ALFRED 2019 Edition 8 Vol. 1

ALFRED EDITION 8 | VOLUME 1 | SUMMER 2019

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Welcome from the Editors Cassie Shaw & Juliet Winter

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Are Psychopaths the same all over the World?

Jessica Parkes MSc Forensic Psychology

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An Argument in Favour of the Importance of Alice Walker’s The Color Purple, as a Black Feminist Text in African American Literature Anna Bor BA English with American Literature

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School Exclusion of Children with Autism Sommer Ledger BEd Primary Education with QTS

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Humour in Fiction for Seven to Nine Year Olds Georgina Lippiett MA Writing for Children

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Is Racehorse Welfare really the ‘Overriding Priority’ of the British Horseracing Authority?

Ruth Martin MSc Animal Welfare Science, Ethics and Law

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Combatting Heteronormativity in Primary Schools Jed Allen MEd Primary Education

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How do StarKid adapt and subvert material from Harry Potter to create a parody of the franchise in A Very Potter Musical (2009)?

Hannah Thomas BA Musical Theatre

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How Did Wartime Cinema Portray the Idea of ‘The People’s War’ in 1940s Britain?

Sam Jenkins BA History and the Modern World

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The Vodka Cranberry Princess Emily Wheeler MA Creative and Critical Writing

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The Making of a Dynasty: Augustus and Vespasian’s use of Public Imagery in the Roman Empire During the 1st century AD Daisy Dorrington MA History

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Prejudice Towards Immigrants: Theoretical Approaches Delia Scalco BSc Criminology and Psychology

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What is the Difference Between the Interpretation of the Shoah that assumes G-d’s Presence in History with that which Supposes G-d to be Absent?

Caroline Smith BA Theology, Religion & Ethics Echolocation in Bats (Chiroptera): Making Pictures from Sound and the Impact of Anthropogenic Noise Carol Cook MSc Animal Welfare Science, Ethics and Law

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In what way(s) do you Consider that Any Two Films Released in the Last Twenty Years Represent Positive Constructions of African American History and Identity?

Ashleigh Hannay BA American Studies

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London Pride 2018: An Intersectional Approach to Trans Exclusionary Radical Feminists Kat Pevreall MA Liberal Arts

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How great was the Threat to the Fledgling Lancaster Dynasty through the Revolt of Owain Glyndŵr and the Percy Rebellion?

Oliver Curant BA History and the Medieval World

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Product of Procrastination Michalina Tanska ERASMUS Psychology

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The Leadership and Organisation of Medieval Popular Protest: The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 Richard Hutchings BA History

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Fadi and Zara William Herring MA Writing for Children

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How can Sport be used to Develop Peace Internationally?: The Role of Cricket Diplomacy Bonita Lunn MRes Sport & Exercise

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A Critical Discussion of Biological and Psychological Explanations for Paedophilia Kelly Janaway BA Criminology

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Gendercide is practiced in Many Different Religious Communities. Therefore, if Religion is not a Determining Factor, what is?

Rachel Perry BA Politics and Global Studies

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Hello and welcome to the eighth Edition of Alfred, Winchester’s student journal. Alfred exists to showcase the exceptional work of students from all disciplines and levels of the university. We hope you find the contents as fascinating and engaging as we have.

We received a record number of submissions to the journal in 2018/19. The quality and diversity of the work submitted has been exceptional and the process of deciding which submissions would feature in this edition has been exceedingly challenging. Reading the submissions has been insightful, informative and enjoyable for all involved and we would like to thank everyone who submitted articles, thought pieces, essays and creative works.

This edition of the journal features papers on the use of sport to develop peace internationally, race horse welfare, the representation of African American history and identity in contemporary film, and the practice of Gendercide. In addition, it features a number of insightful, thoughtful and humorous creative works. The

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intellectual and creative diversity of this year’s journal reflects our desire to continue to showcase the variety and scope of academic inquiry and excellence here at the University of Winchester. We hope that the featured works will offer insight and inspire discussion among our readership.

This year is the fourth year in which the journal has been overseen by a staff-student editorial panel. We would like to thank George Heath, Jill Dealey, Eloise Willis, Lewis Jones, James Vaughan, Freya Peters, Ellee Spencer-Boyce, Stuart Sims, Catriona Young, Beth Sennett, Joe Michalczuk, William Grant, Laura Bennets, Inghild Lea, Brenda Sharp and Tali Atvars for all their hard work, reviewing a record number of submissions in order to help form this year’s journal.

For those interested in publishing your work, or seeing your student’s work published in the 2020 edition of Alfred, please get in touch at Alfred@winchester.ac.uk

We hope you enjoy the journal.

Cassie Shaw and Juliet Winter Co-editors of the Alfred Journal

Are Psychopaths the Same all over the World?

Jessica Parkes MSc Forensic Psychology

cultural norms affecting the behavioural expression and manifestation of traits, and also considers the possibility of psychopathic subtypes.

Psychopathy is one of the most widely researched and discussed topics in forensic psychology, but also one of the most contentious. Statistics suggest that psychopaths make up 15-25% of the prison population, but are only present in around 1% of the general population (Hare, 1996). Researchers struggle to agree on many issues, including the definition and traits that form psychopathy, how to most effectively measure it, and whether psychopathy is enduring across cultures and contexts.

There is consensus in the knowledge that psychopaths exist all over the world; they have been documented as existing in remote tribes (Murphy, 1976) and mentioned throughout history.

However, debates continue over the most accurate model and conception of psychopathy, and how this relates to the manifestation of the disorder across the world. This essay argues that psychopaths are not the same all over the world, primarily due to differences in

The definition of psychopathy, as with all psychological disorders, remains a contentious issue (Skeem, Polascheck, Patrick & Lilenfeld, 2011). The most revered initial conception of the construct came from Cleckley (1976), formed from anecdotal evidence through working with psychiatric patients. Cleckley’s psychopath is characterised with ‘positive adjustment’ features such as freedom from delusions and absence of neurosis, which act alongside behavioural and emotional-interpersonal deficits such as unreliability, insincerity, lack of remorse, and egocentricity (Cleckley, 1976; Skeem et al., 2011). Criminality and antisocial tendencies were not described as central in Cleckley’s (1976) model, likely due to the non-forensic nature of the population from which he formed his definition. Cleckley’s work is considered to be significantly influential and has formed the basis of many more definitions of psychopathy, the most

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well-known being Hare's (1996) twofactor model. Factor 1 contains interpersonal and affective items, such as pathological lying and lack of emotionality, and Factor 2 contains lifestyle and antisocial facets, including impulsivity and criminal versatility (Wernke & Huss, 2008; Hare, 1996).

These factors are measured in Hare’s (1996) tool, the Psychopathy Checklist – Revised (PCL-R) Although Hare cites Cleckley as the catalyst for his own model of psychopathy, the significant inclusion of criminality as a measure of psychopathy has been argued as far removed from Cleckley’s psychopath.

The correlation between criminality and psychopathy is highly disputed: the selfreport Psychopathic Personality Inventory does not include items referencing criminality but can still significantly predict institutional misconduct and criminality in multiple samples (Polaschek & Daly, 2013).

Research by Walsh, Swogger, Walsh and Kosson (2007) also found that psychopathy was not predictive of violent crime in certain sub-groups, including African Americans and those with low socio-economic status, but

Hare, Clark, Grann and Thornton (2000) found it to be predictive of violence in European Americans, the population Hare’s PCL-R was devised from. Despite this, the PCL-R continues to be the most widely used and researched model of psychopathy; the ‘gold standard’ (Cooke & Michie, 2011) in measuring the concept of psychopathy.

The PCL-R is a 20-item checklist scored on a three-point scale, where file information and an extensive semistructured interview are combined to form a score of psychopathy (Hare, 1996). It was developed with criminal samples in North America (Skeem et al., 2011) and is primarily used in this jurisdiction (Cooke, Michie, Hart & Clark, 2005), although it has been translated and validated for use all over the world (Shou, Sellbom, Xu, Chen & Sui, 2017; Morana, Arboleda-Flórez & Câmara, 2005). It is thought to be the best measure of psychopathy (Cooke & Michie, 2011) although it dominates the literature and has no serious competitors (Polaschek, 2015). Despite this, it has been extensively tested and found to accurately reflect psychopathy 8

across a number of cultures (Cooke et al., 2005; Cooke & Michie, 1999; Morana et al., 2005), suggesting that the ‘pancultural core’ of the disorder is the same across cultures (Cooke & Michie, 1999).

However, some studies are beginning to use other measures of psychopathy, including the Levenson Self-Report Psychopathy Scale and the Triarchic Psychopathy Measure, which uses a model of psychopathy different to Hare’s two factor model (Shou et al., 2017) and may influence the concept of psychopathy in some places, affecting which individuals are diagnosed psychopathic. The implications of this could be monumental depending on the criminal justice system in their culture: in Brazil there are no legal implications for those diagnosed psychopathic (Morana et al., 2005) but in North America, a positive diagnosis could be the difference between a death sentence or life without parole, or incarceration in a psychiatric unit instead of prison (Cooke, Kosson & Michie, 2001). Therefore, the choice of the PCL-R over other measures is likely in order to maintain consistency.

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Another disputed area of the PCL-R is the cut-off score at the psychopathic boundary. In North American criminal populations, the recommended cut-off score is 30, but different thresholds have been suggested for different populations (Davies, Hollin & Bull, 2008).

This prevents incorrect diagnoses (Morana et al., 2005) and may be used if the semi-structured interview is absent in the diagnostic process (Polaschek & Daly, 2013). Different cut-offs were also utilised when the analysed population was different to the original PCL-R development population; including in Brazil where a cut-off of 23 was deemed adequate in representing psychopathic characteristics in that culture (Morana et al., 2005). Morana et al.’s (2005) research considered the impact a certain psychopathic score could have on a penal or psychiatric prognosis, describing the choice of a cut-off score of 23 as being partly because there is no legal implication of being diagnosed a psychopath. This has been considered

by Cooke and Michie (1999), where a cut-off of 25 in Scottish samples was considered equivalent to 30 in North American populations (Hare et al., 2000),

and a threshold of 28 has been recommended for European populations when measuring psychopathy (Cooke et al., 2005). A core concern regarding cut-off scores is empirical support for the suggestion that psychopathy exists on a spectrum, where psychopathic individuals “differ from other people in degree rather than in kind” (Skeem et al., 2011, p.102). This suggests that everyone may possess some psychopathic traits, but only those with the highest quantity and/or severity of traits will be diagnosed a psychopath.

This has been demonstrated through significant research finding that psychopathy seems to be a collection of characteristics configured into a disorder for ease, rather than a taxon (Skeem et al., 2011; Gunter, Vaughn & Philibert, 2010), and studies claiming to find a taxonomic basis for psychopathy have significant methodological issues (Walters, Marcus, Edens, Knight & Sanford, 2011; Skeem et al., 2011). This implies the possibility of mildly psychopathic individuals, considered by Hare to be individuals whose PCL-R score falls between 21 and 29 for North American populations (Bartol & Bartol,

2017); discussed in more detail later on.

As shown above, psychopaths may differ from the ‘normal’ population, but they also differ in degree from one another in terms of severity.

