) this is accepted \it is bound to shift our priorities. The anti-war sector of the Canadian movement must be related to the armed forces and military research of the satellite government and hot be an appendage to the issues and actions of the US movement. We will have to recognize that a constant analysis of Quebec nationalism and not of the black movement in the states must be a prioiity of national liberation mpve-., eI ment throughout Canada. The tactics for dealing wit&+” the NDP must come directly from our’ experience. There is no comparable situation anywhere. We need the imagination to start over-to become conscious of how our colonial mentality has affected our rhetoric and tactics (and how this relates to our general inactionwe are afraid of anarchy and mindless activism,before we have even started to act)-and rethink ourselves from the beginning. As an example, an evaluation of the week of confroti‘tations against the Corridor conference at Lakehead University in august should be more important in olir critical development of tactics than Chicago, Columbia, San Francisco State, etc. Since we all have more access to news from the United States than from other parts of Canada we must deliberately develop a revolutionary media to help establish our own priorities. It is a further sign of colonial mentality that we know more about US radicalism than about our own. The regional political economics are not only the basis of, continentalism. They make awareness of radicalism across the country difficult. The labor, farm, native and student movements, in Canada are rooted in events specific to our history. That history is characterized by colonization. The more we learn about this history and why past movements were or weren’t nurturing a revolutionary nationalism that gave an anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist sentiment some basis in our political cultures, the faster we will be able to join the other forces on the globe that are working for human liberation. This la’nd need not become part of the capitalist wasteland. It need not become part of the capitalist wasteland. It need not become integrated into the insanity of capitalist or any other form of urbanization. Those who will make it an insane wasteland already have power in governments, industry and education. Daily they undermine the potential of Canada as a liberated land and make Canada into a branch plant. It is time’that the total struggle against imperialism in Canada was waged. Our radicalism means nothing if it ‘does not begin and end in a political understanding QI, and struggle in, ’ this country. We may wish for peake and an end for imperialism elsewhere but we can only work for this in our own lives in our own land. ’ The author of this article, Jim Harding, has been active in the Canadian student left since the early 1960s. A graduate student in sociology at Simon Fraser University. he lives in Vancouver, B.C. Since last summer, Harding has been working in the Free North Movement.

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must be attributed to the global politics of a repressive society. But although we are in agreement on this we are still not sufficiently clear about the implication of this technical possibility for the abolition of poverty, of misery, and of labor. The implication is that these historical possibilities must be conceived in forms that signify a break rather than a continuity with previous history, its negation rather than its positive continuation, difference rather than progress. They signify the liberation of a dimension of human existence this side of the material basis, the . transformation of needs. What is at stake is the idea of a new theory of man, not only as theory but also as a way of existence: the genesis and development of a vital need for freedom and of the vital needs of freedom-of a freedom no longer based-on and limited by scarcity and the necessity of alienated labor. The development of qualitatively new human needs appears as a biological necessity; they are needs in a very biological sense. For among a great part-of the manipulated population in the developed capitalist countries the need for freedom does not or no longer exists as a vital, necessary need. Along with these vital needs the new theory of man also implies the genesis of a new morality as the heir and the negation of the judeo-christian morality which up to now has characterized the history of western civilization. It is precisely the continuity of the needs developed and satisfied in a repressive society that reproduces this repressive society over and over again within the individuals themselves. Individuals reproduce repressive society in their needs, which resist even through revolution, and it is precisely this continuity which up to now has stood in the way of the leap from quantity into the quality of a free society.

But realm 11 ODAY ANY FORM of the concrete world, of human life, any transformation of the technical and natural environment is a possibility, and the locus of this possibility is historical. Today we have the capacity to turn the world into hell, and we are well on the way to doing so. We also have the capacity to turn it into the opposite of hell. This would mean the end of utopia-that is, the refutation of those ideas and theories that use the concept of utopia to denounce certain socio-historical possibilities. It can also be understood as the “end of history” in the very precise sense that the new possibilities for a human society and its environment can no longer be thought of as continuations of the old, nor even as existing in the same historical continuum with them. Rather, they presuppose a break with the historical continuum ; they presupposed the qualitative difference between a free society and societies that are still unfree, which, according to Marx, makes all previous history only the prehistory of mankind. But I believe that even Marx was still too tied to the notion of a continuum of progress, that even his idea of socialism may not yet represent, or no longer represent, the determinate negation of capitalism it was supposed to. That is, today the notion of the end of utopia implies the necessity of at least discussing a new definition of socialism.

The discussion would be based on the question whether decisive elements of the Marxian concept of socialism do not belong to a now obsolete stage in the development of the forces of production. This obsolescence is expressed most clearly, in my opinion, in the distinction between the realm of freedom and the realm of necessity according to which the realm of freedom can be conceived of and can exist only beyond the realm of necessity. This division implies that the realm of necessity remains so in the sense of a realm of alienated labor, which means, as Marx says, that the only thing that can happen within it is for labor to be organized as rationally as possible and reduced as much as possible.

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it remains of necessity

labor in and of the and thereby unfree.

I believe that one of the new possibilities, which gives an indication of the qualitative difference between the free and the unfree society is that of letting the realm of freedom appear within the realm of necessityin labor and not only beyond labor. To put this speculative idea

in a provocative form, I would say that we must face the possibility that the path to socialism may proceed from science utopia and not from utopia to science.

Utopia is an historical concept. It refers to projects for social change that are considered impossible. Impossible for what reasons? In the usual discussion of utopia the impossibility of realizing the project of a new society exists when the subjective and objective factors of a given social situation stand in the way of the transformation-the so-called immaturity of the social situation. Communistic projects during the French revolution and, perhaps socialism in the most highly developed capitalist countries are both examples of a real or alleged absence of the subjective and objective factors that seem to make realization impossible. The project of a social transformation, however, can also be considered unfeasible because it contradicts certain scientifically established laws, biological laws, physical laws; for example, such projects as the age-old idea of eternal youth or the idea of a return to an alleged golden age. I believe that we can now speak of utopia only in this latter sense, namely when a project for social change contradicts real laws of nature. Only

such a project is utopian in the strict sense, that is, beyond history-but even this “ahistoricity” has a historical limit. The other group of projects, where the impossibility is due to the absence of subjective and objective factors, can at best be designated only as “provisionally” unfeasible. Karl Mannheim’s criteria for the unfeasibility of such projects, for instance,-are inadequate for the very simple reason, to begin with, that un--feasibility shows itself only after the fact. And it is not surprising that a project for social transformation is designated un-

feasible because it has shown itself unrealized in history. Secondly, however, the criterion of unfeasibility in this sense is inadequate because it may very well be the case that the realization of a revolutionary project is hindered by counterforces and countertendencies that can be and are overcome precisely in the process of revolution. For this reason it is questionable to set up the absence of specific subjective and objective factors as an objection to the feasibility of radical transformation. Especially-and this is the question with which we are concerned here-the fact that no revolutionary class can be defined in the capitalist countries that are technically most highly developed does not mean that Marxism is utopian. The social agents of revolution-and this is orthodox Marx-are formed only in the process of the transformation _itself, and one cannot count on a situation in which the revolutionary forces are there ready-made, so to speak, when the But revolutionary movement begins. in my opinion there is one valid criterion for possible realization, namely, when the material and intellectual forces for the transformation are technically at hand although their rational application is prevented by the existing organization of the forces of production. And in this sense, I believe, we can today speak of an end of utopia.

All the material and intellectual forces which could be put to work for the realization of a free society are at hand. That they are not used for that purpose is to be attributed to the total mobilization of existing society against its own potential for liberation. But this situation in no way makes the idea of radical transformation itself a utopia. , The abolition of poverty and misery is possible in the sense I have described, as are the abolition of alienated labor and the abolition of what I have called “surplus repression. ” Even in bourgeois economiCs there is scarcely a serious scientist or investigator who would deny that the abolition of hunger-and of misery is possible with the productive forces that already exist technically and that what is happening today

This idea implies that human needs have an historical character. All human needs, including sexuality, lie beyond the animal world. They are historically determined and historically mutable. And the break with the continuity of those needs that already carry repression within them, the leap into qualitative difference, is not a mere invention but inheres in the development of the productive forces themselves. That development has reached a level where it actually demands new vital needs in order to do justice to its own potentialities.

