Scientia Vol. 25 No. 3 (The Change Issue) by Scientia

7 OPINION Editorial

Breaking free from our apathy

Apt retorts

We should be preparing for more than just super typhoons

COMMUNITY CS @ 35: Breaking the inertia

Meet our new neighbor

FEATURE Of science & responsibility

2018 Nobel Prizes

Classes and the evolution of society

Playing god

Masking poverty in the Philippines

Waging weaponless warfare

Escaping the typical

THE COVER The symbiotic relationship of state neoliberal policies and US imperialism has sold our labor and resources to the dictates of the “free market.” In this free market, our workers are exploited — paid with meager wages and subjected to inhumane working conditions. These include S&T workers who are pushed to find greener pastures abroad.

In comparison to the billions amassed by capitalists, oligarchs and corrupt bureaucrats who profit from this free market, our labor and resources are worth only some spare change.

CONTENTS

EDITORIAL

SOME THOUSANDS OF kilometers away from the country, a milestone in Philippine science and technology (S&T) unfolded last October: DIWATA-2, the nation’s second microsatellite, was launched just past noon from the Tanegashima Space Center in Japan. The Filipino audience watched the historic affair via livestream in one of Diliman’s auditoriums. The crowd cheerily waved their Philippine flaglets as the cubic satellite was carried into space by the Japanese H-IIA F40 rocket. It was a wonderful day for Philippine S&T; the likes of DIWATA-2 (and her elder sibling launched two years ago) just shows how much Filipino scientists and engineers are capable of. But even with our soaring DIWATA in space, a sad reality permeates in the country it left below. In 2015, UNESCO published a report noting that the country’s number of researchers and the amount of national investment put into research and development (R&D) “remain low by any standards.” Meanwhile, the Japanese Center for Research and Development Strategy concluded in a study that “it is still too early for [countries including the Philippines] to contribute to the world’s S&T front lines.” Analogous to Prometheus, a Greek demigod who was punished for returning fire to mankind, our S&T, our scientists and engineers are restrained—bounded. But to unbind our science, we do not need a Hercules to save us like Prometheus did. The task, to change the state of Philippine S&T, is Herculean however, requiring the execution of a nationalist socioeconomic agenda. Kill the eagle Advancing Philippine S&T is a complex task, but it can succinctly mean something as simple as this: to establish and maintain a nurturing environment for the S&T population.

OPINION

Asked about how we can do this, we may think of increasing government funds for R&D, improving our science education and creating incentives for our scientists. And it may surprise you but in spite of Duterte, the government is actually doing just this in one way or another. The public spending on R&D actually increased. We have the Magna Carta for Scientists and Engineers and the Balik Scientist Program has recently been enacted into law. The Free Tuition Law should also increase access to science programs, and

government scholarships should attract more students to STEM fields. And the Education Department received the largest share of the annual budget for 2019. Yet, the state of things is still as it is. Why? Well, the numbers are just not enough. For example, spending on R&D indeed increased but only by a mere .03 percentage points from 2007 to 2013. And while the Education Department was indeed allocated with the lion’s share of funds, the other truth is that it was given 29.1 percent less of its proposed budget. Further, on average, only 0.23 percent of all college enrollees will become science or math graduates despite the benefits of scholarships. And the supposed incentives provided by the Magna Carta is yet to stop any scientist from “looking for greener pastures” abroad while the Balik Scientist Program tries to court Filipino scientists away from attractive research positions (and day-to-day life) in America, Europe and elsewhere. All these policies and programs, while good-intentioned, just do not address the fundamental root of the boundedness of our S&T that is due to the nature of our economy. The state of our S&T is just one of the consequences of the orientation of the country’s economic and political climate more than anything else. One of the biggest, if not the most fundamental, step that we can take to improve S&T is to therefore fix the prices-inflating, inequality-increasing economic disposition that we are in. A premier S&T just cannot possibly burgeon in a poverty-stricken backdrop. In order to do this, we must first understand what’s wrong with our economy, that it is import-dependent and export-oriented. We rely on imports for goods and technologies that meet our needs. By how much? Well, the Foreign Agricultural Service projected that the Philippines is set to import 1.2 million metric tons of rice this year. We are so import-dependent that we need to buy from other countries something that is at the core of our culture. And while we import many ready-tobuy goods, we export our minerals, timber and crops. (We even de-facto export our people because they find better lives abroad.) All of the raw materials that we export could have gone for the use of Filipinos, but instead, these exports will return back to the Philippines as finished products sold by the foreign market.

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This economic orientation is the hideous gift concocted by politicians and economists that subscribe to neoliberalism, a socioeconomic ideology that advocates for the reduction or elimination of state interference in trade, privatization of public assets and the liberalization of the market. For a developing country, state policies guided by neoliberalism can only mean subservience to the foreign market and a retardation of its capacity to be on the same footing as the industrialized countries. The fundamental step that the government should take is to therefore backtrack from the neoliberal highway, which only allows the foreign market to squeeze resources out of the Philippines and sell imported products that kill local industries. The state should launch a program for national industrialization. This involves the protection and development of local industries in order to promote a self-reliant economy (as opposed to an import-dependent, export-oriented one). And this is what many of the developed countries we see now have done. In his landmark “Kicking Away the Ladder” piece published as a special report in Foreign Policy in Focus, economist Ha-Joon Chang showed that “virtually all of today’s developed countries actively used interventionist trade and industrial policies aimed at promoting, not simply ‘protecting,’ infant industries during their catch-up periods.” He continues, saying that “the historical picture is clear … There is no denying that the [nationally developed countries] actively used [protectionist] policies.” In fact, “many of [these countries] actually protected their industries a lot more heavily than what the currently developing countries have done.” To wit, neoliberalism is historically the exact opposite of what developed countries have done during their catch-up periods. Of course, there is no one-size-fits-all solution for developing the economy of a country. How the Philippines will develop its economy will be different in some way to how other countries developed. But the historical pattern is there. The developed countries protected their industries. If we have national industries and implement nationalist policies, then we will be able to facilitate technology transfer and technology independence. We will be able to reverse the import-dependent and export-oriented nature of our economy since we can finally process our own raw

OPINION

materials and we can produce the goods and technologies that we need. To advance our S&T, we must reverse the orientation of our economy and that requires a nationalist program of industrialization. And this means the deliberate rejection of economic subservience to the dictates of the foreign market, of so-called trade partners. We must kill the “eagles” that live off our resources.

STATE OF S&T IN THE PHILIPPINES World Rank 2017 - 2018 (out of 137 countries) availability of the latest technologies

No Hercules needed Scientists must organize and involve themselves politically. We should passionately assert our demands for industrialization and S&T investment. One of the ways that this can be strongly manifested is by transforming present S&T associations as venues not only for scientific discussions but also as places where the scientific community can air its troubles and propose solutions. For example, the annual Samahang Pisika ng Pilipinas conference can be more than just the eminent physics-research gathering in the country. It can also be a place where topics such as physics education and the Philippines’ technological dependence are major and regular agenda of the assembly. Scientists must be able to have this type of discussions with their colleagues and students and coordinate with other sectors in order to resolve national issues that affect not just S&T but the rest of society. We cannot stop at just doing good research or even extremely good research because the stuntedness of our science is not dependent on the individual achievements of our scientists. Instead, it is hinged on a societal system.

quality of sci. research institutions government procurement of advanced tech products availability of scientists and engineers

full-time researchers per million population

rnd expenditure as percent gdp (2013)

of science and math enrollees do not finish their courses

That is why in the end, no star scientist, no Hercules, is necessary. Two, three Nobel Prizes cannot unbind the Prometheus of this country; only our collective action can. ● Department of Science and Technology (DOST) / World Economic Forum DOST Compendium of Science and Technology Statistics (2013 data) Averages calculated from Commission of Higher Education (CHED) statistics from AY 2006-2007 to AY 2017-2018

3, 218, 094 average no. of enrollees 45, 380

average no. of science and math enrollees

545, 025

average no. of graduates

7, 544

average no. of science and math graduates

Breaking free from our apathy WRITTEN BY NATALIE GALIBUT

PERHAPS WE’VE HEARD some of our peers declare themselves as “apolitical thinkers.” They don’t give a damn about political discourse or are simply apathetic towards anything involving public affairs such as government issues. Perhaps you share this sentiment yourself. Amid the noise of the gunshots of the drug war, cries of victims of ethnic cleansing, campaign jingles of corrupt families vying for next year’s elections and many other happenings that constitute the cacophony that is Philippine politics—perhaps it is time to re-evaluate our “apolitical” mindset. An apolitical disposition, especially among us scientists of tomorrow, will only weaken the foundations of the nation. It takes a certain amount of courage to admit that sometimes, we find ourselves simply accepting that the events that transpire in the lives of others are irrelevant to our experiences — that it is simply the way things are and we cannot do anything about these things. We create our own mental prisons, in which we isolate our minds from anything outside of the walls—that is our needs and interests— and by extension, the comings and goings of the state around us but “outside” us. Despite our apathy, no one’s particular life can ever be shielded from the dynamics of society and politics. Can apathy be excused? Consider that we, the privileged, have access to sources of information. Supposedly, we have the power to know better and yet still be blissfully unaware of the developments around us. Thus to refrain from involving ourselves in national issues, policies and the overall sociopolitical affairs of this country boils down to a choice. To be responsible for making the choice to become apathetic is to have been born with eyes yet choosing to be blind, to have been born with vocal chords yet choosing to be mute.

