Murray, Utah, Families in Transition, 1890-1920

Old Murray City Hall was erected in 1906 when smelters dominated the local economy. USHS collections.

Murray, Utah, Families in Transition, 1890-1920

BY DAVID L. SCHIRER

*Tables can be viewed at the end of the article

UTAH FAMILIES AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY FACED dramatic change. The 1890s began with the Woodruff Manifesto effectively ending polygamy as an accepted practice of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints That set the stage for Utah's acceptance as the forty-fifth state in 1896 and integration into national political and mainstream social and economic movements early in the twentieth century. The solidification of national transportation systems over the next three decades linked Utah to emerging national economic markets. These markets assisted in the formation of a substantial business sector and development of Utah's corporate mining and manufacturing National corporations created Utah jobs and brought an increase in both non-Mormon and foreign workers Some of Utah's agriculturalists filled these jobs while others prospered by supplying subsistence and luxuries to the growing corporate work force.

The transition to an urbanized society was not without hardship for some Utahns. The change from a rural to an urban lifeway brought the same fears and uncertainty experienced in other predominantly agricultural areas of the nation. In the midst of turmoil created by change, Utah's families fought to gain a measure of control The benefits of urbanization and industrialization were appreciated, but some felt the cost far outweighed any advantage.

Karl Marx had examined the effect of urbanization on the family as early as the 1860s.1 He believed the advent of machine labor made factory work compulsory for urban women and children The husband was forced to become a "slaveholder" and "sell" the labor of family members to survive. Marx believed the abhorrent conditions of factory work and the deterioration of stable family life resulting from women working outside the home would lead to an increase in child neglect. The incidence of maltreatment, malnutrition, or unsuitable food being provided the child, dosing with opiates, and intentional starvation or poisoning of children would all increase as the working mother attempted to rid herself of the burden of child care Male authority would weaken as the wife and children joined the work force and realized they were no longer bound to the male. The family could not be controlled through authority or economics. For Marx, industrialization caused the breakdown of stable family patterns.

Social reformers of the early twentieth century also correlated urbanization with family deterioration and identified the traditional family as the "outing and library" lifestyle of the Victorian middle class.2 The influx of immigrants and rural poor to the city brought different ideals and entertainments, not to mention language. The strangeness of these newcomers was magnified by the changing nature of work The family provided a means to gain control over the uncertainty facing the middle class. Reformers believed if the working class was introduced to middle-class values, and given sufficient wages to obtain them, workers would mold themselves into a middle class lifeway.

Most contemporary researchers have carried the concept of family deterioration accompanying urbanization into their analyses. The identification of social ills with urban families has led researchers to examine loss of kinship ties, shifts from extended to nuclear families, juvenile delinquency, and divorce.3 Urbanization places five crucial pressures on the family: (1) physical movement from one location to another decreases family contact and intimacy; (2) class-differentiated mobility in the urban economy separates families along socio-economic lines; (3) urban social and welfare systems undermine previous kin group functions; (4) self-worth and economic power is achieved through individual accomplishment and not exchange or submission to kin group; and (5) job specialization reduces the likelihood of family members finding jobs for other kin and decreases group control.4 Extended agricultural families operate on hierarchical control of land and labor. Control is diminished or eliminated by urbanization and results in predominance of the nuclear family. In other terms, the ideal of the yeoman farmer is replaced by the myth of the self-made man.

For many years Utah was considered a "peculiar place," and therefore not bound by the same forces that affected other areas of the country. This idea has been questioned by the new Mormon historians, beginning with Leonard J Arrington in the 1950s and 1960s and was most recently expressed in New Views of Mormon History.5 These historians stress that Utah experienced the same conflicts, although altered slightly by peculiar circumstances, as other sections of the country.