HAT ARE THE TENDENCIES of the’productive forces that make this leap from quantity into quality possible? Above all, the technification of domination undermines the foundation of domination. The progressive reduction of physical labor power in the production process (the process of material production) and its replacement to an increasing degree by mental labor concentrate socially necessary labor in the class of technicians, scientists, engineers, etc. This suggests possible liberation from alienated labor. It is of course a question only of tendencies, but of tendencies that are grounded in the development and the continuing existence of capitalist society. If capitalism does not succeed in exploiting these new possibilities of the productive forces and their organization, the productivity of labor will fall beneath the level required by the rate of profit. And if capitalism heeds this requirement and continues automation regardless, it will come up against its own inner limit: the sources of surplus value for the maintenance of exehange society will dwindle a way. In the Grundrisse Marx showed that complete automation of socially necessary labor is incompatible with the preservation of capitalism. . Automation is only a catchword for this tendency, through which necessary physical labor, alienated labor, is withdrawn to an ever greater extent from the material process of production. This tendency, if freed from the fetters of capitalist production, would lead to a creative experimentation with the productive * continued next page

forces. With the abolition of poverty this tendency would mean that play with the potentialities of human and nonhuman nature would become the content of social labor. The productive imagination would become the concretely structured productive foi ce that freely sketches out the possibilities for a free human existence on the basis of the corresponding development of material productive forces. In order for these technical possibilities not to become possibilities for repression, however, in order for them to be able to fulfil1 their liberating function, they must be sustained and directed by liberating and gratifying needs. When no vital need to abolish (alienated) labor exists, when on the contrary there exists a need to continue and extend labor even when it is no longer socially necessary; when the vital need for joy,Jor happiness with a good conscience, does not exist, but rather the need to have to earn everything in a life that is as miserable as can be; when these vital needs do not exist or are suffocated by repressive ones, it is only to be expected that new technical possibilities actually become new possibilities for repression by domina tion . We already know what cybernetics and computers can contribute to the total control of human existence. The new needs, which are really. the determinate negation of existing needs, first make their appearance as the negation of the needs that sustain the present system of domination and the negation of the values on

which

they are based: for example, the negation of the need for the struggle for existence; the negation of the need to earn one-s living; the negation of the performance principle, of competition; the negation, of the need for wasteful, ruinous productivity, which is inseparably bound up with destruction; and the negation of the vital need for deceitful repression of the instincts. These needs would be negated in the vital biological need for peace, which today is not a vital need for the majority, the need for calm, the need to be alone, with oneself or with others whom one has chosen oneself, the need for the beautiful, the need for “undeserved” happiness-all this not simply in the form of individual needs but as a social productive force, as social needs that can be activated through the direction and disposition of productive forces. In the form of a social productive force, these new vital needs would make possible a total technical reorganization of the concrete world of human life, and I believe that new human relations, new relations between men, would be possible only in such a reorganized world. When I say technical reorganization I again speak with reference to the capitalist countries that are most highly developed, where such a restructuring would mean the abolition of the terrors of capitalist industrialization and commercialization, the total reconstruction of the cities and the restoration of nature after the horrors of capitalist industrialization have been done away with.

I hope that when I speak of doing away with the horrors of capitalist industrialization it is clear I am not advocating a romantic regression behind technology. On the contrary, I believe that the potential ‘liberating blessings of technology and industrialization will not even begin to be real and visible until capitalist industrialization and capitalist technology have been done away with.

The qualities of freedom that I have mentioned here are qualities which until now have not received adequate attention in recent thinking about socialism. Even on the left the notion of socialism has been taken too much within the framework of the development of productive forces, of increasing the productivity of labor, something which was not only justified but necessary at the level of productivity at which the idea of scientific sqcialism was developed but which today is at least subject to discussion. Today we must try to discuss and define-without any inhibitions, even when it may seem ridiculous-the qualitative difference between socialist society as a free society and the existing society. And it is precisely here that, if we are looking for a concept that can perhaps indicate the qualitative difference in socialist society, the aesthetic erotic dimension comes to mind almost spontaneously, at least to me. Here the notion “aesthetic” is taken in its original sense, namely as the form of sensitivity of the senses and as the form of the concrete world of human life. Taken in this way, the notion projects the convergence of technology and art and the conver-

gence of work and play. It is no accident that the work of Fourier is becoming topical again among the avant-garde leftwing intelligentsia. As Marx and Engels themselves acknowledged, Fourier was the only one to have made clear this qualitative difference between free and unfree society. And he did not shrink back in fear, as Marx still did, from speaking of a possible society in which work becomes play, a society in which even socially necessary labor can be organized in harmony with the liberated, genuine needs of men.

Let me make one further observation in conclusion. I have already indicated that if critical theory, which remains indebted. to Marx, does not wish to stop at merely improving the existing state of affairs, it must accommodate within itself the extreme possibilities for freedom that have been only crudely indicated here, the scandal of the qualitative difference. Marxism must risk defining freedom in such a way that people become conscious of and recognize it as something that is nowhere already in existence. And precisely because the so-called utopian possibilities are not at all utopian but rather the determinate socio-historical negation of what exists, a very real and very pragmatic opposition is required of us if we are to make ourselves and others conscious of these possibilities and the forces that hinder and deny them. An opposition is required that is free of all illusion but also of all defeatism, for although its mere existence defeatism betrays the possibility of freedom to the status quo.

...and the End of Utopia

UESTIDN. You have said that technically the material and intellectual forces for revolutionary transformation exist already. In your lecture, however, you seem to be speaking of forces for “utopia,” not for the transformation itself, and this question you have not really answered.

M. To answer this question, of ‘course, a second lecture would be necessary. A few remarks: If Marx saw in the proletariat the revolutionary class, he did so also, and maybe even primarily, because the proletariat was free from the repressive needs of capitalist society, ’ because the new needs for freedom could develop in the proletariat and were not suffocated by the old, dominant ones. Today in large parts of the most highly developed capitalist countries that is no longer the case. The working class no longer represents the negation of existing needs. That is one of the most serious facts with which we have to deal. As far as the forces of transformation themselves are concerned, I grant you without further discussion that today nobody is in a position to give a prescription for them in the sense of being able to point and say, “Here you have your revolutionary forces, this is their strength, this and this must be done.” The only thing I can do is point out what forces potentially make for a radical transformation of the system. Today the classical contradictions within capitalism are stronger than they have ever been before. Especially the general contradiction between the unprecedented development of the productive forces and social wealth on the one hand and of the destructive and repressive application of these forces of production on the other is infinitely more acute today than it has ever been. Second, in a global framework, capitalism today is confronted by anticapitalist forces that already stand in open battle with capitalism at different places in the world. Third, there are also negative forces within advanced capitalism itself, in the United States and also in Europe-and here I do not hesitate to name again the opposition of the intellectuals, especially students. Today this still seems remarkable to us, but one needs, only a little historical knowledge to know that it is certainly not the first time in history that a radical historical transformation has begun with students. That is the case not only here in Europe but also in other parts of the world. The role of students today-as the intelligentsia out of which, as you know the executives and leaders even of existing society are recruited, is historically more important than it perhaps was in the past. In addition there is the moral-sexual rebellion which turns - against the dominant morality and must be taken seriously as a disintegrative factor, as can be seen from the reaction to it, especially in the United States. Finally, probably, here in Europe we should add those parts of the working class that have not yet fallen prey to the process of integration. Those are the ten-

dential forces of transformation, and to evaluate their chances, their strength, and so forth in detail would naturally be the subject of a separate and longer discussion. Q. The new needs, which you spoke of as motive forces for social transformation-to what extent will they be a privilege of the metropoles? To what extent do they presuppose societies that are technically and economically very highly developed? Do you also envisage these needs in the revolution of the poor countries, for example the Chinese or the Cuban Revolution?