Members of the College of Science community take part in the CS Library steps mobilization against tyranny last September 21. photo: bea panlaqui

We formulate our insights, and we establish whose side we align ourselves to. To advocate the drug war? To call for the regularization of contractual workers? To march with landless peasants? As UP students bound to serve the people, I hope it is clear whose interests we should advocate for. With the way the state of the politics stands now, it is only imperative that we must reassess our carefree, if not our pes-

simistic, stance, that “I am only an ordinary student who can’t do anything about these issues.” Once out of our respective alma maters, the different issues that we future scientists have hitherto chose to lay by the wayside comes to the fore—contractualization, lack of research funds, and low-salary (assuming if ever we get the job we are trained for in the first place and not get relegated into becoming call center agents or doing home-based online jobs). Clearly, the state of science and technology in the Philippines is incredibly backward, as evidenced by the 2018 budget allocation for S&T — a mere 21 billion out of a grand total of 3 trillion pesos — almost only 0.6%! — for the Science Department (DOST) alone, whereas the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) got 643 billion pesos in allocation, because it serves as a milking cow for unscrupulous politicians. See those potholes being dug out again on otherwise still decent roads? They’re not going to cultivate anything there except kickback which would have otherwise gone to the DOST. By this token, science is entrenched with the very politics of the society in which it operates. It therefore follows that to improve science, society and politics should be improved. Science is not merely the result of a desire to improve the current condition of things, not just the technology and existing scientific theories, but the social conditions as well. In the words of one of the most popular philosophers of all time, “Man, by social nature, is a political animal.” Aristotle emphasized that everything in the life of man is politics, and each act, each driving motivation of man contributes to either the well-being or jeopardy of the state. The political stance we adapt guides us in both the most simple and most complex aspects of our life. As the country becomes more and more deeply mired in various problems, the need to break away from the apathetic neutral stance intensifies as these problems become increasingly more felt among us individuals. And once we’ve realized this necessity to break free from this apathy, we ask ourselves what now is our interest, what is to be done? ●

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I DON’T FEEL and neither do I care to. Why are there people who simply do not care if there are peasants being massacred, or if drug addicts and innocents are being killed in the streets, or if striking workers are being bloodily dispersed? Yet when these same people see graffiti calling for justice for these victims of oppression, they care to have the time to criticize these acts as nuisance to public order and cleanliness. Even as behavioral psychologists say that the environment shapes people’s actions, the psychologists’ explanation falls short in explaining why the culture of indifference to oppression exists. There is also the question of who owns and controls the materials and institutions in the environment that enables them to shape public opinion and culture to their interest, including the perpetuation of the culture of indifference.

WRITTEN BY ALAB AYROSO FROILAN CARIAGA

To desecrate the culture of indifference to oppression is a preemptive strike against the tyranny being perpetuated by the very same people who are perpetuating the culture of indifference. Protest art is this act of desecration. Protest art takes back the unjust world imposed on the masses, and enables us to shatter the cultural lenses that blind us from the concrete reality of social injustices and oppression. After last September 21’s United People’s Action (UPAC) mobilization, outrage both for and against vandalism in public spaces broke out on social media in connection with the graffiti criticizing Duterte and the Marcoses over their respective human rights violations and their tyrannical regimes. Critics of the graffiti seemed to have their sights trained on red paint being the problem rather than the blood that already stains our streets. The idea that “public” spaces must not be tampered with is a covert and subtle act of repression by which the state curtails available avenues for the expression of dissent. The maintenance of immaculate urban centers creates an illusion of peace, order, and development, and numbs the privileged to the chaos around them. This explains why urban poor communities are considered eyesores that should be demolished in exchange for the construction of malls and call centers and why they are being concealed with large boards, fences, and tarpaulins whenever important foreign leaders, such as the Pope, pay our country a visit. Seeing the ills of society so brazenly splayed out in public chips away at that

OPINION

fragile illusion, thus the buzz that vandalism generates on social media, which in the first place is a platform dominated and owned by the privileged. Vandalism of these so-called “immaculate” spaces, whether on the walls or on cyberspace, disturbs the people’s complacency and indifference by making them feel that there is discord in our lands. The feeling of disturbance creeps and crawls into their insulated bubbles, until they eventually pop. In this way, the role of revolutionary art which is “to disturb the comfortable, and comfort the disturbed,” is fulfilled. In the status quo, art and the discourse of art itself remains in the hands of the elite as it excludes the oppressed and toiling masses. With galleries exclusive to those who have the luxury of time and money to afford the exorbitant entrance fees, who else would have access to the creative expression of ideas? For whom would the art be created? Museums, galleries—these posh creative spaces exclude the masses from the discussion of art. If the masses cannot exist in these creative spaces, then they must create spaces for their own expression, even if it includes vandalizing public spaces. How a space is used changes the way society perceives it. During Marcos’ Martial Law, infrastructure were built, and art and artists were prized and decorated. They painted the image of a peaceful society, a society that appreciates culture and advances in its use of space. But these were mere cosmetics, to appease and fool the eye of an outsider. To those alienated from the struggles of the masses that suffer extra-judicial killings, disappearance of activists, and suppression of the freedom of expression, among a myriad of fascist attacks, the sight of new buildings left and right seems a sure sign of “development.” It is by conjuring this false notion that Marcos led the country to a golden age that his children, Bongbong and Imee, were able to maintain their cloak of legitimacy, and with it their positions of power and ability to seek higher positions. Choose to see the rage of the people in each artwork. Privilege dismisses the weight of protest art and perpetuates belief in the illusion of peace. Let every piece of art that resonates with us be our invitation to break from the comforts and bubbles of our privilege and join the people’s struggle to free themselves from the injustices and oppression that they are suffering. ●

super typhoons

WHAT’S WORSE THAN a super typhoon? A strange question in a country where storms regularly drown fields and turn roads into rivers. But it’s the quiet ones you watch out for, and slow-onset climate change impacts are exactly that: a disaster no one sees coming.

The problem isn’t just how they happen so slowly. It’s also how they’re so mundane. There’s no catastrophic wake-up call. No tragic loss of life. Just rainfall levels decreasing by millimeters year by year until, at a loss, we are left with nothing to drink at all.

What may not be immediately evident with climate change is its gradual nature. Over decades greenhouse gases build up in the atmosphere and trap heat raising global temperature. Likewise, slow-onset impacts are chronic hazards. They build up over years or decades, subtly disrupting the fundamental conditions of life.

Calamity rightly commands immediate attention. Typhoons achieve headlines days before they even hit. Afterwards come a slew of reports: lives lost, homes swept away, damages to crops and livelihoods. There is a scramble for volunteers, for donations, for anything that can be done for the afflicted victims.

Surface temperatures of Western Pacific seas have risen by about 0.23°C per decade since 1981. Doesn’t seem much, until you realize coral reefs only survive within a narrow temperature range of 23–29°C. Four weeks of exposure to temperatures beyond the range results in bleaching (Cruz et. al., 2017). By 2050, a projected 90 percent of all coral reefs will be wiped out (Abuyuan, 2014).

But what of matters not so dramatic yet equally urgent? Would they get similar attention? Voters, after all, probably won’t be looking. There’s not exactly anything to look at. Extreme drought, maybe. Flash floods, perhaps. But a coastline that recedes inch by inch per year? That flies all too easily under the radar, and with it, a budget allocation. The Philippines, though among the most climate vulnerable countries in the world, maintains only four tide stations under the Global Sea Level Observing System (Abuyuan, 2014).

Sea level rise is innocuous. Melted glacier water accumulates in millimeter size increments. Yet for an archipelagic country the danger is particularly acute. Philippine sea level rise has been triple that of the global average. It’s enough to put 167,000 hectares of coastland at risk (IDRC, 2015). Fifty-one percent of all coastal wetlands may disappear by 2100. And as the sea approaches, it will foul nearby soil and freshwater with salt. Even more alarming are changes in precipitation patterns. Dry days will get drier and wet days wetter. A 10 percent increase in rainfall will occur by 2099, mostly as bursts of heavy rain. Paradoxically, at the same time, El Niño dry spells are expected to become even more severe in both intensity and length. It’s a gradual disaster. By 2050 water shortages are expected to hit 981 million people in Southeast Asia. The Angat Dam in the same year may fall thousands of liters short of demand. Weakening harvests are paired with declining fisheries. Every 1°C increase in minimum temperature causes a 10% decrease in grain yields. Fish catches are expected to drop with the degradation of marine habitats (Cruz et. al., 2017). The overwhelming crisis of the future will be a lack of accessible food.

WRITTEN BY RIO CONSTANTINO

None of the above are getting enough attention. It’s hard to comprehend events that unfold so far in the future. Notice the dates. “By 2050…,” “By 2100…” Intervals are measured in decades.