An examination of the forces that shaped America and Utah from 1880 to 1920 supports this perception (see Table 1) The U.S Census figures for this period indicate a substantial urban population increase and an accompanying decline in the percentage of agricultural workers.6 An increase in manufacturing occupations was responsible for a portion of the agricultural shift. The actual number of agricultural workers increased by 27.8 percent between 1880 and 1900, but that was more than offset by the vast number of immigrants and rural poor who entered America's urban areas during the 1890s The new arrivals moved where they could find jobs, to either the manufacturing cities of the Northeast or the mining and industrial towns of the West A few immigrants and native sons were able to find agricultural jobs or obtain their own farms, but many more joined the rising tide of immigrants, minorities, and rural poor that flooded into the cities during the 1890s Utah's population underwent the same phenomenon, rising over 212 percent between 1880 and 1920 and remaining just slightly below the national average in percentage of urban residents Although the percentage of agricultural workers remained steady, Utah saw a small decrease in manufacturing jobs. This decrease was offset by an increase in the service industry, another group of urban occupations

The south Salt Lake Valley illustrates the effect of urbanization on Utah in much the same way Utah reflects urbanization patterns throughout the United States. Given this assumption, an examination of the effect of urbanization on Murray City's families can shed light on the changing dynamics of family life in turn-of-the-century Utah The Murray census records emphasize the change wrought by urbanization.7 Murray's 1880 census lists 1,288 residents, the 1900 census lists 3,302 residents, and the 1910 census lists 4,008 residents. This represents a rise of over 150 percent between 1880 and 1900 and over 210 percent between 1880 and 1910.

An examination of residence patterns between 1880 and 1910 indicates significant shifts in all aspects of residence patterns (see Table 2) As predicted by Marx, extended families decreased in importance and female dominated households rose. Servants also decreased significantly while boarders showed a dramatic increase in both number and percentage The practice of polygamy, following the Woodruff Manifesto, seemed to disappear. However, 1 male and 1 female divorced and 5 females and 2 males were living without their spouses during 1900 By 1910 this number had risen to 11 divorced (7 males and 4 females) and 89 individuals living without their spouses (all but one male). Another shift occurred in the actual number of residents per household During 1880 agricultural households averaged 6.5 residents and nonagricultural households 4.7 individuals. Household size dropped to over 5.2 individuals for agricultural households by 1900, while the average for nonagricultural households remained the same (4.7).

The nature of boarding houses also changed during this period. The 12 individuals boarding in 1880 lived with local families, boarding with 1 or 2 individuals per household. These were generally young males working on farms and living with their employer. The boarding houses of 1900 held 154 boarders, with up to 21 boarders per house. One boarding house accommodated 32 individuals. The boarders of this decade had undergone significant change, with a majority of them working at one of the local smelters. The remainder were the young males boarding and living with farm employers found during the previous decade. All of Murray's boarders were either native-born Americans or immigrants of northern European descent, while the families housing boarders were all local established Murray residents Several families had obviously made the decision to augment their income by servicing the growing number of transient smelter workers.

The growing boarding trend continued in 1910, with 278 boarders living in houses with up to 14 residents Boarders continued to be predominantly single, but there were 6 married couples in addition to the 88 males and 1 female married and living without their spouses. The married males were primarily Greek or Austrian smelter workers who had left their wives at home when they came to work in America Another noteworthy shift is that a majority of boarding houses were owned by Greeks working at the smelter and renting beds to other Greek smelter workers.

A conflict developed between established residents and immigrants following revision of the city ordinances in 1911 The law required license fees based on the number of beds. Several established residents filed a complaint against the Greek boarding houses in January 1912, stating they rented their beds to more than one individual.8 The complaint specified that while established residents rented one bed to one person, the Greeks rented each bed to several individuals. The men slept two to a bed and also in eight-hour shifts With this arrangement it appears one bed could sleep up to six different workers. The established residents argued that this gave the Greek operators an unfair advantage This pattern also increased the transitory lifeway of the Greek boarders. They were forced to be out of house sixteen hours of each day. They spent most of that time, while not working at the smelter, in the Greek saloons or coffeehouses.