It is widely agreed upon that psychopathy has a biological basis, with environmental influences having an impact on the expression of certain traits (Wernke & Huss, 2008; Skeem et al., 2011). Heritability and twin studies have demonstrated a significant genetic basis of psychopathy, finding that psychopathic personality could be present during adolescence and endure until adulthood (Gunter et al., 2010).

Genetic factors seem to be just as important as environmental factors (Gunter et al., 2010) but the interpersonal and affective aspects of the disorder appear to have a more stable biological basis, so are considered to be central to psychopathy across cultures (Bartol & Bartol, 2017; Lim, 2009; Wernke & Huss, 2008). This suggests that the cultural, social and environmental context surrounding an individual will determine the expression of genetic predetermined psychopathic traits as 10

demonstrated in cross-cultural research.

For example: Scottish psychopaths were found to only display some psychopathic features in high concentrations, such as glibness, compared to their North American counterparts (Cooke & Michie, 1999).

This was attributed to significant cultural variations between the two sample populations, where it is frowned upon in British culture to excessively emphasise personal achievements (Cooke & Michie, 1999), but in North America it is encouraged. Furthermore, Chinese men in Shou et al.’s (2017) study were found to have a weak association between disinhibition (as measured on the Triarchic Psychopathy Measure) and egocentricity, which may have been indicative of a Chinese characteristic called ‘yiqi’; representing personal loyalty to friends. This would mean reactive aggression would be considered more acceptable from men when protecting in-group members (Shou et al., 2017), although these results came from a self-report scale and would need to be replicated in further research. Furthermore, research suggests that callous-emotional traits in 11

children may have a different meaning in China compared to North America (Fung, Gao & Raine, 2010): Chinese tradition of suppressing emotional expression may result in elevated unemotional behaviour scores and narcissism (Fung et al., 2010), creating a marginally distorted view of psychopathy in this culture. These examples suggest that the behavioural manifestations of some psychopathic traits may differ depending on their cultural context.

Cultural norms may influence the expression of psychopathic behaviours by encouraging or prohibiting certain behaviours (Wernke & Huss, 2008).

These norms are more prominent in collectivistic cultures such as China and parts of Europe, where social harmony and responsibility to others are considered paramount to individual competition and selfishness, as exhibited in individualistic cultures such as the USA (Wernke & Huss, 2008). It is therefore justifiable to theorise that there will be a greater prevalence of psychopaths in individualistic than in collectivistic cultures. Cooke & Michie’s

(1999) study investigated psychopathy across Scotland and North America and found that when adjusting the cut-off score for the Scottish population, only 8% of those tested could be diagnosed psychopathic, compared to 29% in North American prisons. In addition, further research found that North American samples possess PCL-R scores around six points higher on average than their European counterparts (Cooke, 1998; Cooke et al., 2005). However, as this research has been solely conducted on incarcerated individuals who have a notably higher incidence of psychopathy than the general population, it cannot necessarily be determined that this is representative of all individualistic cultures.

There is also evidence to suggest that psychopathy may manifest itself differently in women compared to men (Cooke et al., 2005; Shou et al., 2017; Verona & Vitale, 2007; Wernke & Huss, 2008). Gender differences are present throughout criminality and have been suggested to be due to developmental differences across the life course of males and females (Bartol & Bartol,

2017) with women more likely to have experienced victimisation (Skeem et al., 2011). In terms of psychopathy, research has shown that female psychopaths may be more likely to use relational aggression in the form of bullying and manipulation within relationships and be subtler in this behaviour than male psychopaths (Bartol & Bartol, 2017), although other sources have found mixed results for this hypothesis (Skeem et al., 2011). Men may be more likely to display antisocial behaviours (Skeem et al., 2011) and engage in direct aggression (Bartol & Bartol, 2017) and women more likely to display histrionic behaviours (Skeem et al., 2011), but it has been suggested that male and female psychopaths are likely to possess the same emotional deficiencies (Verona & Vitale, 2007), reiterating that the socialisation process influences the behavioural expression of psychopathy.

When measuring psychopathy, it has been suggested that some PCL-R items may not apply to women in the same way as men, including ‘juvenile delinquency’ and ‘grandiosity’ (Salekin, Rogers, Ustad & Sewell, 1998) indicating that more research is required in this 12

area. Furthermore, psychopathy is significantly less prevalent in women than men, with an average prevalence of 15.5% in females compared to between 25 and 30% in males in individualistic cultures (Salekin et al., 1998), with a similar pattern being seen in collectivistic cultures (Beryl et al., 2014). This reiterates that individualistic cultures may foster more psychopathic behaviours (Wernke & Huss, 2008), with differences between male and female prevalence being due to differing socialisation patterns. Women are not expected to behave in an antisocial or aggressive way (Hare, 1991) and may experience more guilt after doing so, inhibiting future expressions of the behaviour (Salekin et al., 1998). This may also lead to fewer women being recognised as having the disorder, rationalising the low prevalence statistics. The fact that psychopathy may manifest and present itself differently in women is indicative of differences between psychopaths, specifically within Western cultures where much of the research has been conducted. More cross-cultural research is necessary to

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investigate if these differences are also present across the world.

If psychopathy does indeed exist on a continuous scale as suggested by Skeem et al. (2011), then it is likely that a moderately psychopathic ‘secondary psychopath’ can exist. Secondary psychopaths are said to have a lower PCL-R score of between 21 and 29 (Bartol & Bartol, 2017), and demonstrate fewer interpersonal and affective traits than primary psychopaths (Lykken, 1995 in Skeem et al., 2011). There may also be some features in secondary psychopathy not usually seen or expected of the psychopathic model, including anxiety (Brown & Gutsch, 1985), questioning whether a secondary psychopath can be considered a psychopath at all. Research also suggests that environmental factors may have a larger influence on secondary psychopathy, with these individuals being more likely to have experienced childhood abuse or have a history of trauma (Skeem et al., 2011).

However, within Skeem et al.’s (2011) comprehensive psychopathy review, a multitude of studies found secondary

psychopaths demonstrated laboratory features that corresponded to Cleckley’s (1976) traditional conceptions of primary psychopathy, and Poythress et al.’s (2010) study found similarities in the interpersonal and affective traits found in both types of psychopath. Despite this, research is scarce, and the existence of secondary psychopathy continues to be debated.

The final subtype to be discussed is that of ‘successful’ psychopaths, so-called because they are not incarcerated but still exhibit psychopathic symptoms such as egocentricity and superficial charm (Gao & Raine, 2010) which may be well-suited to business careers. A pioneering study into this area was conducted by Widom (1978), who recruited for individuals within the community who may demonstrate psychopathic traits through newspaper advertisements. However, it was difficult to determine whether the sample could really be defined as ‘successful’, with 64% of the sample having arrest records (Gao & Raine, 2010), but it demonstrated the potential for community-residing psychopaths to be found for research

purposes. The differences between successful and non-successful (or criminal) psychopaths may lie at biological level, with some research finding that successful psychopaths did not exhibit the same executive functioning deficits as criminal psychopaths, which would enable them to have better impulse control and judgement in some contexts (Bartol & Bartol, 2017), potentially making them more adept for stressful business environments. However, this evidence is disputed, with some research finding that both psychopathic types may have the same neuropsychological and affective features (Mahmut, Homewood & Stevenson, 2008; Hall & Benning, 2007). The lack of research into this topic makes conclusions difficult to draw, but assuming all biological aspects are the same, then the lack of convictions seen in successful groups may be due to socialisation. It has been suggested that noncriminal psychopaths are of higher intelligence, and so can recognise and avoid unacceptable behaviour (Hall & Benning, 2007). As positive socialisation can mitigate the impact of presentation of psychopathic traits (Bartol & Bartol, 14

2017), it may be hypothesised that those who become successful psychopaths may come from more advantaged backgrounds. However, much of this research has only been conducted in developed nations so this conclusion can not be generalised across the world.

The existence of the business-minded corporate psychopath has been identified in some studies, one of which was conducted by Babiak, Neumann and Hare (2010). It was found that some tested individuals who scored highly for psychopathy held senior management positions, thereby achieving high corporate status. This study was nonsignificant in identifying high levels of psychopathy among individuals in business, but this may be because it relied on participants being nominated by employers as having dysfunctional employee behaviour and being capable of leadership positions. This is a novel method of recruiting participants but may be too subjective to correctly capture a potential research candidate due to biases in individual perception of what behaviours meet the participation criteria. This is also a methodological 15

concern for successful psychopath research that relies on case studies, such as by Boddy (2017). This research used a repeated interview of the longest-serving colleague of a suspected psychopathic CEO, who completed the Psychopathy Measure – Management Research Version 2, a research tool devised for use in corporate psychopathy cases. The validity of this research when only one colleague was interviewed and when a measurement tool with little validation is used is brought into question, but it attempts to understand an otherwise under-researched topic. The possibility of a successful psychopath existing endures, with 1% of the general population estimated to be psychopathic (Boddy, 2017; Hare, 1996), and up to 3.5% of those at senior management level believed to be psychopathic (Babiak et al., 2010). This distinction between subtypes of psychopaths reiterates the hypothesis that psychopaths are not the same all over the world.

This essay has investigated whether psychopathy is the same all over the

world. It has suggested that although the biological basis of psychopathy may be similar, the differential expressions and manifestations of the disorder are what make each psychopath different from one another. These behavioural manifestations may be due to the impact of culture, environment and gender, and could result in the production of psychopathic subtypes including the secondary and corporate psychopaths. However, it has been noted that it can be difficult to draw conclusions within the field of psychopathy due to the consistently conflicting opinions and research.

Further research should seek to validate some of the newer psychopathy measurement tools, to investigate the differences in psychopathy between males and females and to confirm the existence of the secondary psychopath.

Finally, considerably more research is needed into the construct of the corporate psychopath, although the difficulties in recruiting participants within the community is acknowledged.

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An argument in favour of the importance of Alice Walker’s The Color Purple, as a black feminist text in African American literature Anna Bor BA English with American Literature Alice Walker’s novel, The Color Purple provides a preliminary framework of how gender, race and nation intersect in family practices, emphasizing the notion of oppression as a masculine activity, instead of viewing the process as solely confined to it. Considering that the majority of critics viewed The Color Purple as a ‘womanist’ novel, a term defined by Walker, as a writing from ‘a feminist of color […]’1, the essay will provide models of when and how intersectionality can inform African American cultural theory, and be incorporated into literary research on psychological questions that would encourage critical thinking about African Linda Abbandonato, ‘A View From “Elsewhere”: Subversive Sexuality and the Rewriting of the Heroine’s Story in The Color Purple’. Modern Language Association 106.5 (1991): 1107.

2 The term ‘double-consciousness’ was coined by W.E.B Du-Bois, and is an idea of being American and black, a sense of self that African Americans 1

American literature within the framework of intersectionality as an urgent issue in black feminist fiction.

Through analysing Walker’s novel as a black feminist text, this essay will firstly consider the letter as a literary device for self-expression. The second theme identified in the essay will be the concept of ‘double-consciousness’2 with gendered connotations, and its conceptual implications. Lastly, the essay will examine blues music as a voice of liberation. By examining these key concepts, this essay will aim to highlight The Color Purple’s importance, the platform it provides to examine the complexities attached to these relationships of race and gender and its striking resemblance to gender patriarchies, and social hierarchies in U.S society overall.

feel when they reflect on their identity. As Du Bois defines it, ‘double-consciousness’ is, ‘two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals, in one dark body’ (W.E.B Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 8-9.)