For scientists, addressing the climate problem is twofold. For one, they need to forecast the future. According to Lourdes Tibig, a leading contributor to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Fifth Assessment Report, we need at least 30 years of data to build a model accurately predicting the impacts of climate change (Abuyuan 2014). But for science to matter it has to go beyond the lab. It is also the scientist’s responsibility to assert the rights of those most exposed to climate change, often communities pushed to the margins of society. Just as critical, scientists should ensure their work is known and acted upon. After all, what’s the point of a warning if it isn’t heard? Or just ignored? The scale of our problem is such that data will not be enough. Climate action, informed by the best research possible, has to start now, else we will contend with the consequences for generations to come. ● Abuyuan, R. (2014). Slow onset climate change impacts: What it is, why should we care, and what we can do about it. Quezon City, NCR: Institute for Climate and Sustainable Cities. Cruz, R. V. O., Aliño, P. M., Cabrera, O. C., David, C. P. C., David, L. T., Lansigan, F. P., … Villanoy, C. L. (2017). 2017 Philippine climate change assessment: Impacts, vulnerabilities and adaptation. Pasig City, NCR: The Oscar M. Lopez Center for Climate Change Adaptation and Disaster Risk Management Foundation, Inc. and Climate Change Commission. International Development Research Centre (IDRC). (2015). Parts of Philippines may submerge due to global warming. ScienceDaily. Retrieved September 14, 2018 from www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2015/10/151021104913.htm

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CS @ 35: Breaking the Inertia

ON A MOMENTOUS DAY in October 1983, the Board of Regents approved the splitup of the College of Arts and Sciences into three independent colleges. The College of Science (CS) was finally formed along with the College of Arts and Letters and the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy. The campaign for the college’s autonomy was spearheaded by the then-Department of Natural Science and Mathematics Head Dr. Ester A. Garcia and Dr. Roger Posadas, who became the College’s first Dean until 1993. Thirty-five years after its founding, CS would look back—and onward—with a month-long celebration held last October. Science in Today’s Society

The symposium “Building A Science Community,” kickstarted the celebration where Dr. Ester A. Garcia discussed the history and development of the natural sciences and mathematics in the country. It was then followed by the unveiling of Mobile Marine and Naval Centrum in the

COMMUNITY

CS Alumni Talks and the very first Graduate Student Research Conference took the spotlight next, showing the high caliber research and products of the College’s graduate students. Undergraduates also took part in the celebration. The College of Science Student Council (CSSC) launched the UP Science Fair on the penultimate week of October at the CS Amphitheater, where food and activity booths awaited students. And the CSSC’s CS Idol, a showcase of talents among different institutes, culminated the week-long Fair. Geological Sciences bet Alexia Mae Rodino emerged victorious in the annual singing competition followed by Physics bet Katherine Isabel Remulla in second place and Chemistry’s Danielle Ann Alejandro in third.

WRITTEN BY NIKKA MACASA RICCI MARGALLO

The “Science in Service of the Society” mural on display at the CS Administration Building lobby. It was unveiled during the main anniversary commemoration event held last October 26. photo: nikka macasa

COMMUNITY

The UP Science Month was launched last October to commemorate the founding anniversary of the College and its continuous role in promoting science for the people.

CS Admin Lobby. The exhibit was a collaboration study on the current situation of and threats to the country’s marine biodiversity, and study on different naval developments by the UP College of Science Ocean Color and Coastal Oceanography (OCCO) Lab of the Marine Science Institute, and the National Institute of Physics.

The UP Science Month closed with the foundation day program on October 26, capping off with the unveiling of “Science in Service of the Society,” a mural portraying how the different sciences contribute

to the progress of the Philippines. Onward Since its founding, CS has become the largest college in UP Diliman in terms of number of faculty members and second largest in terms of number of students. It now has eight institutes and two interdisciplinary programs. In 2016, the Commission on Higher Education identified 23 Centers of Excellence in UP Diliman, eight of which are the degree-granting institutes of the College. CS is a foremost pacesetter of academic excellence in the university. However, according to Dean Dr. Perry Ong, CS has grown to become an archipelago which, for the longest time, has been focused on institute-centric progress. “Hiwa-hiwalay ang mga institutes. Kanya-kanya, pare-parehong magagaling,” says Dean Ong. “We’ve been doing things the same way the past 35 years. I think this is the right time to break the inertia,” he added. With the remarkable pace at which CS has been progressing, what remains to be achieved are synergy and critical reevaluation. Dean Ong mentioned on how he looks forward to the future of CS where its constituent institutions work together as one college while fighting two things. “Ang kalaban natin ay dalawang bagay: complacency and inertia. If we don’t realize it now, we’ll continue doing the things we’ve been doing for the past 35 years ... Ito ay panahon ng pagtingin sa kinabukasan pero huwag nating kalilimutan ang nakaraan. Kikilalanin natin at magbibigay-pugay [tayo] sa mga taong naging bahagi ng pagtatag, pagsasarili ng kolehiyo ng agham at magiging kasama niya ito tungo sa bagong landas na sana ay sama-sama nating tahakin.” ●

Various scenes from the month-long celebration last October 2018.

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MEET OUR NEW NEIGHBOR WRITTEN BY PAENG AMBAG

SINCE ITS INCEPTION IN 2009, the Philippine Genome Center (PGC) never ceased in its mission of pushing the limits of genomics and bioinformatics research in the Philippines. Now blessed with its own state-of-the-art facility, it seems that PGC’s rise up the ladder is only getting started. In a chat with PGC Executive Director, Dr. Cynthia Saloma, we take a look at the institution’s past and its relevance to Philippine society. The Philippine Genome Center. photo from pgc.up.edu.ph

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Then to now PGC had a humble beginning during the 2008 Human Genome Organization (HUGO)-Pacific Meeting held in Mactan, Cebu.

Saloma recalled that during the meeting, it was then-UP President Emerlinda Roman who came about with the idea of a genome center, exclaiming “Do we have something like this in the Philippines?” Her question led to the creation of a task force commissioned to prospect the operations of genomic facilities all over the globe. “During that time, we went around Southeast Asia and also went to the United States, looking at the different genome centers, and the goal really there was to see the good practices of these genome centers, not to make them as a direct transplant of the Philippines but to probably device a genome center that is for the needs of the Filipinos at that particular time,” shared Saloma. Her team visited international institutions such as the Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard, and the Baylor College of Medicine. Despite the approval by the UP Board of Regents last 2009 creating PGC, the institute was still invisible to the eyes of the UP community. “We started out as a virtual facility, meaning to say, we don’t have a real office … We need to have a core facility so I was asked to draft the proposal… so I drafted 22 versions of the proposal, laymanized it, laymanized it, [and] laymanized it. It took me several months to do it, and we had it reviewed by Filipino scientists in the US and eventually, we got our grant.” Prior to having a core facility, most of PGC’s operations were housed at the National Institute of Molecular Biology and Biotechnology, just in front of its new building. PH genomics in practice Asked about the institute’s biggest achievement so far, Saloma stressed, “The major achievement namin, number one, is really expanding the talent pool in genomics. We do this with a lot of internships, campaigns, media coverage and at the same time, we also hold a lot of seminars, workshops, and hands-on training.” She emphasized that expanding the talent pool first is necessary prior to setting lofty expectations for the output of the institute. PGC also serves as an intersection of many fields in the sciences, collaborating with other institutes in College of Science for projects such as cone snails that can be potential sources of neuroactive peptides, which can help in reducing pain and stopping spasms in patients. It also serves as the main institution in collaboration with UP Los Baños and the Philippine Coconut Authority for the sequencing of the

coconut genome, creating molecular IDs for different varieties that may be helpful for optimizing yield as well as the use of hybrids that are environmentally resilient. What now? As an institution, PGC itself is indeed only gaining traction for more stable operations. The field of genomics, albeit new, is an expensive field to nurture with most laboratory equipment costing at least a million pesos. Justifying the need for funding, Saloma emphasized, “It’s very important in our competitiveness as a nation, competitiveness in health, competitiveness in agriculture [and] competitiveness in the industry. It is at the very core of how we should be practicing medicine, how we should be prescribing drugs [and] how we develop drugs from natural products. The imperatives are there. Can you imagine in agriculture planting something, like you wanted to plant a female plant and then you planted a male, tapos five years at saka mo lang nalaman? What a waste of time, ‘di ba?” “It’s an exciting time to do science in the Philippines,” Saloma adds. “If you’re surprised that we have an NIMBB building, how much more if we have a PGC? … We, in PGC, as well as NIMBB, and in the other institutes in the country, would like to create a home by which cutting-edge science can be pursued by our students and researchers … We also try to create a home also for people who choose to stay in the country and to pursue genomics research.” Though housed within the doors of UP, the PGC as an institution, has a reach beyond UP, providing service in a national scale as an intersection of many sciences. Nine years may seem like a long time but one must trust the lengthy, arduous process of not only doing research but also pushing people to choose to do research. Genomics is a very young field of science. Always remember that the structure of the DNA was only discovered last 1953, and the mapping of the human genome was not completed until late 2003. Now, we see technologies that can sequence millions of fragments of DNA in minutes, and even discoveries that can edit the genome itself. The field may be in its infancy, but we cannot deny its accelerating progress. As a developing country, we very much need to catch up, and the PGC is one good step forward in helping us do just that. ●

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Of science & responsibility A NOT-SO-RECENT scientific approach is still persistently knocking on the doors of both the scientific and political spheres. In places where the door is fragile and broken, it is becoming clear that changes in the environment and society demands a change in the approach of science in addressing global issues and policies. This approach, called post-normal science is a problem-solving strategy occurring when uncertainties involve ethical or epistemological considerations and decisions are in conflict among those involved. Beginning with a definition of normal science in reference to the physicist and science philosopher, Thomas Kuhn – normal science pertains to the usual way of doing science. It is the typical experimentation or puzzle-solving stage that serves to extend only a pre-existing methodology or scientific idea. It follows an already determined set of rules where “uncertainties are managed automatically, values are unspoken, and foundational problems unheard of” (Funtowicz, 1993). When applied to a more global scale, normal science becomes limited. Scientific research does provide policy-makers the evidence and the foundation needed for policy-making but it is not the only influence considered especially in circumstances of complex reality when politics, ethics and culture are involved – which is always.