M. I see the trend toward these new needs at both poles of existing society, namely in the highly developed sector and in the parts of the third world engaged in liberation struggles. And in fact we see repeated here a phenomenon that is quite clearly expressed in Marxian theory, namely that those who are “free” of the dubious blessings of the capitalist system are those who develop the needs that can bring about a free society. For example, the Vietnamese struggling for liberation do not have to have the need for peace grafted onto them; they have it. They also have need of the defense of life against aggression. These are needs that at this level, at this antipode of established society, are really natural needs in the strictest sense; they are spontaneous. At the opposite pole, in highly developed society, are those groups, minority groups, who can afford to give birth to the new needs or who, even if they can’t afford it, simply have them because otherwise they would suffocate physiologically. Here I come back to the beatnik and hippie movement. What we have here is quite an interesting phenomenon, namely the simple refusal to take part in the blessings of the “affluent society.” That is in itself one of the qualitative changes of need. The need for better television sets, better automobiles, or comfort of any sort has been cast off. What we see is rather the negation of this need. “We don’t want to have anything to do with all this crap.” There is thus potential at both poles. ’ CL Does not revolution become reified when oppressed hate the oppressor to the point where humanistic element gets lost? Is this reification that can be undone during, or only after the revolution?

the the one

M. A really frightening question. On the one hand, I believe that one must say that the hatred of exploitation and oppression is itself a humane and humanistic element. On the other hand there is no doubt that in the course of revolutionary movements hatred emerges, without which revolution is just impossible, without which no liberation is possible. Nothing is more terrible than. the sermon, “Do not hate thy opponent,” in a world in. which hate is thoroughly institutionalized. Naturally in the course of the revolutionary movement itself this hatred can turn into cruelty, brutality, and terror. The boundary between the two ishorribly and extraordinarily in flux. The only thing that I can at least say about

this is that a part of our work consists in preventing this development as much as possible, that is to show that brutality and cruelty also belong necessarily to the system of repression and that a liberation struggle simply does not need this transmogrification of hatred into brutality and cruelty. One can hit an opponent, one can vanquish an opponent, without cutting off his ears, without severing his limbs, without torturing him. Q. It seems that you have an ideal of a harmonious society without tolerance or pluralism. Who will determine the common good in such a society? Are there to be no antagonisms? This ideal is unrealistic and, if there is to be no tolerance in resolving antagonisms. it will be undemocratic and require dictatorship.

M. Either a free society without tolerance is unthinkable, or a free society does not need tolerance because it is free anyway, so that tolerance does not have to be preached and institutionalized. A society without conflicts would be a utopian idea, but the idea of a society in which conflicts evidently exist but can be resolved without oppression and cruelty is in my opinion not a utopian idea. With regard to the concept of democracy: that is of course really a very serious matter. If I am to say in one sentence what I can offer as a momentary answer, it is only that at the moment no one could be more for a democracy than I am. My objection is only that in no existing society, and surely not in those which call themselves democratic, does democracy exist. What exists is a kind of very limited, illusory form of democracy that is beset with inequalities, while the true conditions of democracy have still to be created. On the problem of dictatorship: What I suggested was a question, namely, I cannot imagine how the state of almost total indoctrination and coordination can turn into its opposite in an evolutionary way. It seems to me inevitable that some intervention must occur in some way and that the oppressors must be suppressed in some way, since they unfortunately will not suppress themselves. - Q. lt seeme,d to me that the center of your paper today was the thesis - that a transformation of society must be preceded by a transformation of needs. For me this implies that changed needs can only arise if we first abolish the mechanisms that have let the needs come into being as they are. It seems to me that you have shifted the accent toward enlightenment and away from revolution.

M. You have defined what is- unfortunately the greatest .difficulty in the matter. Your objection is that, for new; revolutionary needs to develop, the mechanisms that reproduce the old needs must be abolished. In order for the mechanisms to be abolished, there must first be a need to abolish them. That is the circle in which we are placed, and I do not know how to get out of it.

friday

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UVc~rriorbasketballâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;70

Despite the distance these shots generally found their way to the basket.

Paul Bilewicz had his foul troubles this year. That does not mean however that he was never on the receiving end.

One of the highlights of this season was this shot which gave the warrior individual scoring record to Laaniste.

It is rumored that our own Rick Hankinson, Niagara University â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s part-time basketball advisor, has been offered the position of assistant coach for their junior varisty team. What do you think about that Calvin?

Jaan shot a ball into the air . . . . . ; . . . friday

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Spring is almost upon us, and there is something we all can do this time of the year that takes very little effort and can yield enormous results. Those who smoke grass have a responsibility to the community to plant the seeds that come with the grass. I have done this for two years now, and have been very favorably impressed with the quality of grass that grows in the US, and the ability of the plant to grow under a wide variety of conditions with no care. The earth belongs to the people, and grass can be planted in vacant lots, roadsides, parks, behind factories, under bridges, along the river, or in short, any place where tall weeds can grow unmolested and there is nlentv of sunshine. It takes only about one minute to pull up a clump of weeds, shake off the dirt from the roots, scatter l/2 dozen seeds, throw some dirt over them and split for another spot. Hundreds of such patches can be planted in one spring afternoon, and if you return in the fall after -I’ the first hard frost, you will find that at least half of these spots will have grassplants growing, anywhere from 6 inches to 6 feet height, If you miss a few, the plant is likely to increase its num-

“Bought the diamond at Birks 5 years ago. Now we’re using it to help

At Birks anything possible.”

1096 the Chevron

bers the following year. the lowest corner. The ones that Imagine what will happen if this don’t*roll readily are wrinkled, and practice becomes widespread. probably won’t grow. They can be Think of the pigs that will be tied removed with a strainer. It is best up looking for plants. Grass grows not to strain out all the seeds, as wild in some sections of the US and the strainer will damage the seeds. there is no reason why your area We have the power to make antican’t be one of them unless you marijuana laws as irrelevant as a live in the desert, in which case law against ragweed. Do you have irrigation is necessary. If you the will to do your part? SAVE YOUR SEEDS NOW! PLANT plant in your area for a few years, EVERYWHERE THIS it is likely that the plant will take THEM hold. The implications of this SPRING! need not be discussed. X Although guerrilla planting is the best and safest and least timeconsuming way to plant, even more reliable results can be secured from cultivating the plants, e.g. watering in dry weather, add. 1 1 11 .I ing Peatmoss to me soil, removing weeds, etc. There are several Igood booklets giving details on methods at your local head shop. In any case, plant after the last frost. You should start saving seeds long in advance, in fact you should save all seeds, as with increased government repression, future supplies are uncertain. Make sure those seeds get planted. To remove the seeds from the grass, pulverize the grass in a large boxtop or similar shallow container with your fingers. Tilt the container and tap lightly. The seeds will roll to

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Miller’s

farm

Walter Miller, a representative of the National Farmers’ Union, (NFU), spoke on the economic problems faced by farmers. He was invited to campus by a group of students who disagreed with the academic ‘solutions to the farm problem’ which are propaga ted by professors in our economics department. Miller3 central point was that farmers must deal with strong monopolies and oligopolies for farm equipment, for loans, to deliver and sell their produce, to buy seed grain, fertilizer, etc.. These monopolies naturally keep the farmers’ costs high and the prices he receives for his produce as low as possible. Farmers are caught in the middle with little money and much debt. The problem is not that ‘marginal’ farmers cannot support themselves but that the ‘majority of farmers are not paid enough for their labour to make a decent living. If productivity rises fast enough to increase real farm income agribusiness will force farmers to pay more for equipment and to sell their crops for less. Miller said that government policy favours agribusiness against the farmer. The government has not interfered with the development of oligopolies in agribusiness i.e. Massey-Fergusson, Canada Packers, Weston,

economics etc. Miller noted that the government recently ignored the merger of Neonex and Maple Leaf Mills. Miller also criticized the government’s policies to ‘aid’ the farmer. The federal government’s emergency relief program of pay-. ments for putting wheat land into summer fallow doesn’t cover the costs of fallowing, causes erosion if it is done for too long a period and is limited to the prairies. Miller feels the government’s international wheat marketing effort has been weak. Moreover, he said that Canada could afford to give much wheat to underdeveloped countries and start buying products from China and Russia to encourage wheat sales. Miller recognized that the farmers’ problem is political. He said that government serves the interests of agribusiness and of big business generally. The NFU’s program is to organize farmers to act politically to force government and agribusiness to meet the farmers’ demands. If necessary the NFU would stop delivery of their produce is a means of gaining their demands. Miller compared the methods of the NFU to other unions and claimed they are necessary in our corporate society. In the question period people said that the NFU’s program was bad in that it would only create

realistic another monopoly. These questions ignored the political and economic realities involved. The NFU may win decent incomes for its members as other unions have done. This may raise prices. However, the wealth is available to raise the incomes of other working people sufficiently to cover a rise in prices. (It is available in the large profits big business is making). The spectre of ‘unreasonable demands’ was raised by the audience. According to Miller the demands of the NFU are reasonable, Also, government will use its power to suppress any organization trying to go beyond the ‘limits of the system’. Someone asked why Miller and the NFU had opposed the -General Farm Organization. Miller claimed the organizers of the GFO were government lackeys and the funding system, which is a government levy on all produce,, left the GFO open to government control. He also stressed the need for a national organization to deal with national monopolies. Throughout the discussion Miller showed a realistic understanding of our economic system. The NFU’s program will by ng means solve all the problems farmers are “facing but it is an attempt to fight back against an oppressive system.