The occupations of Murray residents also illustrate a shift away from a rural/agricultural emphasis and toward an urban/industrial focus (see Table 3). The various smelters employed 90 workers in 1880. Most of the 14 teamsters indicated by the census were also associated directly or indirectly with the smelter industry. The American Smelting and Refining Company (ASARCO) controlled Murray's smelting industry beginning in 1899 ASARCO's two smelters employed 477 individuals during 1900, or nearly one-half of all employed workers. By 1910 the one remaining ASARCO smelter employed 598 workers This represents an increase in the total number of smelter workers but a slight drop in the total percentage of workers employed by the smelter industry. The real dominance of the smelter industry is illustrated by the large number of railroad workers (105) and employees of the Utah Ore Sampling Mill (14) and Murray's two brickyards (19), one of which specialized in firebrick for lining the smelter kilns and smokestacks These industries, combined with the smelter, employed over one-half of Murray's workers during 1910. Nearly onehalf of the remaining workers were employed by the service industry, much of which was designed to serve the workers and their families

A recent examination of Union, Utah, indicates that Utahns followed national migration patterns, preferring to remain in their hometown unless conditions dictated they move. 9 Residents left only when they could not find suitable employment or be assured of a portion of the family farm. By 1900, however, new families were beginning to move into and out of Union. These migrants tended to be poor, and if they were not able to establish themselves, were often gone by the next census Many established residents used their economic and social status to move off the family farm and into other occupations but remained in Union. Mormon migration could also be affected by receiving a call from the church to settle in other areas or to serve on extended missions. Most missionaries returned to their hometown to reestablish themselves, and the practice of calling residents to settle remote areas diminished as Utah approached the twentieth century.

A similar trend can be hypothesized for Murray. Most early residents were agriculturalist, with outsiders not evident until the 1890s The growing number of transitory poor found in Union werejoined in Murray by the shifting population of industrial workers. These outsiders were not tied to land or local families but instead to the smelter. The Greeks and Austrians who found employment at the smelter in the early 1900s worked to supply funds for families back home while moving from one job to another in the United States.10 The hazardous nature of smelter work also affected population movement Added to the risk of mechanization was the occurrence of lead poisoning Lead poisoning seldom killed the unfortunate worker outright but instead made the person susceptible to a variety of other lingering illnesses ultimately blamed for his demise.11 Workers also viewed the West as their domain and moved freely between various western mines and smelters.12 Polk's directories for the Salt Lake City area illustrate Murray's rapid population turnover.13 There were 532 Murray residents listed by Polk in 1900 and 693 in the 1901 directory who do not appear in the Murray 1900 Census Similar results were found in comparing the 1910 and 1911 Polk directories and the 1910 Census.

The vast majority of Murray residents not identified by the census were smelter workers Variation may be due in part to techniques used to identify Murray residents, but this cannot account for a turnover of over one-half of the city's employed residents. The concept of turnover, rather than error, is supported by the time frame for compilation of the Polk directories as opposed to the census records. The Polk survey took place in the fall, while census enumeration occurred in June The three to six months between the Polk and census tabulations provide plenty of opportunity for populations to change. This analysis is further supported by comments from Assistant Superintendent W W Norton of the ASARCO smelter.14 When asked to assist with collection of the local poll tax, Norton responded that the city should wait until May or June, as spring was always a time of unrest and movement among the smeltermen.

As Murray and Utah grew they faced the problem of juvenile delinquency. The influx of non-Mormons during the last quarter of the nineteenth century began to break down the tight-knit theocratic authority that governed Utah's population Although not a cause of delinquency, the rapid growth of Utah's urban areas aggravated the problem. As the number of children coming into conflict with the law grew, a means to handle juvenile cases had to be devised Nineteenthcentury Utah treated youths as adults and processed them under adult legal codes.15 Many judges were reluctant to sentence children as adults and chose to ignore delinquency. Other judges ignored the age of the children and gave them sentences far too severe. Both approaches led to controversy. In an effort to remedy the problem, the legislature provided for a reform school in 1888, and the Ogdenbased institution was completed in October 1889. The reform school gave judges an alternative to sentencing youthful offenders to adult jails. The professed goal of the school was to provide the wayward youth with both common and practical education. Secular and religious reformers in Utah saw the problem of delinquency as the breakdown of stable home life They believed that if the youth were provided with basic academic skills, augmented by an acquired trade, and all within the proper environment, they would naturally turn into proper citizens Many of the boys sent to school were able to achieve an education, while the girls were prepared to become homemakers, learning the proper way to keep house, wash, cook, and sew. 16