FEATURE

WRITTEN BY JERSEY GANDING

A striking quality of post-normal science is its proposal of an “extended peer community”. With the recognition of a complex and dynamic system vastly entangled in human affairs, scientific research and policy becomes not only an exclusive discussion among the technocrats but an inclusive dialogue that extends its reach even to those without certified scientific expertise. Such plurality of legitimate perspectives, according to Funtowicz and Ravetz, reduces uncertainty and helps in quantifying or in qualifying the decision risks. Issues and its consequences are shared and consulted by both accredited experts and lay-persons where the latter can help in data collection or give their experience and even imagined solutions

FEATURE

This is the same concept that the scientists Silvio Funtowicz and Jerome Ravetz discussed when they first coined the term post-normal science and developed the idea in the 1990s. In their 1993 article, “Science for the post-normal age,” the authors express the need to manage uncertainties, assert human values and relate the significance of history as part of

the scientific character. It is post-normal in a sense that the normal science as described by Kuhn is “no longer appropriate for the resolution of policy issues of risks and the environment.” In situations where uncertainty or scientific consensus is high and decision stakes are extreme, post-normal science is dominated by “soft values” rather than “hard facts” which is in contrast to the traditional approach. This is usually applied when environmental and human risks are involved and where further delay in action and policy due to inadequate scientific information might cause a greater social, economic and cultural upheaval. In short, the environment does not need to be trashed and human lives to be loss while waiting for an environmental law to be approved or waiting for precautions to be employed. As such, issues from climate change to AIDS are cases where the presence of post-normal science is beginning to be more applicable and where facts and values are becoming more inseparable.

to a problem which also concerns them. Science then becomes commensurable to the different sectors in the society and more capable of adapting to the changing times. Post-normal science in the Philippines Applying the concept of post-normal science closer to home, we can cite the 2011 metallic mining issue in the province of Romblon as an example. In a paper published by the Romblon State University, the role of the post-normal science approach is highlighted as a way in tackling the issue regarding the entry of an international mining company in the province. The university itself became active in the organization of extended peer communities where different groups other than the science and political community – such as the religious sector, women, senior citizens and indigenous people – participated and gave way to a plurality of legitimate perspectives. These accounts alongside the scientific evidence gathered on the effects of such large-scale mining pressured local political leaders to take action, concluding a strong opposition against the entry of international mining companies. Meanwhile, another example of a situation with a high uncertainty and high decision stake is the recent Dengvaxia controversy that put into question the science policy-making in the country. Before a budget proposal is done, information about the efficacy of the dengue vaccine remains in great uncertainty. In such a situation, post-normal science is highly recommended but has failed to be applied. Also, part of the problem lies in the lack of proper scientific training on the policy-makers alongside the lack of an extended peer community dialogue for the known risks of the vaccine. In fact, even though situations such as the Romblon mining issue do exist, policy decisions such as in the Dengvaxia controversy is more common in the Philippines, according to UP Diliman Science, Technology and Society (STS) professor, Benjamin Vallejo Jr. In his paper, “Postnormal science and Filipinos at risk,” Vallejo said that the Philippine state relies on normal science. Part

of the problem stems from the small science community in the country and the lack of support for science and technology from the government. More relevant approaches such as post-normal science then fail to come across the public sphere and to gain a more appropriate stand in solving science issues. Moreover, in an industry created by science and technology, the same normal approach will fail.

... scientific research and policy becomes not only an exclusive discussion among the technocrats but an inclusive dialogue that extends its reach even to those without certified scientific expertise. Ultimately, the still persistent knocking of post-normal science on the doors of science and politics in the Philippines demands an urgent answer. According to Vallejo, using science research in policy-making is a political act. Communication of the risks to the Filipino people must be sufficiently established. More importantly, with the same words which ended Vallejo’s paper: “Public participation with the scientific community becomes even more essential, if the social good is to be achieved. Achieving the social good is the ultimate political act.” ● Fetalvero E., Fetalvero, S., and De Luna, A. (2013). Fostering environmentalism in a post-normal science context, Romblon State University, Philippines. Funtowicz, S. and Ravetz, J.R. (1993). Science for the Post-Normal Age. Futures, 25, 735-755. Kuhn, T.S. (1962). The Structure of the Scientific Revolutions, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ravetz, J.R. (1999). What is post-normal science? Futures, 31, 647-653. Vallejo, B. Jr. Postnormal science and Filipinos at risk. Readings in Science, Technology and Society.

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DESIGN BY MAXELLE MILLAN TIFFANY UY Source: nobelprize.org

FEATURE

SCIENTIA VOL 25 NO 3

Classes Evolution of Society WRITTEN BY PAUL YANG-ED ILLUSTRATED BY JON BONIFACIO

WHAT DO WE MEAN when we say that a person belongs to a “class”? Does it mean that she is a person who attends a Math 53 class? We humans are definitely of the class Mammalia. What about when your friends say you’re “bourgeois” or a “lowly peasant”? How about buzzwords like “malaking burgesya kumprador” (big comprador bourgeoisie) which you probably have heard from somewhere familiar yet you have shrugged off and forgotten because it is simply too cumbersome for us to understand in one go?

On the other hand, the class of workers do not own the factory where they physically produce the can of sardines we eat. Despite having labored for the production of sardines needed by society, they only receive a pittance share of the wealth the factory owner (the “bourgeois”) reaped from the sale of the sardines they themselves produced in the form of wages. Since they do not own the forces of production, they have to sell their labor to the capitalist owner of the factory and work as its wage slaves in order to survive.

Understanding class is important even for us future scientists because the contradictions that occur between and among social classes shape the formation of our history and with it, the country’s culture, politics, even science and technology. The dismal current state of science and technology of the country can be traced in the historical development of the very society it exists in.

Primitive communal

Back to the classics A social class is defined by the characteristics of its members’ role in societal production: ownership of the forces of production (resources, capital, technology, and knowledge), actual participation in physical production to procure the social necessities needed for members of society to exist and survive, and share of the produced output. People who belong to the class of bourgeoisie for example own the forces of production, do not have actual participation in the physical production, much less, physical distribution of commodities such as sardines, but they appropriate most of the profit that comes from the production and sale of commodities. That’s what makes them “bourgeois.”

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From the very beginning of human history, class did not exist. Everyone had communal ownership of the forces of production: the forests and rivers were communal, participation in hunting and gathering was communal, and sharing the fruits of the labor was also egalitarian. There was no single person or group of persons who owned the forces of production and appropriated most of the fruits of communal labor without participating in actual production. However, the forces of production was relatively backward compared to the present technology our society has. The people were also nomadic. Semi-slavery, semi-communal The archipelagic nature of the Philippines allowed for three modes of production to simultaneously exist early in its history: primitive communal, semi-slavery, and feudalism. The introduction of agriculture as a technology, particularly rice domestication, in the Philippines represented an improvement in the country’s forces of production. Agriculture enabled the production of surplus, which gave the people more

time for other activities aside from engaging in production for subsistence. The people who embraced agriculture adopted a sedentary lifestyle as opposed to the nomadic lifestyle that marked primitive communal society. But agriculture is very labor-intensive and required lots of water and resources. Conflicts began to arise over questions of control of land, rivers, resources, as well as control over labor. Wars of conquest were carried out to subjugate other peoples and control territory. Those who lost were subjugated and enslaved to carry out production for those who won. Those who won expanded their holdings — the beginnings of the first kingdoms. Thus, social class emerged, along with the notion of “private property” where forces of production such as land and technology are controlled by a distinct group or individual as opposed to being owned by society as a whole. With that ownership came the monopoly over the fruits of production, something that was absent from the primitive communal stage of history. With private property came the private (as opposed to collective) appropriation of the ownership and benefits of technology and knowledge as well. Even individual human beings became “private property.” In the Philippines, social mobility in its slave society was more laxed than that of classical slave societies such as the Aztec slave society in Mesoamerica. There was still communal ownership of some forests that coexisted alongside the chieftains’ private properties. As such, the Philippine experience of the slave stage of society can be termed “semi-slavery, semi-communal.” Moro and Spanish Feudalism In the feudal mode of production, the class of landlords (or “blue bloods”) own the lands and appropriate most of the surplus crops harvested but do not do actual labor in the lands they own and get their crops from. The class of peasants on the other hand do the actual production from planting to harvesting the crops, yet since they do not own the land, they only get a share of the crops they planted after subtracting the amount of harvest they pay the landlord as rent and taxes to the landlord-controlled government. The Spaniards brought with them the feudal mode of production which was more technologically advanced compared to the semi-slave and primitive communal societies they encountered and subjugated forcefully. They also implemented