The above story was written by John Stafford, chevron reporter who attended &&&r’s lecture. The report below was presented to the chevron by Ron Saurve, a student t&ie first m economics.

MiIIer’s

ideas

Walter Miller is preaching a philosophy that is contradictory. He stated correctly that the farmer is being exploited by agribusness or farm related businesses such as banks, implement dealers, canneries, etc. However, he expressed many other opinions which were contradictory. Miller charged that “agribusiness” is conducting a propaganda campaign amongst farmers. This propaganada is the rural concept of “it’s a good thing to stay on the farm and fear God”; accepting life passively. At the same time, he criticized the government for stating that there should be only one third the number of farmers there is presently. He criticized business for trying to keep farmers on the farm and yet he criticized the government for suggesting ‘that there should be \ less farmers. Miller also charged that agribusiness uses the Dominion Bureau of Statistics figures, to exploit the farmers, using crop predictions to determine what price they will pay for the crops. Yet he was proud of the fgct that half the farmers throw away their forms from the DBS and that one quarter of them don’t state facts. This is good he said because it keeps “agribusiness” from information that they can use to exploit farmers. He did not explain how he expected the government to make crop forecasts with the possibility of selling to other countries. Miller tried to make government policies look ridiculous by showing contradictions in them. He stated that the government is telling farmers to become more efficient but pays them not to grow crops. The example of prairie wheat, which he used, showed many fallacies in his reasoning. First he rediculed the fact of giving farmers $140 million for summer fallow in lieu of an $800 million crop. He says this will not cover the expense? of fallowing the land, which’is probably right, but does he expect to be given money for doing nothing.

contradictory

It is a plain and simple economic fact that if a firm in an industry, which a farm is, is to survive in a competitive market it must become more efficient or leave the market. Miller talks of “how good it is to have an inventory” of farm products in case of a bad year. This is a good thing but too much inventory becomes unprofitable. He expected the government to buy the crops but did not answer how much inventory he expected the government to accumulate of a product which it cannot sell. His arguments on government’ policy leave much to be desired. Miller made the emotional appeal that two-thirds of the world was starving and that it was the business sectors fault. He did not answer the question of how these countries are going to pay for wheat at the “minimum price agreement”. Instead he talked of the one percent of the gross national product in foreign aid, that all Canadians, not just farmers’ should bear to help the starving people of the world. This is indeed a very good gesture but Miller did not answer two of the shortcomings of this ‘solution’. First, to the unemployed it does not make sense to give produce away when six percent of our force is facing own working poverty. Second, we could not keep giving the world food, but should give them tools so they can produce their own. Maybe this idea is threatening to the Canadian farmer. Miller said that a change must take place, that exploitation of people by industrymust stop, that farmers must band together into a hard driving bargaining force that could back up its demands by withholding crops. He says that agribusiness must be put in its place. However, Miller is perpetuating the system that he is .out to destroy. The ‘organization’ that he talks of just shifts the power base from agribusiness to the farmers. The result of this is

that the majority of the Canadian people will suffer from increased food costs, with two power structures in control, playing their game of free enterprise, instead of one. The farmers’ organization must change; change into a unit that will be beneficial to both themselves and the public. Jt must begin to do research into products, methods and proper growing areas. A program must be set up to regulate farm products so that there is the proper supply to meet demand plus inventory tis, in order to stabilize pti and rid us of the quick dollar crop that leads to excess supply followed by a reduction in crop output which’ leads to excess demand. The farmers should be moving in a direction that will lead to these ends. Miller stated the need for research but it seemed to be merely an afterthought. Miller’s idea of the union is no better than what he is trying to fight. Instead the farmers should be moving to greater efficiency because they are in a competitive field and those who cannot compete must leave. Farmers must increase efficiency as well as come together to deliver their crops to market as a unified body, with no price war between themselves. This would ensure price stability through planned crops and dampen the amplitude of price fluctuations. Their produce, delivered to market through a unified market board, would be subject to market conditions not the monopolistic power they are greedily striving to attain. This is the same power they are out to destroy in agribusiness. Only in this -way will they serve their own interests and the interests of the Canadian people whose support they ask for. With this change the farmers and the people together can bring about the de-monopolization of agribusiness into a business that is serving everybody-justly. friday

70 april

7970 (70:6O,J

Keef Hartley and his band have released a new album, The battle of northwest six. This-one isn’t as good as their first however. What the album may lack in ov‘era11 sound quality, it makes up for in the number of musicians. Ha’rtley added about nine people throughout the whole album, most of the additions being members of the brass section. This provides then, a somewhat different sound as compared to that of the original. I One of the best cuts on the album Me and my woman returns not only to the last release but also further back to the days of John Mayall’s Bluesbreakers. It features Miller Anderson on guitar and vocals and with the extra brass comes over as being fairly heavy. + Mick Taylor of the present RolIing Stones and formerly of the bluesbreakers is added on the last cut of the album, Believe in you. He is really here only as a sort of rhythm guitarist but adds some lead in the middle and end of the song. Also added in this song is the solo violin of Henry Lowther, who is also featured on trumpet and fluegelhorn throughout the ~ rest of the album. Don’t give up brings out a very mellow tone which is otherwise not heard on the rest of the album. Combined with a steady slow mov ing brass sound, Anderson’s voice seems much more serene than any other time. Another of the better cuts is Tadpole. This one brings out the really good sound of twelve bar progression blues. Mick Weav-

Applications For the positions size of the section they do produce a rather subtle effect in most of the songs. They tend, at times, however, to somewhat overdo it. This is perhaps the main reason why the album is not a good se. quel to the Haff&reed album. One of the more disappointing cuts is Waiting mend which sounda too much like some of the garbage that is on top 40 radio. Thus drummer Keef Hartley has put together an album. Although not as good as their first, it is still a show of superb musicianship giving a generally good and solid sound. -

er is featured here on organ, while taking the tenor saxaphone leads is Jim Jewel. This song too is more reminiscent of what was happening on Harley’s first release. The brass section consisting of Jim Jewel, Mike Davis, Harry Becket, Lynn Dobson, Chris Mercer, Barbara Thompson and Henry Lowther provide a fairly interesting sound throughout the whole album. Considering the relatively large

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MOVIES SYMPATHY

FORTHE

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’

by Ross Bell Chevron staff

DEVIL

Godard’s Sympathy for the devil probably turned on a lot of people and turned off as many more at last weekend’s showings. The movie starring the Rolling Stones turned me on, but don’t hold that against me. Godard’s films are sometihat difficult to review or criticize. None of the actors in the film are really acting. The Stones are heard and seen throughout the film in a recording study doing innumerable takes on their song Sympathy for the devil. They seem only remotely aware that there is a camera going as they go over and over the song, changing something each time in scenes lasting as long as fifteen to twenty minutes, uninterrupted. In a junk-car lot, militant black liberationists are seen reciting militant black liberationist propaganda, as they go through a rather unusual sacrificial ceremony with three white girls. With scenes as long as these are, Godard is obviously trying to achieve a high degree of realism within the fantasy of his material as it would be extrkmely difficult to get in the medium’s sense of the word for takes running that long. Sympathy is a film about revolution, cultural and otherwise. It has a documentary film effect, in that most of the dialogue is read from unnamed political writings or someone answering an interviewers questions. The movie is quite heavy on the ideological side and the long readings are often

hard to follow, especially because of their length. The sequences featuring the Stones, filmed before the death of guitarist Brian Jones, show the group bored and tired as they play the same song over and over. Occasionally they display brief flashes of energy, but the effect is more of a group of people carrying on with routine, ‘day-to-day work, than super-stars creating an expression of their culture. Most of the scenes in the film are treated in this routine, mundane manner. There is little or no sensationalism as thei-e was in Godard’s Weekend. Revolution

is not glamorized

by Godard.