22

Women’s struggles against racism, sexism, social determinism3, and their psychological struggle for African American female identity, is the central theme of The Color Purple. The story of Walker’s protagonist Celie, is that of a black woman who endured not only entrenched societal racism, but misogyny that degrades and devalues her. Malcolm X highlighted, ‘The most disrespected woman in America is the black woman.’ 4;5 With this in mind, the importance of The Color Purple is crucial to understand the theme of gender and race, because it overlaps with the emerging paradigm of intersectionality.

It illustrates how the systems of race, gender, class and nation mutually construct one another or, in the words of sociologist Stuart Hall, how they ‘articulate’6 with one another.

Accordingly, this essay will explore the patriarchal constructions of female

subjectivity and sexuality, with a specific focus on Celie’s character in relation to feminist theoretical discourses of femininity.

‘Social Determinism’: an idea that people are made what they are by social factors that shape and control their development.

4 Malcolm X’s speech on 5 th May 1962 at the funeral service of Ronald Stokes in Los Angeles.

5 Farah Jasmine Griffin, ‘”Ironies of the Saint”: Malcolm X, Black Women, and the Price of Protection”, in Sisters in the Struggle: African American Women in the Civil Rights-Black Power

Movement, edited by Collier-Thomas Bettye and Franklin V., (New York; London: NYU Press, 2001), 216.

6 Stuart Hall, ‘Who Needs Identity?’ in Questions of Cultural Identity, ed. Stuart Hall and P. Du Gay (London: Sage, 1996), 10.

7 Maria Lauret, Modern Novelists: Alice Walker.

(Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000), 95.

8 Lauret, Modern Novelists, 95.

3

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The Color Purple is written as an exchange of letters which seems to draw upon the early history of novels, particularly that of epistolary novels.

Due to its subtle concern with public history, the novel is not regarded by critics as a typically historical novel, but as Lauren Berlant argues, ‘a women’s version of the historical novel’7, firstly emphasizing that the story of a female individual, who is part of a subordinated group, will face difficult contradictions in responding to such history. Secondly, her idea that black families in the novel seem to live only in private domain and therefore placed outside history8, raises awareness to the racial implication of isolation, where blacks, as Patricia Hill

Collins calls them, ‘a group of people who share common ethnicity’, should have their own entity, placed outside white society and all-white history.

Walker approaches the distinction between orality and literacy in a unique way, where Celie can be interpreted as the silenced figure; traditionally associated with the sexually abused woman. Christine Froula suggests that Celie’s letters can be read as ‘a breaking of the patriarchal taboo on women speaking out about abuse.’9 Placing this argument in the context of African American cultural practice, Celie is not intentionally writing an epistolary novel, but is, instead, expressing her deepest feelings which become a weapon to fight back. A more nuanced discussion of the novel’s form is crucial to understand the reluctance of the abused individual and her revelation of the personal. As bell hooks argues, having the bravery to write, and ‘say

things in print’10 for black women is what the letters suggest. When Celie’s sister Nettie says, ‘You got to fight them for yourself’11, Celie replies, ‘I don’t fight, I stay where I’m told. But I’m alive’12, she becomes the complete opposite of what she is stating. By addressing her letters to God, she is saying her suffering ‘out loud’ with the hope that she will be heard by someone in a society where men do most of the talking. Through Celie’s silence, Patricia Hill argues, ‘these forms of violence not only are neglected, they become legitimated’13, claiming that with the epistolary form Walker denies Celie’s sexual harassment and abuse to remain hidden and condoned.

The significance of education is also a key concept to consider when exploring the use of Celie’s narrative voices and black women in African American cultural context. Claiming that the epistolary form was mostly used by

9

12

10

13

Lauret, Modern Novelists, 97. bell hooks, Talking Back: Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black (Boston: South End Press, 1989), 1.

11 Alice Walker, The Color Purple, (London: The Women’s Press Limited, 1983), 21.

Walker, The Color Purple, 21.

Patricia Hill Collins, ‘It’s All in the Family: Intersections of Gender, Race, and Nation’, Border Crossings: Multiculturalism and Postcolonial Challenges, 3 (2009): 65.

24

women, reinforces the differences in education levels, implying that black females were not expected to write or read publicly. The lack of education is evident when Nettie reports about Tashi’s prohibition from going to school, ‘Olinka don’t believe in educating girls’.14 The racial and gendered discrimination in education represented in this section establishes the positions of black women as unworthy of public support emphasizing and allowing writing to be the mark of liberation.

As Calvin Hernton argues: in The Color Purple the white/black exploitation is replaced with a gendered one, ‘in which black women are enslaved by black men’15 and is shown through Celie’s individual fear and inability to speak which stems from Mr.‘s degrading comments, ‘You too scared to open your mouth to people’, ‘[…] you nothing at all’16.

Hernton’s point about the utter replacement of white/black exploitation to a gendered interaction can be considered as valid to a certain extent, however, through examining the 14 15

Walker, The Color Purple, 133.

Lauret, Modern Novelists, 100.

25

emasculation of black males throughout slavery, we may come to understand Hernton’s argument to be an overstatement. If we consider the phrase ‘Black on Black violence’, stressing black male violence targeted towards black women, we may consider Harnton’s argument to be untrue, in relation to internal and racial family issues. Within the frame of race as a family, Hill’s claim that ‘women of subordinated racial groups defer to men of their groups, often to support men’s struggles in dealing with racism’17, supports the claim that The Color Purple serves as a focus for these intersecting systems.

It is the importance of women telling their stories to gain a voice and empowerment that allows Celie a space for self-expression. She is seen here as not only telling her own individual story but also speaking for a universal history of all women, representing Celie’s personal struggle as an African American woman. As bell hooks argues, her ‘commitment to political struggle to 16 17

Walker, The Color Purple, 175-176.

Hill, ‘It’s All in the Family’, 71.

end all forms of oppression’18, is crucial to gain critical knowledge and discover connections between racial and gendered implications when studying black feminism within the framework of American literature.

As the result of experiencing displacement, hybridity reflects W.E.B Du Bois’s concept of ‘doubleconsciousness’19, which provides an insight into these, unfinished identities20.

Taking this idea further, Du Bois’s framework and his focus on purely black male experiences may be considered as a distorted analysis of racism. Race and gender become grounded in experiences that represent only a subset of a much more complex phenomenon, where the gendered connotation of black women’s experiences are excluded from the established analytical structure. The aim

of this section will be to examine Du Bois’s concept as a crucial element of the positions Celie occupies and The Color Purple signifies, with particular focus on black women’s experiences, and their struggle to obtain complete identity. However, Du Bois’s notion does not take intersectionality into account; it can be considered as a central concept to understand Celie’s ‘doubleconsciousness’ as a woman. Taking Sojourner Truth’s critical thematic of feminism about the difference between black male and black female experiences under consideration and linking it with Du Bois’s established theory about black male experiences is of particular importance when examining the notion of’doubleconsciousness’ in The Color Purple.

Truth, who was taken up as an ‘archetypal black feminist’21 in her speech ‘Ain’t I a woman?’22 explores the

18

21

hooks, Talking Back: Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black, 13.

19 John Cullen Gruesser, Confluences: Postcolonialism, African American Literary Studies, and the Black Atlantic (Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2005), 8.

20 Paul Gilroy in his nuanced study of The Black Atlantic, where he shapes Du Bois’s extant concept to his own political understanding.

Joseph GI, (1990) ‘Sojourner Truth: Archetypal black feminist’, in Wild Women in the Whirlwind: Afra-American Culture and the Contemporary Literary Renaissance, edited by Braxton JM and McLaughlin AN (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press), 36.

22 Katrine Smiet, ‘Post/Secular Truths: Sojourner Truth and the Intersections of Gender, Race and

26

differences between coloured women’s and men’s historical experiences. She addresses the manner in which black women are subordinated and seen as inferior to men, calling her own position as a black and formerly enslaved woman into question.

In the same light, as Kath Woodward argues, ‘Identity gives us a sense of who we are […], crises occur when an identity position is challenged or becomes insecure’23, a claim which highlights that in The Color Purple, the exploration of female identity refers to the rediscovery of black females particularity. The sexual politics of The Color Purple in relation to Truth’s own experience can be seen as not just as an individual experience but engaged in a specifically African American debate around the black family, the history and legacy of slavery, and black sexism, which is a universal experience that many black women shared24. Cora Kaplan, raises important questions about the

adaptation of the values of both American and African societies and about reader identification across the Atlantic and across the divide of racial difference, ‘as a possible instance of (mis)appropriation of black women’s historical experience’25. The implication of black sexism in Walker’s novel that it is Celie’s brutally treated body that signifies a loss of that female self that resembles with hook’s and Truth’s discourse on black female identity, with Celie, as a victim of sexual abuse and violence. Celie’s black nature is in her blood, which according to the cultural and colonial context implies blacks are inferior, and by considering that Celie is not just black but female, the notion of ‘double-consciousness’ becomes something that black females feel more strongly in the process of repossessing their body, than black males. Celie raises the question, ‘Why us suffer. Why us black. Why us men and women’26, she discovers the desire for selfhood

Religion’ in European Journal of Women’s Studies 22.1 (February 2015), 22.

23 Kath Woodward, Understanding Identity (London: Oxford University Press Inc., 2002), xi.

24 Smiet, ‘Post/Secular Truths’, 25.

25

27

Cora Kaplan, ‘Keeping the Colour in The Color Purple’, in Sea Changes: Essays in Culture and Feminism (London: Verso, 1986), 180.

26 Walker, The Color Purple, 239.

with the recognition of her own body, which she was unable to appreciate because a woman’s body is a reminder of women’s inferior status that implies the facing of the abuse of one individual and a history of enslavement.

Considering double-consciousness, would be crucial to encourage us to look beyond the prevailing concepts on black experiences to challenge the complacency that accompanies discourses around cultural theories based purely on the experiences of African American men.

This last section will examine the role of the blues, as a tool for black women to speak about their own history of abuse and indeed the history of African Americans more broadly27. The spirit of the blues originates in the experience of the Middle Passage and the lyrics of the songs hark back to the time of slavery28.

The character of Shug Avery will be considered in the context of West African beliefs as they were expressed through the blues of Bessie Smith, and will explain Celie’s metamorphosis from a passive victim to a confident woman.

27

LeRoi Jones, Blues People: Negro Music in White America, (New York: Morrow Quill, 1963), 12.

28 LeRoi Jones, Blues People, 12.

When Shug first sings her tribute to Celie, she observes, ‘First Shug sing a song by somebody name Bessie Smith’29, which creates an image of the blues as an active character, that has the power to give voice, ‘I look at her and hum along a little with the tune’, and a complete identity, ‘first time somebody made something and name it after me’30 to Celie. Shug’s significance as a liberated woman, and a blues singer is crucial to understand that it is her art which enables her to be so. Jones writes, ‘The entertainment field was a glamorous one for Negro women, providing an independence and importance not available in other areas open to them – the church, domestic work, or prostitution’31, claiming that for women like Shug, blues singing was a tool out of the oppressed condition of black women’s domestic wage in the inter-war period. Blues, as work therefore also signifies the position of Shug as a free woman. As Hortense Spiller adds, the dimension of blues singing is also a performance of sexual self-confidence, because the singer, ‘celebrates, […] controls her womanhood through the eloquence of form that she both makes use of and brings into 29

Walker, The Color Purple, 64.