The legislature again acted on the problem of delinquency when it established a separate set of legal codes to govern youthful offenders in 1907 Despite the new codes,juveniles were still processed through adult courts. Not until 1909 did the legislature establish the juvenile court system and appropriate money to insure its implementation. The seven juvenile district courts were supported by local probation officers at either a county or city level and cases were compiled into biennial reports to the governor. It should be noted that even when the courts chose to report their activities, statistics were never consistent This appears to have been purposeful, based on the underlying premise that youths should have no stigma attached to their arrest. The preferred court action was to warn, fine, or place the youth on probation, with reform school as a last resort. The court's purpose was "one of correction rather than of punishment, its mission is to impress upon children the seriousness of wrong and the dignity of the law."17 This ideal resulted in a lack of official recording, and many cases were settled in the home of the offender rather than through the courts.

The type of youthful offenses ranged from violation of bicycle ordinances and truancy to smoking and alcohol use as well as to "petit larceny" and receiving property under false pretense Three offenses in particular relate to a discussion on the breakdown of the family (see Table 4). First are cases of "living a life of idleness and crime." In the decade from 1909 to 1918 approximately 280 boys and 50 girls were charged with this offense. Second is "incorrigibility," with approximately 1,350 boys and 750 girls charged. Both offenses were viewed by the court as a lack of parental control, often caused by the absence of one or both parents. The final offense was "dependence and neglect," with roughly 1,200 boys and 1,150 girls charged. In total, over 47,000 children were processed by juvenile courts during the decade. These figures do not include approximately 1,100 children under the age of seven who were also processed. Most of the small children entered the system for parental neglect, and breakdown in the family system was blamed for all cases. The vast majority ofjuvenile cases occurred in urban counties or districts.

Information on delinquency in Murray City is sparse. Either the city did not keep records of probation proceedings or they were lost in one of several transfers that occurred as Murray's court changed jurisdiction. J. A. Willumson, editor of Murray's local paper, the American Eagle, decried the actions of juvenile hooligans as early as 1897. The juveniles and other elements of Murray's "rough crowd" led Willumson to press toward incorporation as a means of control.19 The Eagle carried many stories of break-ins and rebellious behavior during the late 1890s and early 1900s, and some of these were attributed to Murray's youth The city council also enacted strong bicycle and curfew ordinances early in 1903, and the need for enforcement was the topic of council meetings throughout the decade.20 Murray's youth continued to be of great concern to city officials during discussions of saloons caught selling liquor to minors, closure of the Trocadero Dance Hall for "lewd dancing," and the need to control "rowdy" behavior at local baseball games during the 1910s.21

One of the better indicators of changing attitudes was the Trocadero Dance Hall. It was constantly in trouble with city officials, and its owners changed frequently during the 1910s.22 The last owner during the decade was Con Gallagher who also owned a saloon/pool hall in Murray and acted as chief of the Murray Volunteer Fire Department. His position as fire chief appears to have been the only point in his favor in convincing the city council to grant his application for a dance hall license in 1912. He was immediately called before the council to explain the "close and moonlight dancing" reported at the Trocadero. In his defense Gallagher claimed that he was forced to allow it. All the other dance halls in the valley allowed this type of dancing, and if he did not the young people who frequented his hall would quit coming After several discussions and citations the Trocadero was closed for good, and dancing was transferred to one of the local churches where it would be adequately monitored. Even without specific records or statistics, it appears that Murray experienced the same conflict overjuvenile delinquency and changing attitudes as Salt Lake City, although on a smaller scale.

The final area to be examined is the nature of twentieth-century health care. Mormon migration to Utah occurred during a period when doctors were few and often practiced herbal medicine. Midwives provided most delivery and postnatal care. Faith healing was held in high regard by most of Utah's population, including Brigham Young, and doctors using modern medical techniques were mistrusted Eliza R Snow, plural wife of Young and president of the Mormon church's Relief Society, was instrumental in convincing Young of the need to provide Utah's women with modern obstetric care. 23 Snow recognized the need for doctors to assist women with the delivery process and circumvented Young's distrust of modern medicine and males who practiced obstetrics by suggesting female doctors be trained in childbirth. A group of twenty young women were selected and sent to be trained in eastern hospitals in 1875. Their return brought a decline in neonatal death and puerperal infection. Female doctors later consulted with eastern-trained male doctors who came to Utah in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Consultation lessened fears and provided confidence that eventually led to the acceptance of male and female doctors in obstetrics and other fields.