an edict made by King Philip II banning slavery in Spanish colonies. Islamic Arab missionaries who went to Mindanao even before the Spaniard came also brought with them their feudal mode of production. Other areas however, such as Sulu and Maguindanao, had hybrid socio-economic systems that combined elements of outright slavery and feudalism. The shift from the feudal mode of production from the earlier semi-slave and primitive communal systems marked another development in the forces of production as well as changes in the relations of production. The ruling class was no longer the slave-owning nobles but the landlords, whereas the subjugated class was the peasantry. Unlike slaves of the old system, the peasants are not themselves private property but their harvests and tools for production are. Feudalism under Spanish colonization brought technology such as those used to construct the Baroque churches, coastal forts, and brick bridges. Formal learning and research institutions such as the University of Sto. Tomas, and later, the Manila Observatory, were established. Scientific expeditions such as the Malaspina expedition were undertaken to understand the biodiversity and ethnography of the country. By the 1860s, the Philippines had a small dedicated group of Jesuits engaged in seismological and meteorological studies. Yet the advancements were at best superficial. For the majority of the population, superstitious thoughts and technological backwardness remain abound, thanks to centuries of cultural control by the landlord-friars and the recalcitrance of landlords towards innovation. The opening up of the Spanish colony to world trade after the collapse of the Galleon Trade in the 1800s led to increased demand for raw materials and expansion of hacienda-plantations but not to considerable industrialization in the countryside. The peasantry remained impoverished and tied to the lands they till but never own. On the other hand, the nuclei of the Philippine working class emerged in the piers, railroads, and factories that partially process the raw materials from the plantations for eventual export. Only the members of the better-off sections of society, the middle merchant classes of mestisos and indios, were able to send their children to formal institutions of learning here and abroad. That group of people, the Ilustrados, were exposed to modern science and bourgeois

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liberal thought in capitalist Europe and brought back these ideas that the conservative feudalists considered too radical. Some of these ilustrados became among the Philippines’ earliest modern scientists, some of whose names are not known popularly: Antonio Luna (chemistry), Anacleto del Rosario (chemistry and mineralogy), Francisco Liongson (medicine), and Jose Rizal (medicine and zoology). Nationalism, a French invention, was also brought by these ilustrados to the country and became the leading ideology of the Katipunero revolutionaries who employed armed struggle to rid the country of the Spanish feudalists and the theocracy it upheld. The revolution was led by workers such as Andres Bonifacio who were exposed to bourgeois liberal thought and nationalism. Peasants in the countryside also participated in the war waged by Katipunan. But segments of the emergent bourgeoisie that also led the Katipunan betrayed the revolution by capitulating to the American invaders. That emergent bourgeoisie is best personified by Emilio Aguinaldo and Pedro Paterno among others. Semi-feudalism, semi-colonialism Despite being a capitalist country, the United States did not do away with the feudal mode of production that had been in place in the country. As an imperialist country, it was more interested in finding new markets where it can invest its surplus capital and sell its excess products. Industrializing the Philippines would have deprived the US the raw materials it needed for its own industries and would run counter to its economic interests. Instead, it transformed the feudal system into a “semi-feudal” one by infusing finance capital into the hacienda-plantations without actual industrialization and without changing the ruling feudal relations of production characterized by landlord dominance and oppression of the peasantry. In some large cities and trading ports, capitalist enterprises were also established, but they had a limited role in the overall economic system still dominated by feudal forces and relations of production. Hence the term “semi-feudal,” to emphasize the fact that Philippine society had not reached capitalism as a stage of societal evolution. In contrast, the bourgeoisie in the capitalist countries ended feudalism and began capitalism in their countries by enacting land reform, defeating and suppressing the recalcitrant landlord classes, and un-

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dertaking industrialization. The US did not do this in the country, and instead, entrenched the export orientation of the economy that had been begun by the Spaniards in the early 1800s. By not completely doing away with feudalism, the US gained the political support of the landlord traitors as well as the elements of the emergent bourgeoisie who were willing to make business with the new, ruling colonial power. Some of the landlords and the emergent bourgeoisie who profited from the business of exporting raw materials from the US and importing finished goods served as the ancestors of the modern day class of big comprador bourgeoisie that serve as today’s ruling class along with the landlords. The Americans did introduce superficial technological and scientific improvements such as the establishment of research institutes like the Bureau of Sciences and the Bureau of Mines. But the primary purpose of these institutions was the pacification of the Filipinos by depriving rebels the access to medical advances and the exploitation of the Philippines’ natural resources for the imperialists’ benefit respectively. Education was also part and parcel of its control of the Filipino people. The US established a public school system relatively more accessible to more people than the same one established by the Spaniards in the 1860s. It established state universities like UP and sent pensionados, or Filipino scholars, to study in US institutes, in order to form its pool of salaried technocrats. Nothing has changed Seven decades after the United States granted the Philippines its so-called “independence,” the semifeudal mode of production still characterizes Philippine society. The Philippines still remains primarily an exporter of cheap, raw materials and importer of value-added, finished products that made use of the very same raw materials it exported. It remains bereft of basic heavy industries that characterize most of the advanced, capitalist countries such as steel and petrochemicals. Economic and military treaties, laws, and policies that had been enacted by various administrations since “independence” in 1946 served to only entrench American and transnational companies’ interests in the country. Thus the semi-colonial tag to characterize the currently prevailing socio-economic system.

Some of the younger generations of landlords sold their land and used that income to put up enterprises. They are to become the modern-day national bourgeoisie who are interested in actual industrialization and innovation for profit. But they face great competition and bankruptcy as the volume of imported goods depress prices. With no government support and the support of that same government for foreign investments, they ply their trade in a severely uneven field.

APPROXIMATE CLASS DISTRIBUTION IN CONTEMPORARY PHILIPPINE SOCIETY

LANDLORDS BIG COMPRADOR BOURGOISE

NATIONAL BOURGEOISIE PETTY BOURGEOISIE

What kind of science of technology is to be expected in a backward socio-economic system characterized by pallid government support for industrialization; dependence on advanced countries to process our raw materials to make the everyday items such as the gadgets we use and need; continuing plunder and export of our natural resources; continuing political control of the pro-US and US elements in the powerful bodies such as the Congress and the military; and continuing landlessness and poverty? It is unsurprising that since the Philippines was arrested from developing into a more developed mode of production, the current state of its Science and Technology remained backward and stunted. Why innovate when we can simply import the technology we lack and we are unable to produce? Why study STEM when I can be better off working as a domestic helper or barista in some posh country? Despite our country’s richness in resources and the talents and skills of the Filipino people, including its scientists, for as long as the prevailing socio-economic system remains in place, there could only be hope for economic amelioration and purposeful utilization of our scientific skills if we go abroad in search of greener pastures and advanced research institutes, such as what scientists like former PAGASA administrator Nathaniel Servando and countless others did. Another alternative is to do what other societies in history have done: embark on changing their mode of production by doing away with the old relations of production and ushering in a new, more progressive one. ●

15%

INDUSTRY WORKERS

75%

FARMERS AGRI WORKERS

Not to scale. Adapted from Philippine Social Realites educational discussion,, Agham Youth

PHILIPPINE SOCIETY AT PRESENT: SEMI-COLONIAL, SEMI-FEUDAL

$19.1 B TRADE DEFICIT

7/10 FARMERS ARE LANDLESS

1st Quarter 2018 Worst in PH history

October 2018

>$70 B FOREIGN DEBT

LACK OF BASIC INDUSTRIES

June 2018

Sources: AGHAM, Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, IBON Foundation, NNARA Youth

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THE CONCEPT OF MANMADE evolution in itself is not innovative. Humans have been “editing” life since the advent of agriculture and breeding. Using artificial selection, we consciously make the choice to breed the variants that possess good traits, allowing us to optimize the kinds of crops we harvest and meet the needs of our ever-growing population. In a span of only thousands of years, we have drastically altered the structure of certain crops such as corn, banana and eggplant that would otherwise take centuries of chance mutations to naturally develop into the forms we are familiar with.

more than fifty years ago. Scientists have tried trial-and-error methods such as DNA irradiation, but were discouraged by its one-in-a-million chance of success, wasting a hefty amount of time and resources. But in the late 1960s, restriction enzymes in E. coli bacteria were discovered. These restriction enzymes can cut specific sites on the DNA, enabling scientists to use these enzymes like scissors. After cutting the sites on the DNA which they want to cut, the scientists can then replace these removed segments with DNA sequences from other organisms. The method is far more efficient than relying on chance.