Sympathy could possibly be described as an essay in revolutionary education. The emphasis is on ideology; praxis is evident only in the scenes with the black power group,as they go through exercises in the manner o’f a liberation army drill routine. As mentioned before, the movie Most people aren’t is a fantasy. internationally known recording stars and most of them aren’t militant blacks. Most of the audience would have great difficulty relating to most of the characters in the film.

MONSTER-STEFPENWOLF 1. /WWSTEW

A long time ago, there were these cats in Europe who were having a bad time of it what with the king and the pope and all, so they came to America “ to build a new vision”. But before long they started to make the same

A diamond the mirror a thousand

is of roses

mistakes they tried to escape from, like burning witches and collecting slaves. Soon they had built the railroad as they killed the Indian and Stole his land. And still the people came. Now you see a “spirit” was born, named fern and justice, which was cool, but its protectors have been sleeping and it’s turned into a “monster that will not obey.” b. suktie. NOW what happened was that the spirit’s leaders sort of ignored the people, but they could care less cause they were fat and lazy and listened to anyone that talked about lawandorder and stuff while the monster ‘began to put thejr heads into a noose. Now there’s problems like the teeming cities and corruption and cops, not to mention imperialism. And the monster just sits there looking. c. America. A plea to al1 good americans to join their sons and daughters in the fight against the monster. DRAFT

RESISTER

So one of the things we can do to fight the monster is to resist the draft and praise the draft resister. that soldier of humanity who will join in the fight for sanity. POWER

PLAY

Now listen,

mister corrupt politician and businessman, it’s the people of this country that put you where you are, and it’s the people that can take it away too. Remember that, hey, and don’t bite the hand that feeds you. FAG

A brief musical interlude, dedicated to one of the most maligned minority groups in America.

FROM

8 King Street East

HERE TO THERE EVENTUALLY

Anyway, America, you’ve really made a mess of things as YOU filled your houses with all that material crap and ignored the aged and the sick and all the people that really need your help. But 1 can still remember when I thought that you were Pretty neat and had no bad thoughts about you. iThen 1 saw the way you closed your eyes to the world and its miseries and I just couldn’t dig it at all, SO 1 left your bosom to seek a better way. But all the other teachings were as bad. a little bit of truth and plenty of man-made confusion. So America, since you’re around here anyway, we may as well try and get you on your feet again, so’s everything can be groovy with freedom and justice for all. Up against the wall, Steppenwolf! friday

10 april

7970 (70:60)

’

concert

Air&me

good-so

The Jefferson Airplane concert a couple of sundays ago was good. So what. . . everyone there probably expected it would be. The light show, direct from San Francisco was groovy and psychedelic and everything, but you sort of expected that too. It wasn’t the type of concert you walked out from in amazement. Perhaps paying $6 a seat for an hour’s worth of rock, roll, and revolution tarnished the excitement. (I wonder if seats for the revolution, or standing room in the streets will cost $6 a head?) Paying such a grand sum for admission wasn’t any easier, when before the Airplane began playing they told all the people in the cheap seats of the one quarter full O’Keefe center to move up to the front. Music-wise, the group did a good variety. Songs from Volunteers, their latest , album PPwere featured. _I:- _-,-_ _ _ LLWe can be together, was usea very errecnvery as cne soundtrack to a movie on the Airplane at a pop festival, which was shown just before the group came on stage. Instead of monotonously sludging through some of

what?

their ‘golden hits of the past’, (which seems to be a necessary part of any concert), updated versions of some< of their old songs (white rabbit et. al) proved that even nostalgia can be improved with age. An unusual feature of the concert came midway through another oldie, Somebody to /ave. Grace Slick the female half of the group’s main vocal section threw in what appeared to be an off-the-top-of-herhead improvization, tracking in with the crucifixion of that old folk hero, Jesus Christ. And on Easter sunday too. The move seemed to take more than just the audience by surprise, as the other members of the group gaped at Slick, expecting indignant members of the Catholic women’s league to storm the stage at the first hint of sacrilege. Other than that faint glimmer of unexpected creation, the concert went mostly as anyone familiar with the Airplanes recent style expected. It was excellent, but we all knew it would be.

578-2910

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Sponsored by The Engineering Society and the federation of students

JULY MON. JULY 6 8:30 - 12 Quiet

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6th - 12th

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(free) with

& Dance

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A,ct

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First Committee

SAT. JULY 11 Morning Car Rally 200 Outdoor fun and games 9:00 CaprAu-Vin in Campus 9:00 Semi-Informal 9:00 Dance SUN. JULY 12 Afternoon Conestoga

Meeting

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I .

Y ,

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Beach Party - Bridgeport

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Great Boat Race

* r

The cultuial revolution revisited by Irwin

During the fall of 1969, Irwin Silber wrote a series. of articles on the cultural revolution for the Guardian. The following is reprinted from the february 14, 1970 edition of the Guardian.

In the month or so since the last of my series on the “cultural revolution” appeared in these pages, I have received various reactions and criticisms which have been extremely provocative. Some of these reactions have convinced me that in some cases I did not succeed in making my point of view clear. Some people raised questions which I had touched on only lightly and others suggested ideas which helped me to clarify my own thinking. In response, I have tried to essentialize and clarify some of the fundamental ideas in the original series. Perhaps some basic and simple stateme,nts are in order at this time. 1. Let’s agree to stop using the word “revolution” in our description of an extremely significant ideological and cultural upheaval which has made itself felt in America over the past decade. 2. Let us agree that this upheaval is a response of the accumulated moral and spiritual impoverishment of an American ruling class. 3. Let us agree that the term, “middle class, ” is neither a pejorative put-down ,nor an adjective of approbation, but a somewhat ambiguous sociological des, cription. 4. Let us assume the common objective of both writer and reader is to find; the ways by which this monstrous social anachronism called capitalism can be destroyed and a socialist society (I choose deliberately to be no more precise than that at this moment) can be brought into existence. In order to make an sense at all out of the massive cultural dislocation of the past decade, it seems to be necessary to make a distinction between the problem and the solution. Is some significant change in the codified values and ideas of bourgeois America taking place? Quite clearly it is. the most basic sense, capitalist society. has suffered a massive deterioration in its ability to motivate a sizeable portion of its young to pursue individual life goals which coincide with the best interests of the ruling class. In the nuclear age, capitalism is a living anachronism. The material base for socialism exists throughout the Western world-and in the third world, it is only socialism which will make it. possible for the victims of imperialist exploitation to conquer the heavy burden of underdevelopment. One reflection of capitalism’s uselessness as a social system is its failure in the past 25 years to generate any kind of meaningful or aesthetically convincing art other than art which destroys, demystifies and desanctifies the illusions which have been the ideological buttress of the social order.

Cultural

sterility

Were 1 a Walt Whitman to appear in our midst today to tell us that he hears America singing, he would be greeted with derisive laughter. The worlds of Tom

Sawyer, Penrod and Andy Hardy are dead-and no one cares. Innocence is a luxury which neither the damned nor the oppressed can afford. Since capitalism no longer conforms to social necessity, its entire cultural codification-its art, religion, politics, philosophy, moral code, life styles, all that we call the superstructure of society-has become emotionally and intellectually barren. But the social atrophy of the capitalist system is insufficient, by itself, to bring about its destruction. The bourgeoisie is a tenacious ruling class and capitalism holds on-past its time. For a complex of historical reasons-not the least of which were the primitive accumulation of wealth based on the brutal exploitation of blacks., Indians and the entire colonial world- the American ruling class has been able to stave off some of those internal economic contradictions which are increasingly festering just below the surface of what seems to be a relatively smooth-functioning productive system. But it cannot stave off the ideological contradictions which have disrupted its cultural apparatus. Out of this has come Jhe cultural upheaval of the 1960s. We are all familiar with the specific manifestations of the process: dropping of sexual’ inhibitions, psychedelic drugs, a new concern with personalized and individualized experience, a concern for the sensual and emotional experience as opposed to the intellectual experience, the diminishing value of material goals and a repugnance for artificially-induced luxuries, the . obliteration of conscious patterns of racial and religious prejudice, a general lack of respect of all forms of authority, an impatience with outmoded cultural values, the accelerating destruction of such social institutions as marriage, the family, the established church and hierarchies in general, etc.