The acceptance of trained doctors in Murray is evident in the growing number of attending physicians indicated in the cemetery records. No attending physicians were noted in the 1870s, but the number slowly increased until by 1920 almost every death was recorded by a doctor As Murray's importance as a business and urban center grew, several doctors, including John E Ferrebee, Everett O Jones, and August Rawcher, took up the practice of medicine. These and others served the area as it was transformed from an agricultural village to an urban center.

The major factor affecting the health of Murray residents was air pollution. The completion of five large smelters in Murray and Midvale from 1899 to 1905 established the Salt Lake Valley as one of the major smelting locations in the world.24 Along with this status came smokestacks that belched toxic levels of lead, arsenic, and sulphur trioxide, along with various other toxic metals and waste by-products. Conditions in the south valley worsened until two lawsuits had shut down three of the smelters and altered production in the other two by 1907. The United States Smelting, Refining, and Mining Company lead smelter in Midvale and the ASARCO lead smelter in Murray survived by reaching agreements with local farmers. The Murray smelter agreed to pay local farmers $60,000, and both smelters promised to study and correct the smoke problem Analyses of the smoke led to installation of bag houses in 1907 to remove particulate matter, sulphur scrubbers in 1912 to reclaim sulfuric acid, and completion of a 465foot smokestack in 1918 at Murray and a 460-foot smokestack in 1923 at Midvale to disperse the smoke before it could settle.

Despite these innovations and agreements, the number of health problems in Murray continued to rise (see Table 5) Deaths due to lung problems, complications during birth and pregnancy, and complications from association with toxic waste rose dramatically between 1890 and 1920 Only 146 deaths (11.0 percent) were due to lung problems prior to 1900, and nearly two-thirds of these occurred during the smelter buildup of the 1890s. Lung problems accounted for 320 deaths during the first two decades of the twentieth century, or nearly one-fifth of all deaths. Difficulty in pregnancy or birth resulted in death of either the mother or infant only 15 times prior to 1890, jumped to 42 during the 1890s, and rose to 114 during the 1910s Death from cancer occurred only 3 times prior to 1890, doubled to 6 during the 1890s, and rose to 34 during the 1910s. There is a corresponding, yet smaller, rise in the incidence of poisoning of various kinds, including lead and arsenic.

Researchers have known the effects of lead poisoning since at least the 1880s.25 During pregnancy, lead can cause stillbirth, premature birth, or malformation of the fetus and may result in complications in delivery, infection, or death of the mother. The American Eagle reported 11 cases of lead poisoning during 1897 and cited the case of one smelter worker who placed his hands in the mouth of his teething child to massage its gums, only to give the infant a toxic dose of lead.27

The Eagle used this incident to mount a drive to force the smelter to provide bathing facilities and require all workers to bathe before leaving work. The Eagle also campaigned to clean up a low-lying area of Murray that same year, stating the smoke that settled on Bergertown caused its residents to become susceptible to lung disease.

One final medical note is a change in child care in the decades surrounding 1900 There were no recorded deaths from malnutrition prior to 1890. Two deaths were recorded from rickets in the 1890s, fourteen from malnutrition in the 1900s, and ten from malnutrition in the 1910s The 1910s also have one case of infanticide.

Period studies of Utah's rural areas indicate similar types of family breakdown, although not as dramatic and with some time lag.28 The forces that pushed urban families to change were also changing rural families. Modernization was presented as an ideal in Utah's rural areas. Stores brought in new consumer goods and products in an effort to reach the residents of small towns and the surrounding countryside. The change that faced Utah's families was not confined to the Wasatch Front; it encompassed the entire state.