Walker, The Color Purple, 65.

31 Jones, Blues People, 93.

30

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being’32, with the example of Bessie Smith. Shug therefore can be viewed as the Bessie Smith of The Color Purple, a woman who demands sexuality that is far removed from the victimhood of Billie Holiday’s songs. As a blues singer Shug can teach Celie a lesson in not just standing up for her rights, but in sexual desire which according to Lauret, ‘is part of Walker’s womanist philosophy for which Shug is the mouthpiece throughout.’33 Walker’s womanist blues, thus reflects the everyday suffering of Celie, but also gives comfort in the performance by Shug, which interlinked with black women’s writing comes to represent a tool with which Celie has the opportunity to escape the oppression of Mr._, and signifies the passing of the African American tradition.

This essay has explored how the intersectionality of race and gender play a crucial part in Celie’s battle for recognition and gaining a voice in an oppressive society. This not only reflects the struggle of one individual, but examines the ways in which a personal trauma and loss of female identity, can speak to and reflect the experiences of Hortense J. Spillers, ‘Interstices: a Small Drama of Words’, in Pleasure and Danger: Exploring 32

29

all African American women whose experiences were shaped by the terrors of slavery with a contemporary impact.

By discussing the letter as a literary device for Celie’s self-expression and by examining the concept of ‘doubleconsciousness’ in relation to Walker’s ‘womanism’ and further exploration of the importance of the blues, as a tool in which black women can express their feelings and expect to be heard by culture at large, the essay aimed to prove that The Color Purple is one of the most important novels to consider when studying African American literature, as one of the most significant black feminist texts.

References: Primary sources: Walker, Alice. The Color Purple. (London: The Women’s Press Limited, 1983).

Secondary sources: Abbandonato, Linda. ‘A View From “Elsewhere”: Subversive Sexuality and the Rewriting of the Heroine’s Story in

Female Sexuality, 2nd edition (London: Pandora, 1992), 87.

33 Lauret, Alice Walker, 111.

The Color Purple’. Modern Language Association 106.5 (1991): 1106-1115.

Christophe, Marc A. ‘”The Color Purple”: An Existential Novel’. Collage Language Association Journal 36.3 (1993): 280-290.

Davis, Angela. ‘Black Women and Music: a Historical Legacy of Struggle’. In Wild Women in the Whirlwind: Afro-American Culture and the Contemporary Literary Renaissance, edited by Joanne M. Braxton and Andree Nicola McLaughlin, 1-23. London: Serpent’s Tail, 1990.

Gilroy, Paul. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. London: Verso, 1993.

Griffin, Farah Jasmine. ‘”Ironies of the Saint”: Malcolm X, Black Women, and the Price of Protection”. In In Sisters in the Struggle: African American Women in the Civil Rights-Black Power Movement, edited by Collier-Thomas Bettye and Franklin V., 214-229, New York; London: NYU Press, 2001.

Gruesser, Jihn Cullen. Confluences: Postcolonialism, African American

Literary Studies, and the Black Atlantic.

Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 2005. hooks, bell. Talking Back: Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black. Boston: South End Press, 1989.

Kaplan, Cora. ‘Keeping the Colour in The Color Purple’. In Sea Changes: Essays in Culture and Feminism, 177-187. London: Verso, 1986.

Lauret, Maria. Modern Novelists: Alice Walker. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000.

Lewis, Christopher S. ‘Cultivating Black Lesbian Shamelessness: Alice Walker’s “The Color Purple”’. Rocky Mountain Review 66.2 (2012): 158-175.

Jones, LeRoi. Blues People: Negro Music in White America. New York: Morrow Quill, 1963.

Joseph, GI. ‘Sojourner Truth: Archetypal black feminist’. In Wild Women in the Whirlwind: Afra-American Culture and the Contemporary Literary Renaissance, edited by Braxton JM and McLaughlin 30

AN, 35-47. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990.

Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality, 2nd edition (London: Pandora, 1992), 87.

Martins, Endoenca Jose. ‘Black Women’s “two-ness” in African American Literature: Can Black and White Worlds Join Together?’. Acta Scientiaru: Language and Culture 32.1 (2010): 27-34.

Thompson, Audrey. ‘Not The Color Purple: Black Feminst Lessons for Educational Caring’. Harvard Educational Review 68.4 (1998): 522-555.

Marvin, Thomas F. ‘”Preachin’ the Blues”: Bessie Smith’s Secular Religion and Alice Walker’s The Color Purple’. African American Review 28.3 (1994): 411-421.

Smiet, Katrine. ‘Post/Secular Truths: Sojourner Truth and the Intersections of Gender, Race and Religion.’ In European Journal of Women’s Studies 22.1 (February 2015): 7–21.

Smith, Valerie. ‘Black Feminist Theory and the Representation of the “Other”’. In Changing Our Own Words: Essays on Criticism, Theory, and Writing by Black Women, edited by Cheryl A. Wall, 38-58.

London: Routledge, 1990.

Spillers, Hortense J. ‘Interstices: a Small Drama of Words’. In Pleasure and

31

Woodward, Kath. Understanding Identity.

London: Oxford University Press Inc., 2002.

School Exclusion of Children with Autism Sommer Ledger BEd Primary Education with QTS Introduction According to recent media headlines, there appears to be a rising number of exclusions of children with autism spectrum conditions (ASC) from mainstream education (Ambitious about Autism, 2018; NAS, 2018; TES, 2017). In August of this year (2018), multiple newspapers reported on a specific case whereby a boy with autism was excluded from school for ‘aggressive behaviour’ towards a member of staff within the classroom (BBC, 2018; The Guardian, 2018; Independent, 2018).

Current statistics released by the Department for Education (DfE, 2018) show that the rate of permanent exclusions from education within England is six times higher for children with special educational needs (SEN), in comparison to data for children who are not considered to have SEN. There appears to be a hidden informal exclusion rate, whereby as many as ‘one

in four’ parents claimed their child had experienced at least one informal exclusion (APPGA, 2017:13). Informal exclusion is classed as a child either being sent home early or put on a reduced timetable without any formal record being obtained (APPGA, 2017; Atkinson, 2013; Brede et al., 2017; Ambitious about Autism, 2016; Barnard et al., 2000; Batten and Daly, 2006). With a personal interest in ASC, this appears to be a current educational issue highlighting inequality and discrimination within ‘inclusive’ settings.

Thus, it is important to understand the different factors that could be influencing such injustice. It is essential this issue be addressed in order to improve the inclusiveness and acceptance of children with special educational needs, such as ASC, within mainstream education.

This essay will be exploring the evidence surrounding this current educational issue and the effects exclusion has on children with ASC. Additionally, there will be a focus on the impact for wider society, whilst also delving into some potential causes for 32

these exclusions. The key themes that will be explored include: lack of professional training, lack of funding and finally, professional educational attitudes and pedagogy. For the purposes of this essay, the term ‘exclusion’ refers to permanent exclusions and fixed period exclusions.

Permanent exclusions mean children are expelled and unable to return to the same setting, whilst fixed period exclusion is a temporary action with a maximum limit of 45 days before there needs to be a permanent resolution (DfE). Moreover, ASC refers to the ‘lifelong condition affecting social interaction and communication, interests and behaviour’ (NHS, 2016; NAS, 2018).

ASC affects everyday life, with repetitive behaviours and the requirement for specific routines, often visually displayed, with major difficulties to adapt to any changes that may occur (NHS, 2016). People with ASC have difficulty in understanding and expressing their emotions and often misinterpret social interactions (NAS, 2018).

33

Impact on children with autism Ravet (2015) argues there have been positive steps regarding improving the lives of people with ASC within the last 50 years. Despite this, the NAS (2018) suggest that the most commonly provided reason for the exclusion of children with ASC is for ‘Physical assault against an adult’. They continue by eluding that such actions are discriminatory towards a child’s disability, showing a continuous lack of knowledge and understanding towards this area of child development. With this in mind, there is an identified notion that many children with ASC can express challenging behaviours (McClintock et al., 2003; McTiernan et al., 2011; HopeWest, 2011; Ravet, 2015; NAS, 2018).

However, Tirraoro (2018:online) emphasises that children with ASC ‘lose the protection from discrimination under equality laws’ (Equality Act, 2010) due to their challenging behaviour occasionally resulting in a physically abusive reaction.

This is often the result of the social and communication difficulties these children have. Thus, it is important for teachers to understand what children

are trying to communicate and address this underlying cause to prevent such issues being future barriers to learning and leading to exclusions.

Despite the increasing population of children with ASC within mainstream education, the inclusion of these children is still viewed as a complicated issue (Symes and Humphrey, 2012; Humphrey and Lewis, 2008). However, education is paramount to a child’s holistic development and every child has a right to an education that meets their needs with ‘reasonable adjustments’ made (DfE and DoH, 2015; Children and Families Act, 2014; UNCRC, 1990). Despite this, Tirraoro (2018:online) indicates that such reasonable adjustments are not expected from schools during the exclusion process whereby no evidence is currently required to demonstrate any reasonable adjustments made to prevent such challenging behaviour.

The holistic development of the child is relevant when considering the value of integration of children with ASC in mainstream education. McGregor and Campbell (2001) believe there are

academic benefits for children with ASC. There are also social benefits to such inclusion for the children with ASC and also those without ASC, as they learn to accept and value difference (Harrower and Dunlap, 2001; Boutot and Bryant, 2005; Kasari and Rotheram-Fuller, 2007, Wilkinson, 2010). Nevertheless, Symes and Humphrey (2012) establish that there are numerous quantities of research that do not positively reflect these benefits, despite the social development this integration promotes which could eliminate the social exclusion children with ASC can be exposed to (Humphrey and Symes, 2010).

Impact of the exclusion of children with autism on wider society One noticeable correlation that is apparent is the relationship between exclusions of children with ASC and their mental health (Sim, 2017; DfE, 2016; Brede et al., 2017). Within the ‘Mental health and behaviour in schools’ report (DfE, 2016), it is identified that the state of a child’s mental health can be an undermining factor for educational attainment. Therefore, whilst some 34

children with ASC may only face temporary exclusions, this can still cause a decline in the child’s mental health, thus negatively impacting on their future education attainment levels.

Children with ASC have different learning styles and exhibit different behaviours. Therefore, it is claimed that by being excluded from education and often society through issues such as bullying (Humphrey and Symes, 2010), they are at risk of suffering from mental health problems. Subsequently, this impacts on their future and has an effect on mental health budgets for society (Simonoff et al., 2008). With mental health being another key issue within education, it is important to consider the effect this can have on wider society.

Statistics show that ‘out of 86,000 people in prison, 54,000 had been excluded from school’ (Sim, 2017). Whilst this may seem to be the extreme, a study conducted by Parsons et al. (2001) discovered that children with SEN statements who were excluded from both mainstream primary school and special schools were more likely to criminally offend later on in their lives, 35

thus causing a financial and social issue for wider society. Whilst the data used for this study seems out-dated now, due to the data collection taking place in 1993-1994, the information remains significant. The problem has been an on-going issue and one that is having an impact on wider society. It shall continue to do so unless appropriate action is taken, including resolutions to the issues explored throughout this essay.

