Sibyl: The Women's College Academic Journal

Sibyl

THE WOMEN’S COLLEGE ACADEMIC JOURNAL Volume 5 / 2016

EDITORIAL BOARD Dr Amanda Bell Dr Tiffany Donnelly Dr Rosemary Hancock Ms Gabrielle Kemmis Dr Tamson Pietsch Dr Chris Rudge Ms Elisabeth Tondl

CONTACT DETAILS The Women’s College The University of Sydney NSW 2006 Australia Phone: +61 2 9517 5000 Web: www.thewomenscollege.com.au Published by: The Women’s College within the University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia 2016

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CONTENTS Introduction DR TIFFANY DONNELLY and DR TAMSON PIETSCH

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STUDENT ARTICLES Fish are Friends, not Food: Shark Fishing and Conservation ANNABEL ELLIS

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The Edge of Heaven: Faith Akin as Cinema DJ CHELSEA WITHAM

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Are Empathy and Care Necessary for Justice?

CLAUDIA SHERIDAN

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What could Computational Modelling Teach us about Parkinson’s Disease?

LILY LI

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Can “New” Atheism Claim to be “New”?

LOUISA SINCLAIR

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Physical Activity Monitoring: Do Activity Trackers Improve Health Outcomes?

LUCY CORBETT

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Literary Value: the “critical concensus” ERIN McFADYEN

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Introduction The cover image for this year’s volume of Sibyl, the Women’s College academic journal, was taken at Government House, Sydney, on 11 June 1960, on the occasion of Doreen Langley’s appointment as a Member of the Civil Division of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (MBE) for services to education. It is almost sixty years since Doreen Langley was appointed Principal of the Women’s College, a position she held from 1957 until 1974. The residential wing of the College which bears her name houses half the current student cohort, and was constructed between 1965 and 1969. It was a giant undertaking for the College Council and its Principal, and was indeed the last major construction embarked on by the College, until today.

It is timely to commemorate Doreen Langley’s contribution to this much-loved institution of learning. In 2017-18 the Langley wing will receive a new neighbour: the Sibyl Centre, named, like this academic journal, after the prophetess protagonist of A Mask, the play commissioned to mark the 21st birthday of the College in 1913. The Sibyl Centre will be a landmark building housing a new undergraduate library, tutorial and music-practice rooms, and large-scale flexible spaces capable of hosting lectures and social events. In addition, the Langley wing itself will undergo a full restoration. Volume Four of the Women’s College Biographical Register, recording the biographies of the first inhabitants of the Langley wing and covering the period 1969-1974, will also be collated in preparation for publication. Miss Langley’s legacy will continue to be celebrated.

The Sibyl journal is an annual showcase of the academic endeavours of current students at Women’s College.

Submissions can be made from any discipline and year level, but must have received a High Distinction (85% +) mark in their subject assessment at the University. This year’s student

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entries span a breathtaking sweep of faculties and subject matter: marine ecology, film studies, legal philosophy, computational neuroscience, religious studies, education and English literature. The pieces demonstrate the depth of research and critical thinking our students are engaging in every day, along with the creativity and care which is vital to sustained thought and excellent composition. I commend these papers to you as exemplars of the academic powerhouse of our student body.

The sciences are well represented in this issue of Sibyl.

Annabel Ellis posits some strategies for shark conservation in the wake of overfishing and decreasing shark populations over the last forty years. The practice of “finning” sharks for utilisation in the luxury food markets of South East Asia has depleted shark populations, and her essay discusses sustainable fishing and conservation practices in the context of a complex sea ecology. Lily Li’s paper utilises the emerging field of computational neuroscience to examine an aspect of motor control in the brains of Parkinson affected patients, comparing the data generated from a “healthy” brain via neural network modelling. In the realm of health and wellbeing, the proliferation of personal devices designed for monitoring physical activity is examined by Lucy Corbett in her essay, which asks the pointed question: “Do activity trackers improve health?” The essay considers the data around activity levels in children and adolescents in light of motivation and self-determination theory, predicting that activity trackers are likely to improve health outcomes in the years ahead.

The arts are similarly celebrated. Chelsea Witham’s paper examines Faith Akin’s 2007 film The Edge of Heaven in the context of the history and politics of national cinema, and specifically the disrupted identities of the Turkish/German diaspora in the new Europe. Claudia Sheridan interrogates a number of theoretical positions surrounding the notion of moral development within the institution of the family, and the formation of justice within a framework of empathy

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and care, applying a feminist lens to the arguments at play in this philosophical arena. Louisa Sinclair continues this philosophical musing in her essay exploring New Atheism.

She notes that, far from being “New,” the concepts discussed by the New Atheists in the late twentieth century have implicit connections to the historical tenets of classical atheism. Literary value, a topic much debated in the twentieth century, is considered by Erin McFadyen in the final essay of this issue, which tackles the competing arguments of key theorists in determining what constitutes “worth” in literature.

There is much food for thought in the pages that follow.

Theorising aside, the “worth” of such a volume lies in its broadness of scope, its diversity of topic, and in the intellectual prowess played out on every page which sets a new benchmark for issues to come.

Dr Tiffany Donnelly and Dr Tamson Pietsch Editors-in-Chief

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Fish are Friends, not Food: Shark Fishing and Conservation ANNABEL ELLIS Advanced Science 3rd year Abstract While sharks are important marine predators, their life history characteristics, such as a long lifespan and low fecundity, make them vulnerable to overfishing and exploitation. Shark fishing has rapidly increased in the past 40 years, concurrently with the practice of finning (the removal of sharks’ fins and the discarding of their bodies while at sea).

Finning is practised because shark fin is the essential ingredient in shark fin soup, a traditional luxury soup consumed in South East Asia. Finning in particular has led to dramatic declines in shark populations around the world, and this has had a cascading effect on related ecosystems. Some nations have implemented shark conservation techniques, such as imposing fin-fishing bans, designating protected areas, and investing in community education. Unfortunately, however, these conservation strategies have had mixed results and have not halted the decline in shark populations.

This paper proposes that shark conservation should encompass a variety of techniques, and may only be successful when we treat sharks as our friends, not our food.

Introduction In Disney/Pixar’s 2003 animated picture Finding Nemo, Bruce, the great white shark, states wisely that “Fish are friends, not food.” Many people forget that sharks (class: Chondrichthyes; subclass: Elasmobranchii) are fish, and, in this essay, I will argue that Bruce’s statement—that “fish are

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friends, not food”—should be applied to sharks more readily. Sharks are important predators in both marine and some freshwater ecosystems; however, their life history characteristics, including a long lifespan and low fecundity, make them particularly vulnerable to population pressures (Chin et al., 2010). Sharks have been fished worldwide for thousands of years but, in the last four decades, both the expansion of commercial fishing and a rising demand for shark meat (particularly fins) has resulted in overfishing and exploitation (Fabinyi, 2011; Dulvy et al., 2008). In ecosystems already under stress, such as coral reefs, shark decline may add to wider ecosystem decline (Chin et al., 2010). The Great Barrier Reef, for instance, houses a diversity of shark species living in a wide range of habitats, including in freshwater rivers, pelagic waters, and deep waters (Chin et al., 2010). In habitats such as these, freshwater and coastal sharks are the most vulnerable to shark fishing and climate change (Chin et al., 2010).

Negative perceptions of sharks and a lack of experience or knowledge about them can limit public support for shark conservation policies (Friedrich et al., 2014). Sharks are not “charismatic” like dolphins and whales, and sharks have been portrayed negatively in films such as Jaws and in wider media reports of shark attacks (Techera, 2012). Australia has a particularly difficult relationship with sharks that may be traced to the 1930s, when many adopted the perception of sharks as human predators (Neff, 2012).

As Christopher Neff argues, Australia has a “predator policy paradox” in which human safety and fear is valued over conservation of endangered species, as has been seen in the controversial Western Australian “shark cull” (Neff, 2012). Ironically, humans are sharks’ greatest predator, killing millions of sharks each year. In this essay, I will explore the nature of shark ecology and the many threats that sharks face, before outlining a range of shark conservation strategies and their associated challenges.

Shark ecology Sharks are vulnerable to overexploitation due to their life history characteristics (Dulvy et al., 2008). Sharks have relatively slow growth and reproductive rates, with an average maturation age of 11 years and lifespans ranging from 8 to 65 years (Dulvy et al., 2008; Worm et al., 2013). They have a long gestation period and often give birth to only few live young (though some lay eggs), although these young have relatively

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high survival probabilities (Dulvy et al., 2008). These characteristics mean that shark populations are often unable to withstand high fishing loads and cannot repopulate exploited areas, unlike shorter-lived fish species (Dulvy et al., 2008). Moreover, since sharks are important apex predators, their decline may have significant ecological repercussions (Robbins et al., 2006).

Threats to sharks Among many threats, fishing is the most significant threat sharks face, with three quarters of oceanic-pelagic sharks facing extinction due to overfishing (Dulvy et al., 2008). Although shark meat is consumed worldwide (and commonly known as “flake” in Australia), the fact that shark fins are generally more valuable than shark meat has resulted in the widespread practice of finning (Dulvy et al., 2008). Finning is the removal of a shark’s fins and the discarding of that living shark’s body while at sea (Dulvy et al., 2008; Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). During the second half of the twentieth century, the volume of shark landings—or, marine catches that are brought to ports—have increased sharply, corresponding with an increase in the number of shark fins traded (Worm et al., 2013). On average, it is estimated that 100 million sharks are caught by fishers each year, although estimates range between 97 and 267 million (Worm et al., 2013). This number is considered conservative as many estimates do not include recreational fishing (Worm et al., 2013). Shark exploitation rates often exceed the population rebound rate by 30 percent, meaning that, if this fishing practice continues, shark populations will continue to decline (Worm et al., 2013).

Shark fin trading has sharply increased since the 1980s as a result of China’s economic boom (Schindler et al., 2002; Fabinyi, 2011; Worm et al., 2013; Eriksson & Clarke, 2015). The social and cultural popularity of shark fin soup in China is the major cause of this surge in trading (Fabinyi, 2011). Shark fin soup has been a delicacy in China for hundreds of years, although it has increased in popularity in recent decades (Fabinyi, 2011).

Shark meat is associated with traditional Chinese medicine and considered to be a strengthening or bu food with purported aphrodisiac properties (Fabinyi, 2011). Being a luxury item, shark fin is often eaten in public and at weddings, where it signifies and emphasises luxury and wealth (Fabinyi, 2011). This exemplifies the way in which food choices are not just based

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on nutritional or taste-related attributes, but on the cultural and social denotations of particular foods as well (Fabinyi, 2011). Luxury seafood consumption in China has been rapidly rising and this could severely impact global marine life (Fabinyi, 2011). The import value of shark fins has increased from USD 20 million in 1976 to USD 455 million in 2000 (Worm et al., 2013). In 2000, the average rate of finning in shark fishing was 80 percent, which translates to a figure of almost 1 million tonnes of sharks having been finned (Worm et al., 2013). The 20 percent of sharks that are not finned are often released to the sea alive; however, many die due to the stress or injuries caused by capture (Worm et al., 2013).

The dramatic rise in shark fishing and finning has had major ecological repercussions, both for sharks and other marine species. Since sharks have a late maturation age and low fecundity, populations of these fish are less able to bounce back after exploitation than populations of other fastergrowing fish (Schindler et al., 2002). A study on shark abundance in the Northwest Atlantic showed dramatic declines over the past 40 years due to overfishing, with hammerhead sharks declining by 89 percent and white sharks declining by 79 percent since 1986 (Baum et al., 2003). Models of blue shark populations have shown finning eliminates sharks older than 15 years and reduces the predation peak by 5 years, affecting the age distribution more than longline fishing (Schindler et al., 2002). Overfishing and exploitation of shark species over the past 40 years along the Atlantic coast of the USA has also resulted in a range of cascade effects (Myers et al., 2007). In conjunction with shark abundance decline, for instance, the shark’s mesopredator prey, the ray, has increased in abundance, in turn causing an overexploitation of bivalves (Myers et al., 2007).

Shark conservation In 1999, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) published the International Plan of Action for Sharks (IPOA-Sharks) (Worm et al., 2013). The IPOA encourages participating nation states to implement National Plans of Action (NPOA), plans that involve sustainable fishing practices, investment in shark research, and new programs of education about sharks (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016).

Fin bans are one of the most common shark conservation measures, and these bans typically prohibit the buying, selling, or possession of shark

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fins (Dulvy et al., 2008; Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). Fin ban legislation is popular in many states and relatively easy to implement (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). However, fin bans have seen contrary results, with some studies finding no decline in shark fin imports, and others finding the opposite (Worm et al., 2013; Eriksson & Clarke, 2015).

Several Pacific island nations have banned shark finning, and some have completely banned shark fishing (Techera 2012). Such nationwide shark fishing bans have led commentators to describe the applicable states as shark sanctuaries, and some evidence indicates that such a practice can potentially reduce shark exploitation (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016).

One reason for the success of these shark sanctuaries is the fact that, in many of these Pacific Island cultures, sharks are regarded as gods or as sacred creatures (Techera, 2012).

Other shark conservation policies directly related to fishing including permits to fish in certain areas and restricted entry (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). Entry to certain areas can be restricted by time-area closures when shark populations are particularly vulnerable (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). Fishing can also be restricted by setting quotas that specify the maximum weight or number of sharks caught per year, or the minimum size limits of yields to reduce the cacthing of juveniles (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). Zoning within marine protected areas (MPAs) in the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park has seen only limited effectiveness in shark conservation (McCook et al., 2010). Moreover, shark landings in the Great Barrier Reef have significantly increased since the 1990s, making shark conservation an important concern for conservationists (Chin et al., 2010). Shark abundance was found to be at similar levels in open-fishing, limited-fishing and no-take reefs; however, shark abundance has been shown to be higher where greater protections are enforced (Robbins et al., 2006; McCook et al., 2010). No-entry zones have had the greatest benefit on shark abundance in reefs, where abundance levels have increased so as to match those of isolated atolls (Robbins et al., 2006; McCook et al., 2010).

One of the difficulties of zoning, however, is the fact that sharks have large ranges that may expand over numerous protection zones (McCook et al., 2010).

Non-fishing related shark conservation tools include research and education. Studies have found that resources and funding for shark research is essential for understanding and monitoring shark populations

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(Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). By educating the public to view shark conservation as important, important changes in attitudes may develop (Friedrich et al., 2014). Education will likely be particularly important in China, where changing the attitudes of shark fin consumers will require a change in socio-economic values (Fabinyi, 2011). Campaigns against shark fin soup consumption have been centred on the importance of sharks in marine ecosystems, the violence of finning practices, and the high levels of mercury in shark meat (Fabinyi, 2011). Campaigns against conspicuous consumption of shark by the Chinese government and an anti-shark fin soup campaign led by basketballer Yao Ming have contributed to reduced shark fin consumption since 2012 (Fabinyi, 2011; Eriksson & Clarke, 2015).

Problems in shark conservation Unfortunately, shark conservation is complex and many of the strategies outlined above have faced intractable challenges. In view of these challenges, some have recommended that conservation policies should focus on active conservation and sustainable fishing, which requires adequate biological knowledge of species and populations, as well as resources to monitor populations and properly enforce anti-fishing policies (Worm et al., 2013; Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). One of the weaknesses of international conventions and treaties on shark conservation are that they are voluntary for participating parties, meaning that countries can disregard them or opt out of them as they see fit (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016).

Moreover, shark catches are not properly recorded to the UN FAO, and this is particularly the case with finning practices, which are known to be underreported (Worm et al., 2013).