Since their use of artificial breeding 10,000 years ago, humans have never looked back and continued to zero in on manipulating the deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA), the code of life itself. Humans have adopted a multitude of methods focused on editing the DNA even just after it was discovered

The drawback however was that restriction enzymes can only cut over select sites on the DNA. Each site on the DNA are bound by unique proteins which fold like knots on a rope. The problem is each “knot” has a unique way of folding which requires the development of new and

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WRITTEN BY ABIGAIL ABLANG PAENG AMBAG ILLUSTRATED BY TIFFANY UY

A (SIMPLIFIED) DIAGRAM OF CRISPR IN ACTION

specific enzymes that can cut through the proteins of each site. Thus, not all restriction enzymes can be used to cut desired sites on the DNA and not all desired sites on the DNA can be cut by restriction enzymes. The way proteins fold into unique forms has yet to be understood, rendering the development of new enzymes time-consuming and expensive. In the early 2000s, DNA segments called Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats (CRISPR) and CRISPR-associated protein-9 (Cas9) genes were first discovered in action at the immune systems of bacteria, which acquire viral resistance by inserting DNA segments of an infectious virus into their own CRISPR arrangement. During a viral attack, ribonucleic acid (RNA) segments, normally paired with DNA for the synthesis of proteins are produced from the CRISPR to target the genome of the virus. The Cas9 protein then cuts the DNA apart, disabling it in the process. It was the women tandem of geneticists Jennifer Doudna and Emmanuelle Charpentier from University of California Berkeley which finally found how CRISPR-Cas9 can be used as a kind of “scissor” that can cut through any kind of “knot” on the DNA. The first replication of the said system was made by Doudna and Charpentier using a guide RNA as a mailman to a target DNA sequence (Buhr, 2017; U.S. National Library of Medicine, 2017). In a classic DNA model, billions of base pairs (A-T or C-G) can be depicted as billions of rungs that comprise a single continuous ladder. CRISPR-Cas9 works by having a guide molecule (RNA) paired with the Cas9 protein that goes through all the rungs of the ladder and will only stop until it finds its specific target address. Once it finds its target, another molecule cuts off the said DNA region and can even replace it with another one. Now, imagine that the target region is a DNA mutation that codes for cancer. Theoretically, CRISPR-Cas9 has the ability to find that mutation and actually cut it off, and replace it with another DNA sequence that is cancer free. While selective breeding does not employ the machinery of modern gene editing, the idea itself is the same, only made leagues more efficient by technological advancement. CRISPR-Cas9 has seen rapid progress in different fields of research, already considered significantly more efficient than the previous genome editing tools such as ZFN (zinc finger nucleases)

and TALENS (Transcription activator-like effector nucleases) in only less than five years of study. Doudna asserted that the discovery was analogous to trading a pair of rusty scissors for a laser beam cutter; it was just more accurate and time-saving. What took farmers thousands of years to develop and pass down can now be replicated on different crops in a relative snap of a finger. Today, the gene editing system attracts the most attention in its potential to correct “flaws” in the human genome. In vitro and animal experiments have been used to model human genetic diseases such as hemophilia, Lou Gehrig’s disease and Huntington’s disease, with promising results toward a cure. Actual human experimentation has already occurred as well despite warnings from the scientific community. Only two years after the technology was publicized, Chinese researchers removed, altered and then infused back kidney, lung, liver and throat cancer cells from 36 patients. However, the implications and possible impact of CRISPR-Cas9 has led to a multitude of ethical concerns as tropes of science fiction dystopia bleed into our own reality, the most urgent being editing reproductive cells, which will affect the next generations. While most human genome editing has been done only on other cells, which affects only certain tissues and the test subject, few studies have explored editing actual embryos or egg or sperm cells. Consent comes into question when embryos and future generations are edited not only for the treatment of diseases, but also for non-therapeutic applications such as editing height, intelligence or speed to create either runway models or super soldiers. With this in mind, one has to assess on what areas can the said technology cross and on what aspects of life do we perceive its use as humane and moral. Will the use of such technology elevate the overall health of mankind or only create further division amongst its classes through the promotion of eugenics, a belief concerned with the use of selective breeding to improve the composition of the human race? Such methods will take at least a century of testing before they are deemed safe for use on human beings, as anything altered could bring unintended consequences for the succeeding generations. Amid the hazards posed by gene-editing technology, there is currently no international body regulating CRISPR-Cas9 studies and applications amid researchers continuing to question the ethics surrounding its use. Given the situation,

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a notable difference regarding the temperament of countries for its usage can be observed. The US for example is rather lenient, permitting germline research as long as it is not intended for hereditary use. In contrast, Germany, for example, does not allow such research practices, even imposing rules with threat of criminal charges. The genome editing system, albeit a recent innovation, already argues for the need of a clear set of rules agreed upon by members of the scientific community in order to control how it is used and who gets to use it. upon by members of the scientific community in order to control how it is used and who gets to use it. In fact, the need for awareness regarding the ethics of gene-editing gained worldwide traction when just last November 2018, a Chinese scientist named He Jiankui sent shockwaves upon claiming that he helped create two gene-edited babies using CRISPR technology. Jiankui said that his goal was to make the two twins resistant to HIV infection. Members of the scientific community quickly stood up to condemn the claim, which was against the established consensus at the International Summit on Human Gene Editing. Doudna said that “it is imperative that the scientists responsible for this work fully explain their break from the global consensus that application of CRISPR-Cas9 for human germline editing should not proceed at the present time.” The development of CRISPR-Cas9 marks the evolution of mankind’s understanding of life through the mechanisms that consists of millions of years of change as well as the tools in their arsenal that can be used to speed them up. It is predicated upon the fact that maybe nature does not harness all the power, that maybe nature has already lost its regulatory control to select who shall stay and who shall perish. Though the potential of the system to drastically improve life may outweigh ethical risks if handled responsibly, fundamental issues will undoubtedly arise when gene editing is used to pursue personal or commercial interests against the common good.

his team did for creating CRISPR babies can now only be seen as a wakeup call for the limitless possibilities that can be done with the technology but also the glaring need for cautious ethical actions towards progress. ● Association AD. 2012. The History of a Wonderful Thing We Call Insulin. Diabetes Stops Here. [accessed 2018 Mar 21]. http://diabetesstopshere.org/2012/08/21/the-histor y-of-awonderful-thing-we-call-insulin/. Cancer Treatment. National Cancer Institute. [accessed 2018b Mar 21]. https://www.cancer.gov/about-cancer/treatment. Evolution of Corn. [accessed 2018c Mar 20]. http://learn.genetics.utah.edu/content/selection/corn/.Buhr, S. (2017, February 15). CRISPR-Cas9 inventor Jennifer Doudna’s plans on moving forward, genetically modifying humans. Retrieved from https://techcrunch.com/2017/02/15/crispr-cas9-inventor-jennifer-doudnas-plans-on-moving-forward-genetically-modifying-humans/ Herbert W. Boyer and Stanley N. Cohen. 2016 Jun 1. Science History Institute. [accessed 2018 Mar 21]. https://www.sciencehistory.org/historical-profile/herbert-w-boyer-and-stanley-n-cohen. History of Genetic Engineering. BiologyWise. [accessed 2018d Mar 21]. https://biologywise.com/history-of-genetic-engineering. Schiffman, R. (2013, November 6). GMOs aren’t the problem. Our industrial food system is | Richard Schiffman. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/nov/06/genetically-modified-food-safe-monsanto The Genesis Engine. WIRED. [accessed 2018f Mar 20]. https:// www.wired.com/2015/07/crispr-dna-editing-2/. U.S. National Library of Medicine. (2017, August). What are genome editing and CRISPR-Cas9?. Retrieved from https://ghr. nlm.nih.gov/primer/genomicresearch/genomeediting Vidyasagar, A. (2018, April 20). What is CRISPR?. Retrieved from https://www.livescience.com/58790-crispr-explained. html WHO | Genes and human disease. WHO. [accessed 2018h Mar 21]. http://www.who.int/genomics/public/geneticdiseases/en/index2.html. Xiong, A. (2018, August 29). Studies identify potential CRISPR flaws, but Yale scientists remain hopeful. Retrieved from https://yaledailynews.com/blog/2018/08/29/studies-identify-potential-crispr-flaws-but-yale-scientists-remain-hopeful/ Zhang, X.-H., Tee, L. Y., Wang, X.-G., Huang, Q.-S., & Yang, S.-H. (2015). Off-target Effects in CRISPR/Cas9-mediated Genome Engineering. Molecular Therapy - Nucleic Acids, 4, e264. https://doi.org/10.1038/mtna.2015.37

Humanity has controlled life in more ways than it should have. Blessed with the revolutionary advantage of an advanced brain, we have controlled our environment to keep us well fed. We also formed societies in order to optimize production of goods, and maintain peace and order. We edited other species in order to suit our needs, and now the question is if we are to are to actually edit ourselves to serve us our needs. What He Jiankui and

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MASKING POVERTY IN THE PHILIPPINES

WRITTEN BY JOEMARI OLEA GRAPHICS BY CHRIS AQUINO

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AFTER THE UNVEILING of Duterte’s project such as “Build! Build! Build!” and the Jeepney Modernization Plan, a certain word starts to resurface in the media: the act of gentrification. Gentrification is the term used to characterize the beautification of an impoverished site to mask the current problems of poverty in an area. Instead of assuaging the lives of the people and solving the economic problems from their roots, gentrification uses the visual facade of grand structures, good architectural designs, and technological modernization to create an illusion of a country’s progress: a pseudo-economic development. This concept is not new to us, for we have an entire history of Filipino presidents who used this technique to gather foreign investors in the Philippines. Ferdinand Marcos used this concept heavily for the mere purpose of hiding his corruption cases from the public, while other presidents used it to increase foreign investments which inevitably kill local businesses and hopes for a national industry. The Marcos Regime: Golden Age of Gentrification President Marcos used the concept of gentrification to induce an impression of economic competence during the time of crisis. It did work, for there are still a lot of people, especially in social media, who berate on how the Marcos Era is the Golden Age of the Philippines. How can you say that the country is suffering a financial catastrophe when the government can build lots of huge edifices? It is really a smart move for most of his “legacies” are in visual form and will forever be in the face of the Earth unless destroyed. It is easier to see the magnificence of the structures even if they’re on a backdrop of corruption and human rights violations. The Philippine International Convention Center (PICC) is a government funded project built for the international delegates of the World Bank-International Monetary Fund Annual Meeting that was held in the Philippines in 1976. This building boasts itself to be the first international convention center in Asia (About PICC). Together with the PICC, several five-star hotels are built with the pursuance of the government to become temporary settlements of the delegates in the said event. Another structure spearheaded by Ferdinand Marcos is the Cultural Center of the Philippines. Built to preserve and develop the Filipino culture and arts, the said structure billed 50 Million Pesos on our international debt (Vision Mission CCP). The still-operational Light Rail Transit is also one of the famous projects of Marcos.