Impact of teacher pedagogy on exclusion of children with autism This section of the essay will focus on the possibility of teacher’s pedagogy and views, regarding children with ASC being included in a mainstream setting, as a potential barrier to learning and an influence on the increasing exclusion rate. Whilst some teachers are perceived to have positive views towards inclusive practice (Humphrey and Symes, 2011), there is an underlying issue with regards to understanding the behaviour of children with ASC (Symes and Humphrey, 2012). Ravet (2015:51) believes ‘poor leadership’, ‘negative attitudes towards autism’ and a misguided view of ‘inclusive practice’ all

factor into the reason for exclusions of children with ASC. These factors can be detrimental to the forming of positive relationships between teachers and their pupils, with teachers being at the centre of success. Therefore, it is important for staff to have the appropriate professional training in order to be able to meet the specific needs of these children and to be able to understand them effectively (Symes and Humphrey, 2012; Hope-West, 2011).

In opposition to the earlier view presented by Ravet (2015), Paul Whiteman, general secretary of the National Association of Head Teachers, argues that exclusions are always a ‘last resort’ after other options are unsuccessful. He continues to suggest it is the role of senior management to demonstrate their authority, thus allowing them to make decisions regarding the exclusions of pupils if issues become a risk to others in terms of health and safety as well as academically (The Guardian, 2018). The issue of the lack of professional training teachers currently acquire will be

addressed further within the next section of this essay.

Factors within the classroom can be an external trigger for children with ASC. Therefore, Ravet (2015) would argue that through the inclusive practice of individualisation to meet the individual’s needs and strengths, there is less likely to be a cause for the extreme punishment measure of excluding a child. One factor that can isolate a learner with ASC is the use of formative assessment due to the reliance on social communication (Ravet, 2015). Wilkinson and Twist (2010) advise that selfevaluation of work is a challenging aspect of formative assessment for children with ASC. However, they continue to say that with a lack of understanding of the benefits of formative assessment for such children, it is important for more research to be undertaken to evaluate the effects and how best this practice can be adapted to ensure it is meeting the individual needs of the children, rather than it being a potential trigger for ‘challenging behaviour’. Teaching Standard 5 (TS5) (DfE, 2011) emphasises the requirement 36

that teachers are to exercise differentiation appropriately and effectively, for all children including those with SEN. In addition, TS6 (DfE, 2011) does direct the use of formative assessment, whereby response to feedback by the children is encouraged, thus supporting the earlier point of isolation through oral pressure, raised by Ravet (2015).

Impact of lack of funding and resources on exclusions of children with autism For schools to be inclusive for children with ASC, there is a fundamental urgency for the development of specialist knowledge through professional training. This should ensure this lacking element should not be a barrier to learning and therefore, not a reason for the potential exclusions of children with ASC (Ravet, 2012; Symes and Humphrey, 2012; APPGA; 2017).

However, Mark Lever argues the Government need to be more aware of how additional funding is being used as a result of new reforms (NAS, 2016:online). Findings from a survey conducted by APPGA (2017:4) 37

concluded ‘6 in 10 young people and seven in ten of their parents say that the main thing that would make school better for them is having a teacher who understands autism’. In accordance with this, the survey also found that ‘fewer than 5 in 10 teachers’ (APPGA, 2017:4) were confident in their knowledge and understanding to be able to support a child with ASC, further highlighting the relevance of this current educational issue and the need for improvement within education practice.

Ravet (2012) advocates that there needs to be a strong school ethos towards inclusive practice whereby senior management value professional training.

Otherwise, they are seemingly unlikely to promote pedagogical flexibility to meet the specific needs, such as challenging behaviour, of children with ASC. The APPGA report (NAS, 2017:5) concurs with Ravet (2012), stating knowledge and understanding of ASC ‘should be embedded in the education system’, therefore training should be accessible for all staff within school including head teachers, but in order to

do this, there needs to be on-going funding.

Impact of lack of professional training on the exclusion rate for children with autism Exclusion of children with ASC can be a result of schoolâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s incapacity to support the rising number of pupils with such complex needs (Humphrey and Lewis, 2008). Wilkinson and Twist (2010) interpret that teaching has a dependency on the use of language and the control of behaviours. Therefore with a lack of understanding of the social, emotional and communication needs of a child with ASC, these children fall victim to a disadvantaged education.

Inadequate training is a barrier to inclusion of children with ASC (Ravet, 2015), which can be the result of lack of funding, as previously explored. Such training can radically change the academic experience for both the teacher and the child, supporting the development of a positive relationship between the two, as there should then be a better foundation of understanding and support (Robertson, Chamberlain and Kasari, 2003; Ravet, 2015).

It can be argued there should be a limit on what teachers endure when dealing with the complexities they face when educating children with ASC (Gray, 2002; Symes and Humphrey, 2012; Ravet, 2015), knowledge of which many mainstream teachers may not obtain (Leach and Duffy, 2009). Concurring with this view, a representative survey conducted in Denmark with teachers in 2007, found that 35% of those asked believed they were incompetent to deal with children with ASC within mainstream education (Langager, 2014).

However, some theorists would suggest any amount of ASC training for mainstream teachers can be effective in instilling confidence in their own abilities to cope with children with ASC effectively (Jordan and Jones, 1997; Leblanc, Richardson and Burns, 2009).

Conclusion In conclusion, this essay was inspired by the current educational issue of the exclusions of children with ASC. Alongside considering the impacts this can have on the children with ASC themselves and the implications it can 38

cause for wider society, it has also addressed some of the key influencing factors of this issue. It is highly significant to understand the child behind the behaviours and ensure professional practice is adapted to ensure all children have the best possible experience within education.

There needs to be raised awareness of the benefits of using the funding and resources available, often most importantly through the use of TA support for these children. Despite this, it is important to remember that, whilst a TA may be used to support children with ASC, the responsibility of that child remains the teacher’s.

Teacher’s need to develop positive relationships with all of their students and need to be reflective in their practice to ensure they are minimising the potential for external triggers of ‘challenging behaviours’. Training is generally important for professional development, but the opportunity for specific training necessary to cater for the individual needs within each class is a positive pedagogical decision. As quoted from Woolley (2010:36) ‘how we 39

work with children, young people and their families will be affected by our own values and attitudes’. Every child should be given the chance to thrive and with personal experience of caring for a child with ASC, it is very difficult to believe schools are excluding children for behaviours and reactions that are beyond their control.

References Adams, R. (2018) School discriminated against expelled autistic boy, judge rules. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/educati on/2018/aug/14/school-discriminatedagainst-expelled-autistic-boy-judgerules [Accessed 01 October 2018].

All Party Parliamentary Group on Autism (APPGA) (2017) Autism and education in England 2017. London: The National Autistic Society (NAS).

Ambitious about Autism (2016) Exclusions. Available at: http://www.ambitiousaboutautism.org.u k/understanding-

autism/education/exclusions [Accessed 29 September 2018].

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Brede, J., Remington, A., Kenny, L. and Warren, K. (2017) Excluded from school: Autistic students’ experiences of school exclusion and subsequent re-integration into school. Autism & Developmental Language Impairments, 2, 1-20.

Atkinson, M. (2013) Always someone else’s problem, Office of the Children’s Commissioner’s Report. London: Office of the Children’s Commissioner.

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London: The National Autistic Society (NAS).

Busby, E. (2018) Schools will find it harder to exclude children with special needs after landmark ruling. The Independent. Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/ education/education-news/schoolexclusions-special-educational-needschildren-autism-behaviour-uppertribunal-a8491626.html [Accessed 04 October 2018].

Batten, A. and Daly, J. (2006) Make schools make sense. Autism and education in Scotland: The reality for families today. London: NAS.

Children and Families Act 2014, Chapter 6 London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office.

Available at: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2 014/6/pdfs/ukpga_20140006_en.pdf [Accessed 11 October 2018].

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Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/publi cations/teachers-standards [Accessed 02 October 2018].

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Department for Education (DfE) (2018) Permanent and Fixed Period Exclusions in England: 2016-2017. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk /government/uploads/system/upload s/attachment_data/file/726741/text_ex c1617.pdf [Accessed 08/10/2018].

Department for Education (DfE) School discipline and exclusions. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/school-disciplineexclusions/exclusions [Accessed 02 October 2018].

Department for Education (DfE) and Department of Health (DoH) (2015)

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Special Educational Needs and Disability Code of Practice 0-25. London: DfE. Equality Act 2010, Chapter 15 London: Her Majestyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Stationery Office.

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Gray, P. (Ed.) (2002) Working with Emotions. London: RoutledgeFalmer.

Harrower, J.K. and Dunlap, G. (2001) Including children with autism in general education classrooms: A review of effective strategies. Behaviour Modifications, 25, 762-784.

Hooper, J. (2012) What Children Need to be Happy, Confident and Successful.

London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.

Hope-West, A. (2011) Securing Appropriate Education Provision for Children with Autism Spectrum Disorders.

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Humphrey, N. and Lewis, S. (2008) Make me normal: The views and experiences

of pupils on the Autistic Spectrum in mainstream secondary schools. Autism, 12, 39-62.

Humphrey, N. and Symes, W. (2010) Perceptions of social support and experience of bullying among pupils with autistic spectrum disorders in mainstream secondary schools.

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Humphrey, N. and Symes, W. (2011) Inclusive education for pupils with autistic spectrum disorders in secondary mainstream schools: Teacher attitudes, experience and knowledge. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 1-15.

Jordan, R. and Jones, G. (1997) Educational provision for children with Autism in Scotland. Edinburgh: Scottish Office Education and Industry Department.

Kasari, C. and Rotheram-Fuller, E. (2007) Peer relationships of children with autism: Challenges and interventions. In: Hollander, E. and Anagnostou, E. (eds) Clinical Manual for the Treatment of

Autism. Arlington: TX American Psychiatric, 235-258.

Langager, S. (2014) Children and youth in behavioural and emotional difficulties, skyrocketing diagnosis and inclusion/exclusion processes in school tendencies in Denmark. Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties, 19, (3), 284-295.

Leach, D. and Duffy, M.L. (2009) Supporting students with autism spectrum disorders in inclusive settings.

Intervention in School and Clinic, 45, (1), 31-37.

Leblanc, L., Richardson, W. and Burns, K.A. (2009) Autism spectrum disorder and the inclusive classroom: Effective training to enhance knowledge of ASD and evidence-based practices. Teacher Education and Special Education: The Journal of the Teacher Education Division of the Council for Exceptional Children, 32, (2), 166-179.

McClintock, K., Hall, S. and Oliver, C. (2003) Risk markers associated with challenging behaviours in people with intellectual disabilities: a meta-analytic 42

study. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research, 47, (6), 405-416.

McGregor, E. and Campbell, E. (2001) The attitudes of teachers in Scotland to the integration of children with autism into mainstream schools. Autism, 5, (2), 189-208.

McTiernan, A., Leader, G., Healy, O. and Mannion, A. (2011) Analysis of risk factors and early predicators of challenging behaviour for children with autism spectrum disorder. Research in Autism Spectrum Disorders, 5, 1215-1222.

National Autistic Society (NAS) (2018) What is autism? Available at: https://www.autism.org.uk/about/what -is.aspx [Accessed 02 October 2018].

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Children Excluded from Primary School’, Research Report, 271. Available at: http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov. uk/20130402124801/https://www.educ ation.gov.uk/publications/eOrderingDo wnload/RR271.pdf [Accessed 10 October 2018].