Direct fishing policies are fraught with difficulties, particularly the popular but ineffective anti-finning legislation. Anti-finning laws do not necessarily discourage shark consumption or finning, but rather force fishers to retain the carcasses to avoid dumping them in the ocean (Worm et al., 2013; Eriksson & Clarke; 2015). Fishers argue that anti-finning legislation is not viable since, once caught, sharks need to be treated quickly before ammonia builds up in the meat (Techera, 2012). The overall global fin trade does not appear to have been affected by the anti-finning legislation that has been introduced in numerous jurisdictions (Worm et al., 2013).

This is partly because fishers, responding to this legislation, have found new sites in which to continue fishing, or have begun to fish lower-value

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or unexploited species that are not covered by the legislation (Worm et al., 2013). In addition, quotas can result in “high-grading” fishing practices, where fish of lessser value are discarded when higher-value species are caught (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016).

Similarly, establishing protected areas has not been an adequate conservation strategy as these areas are likely to displace the problem of shark exploitation to less regulated waters (Worm et al., 2013). There is no evidence that shark populations benefit from the “spill-over” effects of protected areas and reserves (Robbins et al., 2006; Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). In addition, shark sanctuaries do not protect other fish from capture, so shark prey decline may affect their populations (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). A study on the Galapagos Marine Reserve found that, despite a ban on shark fishing and finning, illegal fishing still occurred (Carr et al., 2013). Most of the sharks found on the particular fishing vessel reported in this study were females and juveniles, and this could severely impact the population (Carr et al., 2013). Without adequate patrols and management of protected marine areas, illegal shark fishing is almost certain to continue (Carr et al., 2013).

Conclusion In the past 40 years, shark fishing and finning has dramatically increased, causing massive population declines and cascading ecosystem effects.

Sharks are important migratory predatory species with large distributions and, as this study has argued, fragmented policy approaches are inadequate to protect them (Shiffman & Hammerschlag, 2016). Instead, shark conservation strategies that use a combination of techniques, such as fishing restrictions, shark research, and public education, are needed.

Moreover, sociological changes are required to reduce consumers’ behaviour, and to ensure that we humans, the shark’s biggest predator, begin to treat these animals as our friends, not our food.

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REFERENCES Baum, J.K., Myers, R.A., Kehler, D.G., Worm, B., Harley, S.J., Doherty, P.A. 2003 ‘Collapse and Conservation of Shark Populations in the Northwest Atlantic’, Science, 299, pp. 389–392.

Carr, L.A., Stier, A.C., Fietz, K., Montero, I., Gallagher, A.J., Bruno, J.F. 2013 ‘Illegal shark fishing in the Galápagos Marine Reserve’, Marine Policy, 39¸ pp. 317–321.

Chin, A., Kyne, P.M., Walker, T.I., McAuley, R.B. 2010 ‘An integrated risk assessment for climate change: analysing the vulnerability of sharks and rays on Australia’s Great Barrier Reef’, Global Change Biology, 16, pp. 1936–1953.

Dulvy, N.K., Baum, J.K., Clarke, S., Compagno, L.J.V., Cortés, E., Domingo, A., Fordham, S., Fowler, S., Francis, M.P., Gibson, C., Martinez, J., Musick, J.A., Soldo, A., Stevens, J.D., Valenti, S. 2008 ‘You can swim but you can’t hide: the global status and conservation of oceanic pelagic sharks and rays’, Aquatic Conservation: Marine and Freshwater Ecosystems, 18, pp. 459–482.

Eriksson, H., Clarke, S. 2015 ‘Chinese market responses to overexploitation of sharks and sea cucumbers’, Biological Conservation, 184, pp. 163–173.

Fabinyi, M. 2011 ‘Historical, cultural and social perspectives on luxury seafood consumption in China’, Environmental Conservation, 39, pp. 83–92.

Friedrich, L.A., Jefferson, R., Glegg, G. 2014 ‘Public perceptions of sharks: Gathering support for shark conservation’, Marine Policy, 47, pp. 1–7.

McCook, L.J., Ayling, T., Cappo, M., Howard Choat, J., Evans, R.D., De Freitas, D.M., Heupel, M., Hughes, T.P., Jones, G.P., Mapstone, B., Marsh, H., Mills, M., Molloy, F.J., Roland Pitcher, C., Pressey, R.L., Russ, G.R., Sutton, S., Sweatman, H., Tobin, R., Wachenfeld, D.R., Williamson, D.H. 2010 ‘Adaptice management of the Great Barrier Reef: A globally significant demonstration of the benefits of networks of marine reserves’, PNAS, 107, 18278–18285.

Myers, R.A.., Baum, J.K., Shepherd, T.D., Powers, S.P., Peterson, C.H. 2007 ‘Cascading Effects of the Loss of Apex Predatory Sharks from a Coastal Ocean’, Science, 315, pp. 1846–1850.

Neff, C. 2012 ‘Australian Beach Safety and the Politics of Shark Attacks’, Coastal Management, 40, pp. 88–106.

Robbins, W.D., Hisano, M., Connolly, S.R., Howard Choat, J. 2006 ‘Ongoing Collapse of CoralReef Shark Populations’, Current Biology, 16, pp. 2314–2319.

Schindler, D.E., Essington, T.E., Kitchell, J.F., Boggs, C., Hilborn, R. 2002 ‘Sharks and Tunas: Fisheries impacts on predators with contrasting life histories’, Ecological Application, 12, pp.

735–748.

Shiffman, D.S., Hammerschlag, N. 2016 ‘Shark conservation and management policy: a review and primer for non-specialists’, Animal Conservation.

Techera, E.J. 2012 ‘Fishing, Finning and Tourism: Trends in Pacific Shark Conservation and Management’, The International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law, 27, pp. 597–621.

Worm, B., Davis, B., Kettemer, L., Ward-Paige, C.A., Chapman, D., Heithaus, M.R., Kessel, S.T., Gruber, S.H. 2013 ‘Global catches, exploitation rates, and rebuilding options for sharks’, Marine Policy, 40, pp. 194–204.

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The Edge of Heaven: Faith Akin as Cinema DJ CHELSEA WITHAM BMus Perf Psychology 2nd year Faith Akin’s notion of cinema ‘DJing’ is inextricably linked to the history and politics of national cinema. Anderson explains the understanding of a ‘national’ as an ‘imagined community’, in which “the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.”1 The conceptual ‘national’ is idealistically a form of historical and political consciousness that exists on a continuum from past to present. The unified movement of the ‘national’ is what makes it imaginable and understood to both members of and those outside a particular nation.

However, in The Edge of Heaven, Akin explores how the imagining of a continuous ‘national’ identity is disrupted due to diasporic Turkish-German migration. Anderson’s schema of the national is not a plausible mechanism for identity for individuals who exist between multiple nations, as a singular national past-present continuum does not exist. Akin explores this idea in his film by constantly disabling the continuation of national transverse past-topresent time. However, by ‘DJing’ together various elements of cinema he also provides an alternative national imagining for a new, diverse Europe to function. Essentially, Akin uses juxtaposition of difference and similarity using several cinematic traditions in order to represent mutual understanding and simultaneous homogeneity. As Isenberg states, “Akin consistently casts his probing gaze on the competing forces of these two distinct, but intersecting worlds, revealing their resistances and collisions as well as their affinities.”2 In this essay I will explore Akin’s use of narrative, film 1 2

Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), 6.

Noah Isenberg, “Fatih Akin’s Cinema of Intersections.” Film Quarterly 64 (2011): 53.

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structure, and soundtrack in relation to various film genres in order to present the issues, reconciliation and homogeneity of national imagining. Using cinematic ‘DJing,’ Akin effectively presents and reconciles historical and political issues regarding the ‘imagined national’ in diasporic film.

In the early 1960s, migrants from Turkey formed a large part of the influx of workers into Germany. The children born from these workers grew up in Germany, a country which, though not entirely theirs, felt culturally and socially similar, as their homeland did to their parents.3 As a result, these children’s lives were shaped by multiple sets of cultural traditions, languages and conventions rather than one single connection and belonging to a nation.

Akin explores this concept, one that affected his own life, in his films. The Edge of Heaven falls within the cinematic genre of ‘accented cinema’, in which filmmakers often draw upon their own experiences of living somewhat dualistic lives, making their films both authorial and autobiographical.4 The films are based around social issues, with “documentary-realist aesthetics that position its subjects in direct relation to social crisis, and attempts to articulate “problems” and “solutions to problems” within a framework of centre and margin, white and non-white communities.”5 The origins of DJ-ing began in the 1970s, expanding from dancehall and reggae music. This music was central to the “cultural creation and intersocial negotiation” of people affected by the African diaspora as a result of the slave trade.6 Describing Akin’s work as cinema DJ is henceforth an effective two-toned parallel of how a mixing of genres and samples can function as a way to explore diasporic historical and political issues in a synthesised fashion. “The Edge of Heaven reveals how inextricably connected the larger story of German and Turkish life has become, how much the clashes on screen are not merely coincidental but fundamental to an evolving identity on both sides.”7 The Edge of Heaven falls within the diasporic category of the ‘accented’ cinematic genre. As

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Isenberg, “Cinema of Intersections,” 53.

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Berghahn, D and Sternberg, C. “Introduction” In European Cinema in Motion: Migrant and Diasporic Film in Contemporary Europe, ed. By Daniela Berghahn et al. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, c2010), 34.

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Hamid Naficy, In An Accented Cinema: Exilic and Diasporic Filmmaking (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, c2001), 34.

Sonjah N. Stanley-Niaah, Dancehall: From Slave Ship to Ghetto (University of Ottawa Press, 2010), 5.

Isenberg, “Cinema of Intersections,” 57.

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opposed to exilic cinema, Nacify poses that diasporic filmmakers’ works are “accented more fully by the plurality and performativity of identity.”8 This is true of Akin’s work, particularly his use of ‘double consciousness,’ in which plurality of diasporic and cinematic traditions are merged.9 In The Edge of Heaven, Akin both draws upon and reshapes aspects of the Film Noir and German Fantastic cinemas. By ‘DJing’ various genres of cinema together, issues with ‘national’ imagining as a concept are discussed and reshaped into an understanding of the New Europe as a homogeneous entity.

Despite previous suggestions that using past cinematic styles to portray new social concepts is regressive,10 Akin synthesises cinematic conventions by using them in both traditional and manipulated ways. As a result, he effectively presents the inadequacy of Anderson’s ‘national’ to function as a concept in contemporary cinema. Firstly, tropes of the Film Noir are used to represent the loss of both a Turkish and German ‘national’ as a result of diaspora. The film uses a classically noir-ish post-mortem narrative, mostly shown through flashbacks, in which the ‘present’ shown on screen is always appearing in an after-life. The first of the film’s three sections begins with the title ‘Yeter’s Death’, followed by the image of a coffin being trolleyed off a plane as cargo. The events leading up to Yeter’s death are then presented.

Similarly, section two titled ‘Lotte’s Death’, is pre-empted by the same coffin image, and is followed by the events preceding Lotte’s death. The fate of each character is determined at the beginning of each episode, another recurrent feature of the film noir.11 This traditional use of film noir characteristics presents Yeter and Lotte as figures trapped in time, as their stories of travel are overshadowed by inevitable death. Therefore, the continuation of Turkish and German ‘national’ imagining is deemed impossible when dealing with diasporic matters, highlighted by the returning of each character’s body to their country of origin. This is reinforced by the uncertain temporal space the film functions in, resulting from the post-mortem narrative. Flashbacks

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Naficy, Accented Cinema, 14

Naficy, Accented Cinema, 22

10 Hester Baer, “Affectless Economies: The Berlin School and Neoliberalism,” Journal for Theoretical Studies in Media and Culture 35 (2013): 73 11

Gilles Menegaldo. “Flashbacks in Film Noir.” Sillages critiques 6 (2004): 157.

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are seen as “conventions” of the film noir,12 and function in the present as an anchor for the past to return, as the past is not able to fix itself to a stable point on a continuum.13 However, Akin subverts this use of flashback in The Edge of Heaven. Since much of the film’s narrative discourse operates outside the realm of the present through long flashback episodes, the present is destabilised from a continuum, and the past has no anchorage point.

Crucially, this presents to the audience events in time, not events in space, which destabilises an existence of a consistent sociological present. By disabling a stable time continuum for the film to function in, the audience’s perspective of the present is as a kind of after-life, not firmly anchored in a geopolitical terrain. This is indicative of Akin’s presentation of the inability of Anderson’s imagining of the national to function as a concept for displaced peoples. However, by presenting a Turkish (Yeter) and German (Lotte) character’s deaths in such similar ways, the film effectively comments on the ability to reconcile the two nations in mutual understanding, despite their differences. For example, the first two chapters of the film begin in political street demonstration settings: the German being the peaceful celebration of May Day, and in Istanbul a violent civil rights march. This is an example of the film frequently linking difference and commonality.14 It also highlights the diasporic cinematic tradition of appropriating ‘other’ cinematic traditions to embed them within European culture.15 Consequently, Akin is able to represent the historical and political issues of understanding national cinema as a transversal time continuum, yet provides a way to imagine the nation by highlighting mutual understanding and experience.

Akin also uses and reshapes elements of the German fantasy film in The Edge of Heaven to problematise imagining the ‘national’ as a continuum of time, and present a new ‘national’ as a homogenous mix of peoples.

This concept is depicted in The Edge of Heaven through the commonly observed ‘doubling’ in German fantasy and early silent cinema. Doubling is seen in classical German films such as Der Student von Prag [The Student

12 J. P. Telotte, “Tangled Networks and Wrong Numbers” Film Criticism 86 (1986): 36 13

Smith, Richard. “Week 10: Edge of Heaven.” Lecture, ARHT2656: Film Genres and National Cinemas, Sydney University, 10.05.2016.

14 Rob Burns, “On the Streets and on the Road: Identity in Transit in Turkish-German Travelogues on Screen,” New Cinemas : Journal of Contemporary Film 7 (2009): 18.

15

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Berghahn and Sternberg, “Locating Migrant and Diasporic Cinema,” 41.

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of Prague] (Paul Wegener: 1913), and Das Cabinet des Dr. Caligari [The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari] (Robert Wiene: 1920). “Allegorical readings [of the use of doubling] focus largely on the figuration of the split or multiple self and the terrifying double.”16 Symmetry and doubling, particularly within expressionistic, horror and silent film, highlights the issue of identity crises.

Akin uses German fantastic ‘doubling’ in The Edge of Heaven to achieve this same issue of defining identity, however subverts its function from withincharacter to across-nation. The complex web of character pairs in the film can be split into filial and affiliate relations, creating character connections of either birth or choice. The breaking of mother-daughter filial ties in both the Turkish and German families are a result of affiliation with the opponent nation. Akin uses this doubling cross-over narrative structure in order to signify the damaging splitting of national continuity as a result of diaspora.

However, Akin also subverts the splitting of identity by using death to ‘open up’ Susanne and Nejat’s characters in the final section of the film.17 Nejat travels to Istanbul to reconcile his father’s wrongdoings by funding Ayten’s education, and Susanne also travels to Istanbul to finish what her daughter Lotte started by helping Ayten. These reconciliatory journeys substitute filial bonds using affiliation, which effectively homogenises Turkish-German relationship as a result. “The back and forth interconnectedness slowly strips away the characters’ obvious differences, leaving only their common humanity.”18 As Breger states: “the film’s procedure through doublings and repetitions with a difference… actively unfolds narrative’s potential for engaging specificity and contrast along with relation and similarity.”19 It is also notable that the site of familial reconciliation is in Istanbul. This is a common feature of Akin’s films, where he attempts to “reposition Turkey and

16 Patrice Petro. “The Woman, The Monster and the Cabinet of Dr. Caligari,” in The Cabinet of Caligari: Texts, Contexts, Histories, ed. Mike Budd. (New Brunswick and London: Rutgers University Press, 1990), 207.

17

Claudia Breger. “Configuring Affect – Complex World Making in Fatih Akin’s Auf der anderen Seite (The Edge of Heaven).” Cinema Journal 54 (2014): 83.