Urbanization created dramatic change throughout Utah and especially along the Wasatch Front. Murray City records illustrate the shift from stable agricultural residents to a transitory industrial population. Even the agriculturalists that remained were involved in constant conflict with the smelters and the immigrant work force brought in by the industry. There was a small rise in single-parent families, but the largest family pattern shift occurred with married males leaving their wives in foreign lands to work in America The breakdown of the family in the latter instance did not occur in Murray but in Greece and Austria. There was a decrease in extended family households, accompanied by a decrease in the number of individuals per household. Both trends echo researchers' correlations between urbanization and diminished kin group ties The number of servants dropped throughout the period, replaced by an even greater number of boarders. Boarding houses in the 1880 and 1900 Censuses were operated by established area residents By 1900 and increasingly in 1910 boarding houses were operated by men who worked at the smelter or by newly arrived immigrants who operated the house as a sideline to a saloon or other business. Finally, there was an increase in child neglect, illustrated by rising juvenile delinquency and deaths from malnutrition and infanticide These changes weakened traditional family values as predicted by Marx; however, the total breakdown of family interaction Marx predicted did not occur.

The problems of urbanization were even more evident in the high population areas along the Wasatch Front. The urban poor that drifted into Union and Murray flooded into Salt Lake City and Ogden. Fewer agricultural jobs were available in urban settings, and more workers were forced to rely on industrial or service industry jobs for their livelihood This reliance became both the draw for the urban poor and their bane The state's integration with national markets made Utahns susceptible to national economic fluctuations and trends. The transitory nature of industrial jobs also resulted in transitory family patterns.

Even though the family changed as Utah urbanized, the cause of change is not clear We cannot easily attribute the changes in traditional family life to urbanization Studies of rural areas indicate a similar breakdown during this period, although perhaps more subdued. Other factors need to be isolated and studied prior to presenting any solution to the questions raised by the transformation that occurred in America at the turn of the century. However, it does appear that Utah was part of the changing national society. Despite the unique focus placed upon family interaction, Utah's families experienced, and resisted, the same forces that faced families across the nation.

NOTES

Mr Schirer is working on a Ph.D in Religious History at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, California A version of this paper was presented at the 1990 Annual Meeting of the Utah State Historical Society.

1 Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (New York: Modern Library, 1906), pp 431-40.

2 Roy Rosenzweig, Eight Hours for What We Will (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp 127-52.

3 See for example Richard R Clayton, The Family, Marriage, and Social Change (Lexington, Mass.: D C Heath and Company, 1975); Arlene S and Jerome H Skolnick, Family in Transition: Rethinking Marriage, Sexuality, Childrearing, and Family Organization (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1971); and John Modell and Tamara K Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household: An Examination of Boarding and Lodging in American Families, "Journal ofFamily History 35 (August 1973): 467-79.

4 William J Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963).

5 The most recent compilation of this view is New Views of Mormon History: Essays in Honor of Leonard J. Arrington, ed. Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987) This book also contains a bibliography of Leonard Arrington's work.

6 Report of the United States Bureau of Census, Population. (Washington, D.C : GPO, 1880-1920) This represents a compilation of various population tables from the five census reports covering the fifty-year period referenced.

7 United States Census Records, Murray City, Utah, (Washington, D C : GPO, 1880).

8 Murray City Recorder's Minutes, Murray City Hall Discussion over boarding rates occurred throughout 1912. Controversy centered over the number of residents per household as well as the increase in fees established by the Revised Ordinances of Murray City-1911. Although the prime motivation was economic, it illustrates the unrest between the established residents and late immigrants.

9 Gordon Ivor Irving, "After the Pioneers: The Experience of Young Men in Union, Utah, 1875-1920" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1987) For national trends, see for example Hal S Barron, Those Who Stayed Behind: Rural Societyin Nineteenth Century New England (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984).

10 Helen Z Papanikolas, "The Exiled Greeks," in The Peoples of Utah, ed Helen Z Papanikolas (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1981), pp 409-36.

11 Arthur L Murray, "Lead Poisoning in the Mining of Lead in Utah," Department of Commerce, Technical Paper, No. 389 (Washington, D C : GPO, 1926), p 9 Murray states that following acute attacks of lead poisoning the victim is faced with chronic complications in the "digestive, nervous, circulatory, or genito-urinary systems; these involvements manifest themselves months and even years after the acute symptoms of lead poisoning have disappeared." Even though lead poisoning was the initiating cause of death, it was lost through time and not noted on the death certificate.