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Available at: https://www.respublica.org.uk/wpcontent/uploads/2017/08/MakingYoung-Minds-Matter-1.pdf [Accessed 03 October 2018] Simonoff, E., Pickles, A., Charman, T., Chandler, S., Loucas, T. and Baird, G. (2008) Psychiatric disorders in children with autism spectrum disorders: Prevalence, comorbidity, and associated factors in a population-derived sample.

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Humour in Fiction for Seven to Nine Year Olds Georgina Lippiett MA Writing for Children The Roald Dahl Funny Prize and more recently the Lollies (Laugh Out Loud Awards), demonstrate just how important humorous fiction has become to the publishing industry1 but the popularity of this genre goes beyond sales figures. In the opinion of teachers at my own children’s school2, the Librarian at Foundry Lane Primary School3 and of the team at Romsey Library,4 when reading for pleasure, children in Years Two to Five most frequently choose a funny story. The public library lending figures support this view (see Fig. 1)5;

Charlotte Eyre, ‘Michael Rosen and the Laugh Out Loud Book Prize’ The Bookseller online October 26, 2015 https://www.thebookseller.com/news/michaelrosen-and-laugh-out-loud-book-prize-315202 [last accessed 17th January 2018].

2 Wellow School, October 2017.

3 Foundry Lane Primary School, 17th November 2017.

4 Romsey Library, November 2017.

1

However, as Malorie Blackman comments, ‘[humour is] easy and engaging to read but hard to do well.’6 This paper seeks to understand more about the genre by examining some of the types of humour that work for this 5

Figure 1: https://www.bl.uk/britishlibrary/~/media/bl/global/ser vices/plr/pdfs/mostborrowedtitles2015-16/20152016top20titles.pdf [last accessed 17th January 2018].

6 Malorie Blackman, ‘Writing for different genres,’ Children’s Writers’ and Artists’ Yearbook (2017) 140-44 (p143)

46

age-group, the mechanics of the appreciation of that humour and the associated benefits of reading funny books; with particular reference to the Mr Gum series by Andy Stanton.

The attraction of funny fiction is understandable; fundamentally, humour and laughter feel good. Paul McGhee contends that humour improves our quality of living and ‘may or may not add years to your life, but it will certainly add life to your years.’7 Furthermore, the importance of maintaining a playful and light-hearted mindset as we age by fostering a ‘culture of laughter’8 into the workplace is increasingly recognised.

One such example is the Play and Creativity Festival week here at the University of Winchester,9 which offers a 7

Paul McGhee, Humor; The Lighter Path to Resilience and Health (Indiana: AuthorHouse, 2010), p24 8 Rachelle Thackray, ‘It Pays to Take Laughter Seriously’ The Independent 8 March 1998 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/itpays-to-take-laughter-seriously-1148899.html 9 Dr Alison James, 'Why Play Matters at University and For Life’ Media 3 April 2017 https://www.winchester.ac.uk/news-andevents/press-centre/media-articles/why-play-

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variety of open and free play events to all students and staff. The large body of research into the positive effects of laughter on our physical and emotional wellbeing is helpfully summarised by Kuhn thus ‘. . . laughter is a potent reliever of stress, a stimulant to the immune system, an effective analgesic, a stabiliser of mood, a resource for problem-solving, creativity and productivity, and a pleasure enhancer of communication, collaboration, and morale.’10 This natural and holistic feelgood factor can help funny stories become a gateway for children into enjoying books and reading more widely; which, apart from being rewarding on a personal level, has been ‘identified as a key issue in raising reading achievement.’11 Pamela matters-at-university-and-for-life.php [last accessed 17th January 2018] 10 Clifford C. Kuhn, ‘Healthy Humor is Good Medicine,’ Bridges, Volume 6, Number 3, (1995) pp1,9,10 (p 1) 11 Published on 28 May 2012 on Michael Rosen’s Blog, advertising the Centre for Literacy in Primary Education’s Reading for Pleasure Conference, on Friday 15th June 2012. http://michaelrosenblog.blogspot.co.uk/search?q=re ading+for+pleasure

Butchart, a great advocate for the value of funny books, says they 'have a special power, which is accessibility,’12 and that children gain a huge amount of confidence from being able to understand, enjoy and emotionally connect with a story.

Children between the ages of seven and nine inhabit a fluid world where little is fixed in stone. From this vantage point of otherness or edginess, comic potential is everywhere. Adams and Mylander recognise that children ‘are funny by nature’13 and Rod Martin suggests we capitalise on this. He says if we foster a healthy sense of the ridiculous in children, we may be ‘equipping them with an important method for coping with the adversities that they will encounter throughout their lives.’14 Paul McGhee, for example, speaks of children in an oncology unit ‘using Fiona Noble, ‘Pamela Butchart,’ The Bookseller, 5779 (2017) 20-21 (p21) 13 Patch Adams and Maureen Mylander, Gesundheit! (Vermont: Healing Arts Press, 1998) p72 14 Rod A. Martin, Humor and the Mastery of Living; Using Humour to Cope with the Daily Stresses of 12

humour to take control of their fears and anxieties.’15 He says that feelings of both comfort and power can arise from finding a lighter side, allowing you to ‘at least control your emotional reaction to the situation, even though you can’t fully control the situation itself.’16 Fiction can effectively model this, introducing humour by way of the narrator, other characters, or by the child protagonist to bolster their own emotional resilience. In the Mr Gum series, for example, Friday O’Leary’s refrain, ‘the truth is a lemon meringue,’ is a consistent source of light relief and a way to alleviate tension.

Furthermore, Martin argues that the mental dexterity required to shift our understanding in order to find humour is of great benefit in many areas of life, and that ‘nonhostile’ humour can also be a great interpersonal skill ‘communicating a sense of commonality Growing Up, Journal of Children in Contemporary Society, 20 (1988), 135-154, (p152) 15 Paul McGhee, Humor; The Lighter Path to Resilience and Health (Indiana: AuthorHouse, 2010) p52 16 Paul McGhee, Humor; The Lighter Path to Resilience and Health (Indiana: AuthorHouse, 2010) p48

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of human experience.’17 The Mr Gum series achieves this despite the absurdity of the world in which the stories are set. People of all ages, including the ‘heroes’, make mistakes and get frustrated; odd behaviour and quirky characters are at least tolerated, usually accepted, and their emotional resilience is tested and enhanced at every turn.

When investigating how children’s development dictates the types of comedy that appeal to them, Dr. Paul McGhee, psychologist and President of The Laughter Remedy, used Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development as a framework for his own theory of humour development.

Fig. 218 shows that one of the fundamental aspects underpinning humour is subversion.

17

Rod A. Martin, Humor and the Mastery of Living; Using Humour to Cope with the Daily Stresses of Growing Up, Journal of Children in Contemporary Society, 20 (1988), 135-154, (p140) 18 Figure 2 taken from Marti Southam, ‘Humour Development, An important Cognitive and Social

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Simon Critchley says, ‘Humour is produced by the experience of a felt incongruity between what we know or expect to be the case, and what actually takes place in the joke.’19 Consequently the more the child already understands about the everyday world, the more

Skill in the Growing Child’ Physical & Occupational Therapy in Pediatrics, 25 (2005), 105-117, (p.109) 19 Simon Critchley, On Humour, (Oxon: Routledge, 2002), p3

they are ‘ready to shift boundaries to accommodate the incongruous.’20 Around the age of seven, children are usually able to detect multiple meanings and comprehend ambiguities.21 This intellectual agility not only helps emotional resilience as discussed earlier, but also aids the development of critical thinking skills, where ‘the text is a means of activating the reader’s mind.’22 Furthermore, Julie Cross contends that humour within junior children’s fiction can be ‘beneficial as it recognises children’s abilities and acknowledges them as active, social agents.’23 Stanton makes good use of this throughout the Mr Gum series, as Dahl did before him. Stanton's heroine, nine year old Polly, is ‘brave and honest and true and when she laughed the sunlight went splashing off her pretty

teeth like diamonds in search of adventure.’24 Polly is much more sensible, kind-hearted and responsible than the surrounding adult characters; she, for example, teaches Alan Taylor the true meaning of friendship25 and determines to save Padlock.26 Mr Gum on the other hand is described as, ‘a complete horror who hated children, animals, fun and corn on the cob.’27 By creating a world in which the adults often behave in less responsible ways than the children, the writer opens up ‘a carnivalesque space where many of society’s categorisations can be rethought.’28

Aileen K. Beckman, ‘Humour in Children’s Literature’ (PhD diss., UCL Institute of Education (IOE), 1983). p51 21 See Fig. 2 22 Roderick McGillis, The Nimble Reader (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1996), p178 23 Julie Cross, Humour in Contemporary Junior Literature, (Oxon: Routledge, 2011) p684 24 Andy Stanton, Mr Gum and the Biscuit Billionaire, (London: Egmont, 2007) p2

25

20

This role-reversal could be classed as a form of superiority humour, which would particularly appeal to children in Stage

Andy Stanton, Mr Gum and the Biscuit Billionaire, (London: Egmont, 2007) p93 26 Andy Stanton, Mr Gum and the Dancing Bear, (London: Egmont, 2008) p48 27 Andy Stanton, You’re a Bad Man Mr Gum! (London: Egmont, 2006) p1 28 David Rudd, ‘“Don’t gobbelfunk around with words”: Roald Dahl and Language’ in Roald Dahl eds by Ann Alston and Catherine Butler, (Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2012), p66

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Four.29 At this age, children are increasingly aware of being trained to be successful members of society, learning the rules of accepted behaviour and feeling the consequences of making mistakes. Role-reversal allows the child to have ‘the satisfaction of laughing at a figure who might normally be held in some respect, in authority.’30 In addition, stories including transgressive characters can ‘provide psychological release for children’s negative feelings against those in authority.’31 Notably, child readers might recognise in their own behaviour some of the details used as evidence for Mr Gum’s disgusting traits such as nose-picking32 and roomlittering.33 However, Stanton’s use of exaggeration protects the implied reader. As Mallan says, ‘some kind of distance must be maintained, for if

identification is too close, there is a danger that the reader will feel too threatened by the character’s weaknesses to laugh at all.’34

29

34

See Fig. 2 Julie Cross, Humour in Contemporary Junior Literature, (Oxon: Routledge, 2011) p652 31 Julie Cross, Humour in Contemporary Junior Literature, (Oxon: Routledge, 2011) p49 32 Andy Stanton, You’re a Bad Man Mr Gum! (London: Egmont, 2006) p2 33 Andy Stanton, You’re a Bad Man Mr Gum! (London: Egmont, 2006) p5 30

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It is clear however that the humour resulting from the shift in the adult-child relationship is not enough to sustain a longer story on its own. Stanton’s work shows how the subversion pervading the language of the text adds an extra dimension to the ongoing comedy as well as the richness of the reading experience. Roz Combley, having analysed the submission to the BBC’s 500 Words competition for 2017, notes that in their own writing, children’s stories ‘are full of word play including alliteration, puns, rhyme, and rap.