18 Allen Redmon, “Locating Heaven: Fatih Akin’s Meditation on the Outcome of Tolerance and Hospitality,” Journal of Religion and Film 14 (2010): 1.

19

Breger, “Configuring Affect,” 54.

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Turkish culture in the shifting geographies of the new Europe.” 20 By using and reshaping elements of the German fantastic genre such as doubling, Akin effectively separates yet also reconciles Turkish-German relations and essentially DJs together a reimagined understanding of homogenous national identity of the new Europe.

Finally, the film’s soundtrack plays a fundamental role in highlighting the inability of a nation to be imagined as a continuation of transverse time, and provide a way in which a new, diverse Europe can be imagined. As Gueneli states, “Akin’s linguistic and musical soundtrack invites the moviegoer to aesthetically experience a heterogeneous European polyphony.”21 Firstly, this is evident in the way DJ Shantel, the composer, uses each individual instrument within the film score to represent one character in the film. “The individual tracks are part of a larger entity, similar to the individuals figures’ roles as parts of a larger network of people with and beyond Europe.”22 This metaphorically represents the individuality of each character and therefore each ‘national,’ and portrays a final combination of both respected individuality and harmonious collectiveness. Furthermore, the soundtrack functions as a pathway for transnational mobility in the film, using a “multicultural musical score as a soundbridge.”23 Germany fantasy cinema is rooted in the narrative ideal that denounces the desire to be rich, mobile or respected – a result of social constraint and immobility.24 This is often presented in a split image track, where the fantastic track can function as a kind of wish-fulfilment.25 In The Edge of Heaven, the soundtrack appears to function as the separate split track in which the desire for social mobility can be fulfilled.26 Scenes of motion become caught up in the sound dynamic, as a result of their frequent presentation together. As a result, the music functions as a space in which characters can be mobile. Akin is showing free movement 20 Daniela Berghahn, “Seeing Everything with Different Eyes: The Diasporic Optic in the Films of Fatih Akin,” In New Directions in German Cinema, ed. Karen Ross et al. (New Jersey: Hampton Press, c2003), 244.

21 Berna Gueneli, “The Sound of Fatih Akin’s Cinema: Polyphony and the Aesthetics of Heterogeneity in ‘The Edge of Heaven,” German Studies Review 37 (2014): 337.

22

Berna, “Polyphony and aesthetics,” 340.

24

Smith, “Edge of Heaven.” Lecture, 10.05.2016.

23 25 26

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Burns, “On the streets,” 18.

Smith, “Edge of Heaven.” Lecture, 10.05.2016.

Smith, “Edge of Heaven.” Lecture, 10.05.2016.

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between Turkey and Germany only when the soundtrack is playing, which denotes its ability to transcend the impossibility of successful social mobility in the image track. This heightened sense of motility is characteristic of diasporic film.27 Furthermore, the soundtrack is a homogenous blend of national sounds, providing a way for homogeneity, and the suggestion of a new national imagining, to exist within one functional space in the film.

As Berna suggests, “Akin’s signature style rests heavily on his aesthetics of heterogeneity – his particular audiovisual style and composition that mixes and juxtaposes a variety of European and non-European sounds and images, which by default promote a diverse Europe.”28 The mix of sounds in the music not only functions as a mechanism for mobility in the film, but also provides a diverse yet homogenous answer to the issue of ‘nation.’ This idea is also experienced in other parts of the soundscape. ‘Accented’ sounds in the film are DJ’d together in the form of dialogue, voice-over narration, and music in order to create a sensation of continuity from on shot to the other, creating the illusion of spatial unity.29 Not only is the music track a function of mobility and consequent homogeneity, but the mix of dialogues, languages and cultural soundscapes are DJ’d together to create a final mix of homogenous sound. The soundtrack therefore functions as a new ‘imagined community’ in which characters have complete social motility and belonging between more than one origin.

Akin’s contemporary cinema problematises Anderson’s idea of the ‘nation’ being an imagination contingent on the continuation of political and historical time. As a diasporic film-maker, Akin’s own experience of displacement and resultant lack of foundational national belonging and identity is evident in his film The Edge of Heaven. Akin effectively uses and subverts elements of various cinematic traditions in numerous aspects of the film. He refers to this idea as cinematic ‘DJing,’ and uses it to express how distinctly Turkish and German ideals can work together to create one identity. This is indicative of how a new, diverse Europe needs to be imagined as a result of past displacement, and historic and political issues between nations. Akin’s cinematic tactics in The Edge of Heaven thus accentuate the need for a new understanding of ‘national’ identity to be embraced by the contemporary world.

27 Berghahn and Sternberg, “Locating Migrant and Diasporic Cinema,” 41.

28 29

Berna, “Polyphony and Aesthetics,” 352.

Berna, “Polyphony and Aesthetics,” 341.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbott, T., Morrison, S. (2015, April 12). Media Release: No Jab – No Play and no Pay for Child Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism.

London: Verso, 1983.

Baer, Hester. “Affectless Economies: The Berlin School and Neoliberalism.” Journal for Theoretical Studies in Media and Culture 35 (2013): 72-100.

Berghahn, D. “Seeing Everything with Different Eyes: The Diasporic Optic in the Films of Fatih Akin.” In New Directions in German Cinema, edited by Paul Cooke and Chris Homewood, 235-252.

London: Tauris & Co., 2011.

Berghahn, D and Sternberg, C. “Introduction, Locating Migrant and Diasporic Cinema in Contemporary Europe.” In European Cinema in Motion: Migrant and Diasporic Film in Contemporary Europe, edited by Daniela Berghahn and Claudia Sternberg, 1-49. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, c2010.

Breger, Claudia. “Configuring Affect – Complex World Making in Fatih Akin’s Auf der anderen Seite (The Edge of Heaven).” Cinema Journal 54 (2014): 65-87.

Burns, Rob. “On the Streets and on the Road: Identity in Transit in Turkish-German Travelogues on Screen.” New Cinemas : Journal of Contemporary Film 7 (2009): 11-26.

Gueneli, Berna. “The sound of Fatih Akin’s Cinema: Polyphony and the Aesthetics of Heterogeneity in ‘The Edge of Heaven.” German Studies Review 37 (2014): 337-356.

Isenberg, Noah. “Fatih Akin’s Cinema of Intersections.” Film Quarterly 64 (2011): 53-61.

Kraenzle, Christina. “At Home in the New Germany? Local Stories and Global Concerns in Yüksel Yavuz’s “Aprilkinder” and “Kleine Freiheit.” The German Quarterly 82 (2009): 90-108.

Menegaldo, Gilles. “Flashbacks in Film Noir.” Sillages Critiques 6 (2004): 157-175.

Naficy, Hamid. In An Accented Cinema: Exilic and Diasporic filmmaking. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, c2001.

Petro, Patrice. “The Woman, The Monster and the Cabinet of Dr. Caligari.” In The Cabinet of Caligari: Texts, Contexts, Histories, edited by Mike Budd, 205-217. New Brunswick and London: Rutgers University Press, 1990.

Redmon, Allen H. “Locating Heaven: Fatih Akin’s Meditation on the Outcome of Tolerance and Hospitality.” Journal of Religion and Film 14 (2010): 1-12.

Smith, Richard. “Week 10: Edge of Heaven.” Lecture, ARHT2656: Film Genres and National cinemas, Sydney University, 10.05.2016.

Stanley-Niaah, S. N. Dancehall: From Slave Ship to Ghetto. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 2010.

Telotte, J. P. “Tangled Networks and Wrong Numbers.” Film Criticism 86 (1986): 36-48.

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Are Empathy and Care Necessary for Justice?

CLAUDIA SHERIDAN Arts Law 4th year

There is no way to cultivate empathy for every person in need, and the focus on affected individuals distracts us from systemic problems that can be addressed only by interventions at an entirely different scale.

—Jesse Prinz, “Against Empathy.”

In “Reason and Feeling in Thinking about Justice,” Susan Okin contends that a dichotomous perception of justice, based on an “ethics of justice” and an “ethics of care,” has developed in tandem with the reification of normative gender roles. In view of this history, Okin argues that, to remain socially relevant, Rawls’s A Theory of Justice should be subjected to an analysis which disrupts this boundary (Okin 1989, p. 230). The first strand of her thesis presents an alternative reading of Rawls’s original position, which attributes the framing of the conditions of rational choice language to the remnants of Rawls’s Kantian heritage. This framework, she posits, obscures the central role of empathy and care in enabling parties to consider the multiplicity of individual circumstances. In what follows, I will argue that Okin’s incorporation of empathy into Rawls’s work is incompatible with the precept of the veil of ignorance, which restricts the knowledge of all parties’ individual traits and social statuses. The act of empathising requires an individual to compare the situation in question to their personal conception of justice, which is formed through subjective experience. Okin’s reinterpretation of justice is accompanied by a feminist critique of Rawls’s failure to extend the principles of justice to family institutions, an argument that ignores the role of families in formative

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moral development. While some recognition of gendered injustice within families is warranted, by electing to leave undefined the content of justice within family institutions, we are better able to productively adapt Rawls’s theory to changing social norms.

Okin’s analysis reinterprets Rawls’s A Theory of Justice so that empathy becomes a central concern. The Kantian origins of Rawls’s theory led to the modelling of his ideas in a language of rational choice. By deconstructing this framework, Okin argues that the moral potential of Rawls’s theory can be realised (Okin 1989, p. 230). Okin also suggests Kant’s influence was mainly expressive and did not define the substantive content of A Theory of Justice. By contrast, Rawls’s theory is, “at its center . . . a voice of responsibility, care and concern for others” (Okin 1989, p.

230). Okin supports this assertion by a comparative analysis of Rawls’s theory of moral development and his conception of the original position, in which parties are deprived of knowledge about each other’s personal characteristics and their socio-historical circumstances.

By describing the developmental phases through which a sense of justice is acquired, Rawls attempts to explain “how the general facts of moral psychology affect the choice of principles in the original position” (Rawls 1999, p. 405). In this section, Rawls departs from the Kantian formulation by describing familial ties and affection as critical to acquiring a sense of justice (Okin 1989, p. 236). As the first structure of authority a child is exposed to, the family is of great significance in the formative stages of moral development. Unconditional love for a child fosters their sense of self-worth and gives rise to reciprocal affection. The authority of the parental unit is thereby validated and functions as a moral framework for the child’s actions (Rawls 1999, p. 407). However, this sentiment, as Okin observes, is restricted to the “much-neglected” fringes of Rawls’s theory, and does not permeate the conceptual heart of the original position (Okin 1989, p. 234).

The expression of the original position in rational choice terms is, at least prima face, disjunctive with the emphasis on empathy and care we see in Rawls’s moral development theory. Nevertheless, the imposition of a “veil of ignorance” is presumed to release the original position from its reliance on empathy (Okin 1989, p. 244). The conditions of the original position operate in the same manner as benevolence, since a lack of knowledge

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of the subject’s individual circumstances compels them to consider the interests of everyone when they are calculating the distribution of social goods (Rawls 1999, p. 243).

Okin’s reinterpretation addressed this tension by acknowledging the necessity of empathy in enabling this device to function. Meaningfully contemplating the perspective of marginalised peoples, she writes, demands “a strong empathy and a preparedness to listen carefully to the very definite points of view of others” (Okin 1989, p. 245). Okin’s incorporation of empathy into Rawls’s theory reconciles the original position with his moral development theory, but it also generates a new point of conflict.

The conditions of the original position impose a restriction on knowledge through a figurative veil of ignorance: the parties are aware neither of the actual distribution of resources nor of their natural abilities—but nor do they know the circumstances of their own society (Rawls 1999, p. 118).

Okin cites this restriction of knowledge as a justification for discarding rational choice language, which depends, she argues, on the evaluation of probabilities and outcomes for established modes of deliberation (Okin 1989, p. 242). In her schema, empathy is as an alternative means of determining principles of justice under conditions of uncertainty.

However, uncertainty about the self is fundamentally incompatible with the exercise of empathy and care in making decisions.

To empathise is to perform a reflective act that involves a two-step thought process, producing a concomitant reaction of care. The first step entails taking on the perspective of another: “we try to put ourselves in the other’s place, and imagining that we have his aims and wants, we attempt to see things from his standpoint,” Rawls writes (Rawls 1999, p.

393). After appreciating the situation of the other, we draw on our own personal notions of justice to evaluate the extent to which they align with this framework. Empathy can be conceptualised as arising from the gap between the products of these two steps: namely, our perception of another’s experience and our own perception of what constitutes justice.

Okin’s analysis emphasises the first step, and the necessity of empathy in “thinking from the perspective of everybody, in the sense of each in turn” (Okin 1989, p. 244). This focus, however, neglects the fact that empathy and care are inherently associated with subjective conceptions of justice, which are based on personal lived experience.

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Rawls’s veil of ignorance would appear to hamstring our capacity to empathise, as it obscures the personal circumstances that shape the evaluative framework through which we apprehend others’ situations. The original position requires that parties lack knowledge about others’ class positions or social statuses (Rawls 1999, p. 11). However, our capacity to empathise with those who occupy an apparently lower social status is contingent on the extent to which we perceive their situation as unjust.

This judgment is inevitably shaped by our own experience within social hierarchies. For example, a person’s experience of gender bias or prejudice against women may invoke a heightened sense of empathy for women who face similar prejudices, so that one feels more empathy for women than subjugated groups with which one does not identify. Rawls’s restriction of knowledge takes away the normative benchmark of our lived experience, which is essential to the deployment of empathy. Okin’s privileging of empathy as a means to arrive at justice, however, is at odds with the definitive condition of the original position.

To address this tension, Okin proposes a moderation of the original position, such that it is “not an abstraction away from all contingencies of human life” (Okin 1989, p. 245). The veil of ignorance requires that parties distance themselves from their own interests in the process of deliberating justice, while it also requires them to concede that such interests also form a part of their identities. In a practical sense, parties must harness empathy to adopt the demanding task of considering the plight of those individuals who are most marginalised. In the absence of a complete repudiation of the veil of ignorance, Okin’s theory is vulnerable to generality; it does not, after all, specify any benchmark, any coordinates, to circumscribe the operation of empathy. Without recourse to personal experiences, there is no method by which parties can determine when and to what degree empathy and care are warranted. In the context of intersectional oppression, for instance, how can we determine who is the “least advantaged” in the absence of any guiding principle? While Okin’s attention to empathy is not of itself objectionable, then, her formulation does not allow us to know how to allocate the social goods that empathy provides, particularly as it does not provide a framework that can help us quantify the level of justice to be afforded to others in each situation.

Allowing subjects to access their identities and related moral principles for the purposes of empathising gives rise to an equally problematic theory.

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This issue does not attract extensive analysis in “Reason and Feeling in Thinking about Justice,” however, as Okin assumes that empathy is consistent with the restriction of knowledge. Moreover, Rawls’s exclusion of empathy is mainly attributed to gendered motivations, and traced to the influence of Kant and his “devaluing of women and the exclusion of them from the realm of moral subjects” (Okin 1989, p. 234). But this distracts us from the original grounds on which Rawls excluded empathy from the original position: namely, because the complexity of human emotion cannot be theorised. The volume of relevant information to be examined on this topic is immense, Rawls argues, and it is impossible to effectively gauge and analyse “the relative strength of benevolent desires” (Rawls 1999, p. 129). Attempts to circumscribe the parameters of empathy in A Theory of Justice would prompt the parties to distribute social goods on a subjective basis, a course that would inevitably lead only to more injustice.

The second tier of Okin’s analysis advances a feminist critique of Rawls’s failure to extend the application of justice to family institutions. A Theory of Justice rarely acknowledges the presence of gendered power structures, Okin notes, which reduces the volume’s practical utility (Okin 1989, p.