Middle

class rebels

One significant characteristic of this development has been the fact that it has centered primarily on young whites of middle class and upper middle class significant incurbackground-with sions among the young of the ruling class itself. It is an upheaval which has touched working class youth, by and large, only in a superficial manner. It is this fact of the particular class character of those who have become most alienated from the social system, which has played such a significant role in determining the course of the changes taking place and the nature of many of the alternations evolving from them. Capitalism’s response to this cultural dislocation has varied to the extent that having conflicting inthe bourgeoisie, terests among themselves, do not speak with one voice nor do they have one set of needs. One section of the bourgeoisie, whose power is involved with the least flexible portions of society, has reacted! with predictable hostility and fear. The more enlightened sections of the bourgeoisie attempt to address themselves to the problems which have created

this unrest in a manner designed to siphon off the most anti-social features of the protest while leaving bourgeois power intact. And all sections of the bourgeoisie, whether they like it or not, are forced to deal with the real problems as well as with the manifestations of unrest. One of the problems of the cultural upheaval which has taken place is not that capitalism will attempt to co-opt it, but that because of its middle class character its goals are eminently co-optable. No movement can prevent the ruling class from taking over its objectives. But,it is only a revolutionary movement which; does not have co-optable goals, because those goals address themselves fundamentally and primarily to taking power out of the hands of the ruling class-and I mean here real power, the power over the productive system and not merely political power.

Possible

to adjust

But is it conceivable that capitalist society can absorb such goals as the destruction of the family, the disintegration of religion, the legalization of psychedelic drugs, the abolition of marriage, a greater sense of eroticism in daily experience, a rational view toward the problems of ecology, a greater looseness in individual and social behavior, etc? If capitalist society has to call itself socialism in order to retain its economic system, it will do so. Some of the goals cited above might necessitate severe social adjustments within the established order, but actually the capitalist system can move sufficiently in the direction of achieving those goals to reduce the number of incorrigible dissidents to a manageable size. Capitalism is incapable of fulfilling the humtin personality of moving humanity on to the next level of its essential social, cultural and psychological development. It cannot do this precisely because it is the prisoner of outmoded productive relations which are incapable of solving the new problems posed by social development-now on a planetary scale -at this point in history.

Co-op

table

so/u tions

The “cultural revolution” of the white middle class young in America is a social phenomenon which has contained within it a genuinely revolutionary potential. But it also has within it the seeds of self-defeating irrelevance. Its strength consists in the fact that it is an outgrowth of real social contradictions, a massive response to the spiritual impoverishment of the American people which the deterioration of capitalism has produced. But it may serve a non-revolutionary, even a counter-revolutionary purpose, to the extent that it moves in the direction of outmoded solutions. We cannot be blind to the fact that the trend has been away from political solutions which change productive relations and towards solutions which are, in essence, much more accommodating to the system. What is the nature of these outmoded “solutions?” 1. Mystical solutions: Zen Buddhism,

Silber

astrology, primitive ritualism, anti-scie!; tific and anti-intellectual cultism; all re’ligion and superstition. 2. Individualistic solutions: encounter groups, dropping out of social reality, consciousness expansion, sensitivity training. 3. Diversionary solutions : sexual liberation and pornography cults (both of which, in essence, tend to extend rather than destroy women’s oppression), drug culture. 4. Accommodating solutions, dropping back into the system in the guise of being the producers, merchandisers and publicists for the new ideas and their accompanying products within the confines of the commodity system. 5. Elitist solutions: the destruction of social institutions which are, in part at least, survival patterns of the working class and third world peoples generally -such as the family-without offering a viable alternative which enables oppressed peoples to survive in the capitalist jungle while developing the consciousness required to conduct a revolutionary struggle. 6. Utopian solutions: insisting revolutionary struggle must conform to a preconceived idealized pattern or defining as acceptable methods of struggle only those which are nonviolent.

Workers

essential

”

We must agree, I think, that the dominant trend of’what its adherents like to call the “cultural revolution” has been in the direction of these outmoded “solutions.” I do not mean to imply that a really revolutionary struggle will not contain within itself some of these moral suasions. The revolutionary movement. to end the capitalist era is a great act of morality because it addresses itself to the essence of the oppression and not only to some of its superficial manifestations and because it understands the necessity for the working class on a world scale to be the ultimate guiding and decisive force in the struggle. The alienated young of white middle class America have seen the monster up close and have learned what an ugly beast it is. But their revulsion for the texture of life which capitalism forces on its own youth is not, in itself, a sufficient force to destroy capitalism. The revolutionary process cannot be set -in motion merely by the ardor of our convictions. It is still true that only a revolution based in the working class is capable of destroying capitalism and developing socialism. It may very well be that ancient definitions of the working class have become outmoded and traditional Marxist analyses, no longer conforming to social reality,7 must be revised and up-dated. Then let us address ourselves to that problem and begin with a much more thorough understanding of the American reality than we have had before. Let us try to rid ourselves of dogmatic preconceptions which are no longer tenable and dispense withthe self-indulgent illusions which have re”’ duced some portions of our movement to either adventurist irrelevancy or that intellectual masturbation which has substituted “living the revolution” for making the revolution. ”

friday

IO april

7970 ( 70:60)

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St.

Nprth

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of Chicken 21 PIECES

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OFFER GOOD WITH COUPON the Chevron

’

feedback ’ Steppenwolfe but not that

was good,

goocl Ross

esROSS BELL WAS REALLY .OUT OF IT! ! ! ” Ross Bell had the nerve to call the Steppenwolfe concert one of the best &er. Well R(t-s, baby, you were out of it, man, stoned maybe, or just plain high. The concert was good but judging by the audience’s applause and approval it wasn’t as thoroughly enjoyed as some of the other concerts.

I mentioned that american influence in the Psychology Department at the University of Waterloo was an interesting problem in view of the current Chevron articles. Moreover, the statistics quoted are in error: of a possible total of 30 Ph.D. candidates I7 are Canadian and 13 are American.

let’s

try

183

University Ave. POST OFFICE Phone 742-2016

1 Arts

For The Best in Submarine

I! The * Yellow

Economics is so Canadian, So is George Washington

You godammed shit-disturbers. Your attack on mr. Weintraub and the economic department in your Canadianization supplement was uncalled for. After all. look at the Canadian content in the economics section of our library, the collected works of John Kenneth Galbraith and seven copies of John Crispo’s International Unionism”.

BOARD

Rep.

Rep Rep

Apply:

to get

CENTER

1 Math

MORROW :ONFECTIONERb

ALEC DALE grad psychology

For

1 Science

BITONTE math

P.S. Next year Chuck Berry.

CAMPUS

lem can be traced back to the universi&s not estimating the number of Ph.D. graduates in North America.

ROSS. we know you’re different and hip and whatever you have. but man. “TELL IT LIKE IT IS“

FRANK

Representatives

Federation

of: Students

Sandwiches

Submarine

Deadline:

5 pm, April

17, 1970

King W. at Louisa

’ Free delivery

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$3.00

and over.