Children invent new words and even languages.’35 One delightful story in the Kerry Mallan, Laugh Lines: Exploring Humour in Children’s Literature, (New South Wales, Primary English Teaching Association, 1993). p12 35 Roz Combley, ‘500 Words in 2017: Word Play in Children’s Stories’ 2017 Insights into Children’s Language posted by Annie Leyman on 15 June 2017 on OUP Oxford Education Blog https://educationblog.oup.com/secondary/english/5 00-words-2017-word-play-in-childrens-stories [last accessed 17th January 2018]

Top 50 of the five to nine year old category 2017 is based on Professor Sluggo and includes portmanteau words such as, ‘Slanguage’ (slug language) and ‘slugoverse’ (slug universe).36 It appears that, when children have not yet fully assimilated all the rules surrounding vocabulary and language structure, they can access wonderful creative freedom. Roald Dahl knew this of course and Stanton too uses many invented words in the Mr Gum series, such as ‘snurfle,37’ ‘tungler,38’ and ‘grimsters.39’ The ability to recognise the humour here is based on the reader’s developing awareness of incongruity as stated in Stages Three and Four of McGhee’s framework (Fig. 2).40 However, by the time children are in Key Stage Two, ‘linguistic ambiguities and challenges become more important

to them.’41 Stanton clearly knows his audience in this respect and plays with words in ways that will affirm the reader’s mastery of language whilst highlighting further potential. For example, ‘The woodpeckers pecked and the wouldn’tpeckers didn’t,’42 or his frequent use of inventive similes such as, ‘she approached the beast as he sat there, bawling away like a greengrocer.’

Lucinda Levene, ‘Professor Sluggo and the Prosthetic Limbs’ BBC 500 Words site, Top 50 Stories 2017: Age 5 to 9 http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/articles/5CMHW bZgl06Tw4zXPtlHYBt/professor-sluggo-and-theprosthetic-limbs [last accessed 17th January 2018] 37 Andy Stanton, Mr Gum and the Power Crystals, (London: Egmont, 2008) p82 38 Andy Stanton, Mr Gum and the Biscuit Billionaire, (London: Egmont, 2007) p29

39

36

43

Another source of humour popular with children in this age group is scatology.

Rosen says: ‘From children’s first words (or earlier), wee and poo and the places they come out of are fascinating. Some of this is about the taboos and bans we

Andy Stanton, You’re a Bad Man Mr Gum! (London: Egmont, 2006) p4 40See Fig. 2 41 Kerry Mallan, Laugh Lines: Exploring Humour in Children’s Literature, (New South Wales, Primary English Teaching Association, 1993) p15 42 Andy Stanton, Mr Gum and the Cherry Tree, (London: Egmont, 2010) p27 43 Andy Stanton, You’re a Bad Man Mr Gum! (London: Egmont, 2006) p10

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put round talking about it.’44 McGhee agrees, suggesting that by Stage Four45 children particularly appreciate the relief brought by subverting social taboos in a safe space. Ryland Swain explores the idea that children of this age are learning and experimenting with concepts of society and taboo saying ‘Collective norms and values have a very important role in culture and society, but all too often they become restrictive and throttle life. It is generally taboo to violate these collective values.’46 Toilet humour within the safe context of a story can offer the child a way to play with ‘the shadow,’47 explore the edges of what is socially acceptable and revel in the freedom to do so.

However it need not be heavy-handed.

Stanton uses it less often than might be expected but two notable examples are ‘Greasy Ian did a poo in the cooking pot’48 and Captain Brazil’s explanation

for his late arrival: ’“Sorry about that, I was doing a poo,” (he said) with a graceful bow.’49

44

47Leila

Michael Rosen, Good ideas, (London: John Murray, 2015) p112 45 See Fig. 2 46 Leila Ryland Swain, ‘Eros in the Toilet: An inquiry into the nature of toilet dreams in clinical practice’ Counselling Psychology Quarterly, Vol 24, No. 3, (2011), 247–55 (p.251)

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In conclusion, humour that appeals to seven to nine year olds is often created by subversion of things children already understand well. Thus, they greatly appreciate humour derived from rolereversal, exaggeration, and from playing with language, societal norms and taboos. As well as providing the intrinsic benefits associated with experiencing humour, engaging with funny fiction can help children develop a love and understanding of stories and also encourage independent thought.

Stanton says, ‘I like to think that the Mr Gum books do a bit more than just being funny . . . [they] hopefully shows kids that you can muck about with conventions and break all the rules

Ryland Swain, ‘Eros in the Toilet: An inquiry into the nature of toilet dreams in clinical practice’ Counselling Psychology Quarterly, Vol 24, No. 3, (2011), 247–55 (p248) 48 Andy Stanton, What’s for Dinner Mr Gum? (London: Egmont, 2009) p46 49 Andy Stanton, Mr Gum and the Secret Hideout (London: Egmont, 2010) p84

about what you should have in a story.’50 Furthermore, Butchart says ‘The best funny books aren’t just about the jokes.

The best ones are those with plenty of heart and a great story that explores relevant themes for children such as friendship, family and feeling out of place.’51 Funny stories are often the most effective at enticing children into reading, captivating their imagination, engaging their emotions, activating their intellect and leaving them feeling better for it. What’s not to love?

References Adams, Patch and Mylander, Maureen, Gesundheit! (Vermont: Healing Arts Press, 1998).

Beckman, Aileen K. ‘Humour in Children’s Literature’ (PhD diss., UCL Institute of Education (IOE), 1983).

Ali George, ‘Andy Stanton Interview’ 12 Books12 Months Blog, August 2011 https://12books12months.com/2011/08/24/andystanton-interview/ [last accessed 17th January 2018] 51 Pamela Butchart, ‘The Power of Funny Books for Children who Don’t Like Reading’ The Book Trust 50

Blackman, Malorie, ‘Writing for different genres,’ Children’s Writers’ and Artists’ Yearbook (2017) 140-44.

Boulter, Amanda, Writing Fiction: Creative and Critical Approaches, (Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2007).

British Library: https://www.bl.uk/britishlibrary/~/med ia/bl/global/services/plr/pdfs/mostbo rrowedtitles2015-16/20152016top20titles.pdf [last accessed 17th January 2018].

Butchart, Pamela, ‘The Power of Funny Books for Children who Don’t Like Reading’ The Book Trust November 2017, https://www.booktrust.org.uk/whatshappening/blogs/2017/november/thepower-of-funny-books-for-children-

November 2017, https://www.booktrust.org.uk/whatshappening/blogs/2017/november/the-power-offunny-books-for-children-who-dont-like-reading/ [last accessed 17th January 2018]

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who-dont-like-reading/ [last accessed 17th January 2018].

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Levene, Lucinda, ‘Professor Sluggo and the Prosthetic Limbs’ BBC 500 Words site, Top 50 Stories 2017: Age 5 to 9 http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/art icles/5CMHWbZgl06Tw4zXPtlHYBt/pro fessor-sluggo-and-the-prosthetic-limbs [last accessed 17th January 2018].

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South Wales, Primary English Teaching Association, 1993).

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Romsey Librarian Team, November 2017.

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Published on 28 May 2012 on http://michaelrosenblog.blogspot.co.uk /search?q=reading+for+pleasure [last access 17th January 2018].

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Stanton, Andy, Mr Gum and the Power Crystals, (London: Egmont, 2008).

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Stanton, Andy, What’s for Dinner Mr Gum? (London: Egmont, 2009).

Stanton, Andy, You’re a Bad Man Mr Gum! (London: Egmont, 2006).

Thackray, Rachelle, ‘It Pays to Take Laughter Seriously’ The Independent 8 March 1998 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/b usiness/it-pays-to-take-laughterseriously-1148899.html [last accessed 17th January 2018].

Wellow School Team, October 2017.

57

Is Racehorse Welfare Really the ‘Overriding Priority’ of the British Horseracing Authority?

Ruth Martin MSc Animal Welfare Science, Ethics and Law The British horseracing industry is worth an estimated £3.54 billion per annum to the UK economy, with approximately 11 million people placing bets each year (Goodhill, 2014). It boasts global television audiences of up to one billion people (British Horseracing Authority, 2011: 9). Overseeing this industry is the British Horseracing Authority (BHA), which enjoyed revenues of over £31.5million in 2016 alone (BHA, 2017: 13).

The BHA’s wide remit includes: licensing, regulation, fixture-planning, international operations, fundraising, investment planning, careers marketing, training and development, medical and veterinary care and equine welfare (BHA, 2017: 4).

The BHA states that ‘the welfare of the sport’s equine participants is paramount…and remains the overriding priority for all those involved with the

staging of the sport’ (BHA, 2018a). This piece critically reflects on this oftrepeated claim (BHA 2018a; BHA 2018b; BHA 2018c) with reference to two key equine welfare issues: the use of the whip in horse racing and the fate of exracehorses after they retire from the industry. It is argued that there have been many opportunities for the BHA to show its commitment to racehorse welfare in relation to these issues, but that it has thus far failed to do so, casting doubt on its own claims in this respect.

This is not to say that other welfare issues in horseracing, such as dangerous starting gates at racecourses (Mike Hill MP, HC Deb 15 October 2018) and ‘speculative’ over-breeding of foals (Animal Aid, 2012: 2), are not pressing concerns but merely that they fall outside the scope of this piece.

Many argue that the profitability and cultural legitimacy of British horseracing have become more precarious as animal welfare concern has increased in society (Arthur, 2011: 242). Welfare violations are regarded as particularly concerning given that, clearly, horses cannot consent to their participation in the sport 58

(McLean and McGreevy, 2010: 203).

Despite this, the fate of ex-racehorses, horse injuries and deaths during races, and excessive whip use by jockeys continue to make national headlines in the UK (Doward, 2011; Hood et al., 2017: 1-2). This has led key stakeholders in horse-racing including Animal Aid, the British public and even the UK Government to question the BHA’s claim that it prioritises equine welfare (Cook, 2018). On 15 October 2018, in response to an Animal Aid petition which gathered over 105,000 signatures, the House of Commons Petitions Committee met to debate whether an independent regulator ‘with horse welfare as its only interest’ is needed (UK Government and Parliament Petitions, 2018). The petitioners argued this would ensure that the sport honours its legal and moral obligation to protect its horses from ‘unnecessary suffering’ (Animal Welfare Act, 2006: 2; HC Deb 15 October 2018).

In support of its claim that horse welfare is its ‘overriding priority’ (BHA, 2018a), the BHA highlights its work with animal protection charities such as the Royal 59

Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) and World Horse Welfare (WHW) (BHA, 2018d). The BHA included these organisations as consultees in its 2011 review of whip use in horseracing (WHW, n.d.). All are cosignatories to the National Equine Welfare Protocol, the standards of which the BHA claims far exceed its duties under legislation (BHA, 2018a).

The RSPCA, like the BHA, advise that the whip is necessary for safety and it is acceptable when not used with ‘excessive force or frequency’ (RSPCA, 2011: 1). Likewise, WHW has praised the BHA’s commitment to ongoing training for jockeys, owners and trainers on correct whip use, and only objects to violations which coerce or punish horses under the guise of ‘encouragement’ (WHW, n.d.). Following its review, the BHA imposed heavier penalties for rulebreaches, including possible prize forfeiture for jockeys, and specified the number of whip-strikes permissible during races (RSPCA, n.d.). The RSPCA, SSPCA and WHW gave the BHA’s reformed rules on whip use a ‘cautious welcome’, with the caveat that enforcement remains crucial to

improving welfare outcomes (Cook, 2011).