235). Rawls’s neglect of sexism within the family is particularly significant given the extent to which his theory relies on a theory of moral development to found justice within families (Okin 1989, p. 237). Indeed, the validity of the three psychological laws of moral development depends on an unfounded assumption, one that is expressed in the first law: “that family institutions are just” (Rawls 1999, p. 429). For Okin, Rawls’s silence on the subjugation of women in domestic life renders the basis of his theory unsound: “how can whatever love [children receive] from their parents make up for the injustice they see before their eyes in the relationship between those same parents?” (Okin 1989, p. 237) In another sense, however, Rawls’s neglect of gender relations in his analysis of the justice of the family can be seen as increasing its relevance. It is essential to acknowledge that families can be unjust, and that, historically, they have allocated roles and resources between themselves according to “innate differences that are imbued with enormous social significance” (Okin 1989, p. 237). However, dictating the content of justice in a familial environment is inherently problematic, as social perceptions of the family and the role of the sexes in the domestic sphere continue to evolve. Okin’s feminist critique focuses on gender dynamics within the nuclear family

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structure. And yet she does not discuss how the principles of justice could be translated to other familial arrangements not centered on a heterosexual relationship. At one point, Okin expresses her core argument by posing a question: “Unless they are parented equally by adults of both sexes, how will children of both sexes come to develop a sufficiently similar and wellrounded moral psychology as to engage them in the kind of deliberation about justice that is exemplified in the original position?” (Okin 1989, p.

237) This statement appears to devalue the legitimacy of same-sex and single parenting, epitomising how attempts to define the content of justice within the family could create injustice for family units that fall outside the normative structure of “just” parenting.

Okin’s critique could be moderated by drawing a conceptual distinction, one that recognises the existence of injustice in families but also attempts to define the positive manifestation of justice. A Theory of Justice should acknowledge the presence of injustice within families, Okin writes, “opening up the question of justice within families” (Okin 1989, p. 231).

Conceding that families can be unjust would not undermine the feasibility of Rawls’s theory, but make successful moral development contingent on achieving what is considered a “just” family institution. In other words, Rawls’s neglect of the question of what constitutes a just family does not decrease its relevance, but creates a fluid space in which revised conceptions of justice in the family can emerge. Rawls states, enigmatically, that “the parents . . . love the child” (Rawls 1999, p. 406), without elaborating on what basis or to what degree this love should be expressed. This abstractness enables Rawls’s theory of justice to remain largely applicable in a modernday context, a time in which our perspectives on family justice differ vastly from those of Rawls’s day.

Evaluating the necessity of empathy and care to achieve justice is contingent on the theoretical context. Rawls’s A Theory of Justice does not provide a framework of principles that are coextensive with the exercise of these responses. In the original position, parties are burdened with a veil of ignorance, and this restricts their knowledge of the self in order to better permit the process of allocating social goods. And yet this condition is incongruous with empathy, which one imparts to another on the basis of their subjective knowledge and experience. Furthermore, A Theory of Justice that facilitates the use of empathy and care must overcome the complexities of theorising subjective emotion (Rawls 1999, p. 129).

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Far from resolved, this difficulty is obscured by Okin’s focus on gender issues. It is true that Rawls’s assumption that families are uniformly just is a ground for criticism, especially since this assumption prevents us from recognising the reality of gender inequality in the domestic context.

However, it is also true that Rawls’s inability to define justice as it pertains to the family also increases the practical utility of his more general theory, as by defining “family justice” in new ways as history variously demands, Rawls’s theory may remain applicable to changing conceptions of the family.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Okin, S. (1989) ‘Reason and Feeling in Thinking about Justice.’ Ethics 99, no. 2, pp. 229-249.

Rawls, J. (1999) A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

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What could Computational Modelling Teach us about Parkinson’s Disease?

LILY LI Advanced Science 2nd year

Computational neuroscience is an emerging field that amalgamates techniques from a variety of disciplines, and represents the state of our knowledge behind the workings of the complex machinery that is our brain.

the computer’s ability to perform detailed calculations on a large scale makes it a powerful tool for studying systems that can’t be explained by a unifying general principle. Complex biological systems like the brain would be considered such a system.

How the brain functions has been a topic of philosophical, theological, and scientific debate over many centuries. Driven by the fascination with this unanswered question, and the fast-moving advancements in computational technologies, scientists have been looking beyond biochemical orientated areas of study to search for the answer. In the late 1940’s Alan Turing investigated what were called “unorganised networks”, and sought to simulate neural networks with a digital computer [1]. Since Turing’s time, scientists have come to realise that

Luckily, many biomolecular mechanisms in the nervous system can be approximated with mathematical equations.

Once we map out some of these basic mechanisms for neuronal behaviour, we can piece them together to form a network. This network can then model a region of the brain. In the past few years, several networks that model roughly as many neurons as the mammalian brain have been published [2].

Naturally, there are many ways to form a neural network, by choosing

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different connection metrics, or membrane is negatively charged, with different sets of approximation and the changes in the membrane equations. This means that an potential are the crux of how neurons important theme underpinning communicate with each other. The works in this field is the continuous point of connection between the two search for improvements on existing neurons is called a synapse. When models. Moreover, for interactions one neuron receives a chemical signal between neurons to occur, the from the previous across a synapse Lily Li • TSP Report • Oct 2015requires input from “other network in the form of neurotransmitters, it parts of the brain”. Our project induces a change in the membrane focused on this very particular potential of the receiving neuron. aspect of neural network modelling, Excitatory neurons fire signals that specifically in the context of motor cause other neurons to be more likely control.

We investigated the way our to fire their own action potentials, the way our neural network model responded to oscience is an neural network model input. responded to while inhibitory neurons cause them changes in the background This allowed malgamates techus to implement background activity modelled changes in the background input.

This to be less likely to do so, as shown y of disciplines, on a Parkinson affected brain, and compared the te of our knowlallowed usoutcomes to implement sensorimotor to that ofbackground a network driven in Figure 1. These signals are known ngs of the comby healthy activity. activity modelled on a Parkinson as excitatory post synaptic potentials our brain. affected brain, and compared the (EPSPs) and inhibitory post synaptic sensorimotor outcomes to that of a potentials (IPSPs) respectively. ns has been a topic of Communication between Neuogical, and scientific network driven by healthy activity.

There is a rough ratio of 80% turies. Driven by the rons wered question, and Communication between Neurons excitatory neurons to 20% inhibitory nts in computational neurons in the brain. been looking beyond

uld computational modelling about Parkinson’s Disease?

of study to search for Alan Turing investiorganised networks", ral networks with a ring’s time, scientists e computer’s ability ons on a large scale tudying systems that ng general principle. like the brain would

mechanisms in the oximated with mathwe map out some of neuronal behaviour, to form a network. a region of the brain. networks that model he mammalian brain

ays to form a neural t connection metrics, oximation equations. nt theme underpine continuous search g models. Moreover, urons to occur, the m "other parts of the

An action potential is the firing of a neuron when its membrane potential depolarises above the firing threshold, about 20 to 30 mV above the resting potential. As shown in Figure 1, it is the sum of the PSPs that build up to an action potential. About 20-50 presynaptic spikes have to Figure when theoccurs sum of the arrive within a short amount of time Figure1: An 1: action An potential action occurs potential EPSPs the membrane potential when the sumandofIPSPs thecauses EPSPs and IPSPs to reach its threshold value. The causes the membrane potential to membrane reach itsthen to trigger an action potential in the re-polarises.

This is known a ’spike’. thresholdrapidly value.

The membrane thenasrapidly receiving cell. An action potential is repolarises. This is known as a ’spike’. termed a “spike”. Between each spike The communication between neurons is electrical The communication between neurons in nature. The neuronal membrane is negatively there is a refractory period of around charged, and theinchanges in the membrane poten- one millisecond during which the is electrical nature.

The neuronal tial are the crux of how neurons communicate with each other. The point of connection between the two neurons is called a synapse. When one neuron receives a chemical signal from the previous across a synapse in the form of neurotransmitters, it induces a change in the membrane potential of the receiving neuron. Excitatory neurons fire signals that cause| other to be more likely 26 | SIBYL Theneurons Women’s College Academic to fire their own action potentials, while inhibitory neurons cause them to be less likely to do so, as

Journal | Vol 5, 2016

probability of another spike occurring is very low. This is because after an action potential occurs the sodium ion channels that facilitate them are inactive, preventing the membrane voltage from depolarising further.

Simplicity vs Realism of Models In a scientific context, models are created to simplify or generalise complex concepts, as well as to give realistic predictions of these concepts.

Undoubtedly, a major issue that faces any kind of modelling is trying to find the balance between simplicity and realism. Specifically, in the field of computational neuroscience, this conflict can be seen as the intrinsic dichotomy between the ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ approaches. The ’top- down’ perspective examines broader structures and functions, then uses overarching principles to generalise the smaller components.

On the other hand, the ‘bottom-up’ approach starts at the constituents, and works to finds a hypothesis that fits with the observations.

The addition of more neurons with finer chemical details would allow a model to produce more biologically accurate behaviours, but would also significantly slow down computation time and reduce its efficiency.

As a result, these more realistic simulations are limited by both the time and computational power required to run them, making them

unsuitable for modelling a large network of neurons.

“A major issue that faces any kind of modelling is trying to find the balance between simplicity and realism.”

One class of such detailed neuron models are Hodgkin-Huxley models.

These models explain the generation of action potentials by examining the movement of ions across the cell membrane. Biologically, voltagedependent ion channels control the flow of ions. This model considers each neuron as a circuit, with different channels represented as variable resistors, and the bilipid membrane as a capacitor [3].

An equation for the current as a function of time can hence be derived. It governs the ion movement, and can then be used for the computation of membrane potentials.

The equations from the HodgkinHuxley model are the starting point for any detailed biophysical models, since the electrical properties of a neuron depend on the kinds of ion channels it has. Although this model is biophysically plausible, it is limited by its mathematical complexity.

This dilemma exposes the need for other neu- ronal models that are more mathematically accessible and computationally friendly, so that simulations on a reasonably large

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scale can be facilitated. An example of this is the integrate-and-fire model, which is the basis of the network model studied in our project. In the integrate-and-fire model, the input current and voltage of each neuron are linked by the linear differential equation shown below:

A constant input current I(t) increases the membrane voltage Vm until it reaches the threshold value, at which point an action potential fires and the voltage is reset to its resting potential.

This model treats the neuron as a perfect electrical circuit with capacitance Cm [4]. It is an idealised model, since realistically, the current, voltage, and capacitance are complex functions that depend on many other factors. As such, the integrate and fire model is limited to describing basic firing behaviours.

However, certain modifications can be made to overcome some of the limitations. An extension of the model is known as the ‘leaky integrate-and-fire’ neuron. Since the membrane is an imperfect insulator, this extension considers the gradual diffusion of charge through the cell membrane as a ‘leak resistance’.

However, there are still certain processes such as ’adaption’ and ‘bursting’ that cannot be captured by

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the leaky integrate and fire model.

These processes are time specific, so the model would be required to keep a ‘memory’ of the activity beyond the most recent spike.

Further modifications have been made on top of this, one of which being the addition of multiple types of excitatory and inhibitory receptors, to reflect the distribution of excitatory and inhibitory neurons in the brain. The inclusion of an extra state variable to represent the refractory period has also allowed the basic integrate-and-fire models to produce a diverse array of firing patterns similar to those from Hodgkin-Huxley models [5].

Neurons based on the Izhikevich model allow us to create a neural network that is biologically realistic yet computationally inexpensive.

The input signal that drives the network of such neurons is crucial in shaping the behaviour of the brain model. This leads to the purpose of our project, that is to examine ways in which these input signals affect the motor outputs.

Reinforcement Learning Algorithm Apart from the network of spiking neurons, the second component to our experiments is a simple arm model that corresponds with the neuronal network. The arm model consists of 2

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processes such as ’adaption’ and ’bursting’ that cannot be captured by the leaky integrate and fire model. These processes are time specific, so the model would be required to keep a ’memory’ of the activity beyond the most recent spike.

Further modifications have been made on top of this, one of which being the addition of multiple types of excitatory and inhibitory receptors, to reflect the distribution of excitatory and inhibitory neurons in the brain. The inclusion of an extra pairs oftoextensor and flexorperiod muscles. state variable represent the refractory has alsoThe allowed the basic to upper armintegrate-and-fire and forearmmodels are each produce a diverse array of firing patterns similar represented by a straight line, and to those from Hodgkin-Huxley models [5].

If a pre-synaptic signal from a certain synapse is received just before an action potential, then that synapse gets strengthen. The converse occurs if the signal is received just after. Thus, inputs that cause the postsynaptic action potential are more likely to contribute in the future, while inputs that do not are less likely to contribute.

Putting the Pieces Together

Putting the Pieces Together

were able to rotate at two joints (the

Neurons based on the Izhikevich model allow us shoulder and elbow).

The armrealwas to create a neural network that is biologically isticable yet computationally inexpensive.

The input to receive motor commands and signal that drives the network of such neurons produce proprioceptive information is crucial in shaping the behaviour of the brain model.

This leads to to the of our project, as feedback thepurpose network model [6]. that is to examine ways in which these input signalsWith affect the outputs. neural network, anmotor artificial

learning behaviour can be achieved through a Learning punishment-reward Reinforcement Algomechanism that mimicked the rithm dopamine system. An evaluation Apart from the network of spiking neurons, the system can tobeourimplemented so that second component experiments is a simple armdesirable model thatmotions corresponds witharms the neuronal of the induces network. The arm model consists of 2 pairs of a reward signal while undesirable extensor and flexor muscles.

The upper arm and forearm are each represented straight line, movements receiveby apunishment. and were able to rotate at two joints (the shoulder underlying andThe elbow). The arm was able toreinforcement receive motor commands and produce proprioceptive informa-of mechanism is based on the concept tion as feedback to the network model [6].

Spike Timing Dependent Plasticity With an artificial learning be(STDP).

Thisneural is thenetwork, biological process haviour can be achieved through a punishmentthat adjusts the synaptic strengths reward mechanism that mimicked the dopamine system.

An evaluation system can implemented according the timing ofbethe spikes (as so that desirable motions of the arms induces a the name suggests).

If amovements pre-synaptic reward signal while undesirable receive punishment.

The underlying reinforcement signal from a certain synapse is received just before an action potential, then that synapse gets strengthen. The converse occurs if the signal is received just after. Thus, inputs that cause the postsynaptic action potential are more likely to contribute in the future, while inputs that do not are less likely to contribute.

Figure 2: The neural network model works in conjunction Figure 2: The neural network model works in with the armthe model to simulation conjunction with arm model to sensory-motor simulation activities in the brain. in the brain. sensory-motor activities

Coded in Python, our dynamic neuronal network consisted of 8000 spiking Izhikevich neurons that were able to exhibit biologically realistic behaviours. Each of these neurons was parameterised as either excitatory pyramidal, fast-spiking inhibitory, or low-threshold inhibitory based on the relative ratios of cell types obtained from empirical data. These parameters include variables that govern the neuron’s firing threshold and refractoriness properties. The connection probablities between neurons and the initial synaptic weights were determined by pre-synaptic and postsynaptic cell types and the synapse type - AMPA, NMDA, GABAA or GABAB. (These acronyms

Coded in Python, our dynamic neuronal network consisted of 8000 spiking Izhikevich neurons that were able to exhibit biologically realistic behaviours.

Each of these neurons was parameterised as either excitatory pyramidal, fast-spiking inhibitory, or low-threshold inhibitory based 3 on the relative ratios of cell types obtained from empirical data. These parameters include variables that govern the neuron’s firing threshold and refractoriness properties.

The connection probablities between neurons and

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that represents ongoing background activity from other parts of the brain. Since firing events in the cortex are highly irregular, it is assumed in the model that each event occurs independently of the time since the previous one. With a given average firing rate, the firing can be described as a random Poisson process. The network model is then driven by the background signals generated this way. This also allows us to choose inputs the initial synaptic weights were in that are characterised as healthy that are characterised as healthy or as unhealthy. determined by pre-synaptic and These or signals as unhealthy.