12 Western Federation of Miners and the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smeltermens Union Archive, Norlin Library, University of Colorado, Boulder Examination of convention proceedings between 1900 and 1919 indicates there were two concepts behind honoring other union membership cards and other WFM local union membership cards for acceptance of workers into a local union. First was the "one big union" ideal This held that membership in one union qualified workers for membership in all unions As long as the union dues were paid, the worker was accepted as a WFM member Second was the nature of worker movement Labor bosses were constantly recruiting workers from one district to fill needs in another Th e WFM recognized the transient nature of its work force and made transfer from one local to another as simple as possible.

13 See the R. L. Polk and Co. 's Salt Lake City Directory for the four years mentioned (i.e., 1900, 1901, 1910, 1911).

14 Murray City Recorder's Minutes, January 12, 1909.

15 Martha Sontag Bradley, "Reclamation of Young Citizens: Reform of Utah's Juvenile Legal System, 1888-1910," Utah Historical Quarterly 51 (1983): 328-45.

16 State of Utah, First Biennial Report of the Board of Trustees of the State Industrial School and Accompanying Documents, Ending December 31st, 1898. (Salt Lake City: The Deseret News, 1899).

17 State of Utah, Biennial Report of theJuvenile Court, YearEnding November 30, 1918 (Salt Lake City, 1919), p. 8-9.

18 This information is compiled from the statistics available from the four Biennial Reports of the Juvenile Court Commission issued between 1911 and 1919 Statistics are available, although again they do not reflect all probation an d court activity, for all years except 1911 an d 1912 An average of the years reported was used to achieve the number of cases for these two years Th e compiled information is therefore referred to as "approximately" in the text and rounded to the nearest 10 cases.

19 American Eagle, May 8, 1897, p 1.

20 Murray City Recorder's Minutes Th e curfew ordinance was read and passed on May 19, 1903 The bicycle ordinance was read and passed on July 21, 1903 Both curfew and illegal bike riding continued to be periodic topics of concern over the next two decades See for example discussions on the curfew ordinance May 31, 1904, and the bicycle ordinance Jun e 29, 1909.

21 Murray City Recorder's Minutes, 1903-1919 See for example complaints against the Trocadero Dance Hall on December 12, 1911, and February 26, 1912; and a communication from Dr Jones calling attention to "rowdyism and disorder" at ball games on August 30, 1910.

22 Murray City Recorder's Minutes See for instance December 12, 1911, February 26, 1912, and July 1, 1912, for discussions about the type of dancing allowed in the Trocadero.

23 Joseph R. Morrell, "Medicine of the Pioneer Period," Utah Historical Quarterly 23, (1955): 138.

24 John E Lamborn and Charles S Peterson, 'Th e Substance of the Land: Agriculture v Industry in the Smelter Cases of 1904 and 1906," Utah Historical Quarterly 53 (1985): 308-25.

25 Ruth Hiefetz. 'Women, Lead, and Reproductive Hazards: Defining a New Risk," Dying For Work: Workers Safety and Health in Twentieth Century America, ed David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), pp. 169-74.

26 Murray City Cemetery, Record ofDeaths (manuscript on file, Murray City Cemetery Office, Murray City, Utah). Information concerning cause of death was compiled from the South Cottonwood Ward/Murray City cemetery records The cemetery was owned and operated by the South Cottonwood Ward of the Mormon church until it was sold to Murray City in 1918. A complete compilation of cause of death and a vocabulary of diseases identified in the Cemetery Records from 1874 to 1919 is found in Appendix A of David L. Schirer. 'Th e Cultural Dynamics of Urbanization: Murray City, Utah, 1897-1919." (Masters thesis, University of Utah, 1991).

27 American Eagle, August 14, 1897, p 8.

28 Cynthia Jane Sturgis, "The Mormon Village in Transition: Richfield, Utah, as a Case Study, 1910-1930" (Master's thesis, University of Utah, 1978).