Once mr. Galbraith shows you how the “countervailing forces” make everything ok in our society and prof Crisp0 ( the ghost writer for the .Woods report 1 shows you. seven times, how to make the countercountervailing forces vail on the working class and other who don’t understand people about our affluent society (because they don’t read Galbraith? 1 What else is there to know about the Canadian economy? As for the faculty, I’m sure mr. Weintraub will continue his fine crusade to replace all the faculty, both american and Canadian. with one all Canadian computer. STEVE

DOREY arts 1

re canadianizatiorp:

get

the

facts

straight

I wish to clear up an apparent misunderstanding associated with my name in the article about job rejections. I feel that the prob-

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10 april

7970 (70:60)

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AGENCY. .

and Malzan guilty and anti-feminism

There have been many instances in the past where we have disagreed strongly with your views and statements, but we have never felt it worth the effort to write and express our opinion. This is one time when we feel that the snap judgments and lack of research should be corrected as they are not only untrue and undeserved, but also because the remarks have hurt someone we care about. My anger is aimed at two people- Jerry Malzan and Rick DeGrass, both of whom wrote articles on p.15 of the march 13 Chevron. First I will address myself to Prof. Malzan. He mentions that the Chairman of the Fine Arts Dept. (Nancy-Lou Patterson) is an American with only a BA, and that her job was gotten through nepotism. (Her ‘husband, Prof. E.P. Patterson is a History Prof. ) Nepotism refers to the conference of favors, jobs, etc. based on relation rather than merit. Mrs. Patterson was called in by the Department of Extension to work in cooperation with the Doon School of Fine Arts while her husband was working at St. Jerome’s. She has been teaching at the university level since 1953, and had had long experience teaching on other levels before then. There is no law in Ontario against a woman working at the same in(You stitution as her husband. should be the last one to yell, Mr. Malzan-your wife is working here on the Chevron). Mrs. Patterson is an experienced and widely recognized artist in her own right. As for “only a BA”, -when someone is teaching a course in art (or music or writing) other forms of excellence are substituted for a post-graduate degree. It appears you are guilty of anti-feminism. It seems you would want to keep the wife in the kitchen, instead of going out and developing her own talents and making some sort of Now, ‘in relevant contribution. reply to Rick DeGrass who is guilty of a myriad of misinformation. Mrs. Patterson is a nationally recognized liturgical artist. She was named as 1 of 43 Canadian artists in the field of architectural craftsmanship in a book published by the Royal Architectural Institute of Canada. She was curator of the gallery here for 5 years and in that time arranged 35 exhibitions of canadian art, each accompanied by a scholarly essay. Her own works are in collections in both the U.S. and Canada. She is a published scholar (e.g. an article on Mennonite Folk Art in Ontario

History.

)

The Canadian Art course was in the works long before the Mathews Report came out, but due to all the red-tape, it took P/2 years to appear. All the art survey courses have a great deal of Canadian content. It may not appear in the rubric, but then it does not mention Chinese art either. In 1967-seven public lectures on Canadian art were given by Mrs. Patterson for the Creative Arts The highest attendance Board. was 4 people; on some nights there was no one. Lastly, I address my anger at Mr. DeGrass in his use of the word “foreigners” in reference to Mr. Uhde and Mr. Spree. Mr. Uhde escaped from Czechoslovakia when his country was invaded, and because he was good in his

the Chevron

f-ield, he was hired here. “Foreigners” has become a perjorative, unfortunately, and while we welcome draft resisters with open arms, a refugee from another country is put down, and so Mr. DeGrass, it would seem you are guilty of racism. . Instead of seeking a scapegoat, why don’t some of you support what Canadian culture there is, because it is going to die soon. As it is, Canada barely, if at all, subsidizes her artists, musicians, writers, and actors. While her talent runs to the U.S. to survive,, it is probably you who are responsible for defacing art work in the gallery or in the halls; it is you who are responsible for stealing student art work, for the poor attendance at plays, concerts, and lectures. And there will be a justifiable reason for any lack of Canadian content in Fine Arts courses unless you get off your respective destructive asses and support your own artists here. JOHANNA FAULK arts 3 DAVID KARDISH history 3 In connection with both articles you seem to have missed the point completely. Was Nancy Lou Patterson’s position advertised and Canadians given a chance to compete? Also, you agree with Rick DeGrass that-fine arts offers only one Canadian art course, and have not refuted his statement that there is very little Canadian content in the film courses. Finally may we point out that working for the Chevron on a nonsalary basis is hardly comparable to being chairman of fine arts which undoubtedly offers a bandsome salary. -the lettitor

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should

be kept

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and..

This is a plea for re-assessment of our present co-educational system of university education. In the earlier stages of domestication when man began to evolve a crude system of civilization, it came to be established that men would go off to hunt animals while the women remained in the village to tend crops and children. Today, we have much the same pattern in western capitalistic society with the typical worker or businessman going to work for the day while the woman remains to tend his home and children (and also, participating with the other women in their common activities). Now, when we turn to universities this entire system disintegrates. Again,, as with primitive man and the modern businessman, the college student goes off to his work for the day; but he arrives to discover his grounds strewn with females. Only go into a classroom at random and behold the majority of broads dressed as for a shopping excursion and dropping inane questions from their fatuous minds. Enter any room where female students are collected and open your nostrils. Is this the “selfless pursuit of knowledge.” Is this an environment for the creative and critical w&k of men? Let us have an end to the wishy-washy watered down influence of the minds of girls. If we must educate our women let us establish convents or church colleges or nurseries or something. A time and a place for women and syngenesis. JOHN WELLS english 3

Address

letters to feedback, the Chevron, U of W. Be The Chevron reserves the right to shorten tetters. Letters must be typed on a 32 character fine. For legal reasons, letters must be signed with course year and phone number. A pseudonym will be printed if you have a good reason.

feedbackconcise Arabs answer arub-iewish

call for co-operation

In reply to Etigson’s letter in the Chevron, march 26, we believe that a dialogue does enlighten Chevron readers on the one hand, and both parties are subject to their criticism on the other. Furthermore, we feel that the Canadian people are indirectly involved in the Middle East conflict and they need to be aware of the arab side of the story, which is badly represented in the north american press. Canada was one of the 31 countries which participated in the Evian Conference initiated by President Roosevelt, which convened in the hope that these countries would open t,heir doors to the persecuted Jews of . Europe, june, 1938. “Canada refused to be committed and in the event allowed very few exiles to land.” (Christopher Crossroad To Israel. Sykes, London 1965, page 227 ). In 1947, Mr. Pearson, as secretary of state for external affairs wielded his considerable influence to have the partition of Palestine accepted. The image of Mr. Neutral was a false one and lately it was smeared when he said: ‘If I can do anything for Israel, don’t hesitate to call on me”, after receiving the George Medal of Zionism. Under his leadership, and during Levy Eshkol’s visit to Canada in 1967, Canada was called “a pillar of support of Israel”. As for the invitation to form ‘The Waterloo Movement for Arab-Jewish Co-operation’ we heard about it long before Mr. Etigson suggested it in his letter to the Chevron. “We could press on our governments, and ‘we would

receive

lots

of publicity’

‘1

said the pro-israeli student. Anyway, some points should be mentioned to show where we stand: l-The Middle East problem is basically ziionist colonials vs. Palestinians not Arabs vs Jews. “The Palestinians do have a case, and a legitimate grievance against Israel. They are refugees, more than a million of them, evicted from their homeland by the brutIf they do not alities of war. choose to be absorbed by the countries where most of them are living in U.N. camps, that is their will and it should be respected. No one can pretend that Israel has not committed a great human injustice by its treatment over the years of the Palestinian Arabs. (Globe Middle East correspondent, march 121970). 2-The Arabs are not anti-semitic. They are semitic by definition and they extended their invitation to their cousins who were not happy in Europe to share Palestine with them- (consult Faisal-Weizman Agreement 1919). Sharing a home was interpreted by Zionists to mean a total takeover, and an expulsion of the indigenous people of Palestine. Moreover, the 1917 Balfour Declaration stated that “nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of the existing non-jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.” This was not fulfilled completely, the other non-j ewish communities were ousted, and an ethnocentric theocratic regime was established. The expuulsion of the Palestinians was called “the War of Independence” 3-The Arabs should be con-

sidered equals to their jewish cousins in order to promote a mutual understanding. This was condemned by Mr. Abba Eban, and according to Jerusalem Post Weekly (march 16, 70) “Mr. Eban believed that no Israeli was justified in defining the national aspirations of another nation”. He went on to say: “that whatsettlement might ever peace emerge, it would only be natural for a considerable arab minority to remain within. Israel. The Arab right of self-determination need not necessarily be satisfied everywhere the Arabs lived. ” To conclude, cooperation should not be according to the Zionist principles expressed everyday by their leaders. If our jewish cousins would like to cooperate, they need to denounce zionism and recognize the right of the Palestinians to return home whether Zionism considers it politicide, or anything else. MO GHAMIAN grad eng. RAMZI TWAL econ 2 Nationalism clouds

over

is irrational, the

facts.