These are that are generated by asignals "field model" is external to the network. post-synaptic cell types and the generated by a “field model” that

synapse type - AMPA, NMDA, GABAA or GABAB. (These acronyms stand for receptors that respond to different kinds of neurotransmitters.) The membrane potential of each neuron is stored in a variable, which is continually updated during the simulation by events such as synaptic input, threshold spike generation, or the refractory period [7].

is external to the network.

Figure 3: The figure shows a sample

of the arm trajectory. The green The neural network represents outcome trajectory. The green oval the target. oval represents the target.

Therepresents arm’s initial The is arm’s initial position is atThe approx.

(0.1, 0.4). at approx.

(0.1, 0.4). red line a section of the motor cortex. position red line The is it trajectory.

The arm originally is it The trajectory. arm originally moved Without external input, a neural away moved from the buttarget, laterbut changed the the awaytarget, from the later changed due due to learning trainingperiod. direction to learningfrom from the the training network model is comparable direction period. to an isolated slice of biological By implementing the learning mechanism, we brain without external stimulus trained By and implementing learning tested the arm the to perform a simple of any form. The model therefore motor mechanism, we for trained and task of reaching a target.

Thetested propriocepinformation received abysimple the network incorporates input that represents tivethe arm to perform motorcauses a small amount of angular acceleration about a ongoing background activity from joint task of arm, reaching a these target. in the and the for sum of signals other parts of the brain. Since The proprioceptive information firing events in the cortex are received by the network causes highly irregular, it is assumed in a small amount of angular the model that each event occurs acceleration about a joint in the independently of the time since arm, and the sum of these signals the previous one. With a given determined its overall motion. If average firing rate, the firing can the spiking at a certain synapse be described as a random Poisson cause the arm to move in the correct process. The network model is direction, then that connection then driven by the background is strengthened, which means signals generated in this way. This that the correct motion is more also allows us to choose inputs likely to occur again. The arm Figure 3: The figure shows a sample outcome of the arm

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Looking Inputs

’Babble’ back cial motor co distributed defined the network mo input, whic pre-motor (P cord (ASC) r be adjusted tic connecti (which dete connection w

Two method background proach whic two testing p arm was giv locations su system allo while it was ment learni at the syna during this testing phas unchanged. motion of th

The second training sta was done to iments, sinc give us suffi effects of ba

allows us to directly visualise the sensorimotor control abilities of the artificial cortex. Its trajectories during the motor task form a component of our qualitative comparisons between the healthy and Parkinsonian inputs. Figure 2 is a schematic that illustrates the feedback processes between the cortex and arm components.

Looking at ‘Babble’ Background Inputs ‘Babble’ background activity received by the artificial motor cortex comes from subthreshold Poisson distributed input spikes.

A range of parameters defined the properties of this input within the network model. There are two other sources of input, which represent signals from the dorsal pre-motor (PMd) cortex and the ascending spinal cord (ASC) respectively. These two inputs can only be adjusted in terms of the strength of the synaptic connection and and the number of synapses (which determines how probable it is that the connection will be made).

Two methods were used to examine the effects of background input. The first is a multi-stage approach which consisted of one training phase and two testing phases. During the training phase, the arm was given two targets at two separate, fixed locations successively. The punishmentreward system allowed the arm to find a correct path while it was foraging. The STDP-based reinforcement learning adjusted the connection weights at the synapses of selected neuron populations during this process.

Then for the subsequent testing phases, these synaptic weights remained unchanged. We then observed how closely the motion of the arm was aimed at the target.

The second method is equivalent to the initial training stage of the multi-stage approach. This was done to improve the efficiency of the exper- iments, since the results from the training phase give us sufficient qualitative information on the effects of background input.

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Lily Li • TSP Report • Oct 2015 To check the validity of our network model, we Results from the Healthy Infirst checked what would happen it the all three puts inputs - background, PMd, and ASC - were all silenced. produced results of zero activity as Results from the Healthy Inputs To check theThisvalidity of our expected, as shown in Figure 4. network model, we first checked what would happen it theinput, all three With the background the network model most drastically to changes in the inputs responded - background, PMd, and parameters that controlled the number of backASC -ground werespikes, all and silenced.

This the weight of the background weight. when of the zero number of background spikes produced results activity was restricted, the arm did not reach toward the as expected, as shown in Figure 4. target during the training phase. Furthermore,

With the background input, the ground input, there was an increase in firing network model responded most activity.

However when this was increased, we found a significant reduction in spiking activity drastically to changes in the in the motor commands and in the spiking raster. parameters that also controlled the more jagged.

The trajectory became noticeably number of background spikes, the single approach, we examined and theUsing weight of thestage background the relative impacts of the three different inputs weight.background, when PMd, the and number of network. Note ASC on the that all spikes three ofwas theserestricted, inputs can be considered background "background activity" in the general sense. We the arm didthat noteven reach toward found though activitythe was able to be suswith minimal or no ASC input, switching it target tained during the training phase. off completely induced noticeable changes in the Furthermore, when we reduced the behaviour of the network and the arm. However, connection weight for background an output that highly resembled the default (equal weighting of the inputs) in can be obtained input, there was anthree increase without ASC, if the stimulation is compensated firing with activity. increasedHowever background when and PMd inputs. this was increased, we found a significant reduction in spiking activity in the motor commands is Parkinson’s Disease? and inWhat the spiking raster. The trajectory also became noticeably The second part of our project was focused on the more jagged. reduced neural activity due to Parkinson’s disease when we reduced the connection weight for back-

our network model’s ability to adapt to Using (PD) the and single stage approach, Parkinsonian background input. Let’s first take we examined relative impacts a look at the the motor symptoms and some of the Figure 4: (a) There no trajectory as lack the lack Figure 4: (a) There waswas no trajectory as the of activity neurologicalinputs causes of-the disease. of activity meant did move. not move. (b) motor of theunderlying three different meant thatthat the the armarm did not (b) No No motor commands created the cortex. (c) raster commands created by the by cortex. (c) Spiking background, PMd, and ASC on Spikingwas raster was empty.

The alternating orange The most well recognised symptom of PD is perempty.

The alternating orange and blue repreand blue represents and cells inhibitory sents excitatoryexcitatory and inhibitory of each layer. the network.

Note that contraction all three and relaxation haps the involuntary cells of Note each that layer.

Note thatinitial therespike is anininitial there is an (b) and (c) of muscles known as ’tremor’.

It occures at a freof these inputs can be considered spike inbecause (b) andat(c) thebecause beginningatofthe thebeginning simulation,of the neuquency typically of around 4-6 Hz. Other common the simulation, the neurons are hyper-excitable rons are hyper-excitable since they have not fired “background activity” inslowness the of movement symptoms include rigidity, since they haveThis not is fired This before. whybefore. they all fireisatwhy oncethey when the all fire at once when the simulation starts. Hence general sense. We found that simulation starts. Hence it is conventional for this

it is conventional for this initial spike to be not initial spike to be not considered as a part of the considered as a part of the results. results.

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5

even though activity was able to be sustained with minimal or no ASC input, switching it off completely induced noticeable changes in the behaviour of the network and the arm. However, an output that highly resembled the default (equal weighting of the three inputs) can be obtained without ASC, if the stimulation is compensated with increased background and PMd inputs.

region is attributed as the cause of the symptoms [7]. It has been hypothesized that this is due to dopamine’s role in releasing motor inhibition, so that dopamine depletion will lead to an over all reduction in motor output. The reduced dopamine production also means that non-dopaminergic neurons also receive less stimulation, and have reduced activity.

What is Parkinson’s Disease?

Implementing Parkinsonian Input

The second part of our project was focused on the reduced neural activity due to Parkinson’s disease (PD) and our network model’s ability to adapt to Parkinsonian background input. Let’s first take a look at the motor symptoms and some of the underlying neurological causes of the disease.

The most well recognised symptom of PD is perhaps the involuntary contraction and relaxation of muscles known as ‘tremor’. It occures at a frequency typically of around 4-6 Hz. Other common symptoms include rigidity, slowness of movement and impaired balance.

The degeneration of dopaminergic neurons in a PD affected brain, particularly in the basal ganglia

Since it would be impractical to fine tune the Poisson distributed spike input to create signals that characterise Parkinson’s disease, we used a new method that reads in time-step spiking data as the background stimulation. This method is otherwise equivalent to the single stage method mentioned previously. The data read in by the network model is generated by an external ‘field model’. A comparison between healthy and Parkinsonian activity is illustrated in Figure 5. When we experimented with this method, the scale of the network model is reduced to 1000 neurons for better efficiency.

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Lily Li • TSP Report • Oct 2015

c neurons in a he basal ganglia the symptoms t this is due to r inhibition, so d to an over all uced dopamine -dopaminergic tion, and have

sonian In-

e tune the Poisate signals that we used a new king data as the od is otherwise hod mentioned network model model’. A comnsonian activity e experimented network model ter efficiency.

whilst reduced stimulation resulted in smoother motion that reached the farthest. This is shown in figure 6.

Due to the limited training duration of final method, none of the inputs generated a trajectory that was definitively aimed at the target. This means that we cannot use the trajectory of the arm as conclusive evidence for changes in learning ability due to the different background inputs.

Figure 5: Plots of the time-step spiking data.

As for the Parkinsonian input, (a) shows healthy input, and Figure 5: Plots of the’thalamocortical’ time-step spiking data. (a) shows (b) shows Parkinsonian input which reflects that the background input did not healthy ’thalamocortical’ input, and (b) shows the reduced neurological activity.

Parkinsonian input which reflects the reduced neuexemplify motor characteristics rological activity.

Using these different sets of of Parkinson’s disease - in fact, background input, ran theinput,as shown in figure 6 (a) and (b), Using these different sets ofwe background the trajectories turned out almost wesimulation ran the simulation see the howreduced the reduced to see to how background activity would affect the arm’s ability background activity would affect identical. to reach for a target. To further investigate the the arm’s ability to reach for a theIt is interesting to note that with different inputs with this method, we adjusted input weight and simulation scale independently. target. To further investigate the the third method, limiting the different inputs with this method, simulation scale to 1000 also we adjusted the input weight and produced smooth trajectories simulation scale independently. with the largest range, similar to We have found that the network model responded sensitively to input signals. A common occurrence across all simulations was that an increase in background input produced a trajectory that is jagged and restricted in range,

the effect of limiting background input in the two previous methods.

Despite vast differences in the trajectories, none of the inputs was able to produce motion that could be definitively seen as reaching for the target.

6

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Lily Li • TSP Report • Oct 2015

Figure 6: Trajectory graphs and spiking rasters demonstrating the effect of increased stimulation. (a) Healthy input, signal shown Figure 6: Trajectory graphs and spiking rasters demonstrating the effect of increased stimulation. in Figure 5 (a) Healthy input. (b) Parkinsonian input. The trajectory shows no distinct qualitative difference from (a). (a) Healthy input, signal shown in Figure 5 (a) Healthy input. (b) Parkinsonian input. The trajectory (c) Parkinsonian input with 5 times stimulation weight. The motion became restricted, and is no longer smooth, as in (a) shows and no (b). distinct qualitative difference from (a). (c) Parkinsonian input with 5 times stimulation

weight. The motion became restricted, and is no longer smooth, as in (a) and (b).

We have found that the network model responded sensitively to input common We have found thatsignals. the Anetwork occurrence across all simulations was that an inmodel responded sensitively to crease in background input produced a trajectory

input signals. A common occurrence across all simulations was that an in- crease in background input

that is jagged and restricted in range, whilst re-

duced stimulation resultedthat in smoother motion produced a trajectory is jagged that reached the farthest. This is shown in figure and restricted in range, whilst 6. reduced stimulation resulted in smoother motion that reached the 7 farthest. This is shown in figure 6.

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What does this mean?

We successfully demonstrated the network’s ability to produce a wide range of motor control characteristics with changes to input background stimulation. We found that with no background stimulation input, the model was unable to function, with activity dying off after the initial spike. This is the expected result considering the small scale of our network model, and the computationally simple nature of the Izhikevich neurons.

To further validate our model, the simulation duration for the Parkinsonian input could be extended so that distinguishable reaching behaviour can be observed. Furthermore, systematic testings for various scales and stimulation weights should be performed, since for the purposes of our project, these parameters were chosen arbitrarily to produce desirable outcomes.

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“All models are wrong, but some are useful.”

Our simulations were limited in several ways by both the model itself and the computational power available to us throughout the project. To create a more realistic representation of the motor cortex, we would require a much larger network than merely a few thousand neurons. However with the resources available to us, this would have resulted in impractically long running times.

The last stage of our testing was done with a network of only one thousand neurons. This also meant we were only able to train the model for a limited period of time, meaning that its trajectory could not be used as conclusive evidence for changes in learning ability due to the different background inputs. Similar simplifications were present in many aspects of the model, from the background noise to the arm itself. Obviously,

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as a result, the model is not an accurate representation of the brain itself. This is an instance that reflects George Box’s famous quote, “All models are wrong, but some are useful.”

The underlying chemistry behind neurons and neuronal networks is highly complex, meaning that the representation of neurons as simple electrical components is necessarily limited. Many assumptions are used in this type of model, and until these areas are better understood, even with more computational power, an accurate simulation of the brain would not be possible. Moreover, the spatial organisation of neurons in our brain is highly specific. Within our computational model, each neuron is essentially considered as a point, with a delay time in signal transfer is built in to compensate for the time it take for signals to pass along its axon. However, realistically, the way each neuron connects with each other, and how

the action potential is passed along its axon, can have a significant impact on the firing behaviour of the entire network.

Lastly, we used simulated data based on current pathological knowledge for the Parkinsonian input used in our investigation.

There is very limited real Parkinsonian cortical data, and there are obvious ethical issues associated with clinically obtaining Parkinsonian brain activity from patients. Hence this is an unavoidable limitation to this aspect of neuropathological modelling.

In summary, by investigating the motor control ability of a brain model given different inputs, we have illustrated the importance of background stimulation to spiking network models. The project has undoubtedly demonstrated that we can learn about the brain by learning about how to simulate one.

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REFERENCES [1] Copeland B., Proudfoot D., Alan Turing’s Forgotten Ideas in Computer Science, Scientific

American, (1998).

[2] Izhikevich E., Large-scale model of mammalian thalamocortical systems, Proceedings of the

National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 105(9), (2008).

[3] Abbott L. F., Kepler T. B., Model neurons: from Hodgkin-Huxley to Hopfield, in L. Garrido

(Ed.), Statistical Mechanics of Neural Networks, (1990).

[4] Badel L., Lefort S., Berger T.K., Petersen C., Gerstner W. and Richardson M.J.E.

Extracting non-linear integrate-and-fire models from experimental data using dynamic i-v curves, Biological Cybernetics 99 (4-5), (2008).

[5] Izhikevich E., Simple Model of Spiking Neurons, IEEE TRANSACTIONS ON NEURAL

NETWORKS 14(56), (2003).

[6] Chadderdon G. et al. Reinforcement Learning of Targeted Movement in a Spiking Neuronal

Model of Motor Cortex, Public Library of Science, (2013).

[7] Kerr C. et al., Cortical information flow in Parkinson’s disease: a composite network/field model, Frontiers in Computational Neuroscience 7(39), (2013).

[8] Sanchez J, Tarigoppula A, Choi J, Marsh B, Chhatbar P, et al. Control of a center-out reaching

task using a reinforcement learning brain-machine interface. In: Neural Engineering (NER),

2011 5th International IEEE/EMBS Conference on. IEEE, 525-528, (2011).

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Can “New” Atheism Claim to be “New”?

LOUISA SINCLAIR Arts Media Communications 1st year

Introduction Atheism has been defined as the absence of a belief in God or gods.