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The 3.4 billion pesos structure is a manifestation of Makoy’s plan to interconnect Metro Manila using fast and accessible transportation system (Razon, 1998). His other projects include the Heart, Lung, and Kidney Centers of the Philippines that offer world-class medical attention to Filipino patients. The Marcos Regime also brought life to the Metropolitan Manila Commission (MMC), now commonly known as the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA). Imelda Marcos was the first head of the said commission (Michel, 2010). The creation of MMC is on par with the Marcos Family’s mantra to make Manila a utopia for the planned New Society. Although some of the projects are promising and for the betterment of the Filipino people, under the veil of extravagance are the hidden cases of corruption and plunder. Most of these buildings are funded with international debts, while the Marcos family and their cronies feasted themselves with the Philippine budget. The political instability in the Philippines then forced foreign investors away from the country, defeating the purpose of the buildings themselves in the first place. Aside from the structures built under their name, the Marcos Family left the Philippines with nothing but a massive sum of debt that Filipinos still currently pay three decades later. Gentrification in Post-Marcos Era The usage of gentrification didn’t stop from the Marcos Regime. Several instances of masking poverty were reported in the country after his term. During the 8th Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum that was held in the Philippines in 1996 under the term of President Ramos, 21 APEC Villas were erected in Zambales to become temporary dwellings of the delegates which reported to amount to 1 million to 2 million dollars to construct each. The villas were only resided by the delegates for one day (Romero, 2015). During President Arroyo’s term, Metro Gwapo was launched by MMDA under Chairperson Bayani Fernando. Pink became the color of Metro Manila under Fernando’s governance: from footbridges, to public urinals, every structure made by MMDA was slathered with the rosy color to make the capitol visually appealing for foreign investors. Fernando’s term also saw the harsh actions to deal with and expel the street vendors (using the infamous “Pink Line” strategy) and illegal dwellers. This was also the time when jeepney and bus drivers were ordered to have a dress code (Michel, 2010). As ex-

pected, Fernando’s actions were criticized by many, claiming that his projects were solely focused on the poor sector of the population. In 2015, the Philippine government under Pnoy’s presidency invested a whooping 10 Billion Pesos for the APEC forum that was held in Metro Manila (Calleja, 2015). Classes are suspended, and the routes the delegates are going to traverse are closed from the public. There are reports that the internet speed is incredibly fast during the forum, and flights are cancelled to ensure the security of the delegates. Dinky Soliman, the head of the Department of Social Welfare and Development, ordered to cover squatter areas with huge plywood to hide the real state of living of the Filipino people from the APEC ambassadors. Soliman was already in the hot seat during the APEC forum after the resurfacing of the rumors of DSWD’s involvement in convincing homeless families to stay at a resort during the visit of Pope Francis in the Philippines (Ager, 2015). It is ironic that the APEC’s theme at that year is about the welfare of small scale business owners, while Pnoy is attempting to get foreign investors for the Philippines which kills small time Filipino businesses. Duterte’s Build! Build! Build! and Jeepney Modernization One of the Duterte’s flagship platform is the improvement of infrastructure in the Philippines under the banner of “Build! Build! Build!” Under this project, the government plans to invest a massive sum of $180 Billion to create public structures which most of them are for improving the transportation in the Philippines (expressways, highways, and bridges) (Heydarian, 2018). It sounds promising at first, but certain aspects of the project are heavily criticized. The funding for the project will mostly be from foreign loans from China and Japan. Not only that the two countries will benefit from the interest of the loans, under the loaning deals is the requirement for the Philippines to buy the materials needed for infrastructure building solely from the lender countries (Padilla, 2017). Another source of funding for the project is the Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Law which is heavily deemed to be anti-poor. Although it lessens the income tax, it will inflate the prices of certain commodities, transportation fares, and electric bills, for the law also imposes taxes on diesel, LPG, kerosene, and bunker fuel (Moilna, 2018). Lastly, the main department associated for the “Build! Build! Build!” project, the Department of Public

Works and Highways (DPWH), is under the leadership of Secretary Mark Villar, a member of a family known for real estate business. People have panned this appointment by Duterte, since aside from his lack of experience in engineering and architecture, his father Manny Villar once used the power of DPWH to have C-5 Road Extension to pass through Villar’s real estate properties (Ramos, 2016). This increases the suspicions that hidden capitalist agendas are behind every project of DPWH during Duterte’s term, including the structures to be built under the “Build! Build! Build!” project.

“About PICC.” Philippine International Convention Center. http://www.picc. gov.ph/about-picc

Aside from the “Build! Build! Build!”, another manifestation of gentrification in Duterte’s term is the Jeepney Modernization Plan. Jeepney drivers are forced by the Department of Transportation (DOTr) under Secretary Arthur Tugade to buy newer jeepney units that are eco-friendlier than the ones they currently use. This plan of DOTr was severely panned because the units, whose materials are to be imported or to be assembled from other countries, are too expensive for the jeepney drivers which amounts to 1.2 - 1.6 million pesos per unit. DOTr has proposed a loaning scheme for drivers who can’t buy the jeepney units in one billing, but an amortization of 800 pesos daily for seven years still seems to be unacceptable for drivers for it is still too expensive (Balangue, 2017). If ever continued to be implemented, the Jeepney Modernization Plan will cause for a lot of jeepney drivers to lose their livelihoods, and for the transportation fare to inevitably spike. This forced the jeepney drivers to hold transport strikes contesting the anti-poor project, which paralyzed classes and works nationwide.

Heydarian, Richard Javad. “Duterte’s Ambitious ‘Build, Build, Build’ Project to Transform the Philippines Could Become His Legacy.” Forbes. February 28, 2018. https://www.forbes.com/sites/ outof asia/2018/02/28/duter tes-ambitious-build-build-build-project-totransform-the-philippines-could-become-his-legacy/

The main problem with gentrification is that it only deals with the surface of a massive problem in poverty. It is like a common Filipino practice to ingest Paracetamol to deal with the fever which is just a symptom of a much more dangerous disease. Like what the word signifies, gentrification is simply a manifestation of a larger predicament: the Philippine’s lack on national industry and our nation’s economic dependence to foreign investments. The government’s continuous effort to get the attention of foreign countries makes us doubt our own independence, for it begs the question whether the Philippines is for the Filipino people or for the bidding of other nations. ●

Romero, Rudy. “Remembering 1996 APEC.” The Standard. November 10, 2015. http://thestandard.com.ph/ opinion/columns/business-class-byr u d y - r o m e r o / 1914 8 3 / r e m e m b e r ing-1996-apec.html

Ager, Maila. “DSWD chief admits homeless rounded up in line with Pope Francis’ PH visit” Inquirer.net. January 27, 2015. http://newsinfo.inquirer. net/668280/dswd-chief-admits-homeless-rounded-up-in-line-with-popefrancis-ph-visit Balangue, Glenis. “Corporate Capture in Jeepney ‘Modenization’.” Ibon Foundation. October 17, 2017. http:// i b o n . o r g / 2017/ 10 / c o r p o r a t e - c a p ture-in-jeepney-modernization/ Calleja, Nina. “PH invests P10B for Apec meet” Inquirer.net. Novermber 9, 2015. newsinfo.inquirer.net/738029/ph-invests-p10b-for-apec-meet

Michel, Boris. “Going Global, Veiling the Poor: Global City Imaginaries in Metro Manila.” Philippine Studies Vol. 58 no. 3. Ateneo De Manila University, 2010. pages 383-406 Molina, Carlo Jacob. “TRAIN Law will harm 21M poor Filipinos, says anti-poverty chief.” Philippine Canadian Inquirer. January 12, 2018. http://www. canadianinquirer.net/2018/01/12/trainlaw-will-harm-21m-poor-filipinos-saysanti-poverty-chief/ Padilla, Arnold. “Building destruction? Foreign creditors gain more from Duterte’s infra plan.” Ibon Foundation. July 21, 2017. http://ibon.org/2017/07/building-destruction-foreign-creditors-gainmore-from-dutertes-infra-plan/ Ramos, Ricardo. “Villar’s Appointment: Wrong Start for Duterte.” Philippine Daily Inquirer. May 26, 2016. http://opinion.inquirer.net/94909/villars-appointment-wrong-start-for-duterte Razon, Evangeline “The Manila LRT System” Japan Railway and Transport System Review 16. June 1998.