*Vationalism is an ugly thing. It is ugly because it leads people to make emotional claims which tend to confuse important issues and arouse suspicions. The recent ‘ ‘ De-Canadiani za tion ’ ’ meeting is a good case in point. Under the spur of nationalism, normally rational men were saying very foolish things. Professor Wilson: the best one to teach Canadians about american politics in a Canadian, because he knows the preconceptions t of his students. Professor Matt: hews: it is a sad state of affairs when an english lit teacher has never heard of Farley Mowat, because his students are deprived of making certain connections of what they’re being taught to what they already know. Professor Armour: the Philosophy Department has only 1% Canadians ; the rest are non-Canadians dominated by the combative spirit of american philosophy. What the students need is to learn more non-combative philosophy canadian-style. As an angry American, I submit than an american may indeed be the best one to teach american politics since he has likely had more direct and continuous experience of it. I further submit that ignorance of Farley Mowat (lamentable though it may be) has less bearing on a Shakespeare or a Milton class than in a canadian lit class. Besides, what is to prevent the students (all supposedly well-read Canadians) from showing the teacher these interesting connections? Or is educaation to be merely force-feeding with approved Canadian content? Finally, Professor Armour himself (in a less nationalistic mood) knows that the Philosphy Department has a good representation of the major trends in philosophy and he knows that the combativeness he decries (leaving aside the reasonableness of his fears) has as much a british as an american origin. These three normally rational men became quite emotional the more they waved the flag. The best question from the floor (“What does it mean to be Canadian?“) was hooted down with a rhetorical flourish. Nationalism .

depresses me in any situation. I find its emotional expression especially out of place in an institution supposedly dedicated to the rational solution of problems. BRIAN HENDLEY Assistant Professor of Philosophy

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In a recent editorial you stated that only four thousand students were interested enough in sports activity at the intercollegiate level to buy a seasons ticket. I am one of those four thousand and an avid supporter of all Warrior teams. You suggested a referendum to decide the fate of the school teams by suggesting ways of financing these athletic endeavours ; whether the students who wish to support the Warriors do so by making ticket sales the team’s only source of revenue or to keep the present system of university subsidy (student incidental tuition fees). I suggest a referendum to decide the fate of the Chevron on identical grounds as I don’t believe the Chevron is expressing my views or the views of the majority of students at this university. DOUG PAPE math 2b (out term)

You missed the point Doug, baby. We’re not necessarily to express your views. The editorial policies of the Chevron are decided by the Chevron staff, a group which you are welcome to join. The Federation of Students also exercises a certain amount of financial control over the Chevron. And that’s where the difference lies: students have no say at all as to how the 22 dollar athletic fee is spent. -the

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The contemptible contemplated ‘hate’ ban bill c-3 calls for , utmost contempt and denunciation, inasmuch as it equates ‘religion ’ with race and colour. None is responsible for his race or colour, so, therefore, should not be discriminated against on that account. Creed, religion, .or ideology are not in that category, as everyone. is responsible for his ‘creed, religion or ideology upon reaching the years of maturity and accounability. Creed, religion, or ideology is comparable to politics, in which a democratic government recognizes the need of an opposition to present all sides of a subjectand pays an opposition to do soto induce, encourage, or maintain ballast. The same tactics apply to ‘religion’. Anyone who is so unreasonable or naive as to sponsor such an evil, ridiculous, discriminatory bill offers no hope for the country, as all fair-minded lovers of freedom and justice can readily see. Great responsibility rests upon those entrusted with power-to use it properly. MRS. L. PRATT Galt, Ontario.

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Brief underminesr principles of IS The power struggle in Integrated Studies which began last january has apparently come to a head with the issuing of a brief calling for the restru4uring of the unit along much more reactionary lines. The brief, submitted by Alice Kohler and Keith Rowe, two.of the resource people asked to resign by the members of I.S., calls for the division of the unit into two parts. The Waterloo fellows would conduct their courses of study individually, and the Action Group Unit would apparently undertake group projects. Aside from denying the students in the latter group the use of office space and’ drastically limiting the participation of other faculty in the group’s programmes, the brief makes some fairly serious charges into the activities of certain students in the unit. Specifically, it accuses some students of imposing their beliefs on the other students through such coercive methods as bullying, obscenity and peer manipulation. The charge is relatively serious but the brief presents no evidence to support it since no such evidence exists. What are their beliefs? That students and faculty should all have equal say in the functioning of the unit and the directions it is to take. This position is one of the foundations upon which Integrated was established. Rowe and Kohler’s feeble attempt to isolate the radicals in I.S. and to undermine the principles of the unit can only be seen as a case of childish hard apples for being rejected by

the students in the program. The brief claims that about sixty-five percent of the students in the unit support them and their -position. However, it contradicts this statement when it says that no faculty-initiated actions would be supported at a meeting of the unit since the students outnumber the faculty and would vote down any such proposals. The entire brief is so reactionary as to suggest other motives behind its preparation. A meeting of the inter-faculty council and the management committee of I.S. was postponed in order to give the members concerned the time to study the Kohler-Rowe brief. Stalling the progress of the interfaculty council can only benefit the disinherited resource people since much of their stu‘dent opposition will soon be leaving for the summer. Aside from trying to save their own academic necks, they are very blatantly trying to get back at the students. who voted for their dismissals. These students are the ones who will be grouped off from the rest of the students if these proposals go through. The administration cannot escape the charge of complicity, to some degree at least, for not rejecting the brief out-right as the product of a cry-baby temper tantrum and proceeding with the more important matter of helping the students turn integrated studies into a viable and worthwhile experiment in progressive educational techniques.

3c -

Just -another dub? The draft policy on bookings by director of ancillary enterprises Jack Brown has far greater implications than what one might initially foresee. As of may 1 1970, rooms on campus are to be booked on a first-come-firstserve basis up to 90 days in advance. The only priorities that the federation . would maintain is reservations for the established annual events such as orientation. The federation is now in a position where it is losing its role as students’ representative to the administration. The student reps on the proposed single tier government will be elected directly rather than through the federation. The federation is now focusing activities, itself on sandbox acting as a service organization for the student. Even that role is threatened if plans go ahead to ignore the federation as ‘just another organization on campus’. The booking office has had until now a working agreement to check all bookings with the federa tion for conflictions. The federation provides for student dances, pubs, concerts, movies etc. all year around on a nonbasis. profit (even subsidized) If it were to be denied priority, the federation could conceivably

be stopped from running services for weeks at a time if ‘they were not there first’. Many qualified persons in the federation including Burko himself, knowing the ins-and-outs of running pubs, movies etc. realize full well how easy it would be- to make a thousand or two a month in the business of running events. ‘The only work involved would be to contact the groups who have placed the bookings and offer to organize the event for, ’ say, a cut of 25 percent. The absurdity of the situation really shines through when one examines the administration policy on similar concerns. When Brown was once asked why he opposes allowing a private bookstore to operate on campus rather than the administration controlled bookstore, he replied that the administration would not want that because they would then lose control over book prices and quality of service. It is hoped that board of governors will carefully consider this policy change, thereupon rejecting it. Otherwise the student on campus would be exposed to who could reap entrepreneurs untold fortunes from them by using the campus’ public-owned building for private profit.

member: Canadian university press (CUP) and underground presssyndicate (UPS); subscriber: liberation news service (LNS) Andychevron international news service (Cl NS); published tuesdays and fridays by the publications board of the federation of students (inc.), university of Waterloo: content is the responsibility of the Chevron staff, independent of the federation and the university administration; offices in the people’s campus center; phone (519) 578-7070 or university local 3443; telex 0295-748; circulation 12,500 Here we are again for the last time this term. Hangers-on until the last moment include Bill Aird, Peter Warrian, Tom Patterson, Gary Robins, Al Lukachko, Bill (the drunk) Sheldon, Bob Epp, Una O’Callaghan, Eleanor Hyodo, Mao Tse-tung, John Nelson, Leslie Buresh, Doug Minke, Brian Switzman, Alex Smith, Andre Belanger, Karl Marx, Brenda Wilson, Jeff Bennett, Jim Klinck, Ed Hale, Steve. Izma, Bruce Meharg, Cyril Levitt, Peter Vanek, Rod Hay, Greg Wormald, Pete Marshall, Phil Elsworthy,, Ross Bell, Kelly Wilson, Tom Russell, John Stafford, Trudy Chippier, Jim ‘Allen, Mike Corbett, Gerrit Huvers, Charlotte von Bezold, Peter Desroches, Marie Kennedy and whole bunches of others.

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