Similarly, so-called New Atheism maintains this basic principle—a nonbelief in God or gods—but it is often thought to rely on new arguments to advance it. The term New Atheism was adopted by journalists in the late twentieth century to describe the views espoused by “The Four Horsemen”: Sam Harris, Richard Dawkins, Daniel Dennett, and Christopher Hitchens.

Each of these figures has published books that promote Atheism while critiquing the theologies of Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. In this essay, I will argue that New Atheism cannot claim that it is a “new” ideology in any meaningful way, since its central ideas and methods are simply expressions, if not mere extensions, of historical atheistic thought.

Classical atheists have long argued that religion is damaging and violent, criticising faithfulness in a theistic entity as a form of belief without evidence. Indeed, questioning the idea of a God or gods is not a new idea, as Tim Whitmarsh (2015) highlights: “There have been many throughout history who have resisted belief in the divine” (p. 4). This is an important point, particularly for contemporary atheists who claim that their atheism is new, for if certain kinds of atheism are treated as novel and specific to modernity, they may also be dismissed as faddish. Additionally, in suggesting there is something “new” about New Atheism, commentators wrongly attribute thousands of years of religious contemplation to a few twenty-first-century critics, reducing the scope and significance of that scholarly history. As an alternative to the adjective “new,” New Atheism should be renamed Contemporary Atheism. This would better reflect the fact that, while New Atheists have adopted new methods of dissemination

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in novel contexts (contexts specific to the twenty-first century), its central principles are not new at all. This renaming would also signal a distinction between the contexts in which atheism is promoted today—the contemporary context—and the historical contexts in which atheism was once promoted.

The word “new” is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as an adjective that describes something “discovered recently or now for the first time; not existing before” (see the Oxford Dictionary). This means that to be a valid descriptor New Atheism would have to base its central arguments on novel information or on sources that have not existed previously—and this it does not do. Rather, the Four Horsemen use “old” atheist arguments and apply them to their current-day contexts. Thus, the term “contemporary,” which better designates the contextual-historical period in which these arguments are made, is better suited to describe the atheism of today.

This essay will firstly demonstrate that the atheist argument that “religion is violent” applies to multiple historical contexts, and is not specific to New Atheism. Secondly, I will show that another argument against religion, one based on the idea that “knowledge must be acquired through evidence,” is an old atheist argument that has predominated in multiple time periods and not just in our contemporary moment. Lastly, and most importantly, this paper will argue that the term “Contemporary Atheism” to describe atheistic thought today is a more valid and appropriate phrase than “New Atheism.” It will make this argument by evaluating the current-day contexts that distinguish the atheism of today from the atheism of the past.

Religion as Violent New Atheists use the socio-political context of religious conflict, particularly Islam, to highlight the ways in which religion is inherently violent and destructive. However, the idea that religion damages society and causes conflict has permeated atheist thought throughout history, and goes as far back as Ancient Greece. So, while the Four Horsemen use this “old” idea, they apply it to our contemporary, “post-9/11” society in order to demonstrate it. For example, Harris (2004) argues in The End of Faith that “the religious moderate is nothing more than a failed fundamentalist” (p. 20). And according to Hitchens (2007), moreover, religion is “violent, irrational, intolerant” and “ought to have a great deal on its conscience” (p. 21). Dawkins (2006) agrees, arguing that “the teachings of ‘moderate’

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religion, though not extremist in themselves, are an open invitation to extremism” (p. 306). Going further still, Dawkins also argues that “things are different after September 11th” (p. 161). Additionally, those who have commented on the New Atheists’ books have noted that each of them presents religion as an evil force (Wolf, 2006); but this is an assertion that many other atheists have made throughout history. Indeed, in their books, both Harris and Dawkins make explicit reference to fundamentalism and extremism: two very old concepts (although these concepts have attained specific meanings in our contemporary political context). The changing meaning of these concepts does not demonstrate that the New Atheists arguments are new, however, but only that the old atheist arguments have been transmogrified by the current-day events.

The notion that certain religious beliefs are extreme or evil is neither “new” nor exclusive to a “post- September 11” society. Whitmarsh (2015), for instance, highlights in Battling the Gods that a general lack of understanding about “the long history of atheism” comes from a failed acknowledgment of “the crucial role of Greco-Roman thought in the shaping of Western Secular modernity” (pp. 11–12). The history of this belief is evident to anyone who read the words of Lucretius, the Roman poet and author of On the Nature of Things, who wrote, long ago, that “Such is the terrible evil that religion was able to induce” (Goldstein, 2015). Indeed, Voltaire, an Enlightenment thinker, cited these very words when he argued a case for secularism in the seventeenth century before Frederick II of Prussia (Goldstein, 2015), demonstrating how this idea has persisted in varied contexts throughout the centuries. More evidence that this idea that religion is evil has persisted appears in Hitchens’ (2007) citation of the same quote in the second chapter of God is Not Great, titled “Religion Kills” (p. 7). In these three distinct time periods—the ancient, the middle, and the modern—three distinct thinkers adopt the “religion is violent” argument in their cases for atheism, thereby demonstrating that this concept is not unique to New Atheism. The above also shows that the way in which New Atheists choose to frame this argument, in a post9/11 context amid “fundamentalists” and “extremists,” is not limited to the contemporary context of Atheism. While looking at atheism through the lens of contemporary culture provides a deeper understanding of its relevance, the basis of its arguments can be identified throughout history.

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Faith as Knowing Without Evidence A crucial and perhaps sacralised strand of New Atheist thought is the importance of scientific or empirical evidence in the making of knowledge claims. New Atheists argue that “faith” is defined by a belief without evidence, and that possessing faith—or, believing without evidence— represents an irrational form of belief (Kettel, 2013, p.62). This is another way in which the “new” in New Atheism is unwarranted: various atheists and philosophers throughout history have argued against faith on these grounds, venerating science above religion, and criticising those who believe in “facts” without evidence as irrational.

The works of the New Atheist, writes Kettel (2013), “endorse a strong commitment to a naturalist worldview . . . the virtues of reason, rationality and science.” They also maintain that, as religious claims cannot be supported by scientific evidence, they must be rejected (p. 63). Simiarly, Dawkins (2006) argues that religious theists “neither have, nor could have, any evidence” for the existence of God (p. 34). This type of naturalist argument, typical in atheist thought, also appears outside of the New Atheist coterie, and is in fact pervasive throughout history, the basis of many theories that refute the existence of God. For instance, The Four Horsemen, particularly Dawkins, use Darwin’s On the Origin of Species to posit an evolutionary argument based on natural selection to discredit theories of a “grand designer.” Dennett (1995) similarly argues that evolutionary biology provides the most comprehensive explanation for all life on Earth. However, these evolutionary arguments are not specific to the New Atheists. Darwinists from the early nineteenth century formulated these very same arguments to foster what has been described as “scientific atheism” (LeDrew, 2016, p. 3). And even Dawkins (1986) agrees that the earlier texts of these scientific atheists have “made it possible to be an intellectually fulfilled atheist” today (p. 6). More recently, in the late 1960s, Jacques Monod claimed that the basis of moral and intellectual assertions must be the “ethic of knowledge,” essentially describing as immoral those who would “accept any claims that cannot be verified in principle by objective scientific knowing” (Haught, 2008, p. 5). While many other corresponding claims have been made throughout history, it should already be evident that scientific reasoning and the need for evidence has been a clear line of atheistic thought for many centuries, going some way to confirm, as Haught (2008) has asserted, that “there is absolutely nothing new in the New Atheism” (p. 6).

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Scholars and media commentators have frequently cited New Atheists’ focus on science as what distinguishes them from old atheists, a mistaken observation that has fostered the delusion that scientific reasoning is exclusive to New Atheists alone. Whitmarsh (2015) mourns the fact that atheism is so often portrayed as a “modern invention” and regards it as dangerous that atheism now seems “inconceivable without the twin ideas of a secular state and of science as a rival to religious truth” (p. 4). In this regard, the descriptor “new” has enabled theists to belittle the legitimacy of contemporary atheism; in arguing that atheism is a fledgling philosophy, they can dismiss or ignore its long history. Likewise, this descriptor “new” has enabled advocates for atheism to falsely praise contemporary atheist thinkers as groundbreaking and inventive when they have in actuality been neither. The emergence of these misconceptions highlights the importance of correcting our description of contemporary atheist thought, if for nothing else than to ensure all ideas are legitimately and honestly represented.

Why rename Atheism at all?

Now that I have argued against the idea that something is “new” in New Atheism, I will now argue for the alternative phrase “Contemporary Atheism,” which is preferable both to “New Atheism” and just “atheism.”

Considering that “New Atheism” is a journalistic term, one must consider the reasons why journalist-commentators may have thought of the word “new” as appropriate to describe the Four Horsemen. In recent years, atheists have developed a more prominent voice in the public sphere, and, as Wolf observes, this voice was being heard and acknowledged by larger masses of people (Wolf, 2006). However, as Dawkins suggests (Lataster, 2014, p. 120), the New Atheists have not presented anything “new” in the way of argument, even if the context in which they make their arguments—and the media ecology in which they participate—have changed. In contemporary society, Western atheists are free to express their views without being untenably persecuted by religious institutions or government. What is more, technological advancements have meant that many secularist communities have been formed and amalgamated in more productive ways than in the past (Cimino & Smith, 2011). Thus, to analyse atheism without accounting for the important effects of contemporary socio-political changes—which include technological innovations, new communication networks, and increased individual freedoms—is not an effective approach.

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The New Atheist movement has been credited with gaining followers and voicing atheist concerns because it makes its arguments more vociferously and visibly than ever before (Kettel, 2013). This does not mean that these atheists offer something “new” in the way of their arguments, however, but only that their popularity is the product of media relations in contemporary society. Given that arguments for atheism have not changed in any essential way, increased numbers of atheists across the world’s populations may indicate a greater social acceptance of atheists in today’s “free and multicultural” societies (Lataster, 2014, p. 119). Cimino & Smith (2011) highlight that, historically, the space of atheism has been limited, that while it has previously “involved emerging from invisibility to claim a personal and social identity that has carried a fair degree of stigma,” today “this stigma is likely weakening” (p. 25). By contrast, in ancient Greece and Rome, citizens lived in a landscape surrounded by temples, in a place where a depiction of gods was the norm and where religion accompanied all aspects of life. Hence atheism’s slow rise to popularity: as Bremmer notes, “atheism never developed into a popular ideology with a recognizable following” (Bremmer, 2007, p. 11). Religious freedom and freedom of speech, or a lack thereof, has been an important historical factor in limiting the visibility of the atheist movement. Even if there have always been religious skeptics, “the expression of that skepticism,” as Bremmer notes, has been “subject to historical circumstances” (p. 11).

From the evidence above, it is clear that, when one considers atheism in its historical and current-day contexts, one readily concludes that New Atheism is best described not as “new” but “contemporary.”

The term “Contemporary Atheism” also allows the atheist movement to be understood as specific to the current-day context in which the spread of atheist views is aided by the Internet. Whitmarsh (2015) notes that academic accounts of ancient religion have usually been written from the perspective of religious adherents—those who were “hypereducated and hyperprivileged.” The result of this skewed historical scholarship has been an inaccurate historical account of religious observance in ancient society (p. 8 – 9). But this historical circumstance also suggests that there was likely to have been a larger atheist population in ancient societies than has been represented by the primary historical sources. By contrast, in a contemporary context, technology and media create multiple platforms through which “social knowledge, and the social world itself, are actively experienced and shaped” (Cimino & Smith, 2011, p. 26). One of the specific consequences of this media ecology for “new” atheism, Kettel argues, is

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that new atheism has adopted a particularly visible “online character” (p. 66). Cimino & Smith (2011) support Kettel’s assertion by underlining the importance of this mediascape in disseminating atheistic ideas: “the substantial transformations in our contemporary media-scape are creating a new space for atheists to come out,” they write (p. 31). It is therefore evident that what is “new” about atheism (if anything) is the technology and contemporary context in which it prevails—not the ideology itself.

Conclusion This essay has argued that New Atheism cannot realistically claim to be “new,” but must instead be understood as a “contemporary” form of an old tradition in atheistic philosophy. The essay discussed two of the most prominent arguments of the New Atheists and identified where they have been previously advanced in the long history of civilization.

The first argument—that “religion is violent”—and the second—that “knowledge cannot be gained without evidence”—were shown to have been espoused by scholars of previous centuries. The paper then argued that “Contemporary Atheism” is a more credible phrase for the form of atheism seen today, primarily because it denotes the many changes that have occurred in contemporary society, such as the expansion of religious freedom and freedom of speech, but does not denote that the arguments of modern atheists are different. Additionally, this paper highlighted how the spread of atheism in a modern context is in part the product of the emergence of the Internet, which has created a virtual secular community that was incapable of galvanising in such a way in previous, pre-Internet decades. As Whitmarsh (2015) highlights, it is important to conceive of atheism as an philosophy with a long and complex history. To simply label today’s atheism as “new,” as many media commentators have done, is to oversimplify its arguments and to deny its historical genealogy. If they must be distinguished at all, it is preferable to describe the atheists of today as contemporary atheists, if only to avoid sustaining the misconceptions that have arisen so far in relation to atheism today.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Cimino, R., & Smith, C. (2011). The New Atheism and the Formation of the Imagined Secularist Community. Journal of Media and Religion 10, 24-38.

Dawkins, R. (1986). The blind watchmaker. New York: Norton.

Dawkins, R. (2006). The God delusion. London: Transworld.

Dennett, D. C. (1995). Darwin’s dangerous idea: Evolution and the meanings of life. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Goldstein, R. N. (2015). ‘Battling the Gods: Atheism in the Ancient World,’ by Tim Whitmarsh. Retrieved October 3, 2016, from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/22/books/review/battling-the-godsatheism-in-the-ancient-world-by-tim-whitmarsh.html Harris, S. (2004). The end of faith: Religion, terror, and the future of reason. New York: W.W. Norton &.

Haught, J. F. (2008). God and the new atheism: A critical response to Dawkins, Harris, and Hitchens.

Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

Hitchens, C. (2007). God is not great: How religion poisons everything. New York: Twelve.

Kettell, S. (2013). Faithless: The Politics of New Atheism. Secularism and Nonreligion 2, 61-78.

Lataster, R. (2014, December). A Superscientific Definition of ‘Religion’ and a Clarification of Richard Dawkins’ New Atheism. Literature & Aesthetics 24 (2), 109-124.

LeDrew, S. (2015). The evolution of atheism: The politics of a modern movement. Oxford University Press.

Bremmer, J. (2007). Atheism in Antiquity. In M. Martin (Ed.), The Cambridge companion to atheism (pp. 11-26). New York: Cambridge University Press.

New [Def. 1]. (n.d.). In Oxford Dictionaries. Retrieved October 4, 2016.

Whitmarsh, T. (2015). Battling the gods: Atheism in the ancient world. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Wolf, G. (2006, January 11). The Church of the Non-Believers. Retrieved October 05, from https://www.wired.com/2006/11/atheism/.

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2016,

Physical Activity Monitoring: Do Activity Trackers Improve Health Outcomes?

LUCY CORBETT Education (Secondary Science) 4th year

Physical activity monitoring is an important innovation for the development of policies and programs in public health. Personal devices that assist individuals to monitor their physical activities promise not only to increase individuals’ physical activity levels but also to diminish the problem of non-communicable diseases (Hallal, Anderson, Bull, Guthold, Haskell, & Ekelund, 2012, pp. 249250) Continued advancements in technological monitoring devices, such as accelerometers and electronic activity trackers, are necessary to improve the surveillance of physical activity levels in a cost-effective and user-friendly manner (Hallal et al., 2012, pp. 249–250). Recently, there has been a proliferation of physical activity trackers marketed for commercial use. Television advertising campaigns for these devices, such as Fitbit’s “Find your fit” campaign, along with the ability to purchase activity trackers at non-specialty stores, signify the integration of the wearable activity monitor into the mainstream market.