“Vision Mission.” Cultural Center of the Philippines. http://culturalcenter.gov. ph/about-the-ccp/vision-mission/

SCIENTIA VOL 25 NO 3

WAGING WARFARE

WRITTEN BY GIAN DE GUZMAN GRAPHICS BY JON BONIFACIO

HISTORICALLY, WAR OFTEN involves the use of arms or weapons. The Japanese used swords and bayonets during the World War II, while the Americans had pistols and rifles. The Egyptians had naboots made out of wood and rattan. The Filipinos used bolo knives during the Philippine Revolution. But today, war is not just about weaponry; technology has already enabled modern warfare to transpire in networks and computer systems. A battlefield is being built on the Philippine Identification System (PhilSys) proposed by the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) and signed by the President just this August. And now, PSA is already in preparation for its implementation. According to the PhilSys Act of 2018 or RA 11055, the PhilSys is a foundational identification system that serves as valid proof of identity for both citizens and resident aliens. The key to this system is the development of a national ID called the Philippine Identification System ID (PhilID) that shall be issued to all those registered under PhilSys. The PhilID contains the PhilSys Number (PSN), quick response (QR) code and personal information that are all unique to its holder. The holder’s identity can be authenticated by either presenting the

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PhilID or using their biometric information. Authentication can be conducted by validating biometric and personal information. Personal information, in the context of our law, is any information that directly identifies the individual such as full name, sex, birthdate, birthplace, blood type, address, and citizenship. Meanwhile, biometric information pertains to front-facing image, fingerprint, iris scan, and/or other distinguishable features. A set of at least two fingerprints shall be encrypted on the QR code at the back of the card. With this system, the PSA targets to provide more convenient public and private transactions, promote seamless delivery of services, curtail corruption, and enhance financial inclusion. Though it appears promising to have a national ID that identify someone as a citizen, the PhilSys Act allows a record history that holds the location and date of transactions whenever the card is used. This takes us into considering the “war” the country is involved in. The Philippines has been a constant target for cyberattacks. This fact have made not just this questionable provision but the system as a whole, an area of contention between involved parties and stakeholders.

“You’d be scared if you knew the timeline and complexity of the system,” said Peter John Francisco, a lecturer from the Department of Computer Science (DCS), in a public forum on PhilSys ,tagged as #IDknow, held last September 19. He stated that a complex system likely enables connectivity, which poses security problems. He cited that the country is the eighth most vulnerable to malware, as per 2017 data from Microsoft. Malware or malicious software includes programs that are optimized for damaging and accessing systems. Vulnerability to malware allow hackers to exploit weaknesses in a system, increasing the likelihood of security breach. Hackers already rattle the Philippines, even in the absence of a consolidated database for our 33 government IDs. In addition, the one-year period of completion and full implementation of the PhilSys is insufficient to meet the intricate construction of a single database where information of more than 100 million Filipinos would be encrypted. Although 30 billion pesos was allotted for the implementation, the huge amount of money cannot guarantee optimal security, given that the system apparently needs more than a single year to be performing at its best. Meanwhile, in the “Public Forum for the IRR of RA 11055” on October 2, 2018 at the UP School of Statistics, authorities from PSA and partner agencies like the Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT) emphasized that they hold utmost priority on the security of the national ID system. According to Cesar Manuel, Jr. of DICT, the national ID is safeguarded with at least 10 security features. PSA representatives also clarified that the record history will include logs of which agencies asked for authentications and when. They noted that the PSN will not be easily subjected to fraud because it is tied to the holder’s biometric information. They also stated that PSA will be responsible for the access and storage of the data. Specific access by some agencies will be dependent on the decision of PSA and the PhilSys Policy and Coordination Council (PSPCC), which is composed of partner government agencies. Doubts surrounding the PhilSys were further fueled by the ambiguity of the RA 11055 and its Implementing Rules and Regulation (IRR). The signed act had loopholes and failed to specify necessary details. For example, it is uncertain whether the permanent or present address will be included on the card; neither of which are applicable to nomadic indigenous peoples and the homeless. The drafted IRR

also failed to explain that there are different levels of authentication Apparently, authentication can be done by presenting the card, having your biometrics scanned, or both. This weakens the need for a physical ID card, if the system were designed to ask for the biometric information of the holder. PSA representatives also did not specify the process of selecting experts outside the government who will be consulted for technological matters.

... enabling a hastilyassembled system is like in this modern war. However, it is argued by the concerned agencies that these vague provisions can still be compensated by updates on the IRR even after the system has been implemented. In rebuttal to this, Atty. Maria Cecilia Soria, data privacy lawyer, said that that whenever a law is passed, there already has to be an accompanying IRR for it. “In the operation point of view, when there’s a project or system that you will implement, you also want rules for how the system will work,” Soria said. “In this case, the IRR is both for the law and for the system, which does not exist yet.” Varying inconsistencies on the design and implementation policies of the PhilSys, along with technological deficiencies, imply that the system may not yet be ready. There is also inadequate preparation time for amassing all present government IDs into a single system. The inner workings of the system that will hold huge amount of information require rigidity which means there is no room for uncertainty. A slight breach in the system entails an opportunity for attackers to erode its security, subsequently causing our information and identity be vulnerable to possible exploitation. With the lack of the country’s cyber arsenal, enabling a hastily assembled system is almost like admitting defeat in this modern war. ●

SCIENTIA VOL 25 NO 3

Several psychological studies found that the status quo bias has an underlying biopsychological explanation. Its occurrence is driven by the activity in the insula, a small region of the cerebral cortex, and the striatum in the limbic system. According to the study of Yu et al. (2010), the increased tendency to choose the atypical was related to decreased activity in the anterior insula. The activation of the anterior insula due to loss after deviating from default choices was also found to be associated with experienced frustration. Meanwhile, following the status quo triggers activity in the ventral area of the striatum, which is also a part of the brain associated with reward regulation. This implies that we tend to avoid atypical options, as they induce more negative emotions upon failure than default choices.

Whether the scales would favor transformation or stagnation is founded on the summation of our experiences. The longer the time that a routine has been set, the more difficult it becomes to change. It is this longevity factor that adds up to the complacency we feel with the personal and social systems we have in place, tricking us into thinking that everything is still fine. However, when the realization comes that the status quo pales in comparison to a better counterpart, it is then that the decision and effort to reject the status quo may and must be made. ●

Escaping

Suppose you are in in a grocery store, walking through an aisle of coffee products, and you are presented with a variety of new brands of coffee. But as you decide which one to buy, you find that your instinct is to grab what you have always been using. On another instance, when an upperclassman advised you to drop a class because of a terror professor, you give them the benefit of the doubt and see how things would go first, rather than readily alter your subject roster for that semester. The common denominator between these two situations is the preservation of the status quo. There is an automatic preference for what has been or what is to continue being.

given the choice between waiting for the shock to come, or pressing a button that would reduce the waiting time. The results reveal that more people would rather press the button and have the shock come more quickly than simply waiting for it to do so. This shows that a status quo is likelier to be rejected when there is a distinct beneficence in the alternative, and a clearly inferior default.

the Typical

ROUTINE AND NORMALCY arise from any human activity. Knowing what to expect instills a sense of security in what has usually been done before. This comfort—or complacency—brings forth a cognitive bias that psychologists refer to as the status quo bias.

Eidelman, S., & Crandall, C. S. (2014). The Intuitive Traditionalist. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 53-104. doi:10.1016/b978-0-12-800284-1.00002-3 Fleming, S. M., Thomas, C. L., & Dolan, R. J. (2010). Overcoming status quo bias in the human brain. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 107(13), 6005-6009. doi:10.1073/pnas.0910380107 Henderson, R. (2016). How Powerful Is Status Quo Bias?. Retrieved from https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/after-service/201609/how-powerful-is-status-quo-bias Suri, G., Sheppes, G., Schwartz, C., & Gross, J. J. (2013). Patient Inertia and the Status Quo Bias. Psychological Science, 24(9), 1763-1769. doi:10.1177/0956797613479976

WRITTEN BY FROILAN CARIAGA GIAN DE GUZMAN GRAPHICS BY CHRIS AQUINO

Yu, R., Mobbs, D., Seymour, B., & Calder, A. J. (2010). Insula and striatum mediate the default bias. Journal of Neuroscience, 30(44), 14702-14707.

While we are more often predisposed to preserving the status quo, there are tendencies that we reject it. Fleming et al. (2010) found that this act of negation incites a spike in activity in the subthalamic nucleus which is a part of the basal ganglia in the brain associated with action selection. Blood oxygen level-dependent brain signals occurring in it increase as the difficulty of the decisions to be made increase. These findings suggest that status quo rejection is a more conscious and active enterprise than merely going with the flow. From a behavioral and psychological point of view, Suri et al. in 2013 conducted an experiment to test what could trigger rejection of the status quo. A set of participants about to be electrocuted were

FEATURE

Honor Ayroso was a peasant organizer and activist who was abducted by suspected military officers on February 9, 2002 along with Johnny Orcino. He was never seen again. Honor is survived by his wife Dee Ayroso, who created this comic on the anniversary of his disappearance, and his daughter Alab Ayroso, who now serves as Scientia’s Online Editor.

SCIENTIA VOL 25 NO 3

VOL. 25 NO. 3 THE CHANGE ISSUE JAN. 2019 WRITING

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DESIGN Chris Aquino Adrian Bayle Sam Julian Maxelle Millan Tiffany Uy @upscientia

EDITORS CJ Palpal-latoc (EIC) Sofia Federico Janina Alviar Jon Bonifacio

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Scientia Vol. 25 No. 3 (The Change Issue)

Articles inside

Escaping the typical

Waging weaponless warfare

Masking poverty in the Philippines

Playing god

We should be preparing for more than just super typhoons

Classes and the evolution of society

Meet our new neighbor

Breaking free from our apathy

Of science & responsibility

Apt retorts

Editorial

CS @ 35: Breaking the inertia