10 WORLD REVIEW
Cuba is coming in from the cold As Raúl Castro charts a new course for the enigmatic state, Ruairí Casey recounts from where and how far Cuba has come
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ost-revolutionary Cuba is not known for its modernity. Pontiacs, Chevrolets and Fords from the 1950s with a fresh lick of paint, running only due to mechanical ingenuity, still chug through the streets of Havana; streets whose buildings range from the decrepit Spanish baroque to the Batista-era glamour of mob-funded businesses. Between embargoes, Cold War isolation and a conservative, dictatorial government, Cuba has remained in stasis. Under Fidel Castro, Cuba did
“Cars from the 1950s, running only due to mechanical ingenuity, still chug through the streets of Havana” a remarkable job of surviving as a communist state parked just a few miles away from a capitalist superpower, but domestic progress was stunted by its outcast status. Castro, the longest serving world leader of the twentieth century, accumulated a vast array of supporters and detractors during his rise from student revolutionary to Cuban dictator and leading voice of anti-capitalism. The end of his rule marked a crucial point in the history of the country, and ultimately a point of departure from the largely unchanged Soviet-era ideology with which he governed Cuba since the revolution. Fidel Castro’s resignation as president did not come as any great surprise. In July 2006 he had delegated major responsibilities to his brother Raúl while he underwent surgery. Infrequent public appearances led to speculation about his health, and in February 2008 the official state newspaper, Granma, published a letter by Castro saying he would not seek re-election, citing health reasons: “It would betray my conscience to take up a responsibility that requires mobility and total devotion, that I am not in a physical condition to offer.” On 24 February the National Assembly unanimously elected Raúl as his successor. Raúl Castro was an important
military figure during the establishment of communist Cuba and had long occupied a position of power within the regime. Minister of the Revolutionary Armed Forces since just after the revolution in 1959 and the Second Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, he was subordinate only to his brother within the party. Being such an intrinsic part of the government, few had hopes of significant change under his presidency. Relations with the US, which had arguably became more strained during the Bush years, seemed as if they would remain unchanged. The newly elected Castro was quick to announce suspicions of “offensive and openly meddling declarations by the empire and some of its closest allies”. Of his brother, he said Fidel was “irreplaceable” and would be consulted on “decisions of fundamental importance for the nation’s future, including defence, foreign policy and socio-economic development”. However, in his acceptance speech he also mentioned the need for structural change within the government: “Today a more compact and functional structure is needed ... [Cuba needs] a smaller number of central administration bodies and a better distribution of their functions. We have to make our government more efficient.” Changes in official policy were announced but any progress seemed at first trivial. Previously banned consumer goods like toasters, mobile phones and DVD players were made available. The prohibitive costs of these goods meant they would have little effect on the majority of Cubans, with the average wage about $17 per month. However, more ambitious plans were soon brought into effect, with
“Raul Castro was an important military figure during the establishment of communist Cuba and had long occupied a position of power” Raúl appearing to give serious weight to his promise for change in government “structure”. In June
Graffiti on a road sign outside Havana praises Raúl Castro. Photo: Reuters/Claudia Daut
2008, reforms were enacted which altered the existing system of wage differentiation, guaranteeing equal pay among co-workers. Now employees would receive a minimum 5% bonus for meeting targets, while managers could receive a bonus of up to 30%. “Egalitarianism is not convenient,” said Carlos Mateu, vice-minister for labour, “it is not fair, because while it is harmful to pay the worker less than what he deserves, it is also harmful to give him what he doesn’t deserve.” This departure from Marxist orthodoxy showed a government willing to adapt in order to revitalise its economy. Food production, which had been in deficit for years, was another sector in which Raúl brought much needed changes. He described food production as “a matter of maximum national security”. Land use and food distribution was streamlined with decision-making moved from the agriculture ministry in Havana to the municipal level. More state land was granted to private farmers and cooperatives that already produced over half the country’s produce on 20% of the tilled land. Another move away from rigid state
ownership was the decision to allow the sale of private houses in November last year. Following from the decision to allow the purchase of new cars (to persons of special status), legislation was introduced that allowed private
“Under Fidel Castro, Cuba did a remarkable job of surviving as a communist state parked just a few miles away from a capitalist superpower” dwellings to be bought and sold. Before this, Cubans were limited to trading houses between owners. Despite this, black-market trade existed and many trades were supplemented with cash sums. New legislation also put a limit on the number of houses one can own. A Cuban citizen may own one permanent dwelling and another for weekend or holiday use. In a country where housing is chronically overcrowded, with three or four generations of the same family often living together, the government is careful not to let property become a commodity one can accumulate in abundance. Raúl Castro’s government has been progressive, but progressive within the boundaries of a socialist state. He has never shown any sign of amending Cuba’s socialist structure, with institutions like the one-party state remaining inviolable. Of the oneparty system he said, “To renounce the principle of only one party would simply mean legalising the party or
“Criticism of the government has become less of a taboo, but only through approved channels such as workplace forums”
Raúl Castro’s government is more progressive than his predecessor but retains its military character
parties of imperialism on Cuban soil and sacrifice the strategic weapon of one party.” Criticism of the government has become less of a taboo, but criticism is to come only through approved
channels such as workplace forums and neighbourhood meetings. Public demonstrations are not tolerated. Counter-protests are organised and police are quick to arrest political opponents, while state media portrays them as “mercenaries” or “counterrevolutionaries”. While the number of arrests increased last year, according to the anti-Castro Cuban Commission on Human Rights and Reconciliation, a large number of political prisoners have been granted amnesty. Almost 3,000 prisoners were freed during the Christmas period in a deal brokered by the Catholic Church ahead of the Pope’s planned visit to the island. Elizardo Sanchez, head of the Cuban Commission on Human Rights, dismissed the decision. “It’s a shallow measure by the government, a gesture to improve its international image,” he said. Many prisoners freed in the last few years have emigrated to Spain as part of an agreement between Cuban and Spanish governments, with other dissidents including the country’s
“More work is still to be done. Political freedoms must be expanded, serious economic problems need to be fixed” most famous blogger, Yoani Sanchez, searching for asylum elsewhere. Cuba’s position since the revolution has been defined by its isolation; trade embargoes and suspicion of foreign interference have left it largely to itself. Now, as Spanish energy giant Repsol begins drilling offshore for oil, as a high-speed internet cable is laid from Venezuela, as golf courses, marinas and hotels are built to cater for a burgeoning tourism industry, and as America’s resolutely tough policy on Cuba receives more criticism, we are beginning to see Cuba come in from the cold, no longer a global pariah. Raúl Castro’s rule so far has begun the modernisation of Cuba at a remarkably rapid rate. More work is still to be done. Political freedoms must be expanded, serious economic problems need to be fixed, and the promised emigration reforms, which mean so much to Cubans at a personal level, must be delivered. Whether Raúl Castro is the man to bring these changes is uncertain, but in setting a course for social and political reform he has ensured that Cuba is gradually becoming a fairer, better-functioning state.
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