Many brands, such as Fitbit, Jawbone, Nike, Misfit, and Garmin, offer a range of devices to permit individuals to self-monitor and improve their awareness of their physical-activity levels. Correspondingly, these devices help individuals to develop their self-regulatory processes. Many of these devices also offer an interactive analysis of health measures, such as by quantifying the number of steps taken, distances travelled, calories expended, minutes spent performing an activity, and, in some instances, an individual’s heart rate and sleep patterns.

Users are able to synchronise these devices with software applications on smartphones, tablets, or computers to set goals, connect with friends, and post their results to social media pages. These devices have the potential for widespread uptake due to their low cost and ease of use. However, there is

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currently only a limited amount of research on these devices and the extent to which they change individuals’ behaviours. Moreover, the influence that these devices may have on motivation and rates of participation in physical activity such as exercise remains largely unknown.

Physical activity and adolescents Physical inactivity is a major problem in contemporary society. Now identified as the fourth leading cause of mortality worldwide (Kohl, et al., 2012, p. 294), physical inactivity is responsible for the increasing prevalence of obesity, cardiovascular disease (CVD), coronary heart disease (CHD), type II diabetes, and cancer. Year on year, inactivity levels continue to rise in many countries, posing major implications for the prevalence of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and the general health of the population (Kohl, et al., 2012, p. 294).

Physical activity has been shown to reduce the risk of developing a noncommunicable disease. Active individuals have lower rates of morbidity and mortality than inactive individuals at all levels of body mass (Blair & Brodney, 1999). A way of life that incorporates physical activity provides protection against several chronic diseases, such as CVD, CHD, type II diabetes, cancer, and hypertension (Blair & Brodney, 1999). Physical activity in children and adolescents has been shown to impart additional benefits, such as improving bone health, cardiovascular and metabolic health markers, and psychological health (World Health Organisation [WHO], 2010, p. 20). Moreover, active children and adolescents who continue to be physically active in adulthood experience lower rates of chronic disease (Hardy, King, Espinel, Cosgrove, & Bauman, 2013, p. 122).

Positive physical activity behaviours developed in childhood correlate with higher levels of physical activity in adulthood (Malina, 2001, pp. 4–8; Telama et al., 1997, pp. 270–272). Youths who engage in physical activity behaviours develop higher levels of motor skills, enhanced feelings of competence, and a stronger sense intrinsic motivation than inactive youths, and all of these factors increase the probability that the individual will remain active in their later life (Telama et al., 1997, p. 271). It is therefore important for young people to take up and maintain a good level of physical activity in their school years.

Nonetheless, childhood and adolescent physical activity levels can be highly variable among those who are more sedentary but later become more active when compared to those who are initially active but become more sedentary over time. Importantly, what varies among these groups are a range of personal, social, and environmental factors (Herman, Craig, Gauvin, & Katzmarzyk,

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2009, pp. 284-287). Due to the considerable influence of these environmental factors on activity behaviours, small-scale physical activity interventions may effect significant changes in adolescent behavior, especially where positive activity behaviours are not already ingrained (Herman et al., 2009, pp. 286-287).

According to Australia’s Department of Health, children and adolescents between the ages of 5 and 18 should engage in 60 minutes of moderate-tovigorous physical activity everyday (Australian Government Department of Health, 2014; WHO, 2010, p. 20). This activity should be varied, enjoyable, and developmentally appropriate (Hardy et al., 2014, p. 122). It is important to note that there are various ways in which children and adolescents can achieve this amount of recommended physical activity. For example, the recommended 60 minutes may be completed in multiple short bouts of activity spread across the day, such as in three separate bouts of 20-minute activity (WHO, 2010, p. 20).

Physical inactivity in adolescents is a global issue that threatens to have a profound impact on the future health of individuals (Hallal et al., 2012, pp.

250-254). Within Australia, only around 60 percent of adolescents achieve the recommended 60 minutes of physical activity in any one day (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2013). As individuals progress from childhood to adolescence, their levels of physical activity tend to decrease (ABS, 2013; Hardy et al., 2013, pp. 123-130), and the types of physical activity performed also changes. While children are predominantly involved in moderate to vigorous physical activity, adolescents engage in less vigorous activity, including incidental activity, such as commuting to school by walking or cycling (ABS, 2013). In addition to age, gender is an important differentiator in the activity levels of adolescents (ABS, 2013; Hallal et al., 2012, pp. 249, 250, 257; Hardy et al., 2013, pp. 123-130). While males and females at younger ages have similar physical activity levels, by the age of 12 to 14 years, males on average engage in higher levels of physical activity than their female peers, and this trend continues as adolescents age (ABS, 2013; Hardy et al., 2013, pp. 123-133). The literature on the potential influence of activity trackers on physical activity motivation has yet to explore whether these differences in gender may play a role in these devices’ effectiveness.

The physical activity habits that children take into adulthood are important, as increasing physical activity levels (and breaking unhealthy patterns) is more difficult in adult years (Aarts, Paulussen, & Schaalma, 1997, pp. 364-367; Kremers & Brug, 2008). Many health behaviours performed by children and adolescents, such as cleaning teeth, watching television, or playing outside, are

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repetitive and completed with little thought (Kremers & Brug, 2008). The concept of habit is important in dealing with physical activity behaviour in children and adolescents (Kremers & Brug, 2008). Automated behaviour responses to stimuli play a large role in determining physical activity levels, for as when habits are formed (for example, if one regularly drives to work), subsequent behaviour tends to be triggered by specific learned situation cues (Aarts et al., 1997, pp. 366-367). Adolescents who have developed healthy, physically active exercise regimens are more likely to carry these habits into adulthood. However, if unhealthy or sedentary behaviours develop in childhood, these habits are difficult to break and may be maintained throughout the individuals’ life (Aarts et al., 1997, pp. 370-371; Kremers & Brug, 2008). It is therefore important to encourage, facilitate, and motivate children and adolescents to develop and maintain positive physical activity habits prior to their adult years.

Self-Determination Theory and Physical Activity Self-determination theory (‘SDT’: Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000) is a theoretical framework that allows us to understand specific motivators behind various health behaviours, including physical activity and exercise (Lonsdale, Sabiston, Raedeke, Ha, & Sum, 2009, p. 69). Health researchers have used SDT to evaluate both the amount of motivation an individual possesses, and the degree to which that level of motivation is self-determined (Lonsdale et al., 2009, pp.

69-70). In this study, we use the SDT framework to better understand adolescent habit formation and the effect of motivation on physical activity, specifically as these variables are modulated by activity tracking devices.

Motivation is a psychological concept that has been described as the impetus or driving force that conditions behaviour and assists people to achieve their goals (Ryan & Deci, 2000, p. 54). Self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000) explains motivation in terms of intrinsic and extrinsic sources, describing how social and cultural factors may influence both behaviour and decision-making. SDT had been used to understand various health behaviours, such as physical activity and smoking, and it is suggested that for behavioural change to occur, an individual must internalise new skills and values, thus experiencing self-determination (Ryan, Patrick, Deci, & Williams, 2008, p.

2). In order to undergo this change, a person’s sense of autonomy, competence, and relatedness should be maximally experiences, as when these psychological needs are met, individuals are better able to foster meaningful engagement with an activity (Ryan et al., 2008, pp. 2-3).

Intrinsic motivation is the desire to engage in an activity for its inherent

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goodness, rather than for some external consequence (Ryan & Deci, 2000, pp.

55-60). When people are intrinsically motivated, they engage in behaviours because they derive satisfaction and enjoyment from them. This form of motivation is highly self-determined, and individuals who experience intrinsic motivation for health are more likely to participate in and adhere to physical activity regimes. Activity trackers have the potential to increase individuals’ intrinsic motivation by enhancing their sense of autonomy and competence, and specifically by helping them to achieve progressive goals. Since intrinsic motivation is an important driving force for physical activity (Ryan, Patrick, Deci, & Williams, 2008, pp. 3-4), it is important to examine whether the use of activity trackers fosters a sense of intrinsic motivation or whether they may only serve as a temporary source of motivation.

Extrinsic motivation is the desire to engage in behaviour due to an external consequence or reward (Ryan & Deci, 2000, pp. 60-65). Since studies of extrinsic motivation ordinarily take social constructs into consideration, a broad range of factors have been covered. SDT proposes, for instance, that extrinsic motivation varies in the degree to which it is self-determined (Ryan & Deci, 2000, pp. 6062). SDT has also proposed that there is a developmental continuum ranging from complete external regulation to internal regulation, and that individuals may move along this continuum at any point in time (Ryan & Deci, 200, pp.

60-65). An individual who experiences identification regulation recognises the behaviour as important and thus accepts responsibility for monitoring that behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000, pp. 60-61). Integrated regulation, by contrast, is a more autonomous form of extrinsic motivation, which shares qualities with intrinsic motivation. The distinction occurs where what motivates the individual is the value of an outcome rather than the behaviour itself, such as when one runs to achieve fitness rather than for the love of running (Ryan & Deci, 2000, pp.

60-62). The developmental continuum is important to consider as we attempt to determine whether activity trackers can be used not only to encourage individuals to engage in physical activity, but to motivate them to develop more internalised motivations. Since extrinsic motivation includes the influences of a social context, the interactive and social qualities of activity trackers have the potential to influence an individual’s internalisation of motivation. Additionally, activity trackers have potential to encourage autonomy through self-monitoring and self-regulation, both of which are needed to internalise external measures (Ryan & Deci, 2000, pp. 61-62).

Feedback is an important mechanism that can enhance feelings of competence, move people along the continuum of extrinsic motivation, and increase

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intrinsic motivation for an activity (Ryan & Deci, 2000, p. 60). Feedback is also important because physical activity levels in adolescents are predominantly driven by identified regulation (Ryan, Patrick, Deci, & Williams, 2008).

Measuring physical activity is useful for reinforcing activity behaviour and for monitoring progress toward a goal (Ryan, Patrick, Deci, & Williams, 2008, p. 3). Quantifiable measures of physical activity are also important because they allow the individual to objectively self-monitor daily activity. This selfmonitoring process is important in initiating self-regulatory behaviour because it encourages the individual to become cognisant of their activity levels in relation to a personal goal (Kazdin, 1974). If performance departs from the standard, self-regulatory processes, such as self-reinforcement, are triggered (Kazdin, 1974). Thus, self-monitoring enables a feedback loop to emerge in which adjustments can be made until the individual’s goal is achieved.

The Potential of Activity Trackers The accurate assessment of physical activity is necessary to identify current levels of activity and assess the effectiveness of intervention programs. When measuring physical activity, gold standards of assessment include observation, doubly labelled water, and indirect calorimetry (Sirard & Pate, 2001, p. 439).

However, pedometers have also become an increasingly popular measurement device because they are easy to use, do not require specific training, can be used to monitor large groups of people, and provide an objective measurement (Sirard & Pate, 2001, pp. 439-448). Traditionally, physical activity was measured with surveys that required participants to recall their activity over a period of time.

This posed difficulties, especially with children and adolescents, who were often unable to provide accurate information about their past levels of physical activity (Sirard & Pate, 2001, p. 440). Therefore, pedometers have previously been a good alternative to surveys because the quantifiable data they produced did not depend on the subjective memories of individuals.

Pedometers have also been successful in increasing individuals’ physical activity levels (Bravata, et al., 2007; Kang, Marshall, Barreira, & Lee, 2009).

Pedometers assist individuals with self-monitoring by providing objective and quantifiable data on steps, distance, and caloric expenditure. Individuals are able to see a measure of physical activity, such as the number of steps taken within the day, and adjust their behaviour to meet certain goals (for example, 10, 000 steps). Many effective interventions have been conducted with pedometers to increase participants’ physical activity levels over a period of time. A systematic review undertaken by Bravata et al. (2007) examined the use of pedometers to

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increase physical activity by examining twenty-six pedometer studies with a total of 2767 participants. This study (2007) found that pedometers significantly increased participants’ levels of physical activity by more than 25 percent from their baseline fitness. This study is reinforced by a meta-analysis of thirty-two studies conducted by Kang et al. in 2009. In this meta-analysis, Kang et al.

(2009) reported that pedometers are useful motivation tools that increase the physical activity levels of individuals over all ages, including children and young adults. Additionally, it was found that participants who had a steps-per-day goal had higher increases in physical activity than those who did not (Bravata, et al., 2007, p. 2301; Kang et al., 2009, pp. 649–652; Tudor-Locke & Lutes, 2009, pp.

982–984). This indicates the importance of feedback for individuals’ creation of challenges and the attainment of goals.

Recording data pertaining to physical activity levels increases an individual’s long term activity (Bravata, et al., 2007, pp. 2299-2301; Tudor-Locke & Lutes, 2009, p. 988). Studies have shown that individuals who record data from the pedometer, such as their daily steps, are more successful in achieving activity goals than those who did not keep records (Bravata, et al., 2007, pp. 2299-2301; Tudor-Locke & Lutes, 2009, p. 988). This occurs because individuals are able to reflect on their levels of activity and self-regulate further activity (Kazdin, 1974). In comparison to pedometers, activity trackers improve on the personal recording and viewing of data. The electronic nature of these devices means individuals have access to an feedback for their daily, weekly, monthly, and yearly activity, providing individuals with a scalable record of their activity, which is clearly displayed on a visually clear graph. Due to advancements in record-keeping since the advent of pedometers, modern activity trackers could potentially have an even greater influence on an individual’s activeness (Lyons, Lewis, Mayrsohn, & Rowland, 2014, pp. 2-9).

To date, studies of simple-to-use devices that measure physical activity, aside from pedometers, have been scarce. Activity trackers are of great interest as potential tools of motivation for physical activity (Bice, Ball, & McClaran, 2015, p. 2). The range of colours, designs, and the technological capabilities of these devices make them more attractive than pedometers, increasing their potential for widespread uptake in society. Additionally, these devices provide users opportunities to socialise via digital interactions, potentially increasing their users’ motivation and physical activity levels (Voorhees, et al., 2005). For example, social networks are particularly important for adolescents and these may have a positive influence on health behaviours. For instance, it has been shown that adolescent girls who have physically active friends are more likely

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to be physically active themselves (Voorhees, et al., 2005). Social influences are powerful determinants of activity behaviour, and social network factors also influence weight status and intention to lose weight (Leahey, LaRose, Fava, & Wing, 2011). Consequently, electronic activity trackers have the potential to engage friendship groups and provide supportive social networks for adolescents who may not themselves have physically active friends.

Conclusion An individual’s perception of physical activity influences their participation and adherence to physical activity (Bice et al. 2015, p. 2). Activity trackers have been found to increase an individual’s motivation by changing their preconceived ideas about what physical activity entails (Bice et al. 2015, p. 7). Individuals can misinterpret their fitness needs, imagining that they must engage in one long and tiring session in order to reach their goals. This misunderstanding can lead individuals to avoid the stress of exercise altogether (Bice et al., 2015, p. 7). Activity trackers may balance the relationship of physical activity with enjoyment because they provide interactive feedback, allowing users to monitor their activity levels and reach their goals on a daily basis, rather than suggesting that individuals need to achieve their goals in one burst. As a result, physical activity enjoyment ratings may increase due to the self-efficacy provided by activity trackers (Bice et al., 2015, p. 7).

The interactive nature and sociality of activity trackers signal their potential to increase activity levels in adolescents. However, no empirical evidence has been adduced to determine whether interactive activity trackers will increase motivation and improve physical activity levels in adolescents. However, due to the various capabilities of these devices, they accommodate aspects of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and are likely to be effective in changing the behavior of individuals with various past experiences and physical activity goals (Bice et al., 2015, pp. 7-8). So far, no research has examined the effect of the social aspects of activity trackers and whether these aspects may serve as motivators for their users. This study has aimed to explore the improved health outcomes that tracking devices may deliver, both in terms of adolescent physical activity levels and motivation for increased physical activity in general.

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Lonsdale, C., Sabiston, C. M., Raedeke, T. D., Ha, A. S., & Sum, R. K. (2009). Self-determined motivation and students’ physical activity during structured physical education lessons and free choice periods. Preventative Medicine 48, 69-73.

Lyons, E. J., Lewis, Z. H., Mayrsohn, B. G., & Rowland, J. L. (2014). Behavior Change Techniques Implemented in Electronic Lifestyle Activity Monitors: A Systematic Content Analysis. Journal of Medical Internet Research 16 (8), 1-21.

Malina, R. M. (2001). Tracking of Physical Activity across the Lifespan. President’s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports Research Digest 3, 3-10.

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Ryan, R.M., Deci, E.L., 2000. Intrinsic and extrinsic motivations: Classic definitions and new directions. Contemp. Educ. Psychol. 25, 54–67.

Ryan, R. M., Patrick, H., Deci, E. L., & Williams, G. C. (2008). Facilitating health behaviour change and its maintenance: Interventions based on Self-Determination Theory . The European Health Psychologist , 10, 2-5.

Sirard, J. R., & Pate, R. R. (2001). Physical activity assessment in children and adolescents. Sports Medicine 30 (6), 439-454.

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Tudor-Locke, C., & Lutes, L. (2009). Why Do Pedometers Work? A Reflection upon the Factors Related to Successfully Increasing Physical Activity. Sports Medicine 39 (12), 981-993.

Voorhees, C. C., Murray, D., Welk, G., Birnbaum, A., Ribisl, K. M., Johnson, C. C., et al. (2005). The Role of Peer Social Network Factors and Physical Activity in Adolescent Girls. American Journal of Health Behaviour 29 (2), 183-190.

World Health Organisation. (2010). Global Recommendations on Physical Activity for Health.

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Literary Value: the “critical concensus” ERIN MCFADYEN Arts 2nd year

Twentieth-century theories of literary valuation often emphasise the social determination of aesthetic worth – they ‘exemplify,’ in the words of Robert Meyer-Lee, ‘the constructedness of literary value.’1 Barbara Herrnstein Smith’s ‘Contingencies of Value’ and Pierre Bordieu’s ‘Judgement of Taste’ and ‘Rules of Art’ typify this kind of theory. 2 Much modern criticism identifies Smith’s idea of a ‘radically contingent’3 value and Bordieu’s concept of an ‘economy of cultural goods’ 4 as socio-historical analyses of literary worth. David Hume’s ‘Of the Standard of Taste,’ on the other hand, is frequently seen as endorsing a standard of value that is independent of context: a ‘universal beauty.’5 Such an understanding sets up a specious binary opposition between these approaches.6 This binary presupposes that ‘Of The

1 2 3 4 5 6

Robert Meyer-Lee, ‘Toward a Theory and Practice of Literary Valuing,’ New Literary History 46 (2015): 335-357.

Other examples of such theories include Stanley E. Fish, Is There a Text in This Class?: the Authority of Interpretive Communities (Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980), and Terry Eagleton, Literary Theory: An Introduction (Hoboken: Blackwell, 1996).

Barbara Herrnstein Smith, ‘Contingencies of Value,’ in The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, ed. Vincent B. Leitch et al. (New York:W W Norton & Company, 2010), 1798-1818.

Pierre Bordieu, ‘Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste,’ in The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, ed. Vincent B. Leitch et al. (New York:W W Norton & Company, 2010), 1664-70.

David Hume, ‘Of The Standard of Taste,’ in The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, ed. Vincent B. Leitch et al. (New York: W W Norton & Company, 2010), 392-406.

See, for example, Arnold Krupat, ‘The Concept of the Canon,’ in Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, ed. Lee Morrissey (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), 157-62.

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Standard of Taste’ only ever sees value as exogenously determined—as an historically constant aesthetic quality. However, a careful reading of Hume’s work ironically reveals more evidence to support the ideas of Herrnstein Smith’s and Bordieu’s theories than it does to support Hume’s own idea of universal beauty. Indeed, these three theorists’ approaches to literary value are far more unified than may be suggested by the superficial slogans so frequently drawn from their works.7 Critical Consensus and the Valued as the Valuable: Hume’s Accidental Accedence to Smith The foundation of Herrnstein Smith’s model of value is her analysis of literary preference on the level of the individual. The individual’s preference for certain literary forms and features depends on such contingencies as ‘psychophysiological’ factors and particulars of personal identity.8 Some of these contingencies are receptive to cultural channelling, and, as such, lead to a continuity of taste amongst members of a society. Other contingencies are invariable; they remain fixed even in the face of cultural channelling, already hard set within the individual, and cannot be sculpted into a new shape by social influence. Such immovable contingencies, and the preferences they produce, account for divergences in taste within and between communities.

Out of Herrnstein Smith’s analysis of the individual’s preference system emerges her attempt to explain how literary value functions writ large— that is, within a whole literary community. Those preferences that are common amongst most members of a society—that is, those produced by contingencies susceptible to cultural channelling—tend to become those which define a society’s pervading idea of literary value. Certain ‘continuous’ tastes become dominant within a society through two interwoven processes.

Firstly, the literary forms and features preferred by a large or dominant social group, along with the contingencies which govern these preferences, are standardised. At the same time, divergent preferences, along with the contingencies on which they depend, are, as she puts it, ‘pathologised.’9 A 7

8 9

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See, for instance, Krupat’s ‘Concept of the Canon,’ an essay in which the author draws a particularly sharp distinction between these thinkers; and cf. Jane Tompkins, ‘But is it Any Good? : The Institutionalisation of Literary Value,’ in Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, ed. Lee Morrissey (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), 123-30.

Herrnstein Smith, ‘Contingencies,’ 1803.

Herrnstein Smith, ‘Contingencies,’ 1807.

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significant social assumption, Herrnstein argues, arises from this dual process of standardising and pathologising: the members of the group from which the dominant tastes emerge are supposed to be of sound mind—compos mentis—and, correspondingly, those whose tastes diverge from this norm are taken to lack the faculties for properly apprehending aesthetic objects.

This assumption amounts to a broad societal acceptance of the valued as the valuable. In Smith’s model, then, institutionally embedded preferences, rather than some fixed or transcendent idea of beauty, determine literary value.

At a cursory glance, ‘Of The Standard of Taste’ seems to oppose this formulation of literary value as a socio-historical phenomenon, offering instead a vision of value as socially immutable. However, Hume’s core proposition—that there is a concrete standard of literary value—is problematised by his acknowledgement of the ‘anything-goes de gustibus concept.’10 Hume repeatedly acknowledges the diversity of preferences that emerge even amongst individuals belonging to unified social groups. In light of this concession to preferential plurality, Hume’s efforts to substantiate his core idea of universal beauty are, in his own words, undertaken ‘in vain.’11 Faced with such an impasse, Hume falls back on the consensus of critical opinion as the index of literary value.12 The location of literary value becomes, for Hume as for Smith, an exercise in ‘the observation of the common sentiments’ of ‘qualified judges’ of taste. In this way, Hume’s own exposition affirms that a critical consensus can be an adequate index of literary value; what is most valued by the qualified judges, then, also defines the valuable. The enduring argument in ‘Standard of Taste’ is not, after all, the case for a ‘fixed mark’ of beauty, but the case for the social determination of value. Thus, to place Herrnstein Smith’s and Hume’s theories of literary value in a binary opposition is at least hubristic; a clear-eyed reading of Hume’s analysis reveals that it is so much the more complex than its opening epithet of ’universal beauty’ would suggest.13

10 Brian Ribiero, ‘Hume’s Standard of Taste and the De Gustibus Sceptic,’ British Journal of Aesthetics 47 (2007): 16-28.

11

Hume, ‘Standard,’ 402.

13

Hume, ‘Standard,’ 400.

12 Jerrold Levinson, ‘Hume’s Standard of Taste: The Real Problem,’ The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 60 (2002): 227-38.

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The Creation of the Canon: Evolution, Class Conflict, and Evidence from Hume The early stages of Herrnstein Smith’s canon-formation model are reminiscent of biological evolution. The valuation of any literary work depends initially on the contingent interaction between the work and the social conditions in which it is encountered. The idea that the text takes on many divergent functions becomes important here: we read to fulfil our own mutable needs, not the needs of the text, and thus a literary work can be valuable to some readers in ways that it is not to others. Once a text is judged to fulfil any societal purpose well, it experiences a ‘survival advantage’14: it is reproduced more frequently, and is more likely to be perceived as valuable when it is encountered by an audience. Institutional endorsement in the form of publication, quotation and inclusion in anthologies normalises the forms of enduring texts as the contexts in which they are read shifts around them.

Texts that are endorsed in this way have their place in the canon cemented.

Values that cease to resonate in changing contexts are backgrounded, and ideas that become distasteful to audiences as societal norms evolve are rationalised as historically specific. In this way, canonical texts themselves come to shape the values by which all literary works are judged. ‘The signs of literary value are really its springs,’15 Smith tells us, modelling canon formation as a self-perpetuating system.

Bordieu’s disapprobation of literary valuation as an instrument of class antagonism emphasises not only the self-perpetuating, but the self-reflexive nature of the canon. Canonical texts influence the production of works that are cast in the mould of their predecessors, as new works are assured of literary value through conformity to established norms. Thus, the discourse of literature becomes increasingly ‘dependent on its own history,’16 and a selfreferential canonical aesthetic develops. As such, one requires knowledge of a ‘specific cultural code or cipher’17 in order to properly apprehend and appreciate canonical, or ‘valuable,’ literature.

14 Herrnstein Smith, ‘Contingencies,’ 1804.

15

Herrnstein Smith, ‘Contingencies,’ 1807.

17

Bordieu, ‘Rules,’ 1667.

16 Pierre Bordieu, ‘Rules of Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field,’ in The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, ed. Vincent B. Leitch et al. (New York:W W Norton & Company, 2010), 1664-70.

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In Bordieu’s analysis, access to such knowledge is controlled by exclusive institutions in modern capitalist societies. This proprietorship of what Guillory terms ‘cultural capital’18 by educational and exhibitionary institutions positions the canon as an instrument for the legitimation of social hierarchies. Literary value that is appreciated only in reference to the endogenously generated codes of its own canon – that is, an ‘aesthetic rooted in…an ethos of distance from the natural world’19 – is the exclusive intellectual territory of a bourgeoise cultured class. Bordieu contends that access to the institutions that purvey knowledge of cultural codes is available only to a class of people who do not need to participate in socially necessary processes of production. The ability of a leisured class to spend time on ‘nonproductive’ pursuits, such as obtaining a cultural education, is facilitated by the engagement of the working class in economic production. The selfreferentiaility of canonical works makes their value less comprehensible to the working class – that class without access to a cultural education.

The resultant exclusivity of ‘good taste’ legitimates social hierarchies; an appreciation of ‘valuable’ works is the ‘product of privilege’20 in capitalist societies. In this way, Bordieu’s model of canon formation provides grounds for the critique of the canon as ‘elitist and repressive’21 which proliferated in the latter half of the twentieth century.

‘Of the Standard of Taste’ can be understood as historical documentation of the institutional attitudes and processes that Bordieu so abhors. Given Hume’s formulation of literary value as dependent on critical consensus, the proper qualification of those critics whose concurrence determines value becomes a core concern. The primary way to qualify as a judge of taste is through ‘frequent survey… of a particular species of beauty.’22 Exposure to canonical works cultivates an understanding and appreciation of the valued aesthetic. Once this aesthetic understanding is achieved, ‘the mist’ that

18 John Guillory, ‘From Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation,’ in Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, ed. Lee Morrissey (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), p. 207-15.

19 20

Bordieu, ‘Distinction,’ 1668.

Bordieu, ‘Distinction,’ 1669.

21 Alvin Kernan, ‘Introduction: The Death of Literature,’ in Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, ed. Lee Morrissey (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), 165-71.

22

Hume, ‘Standard,’ 404.

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obscures the beauty of valued works to unqualified eyes ‘dissipates.’23 Thus for Hume, just as for Bordieu, appreciation of valuable works is inherently linked to knowledge of canonical codes. Bordieu does not directly cite Hume as a historical source in his analysis of the institutionalisation of ‘good taste,’ but he could do so with the greatest of ease. Hume’s exposition of the institutional cultivation of good taste is implied in Bordieu’s political critique of the canonical. As such, these two superficially divergent analyses of the the literary canon are deeply unified.

The works of Herrnstein Smith, Bordieu, and Hume relate to each other in a variety of surprising and, at times, ironic ways. The cultural education proposed by Hume as a method of cultivating good literary taste is implicitly referenced in Bordieu’s analysis of the ‘exclusivising’24 institutional process of canon formation. Hume’s work can be related to Smith’s through a chain of influence: Bordieu’s ideas of canonical self-referentiality, in which Hume’s models are implied, share foundational principles, including Herrnstein Smith’s concept of canonical self-perpetuation. However, a more direct link may be drawn between the ideas of the two latter theorists. Hume’s idea of collective judgement as the indicator of literary value mirrors Herrnstein Smith’s conception of the valued as the valuable. Indeed, in examining these three works we discover less the binary opposition proposed by some modern theorists, than a compelling ‘critical consensus’—a compatibility of argument ripe for further study.

23 Hume, ‘Standard,’ 399.

24

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Bordieu, ‘Rules,’ 1675.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Pierre Bordieu. ‘Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste.’ In The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, edited by Vinvent B. Leitch, William E. Cain, Laurie Finke, Barbara Johnson, John McGowan, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, and Jeffrey J. Williams, 1664-70.

New York: W W Norton & Company, 2010.

Pierre Bordieu. ‘Rules of Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field.’ In The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, edited by Vinvent B. Leitch, William E. Cain, Laurie Finke, Barbara Johnson, John McGowan, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, and Jeffrey J. Williams, 1670-80.

New York: W W Norton & Company, 2010.

Eagleton, Terry. Literary Theory: An Introduction. Hoboken: Blackwell, 1996.

Fish, Stanley E. Is There a Text in This Class?: the authority of interpretive communities. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980.

Guillory, John. ‘From Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation.’ In Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, edited by Lee Morrissey (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), p. 207-15.

Herrnstein Smith, Barbara. ‘Contingencies of Value.’ ’ In The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, edited by Vinvent B. Leitch, William E. Cain, Laurie Finke, Barbara Johnson, John McGowan, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, and Jeffrey J. Williams, 1798-818. New York: W W Norton & Company, 2010.

Hume, David. ‘Of The Standard of Taste.’ ’ In The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, Second Edition, edited by Vinvent B. Leitch, William E. Cain, Laurie Finke, Barbara Johnson, John McGowan, T. Denean Sharpley-Whiting, and Jeffrey J. Williams, 392-406. New York: W W Norton & Company, 2010.

Kernan, Alvin. ‘Introduction: The Death of Literature.’ In Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, edited Lee Morrissey (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005), p. 165-71.

Krupat, Arnold. ‘The Concept of the Canon.’ In Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, edited by Lee Morrissey, 157-63. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010.

Levinson, Jerrold. ‘Hume’s Standard of Taste: The Real Problem.’ The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 60 (2002): 227-38.

Meyer-Lee, Robert. ‘Toward a Theory and practice of Literary Valuing.’ New Literary History 46 (2015): 335-57.

Ribiero, Brian. ‘Hume’s Standard of Taste and the De Gustibus Sceptic.’ British Journal of Aesthetics 47 (2007): 16-28.

Tompkins, Jane. ‘But is it Any Good?: The Institutionalisation of Literary Value.’ In Debating the Canon: A Reader from Addison to Nafisi, edited by Lee Morrissey, 127-30. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010.

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