However, these new restrictions were weakened almost immediately after their introduction in 2012, in response to pressure and threats of strike action from jockeys who accused critics of whip-use of being ‘anti-racing’ and interfering in their area of expertise (Graham and McManus, 2016: 7-8). This arguably lessened the rules to ‘guideline[s]’ at the discretion of (often amateur) race stewards to enforce (Animal Aid, 2012: 8). In their critical analysis of the BHA’s 2011 review, Jones et al. (2015) raise important concerns about the impartiality of the BHA and caution against its self-regulatory role in the industry. They argue that key claims in the published review do not reflect the weight of scientific evidence, including those which address: the efficacy of the whip for safety; the reasoning behind its us; and the assertion that padded whips are painfree when used appropriately (Jones et al., 2015: 140-148). They criticise the BHA’s failure to substantiate the conclusions of its review as, in doing so,

it fails its own test of ensuring that whip use only continues at all if it is shown to be ‘necessary and appropriate’ (BHA, 2011: 11).

The BHA’s position on this is also at odds with public opinion: their own research found that 57% of people somewhat or strongly agreed with an outright ban on whip use (BHA, 2011: 58). This would bring the UK into line with the Norwegian horse-racing industry, which has banned whip use in most flat races since 2009 (Jones et al., 2015: 141). In the context of the public appetite for a UK whip-use ban, and successfully implemented bans in other countries to emulate, the BHA’s failure to take strong and lasting action stands in damning contrast to its claim that equine welfare is its ‘overriding priority’ (BHA, 2018a).

This is symptomatic of a key conflict in the BHA’s current role: it claims to be British horse-racing’s ‘independent regulator’ (BHA, 2018b) while simultaneously representing, consulting with and promoting the industry. This conflict of interest cannot be dismissed as unfortunate but inevitable: as Mike 60

Hill MP asserted in the recent parliamentary debate, the BHA takes on responsibility for horse welfare of its own accord and in doing so creates conflicts of interest for itself (HC Deb 15 October 2018). If racehorse welfare was its ‘overriding priority’, we might expect that the BHA would recognise its limited capacity to deliver this and hand responsibility to an independent regulator. Unfortunately, such a move is not forthcoming despite Labour Party research showing that the public would be in favour (Luke Pollard MP, HC Deb 15 October 2018). Once again, this casts doubt on the BHA’s claim that it prioritises horse welfare over other matters.

Another key issue of concern for stakeholders in British horseracing is the fate of racehorses retiring from the industry. Approximately 7,500 racehorses retire each year and the BHA claims that they continue to be tracked throughout their lives (BHA, 2018e).

Despite this, studies suggest that 43% of retired racehorses are dead or ‘untraceable’ within two years of their last race (Animal Aid, 2012: 10). Animal 61

Aid claims that, on average, one racehorse has died every two days since its count began in 2007 (Animal Aid, 2018). For its part, the BHA again champions its work with charities such as Retraining of Racehorses (ROR) (BHA, 2018d). ROR’s records show that over 12,500 ex-racehorses remain active in pursuits such as dressage and ‘eventing’ (BHA, 2017: 26). BHA publicity suggests that only in ‘rare cases’ are exracehorses ‘euthanised’ (BHA, 2018e).

This portrayal cannot be reconciled with credible evidence of industrial-scale killing of ex-racehorses for their meat and other products (Doward, 2011) and the failure of BHA to monitor and regulate sales of ex-racehorses in the marketplace (White, 2012).

This disparity between rhetoric and reality has led to accusations that the BHA disseminates ‘soft focus PR’ messages (Animal Aid, 2012: 11) to diffuse attention on this very significant equine welfare issue rather than prioritising meaningful action to address it. McClean and McGreevy (2010: 203205) argue that regulatory bodies like the BHA could do much more to

prioritise and reward ‘ethical equitation’ e.g. rewarding compassionate training, riding and ownership with new competition prizes. Responsible horse ownership schemes already exist outside the racing industry, e.g. the Yard Excellence Scheme (Guthrie, 2018), so the BHA have examples to follow. Such a scheme would also produce extensive datasets for animal welfare researchers to mine for insights on the nature and extent of welfare issues faced by exracehorses, and what effective interventions might look like. This is just one example of action the BHA could take to demonstrate that horse welfare is at the top of its agenda.

The British horseracing industry, which it is the BHA’s responsibility to promote, relies on public consent to continue and grow. Increased public awareness of, and concern for, animal welfare and use issues (Arthur, 2011: 242) mean that the BHA’s prima-facie commitment to racehorse welfare is likely to have a significant impact on its reputation. This apparent commitment is bolstered by support from Conservative MPs, such as Philip Davies and Laurence Robertson,

who argue that the BHA should continue its role as welfare regulator (Cook, 2018).

This is the case despite ongoing concerns about the BHA’s conflicts of interests and the implications of these for horse welfare. It is worth noting, however, that these two MPs continue to receive substantial gifts and donations from the horseracing industry (Wainwright and Bradshaw, 2017).

Indeed, many MPs who participated in the debate on 15 October 2018 admitted their own interests in the sport e.g. receiving hospitality, owning racehorses (HC Deb 15 October 2018). Politicians may thus have their own conflicts of interest and their stances on this issue should be understood in this context.

Following its debate, the House of Commons Petitions Committee ruled against the establishment of a new regulator to oversee racehorse welfare in the UK (HC Deb 15 October 2018).

It seems unlikely, then, that the BHA will be stripped of its obligations with respect to racehorse welfare in the foreseeable future despite considerable support for this from opposition MPs such as Chris Williamson and Rachael 62

Maskell (Cook, 2018). This makes it all the more crucial that animal welfare advocates, journalists and the wider public, as important stakeholders in this issue, continue to scrutinise the BHAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s claims on racehorse welfare (Mike Hill MP, HC Deb 15 October 2018). Only through this kind of accountability and sustained public pressure can optimal welfare outcomes for racehorses be achieved, regardless of the regulatory framework used to deliver them.

References Animal Aid (2012). The trouble with Horse Racing. Tonbridge, UK: Animal Aid. Animal Aid (2018). Race Horse Death Watch. Available at: http://www.horsedeathwatch.com/ [Accessed 24 October 2018] Animal Welfare Act (2006) Chapter 45.

Available at: https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/ 2006/45/pdfs/ukpga_20060045_en.pdf [Accessed 23 October 2018] Arthur, R. (2011). Welfare issues in horse racing. In: McIlwraith, C. and Rollin, B 63

(eds) Equine Welfare. Wiley-Blackwell Oxford: Ames, IA, USA. 229â&#x20AC;&#x201C;244.

British Horseracing Authority (2011).

Responsible Regulation: A review of the use of the whip in Horseracing. London: British Horseracing Authority.

British Horseracing Authority (2017). 2016 Annual Report and Accounts. London: British Horseracing Authority.

British Horseracing Authority (2018a).

Horse Welfare. Available at: https://www.britishhorseracing.com/ab out/horse-welfare/ [Accessed 20 October 2018] British Horseracing Authority (2018b). The role of the BHA in horse welfare.

Available at: https://www.britishhorseracing.com/re gulation/role-bha-horse-welfare/ [Accessed 20 October 2018] British Horseracing Authority (2018c).

Horse Welfare in British Racing.

Available at: https://www.britishhorseracing.com/re gulation/horse-welfare-british-racing/

[Accessed 20 October 2018]

[Accessed 23 October 2018]

British Horseracing Authority (2018d). BHA Charities. Available at: https://www.britishhorseracing.com/ab out/charities/ [Accessed 20 October 2018]

Doward, J. (2011). ‘Record’ number of thoroughbreds being slaughtered for meat. The Observer. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2 011/feb/06/racehorse-slaughteranimal-welfare [Accessed 22 October 2018]

British Horseracing Authority (2018e). Life After Racing. Available at: https://www.britishhorseracing.com/re gulation/life-after-racing/ [Accessed 20 October 2018] Cook, C. (2011). RSPCA and Animal Aid divided over BHA's new rules on whipping in races. The Guardian.

Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2 011/sep/27/whip-rules-animal-welfarecharities-cautious-welcome [Accessed 23 October 2018] Cook, C. (2018). Praise and Criticism for the BHA as MPs debate new welfare regulator. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2 018/oct/15/praise-criticism-bha-mpsdebate-equine-welfare-regulator

Goldhill, O. (2014). Horseracing Industry plans to treble international investment.

The Telegraph. Available at: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/n ewsbysector/retailandconsumer/leisur e/10853057/Horse-racing-industryplans-to-treble-internationalinvestment.html [Accessed 23 October 2018] Graham, R. and McManus, P. (2016).

Changing Human-Animal Relationships in Sport: An Analysis of the UK and Australian Horse Racing Whips Debates.

Animals, 6, (32), 1-17.

Guthrie, A. (2018). MSD’s launches new scheme to help vets and yard owners collaborate. VetNurse News. Available at: https://www.vetnurse.co.uk/b/veterina 64

ry-nursingnews/archive/2018/09/19/msd-39-slaunches-new-scheme-to-help-vetsand-yard-owners-collaborate.aspx [Accessed 21 October 2018] HC Deb (2018). Racehorse Protection Col 195, 196, 199, 221 and 228. Available at: https://hansard.parliament.uk/Common s/2018-10-15/debates/85DEF768-11454E15-96A89663815EF93F/RacehorseProtection [Accessed 20 October 2018] Hood, J., McDonald, C., Wilson, B., McManus, P and McGreevy, P. (2017).

Whip Rule Breaches in a Major Australian Racing Jurisdiction: Welfare and Regulatory Implications, Animals, 7, (4), 1-25.

Jones, B., Goodfellow, J., Yeates, J., and McGreevy, P. (2015). A Critical Analysis of the British Horseracing Authorityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Review of the Use of the Whip in Horseracing. Animals, 5, 138-150.

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RSPCA (n.d.). Use of the Whip in Horse Racing. Available at: https://www.rspca.org.uk/adviceandwe lfare/pets/horses/health/whips [Accessed 21 October 2018] UK Government and Parliament Petitions (2018). Create a new independent welfare body to protect racehorses from abuse and death. Available at: https://petition.parliament.uk/petitions /211950 [Accessed 24 October 2018] White, C. (2012). Growing concern over ex-racehorse welfare. Horse and Hound.

Available at: https://www.horseandhound.co.uk/raci ng/growing-concern-over-exracehorse-welfare-312056 [Accessed 25 October 2018] World Horse Welfare (n.d.). Use of the Whip in Racing. Available at: http://www.worldhorsewelfare.org/thewhip [Accessed 21 October 2018]

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66

Combatting Heteronormativity in Primary Schools Jed Allen Med Primary Education Despite the introduction of the Equality Act (GEO and EHRC, 2010) and what many researchers (Richardson and Monro, 2012; Thio and Taylor, 2012; Krizsan et al., 2012) describe as significant societal progress in the UK towards equality, a strong cultural preference for heterosexuality, otherwise termed heteronormativity, persists (Cumming-Potvin and Martino, 2018; Ferfolja et al., 2015). Williams (2018) suggests that teachers should be challenging the pervasive heteronormativity present in the English school system in order to prevent even the youngest of children perpetuating potentially harmful, homophobic stereotypes. This piece of writing discusses culturally engrained heteronormativity both within the classroom and wider society, exploring the damaging effects of heteronormativity, and examines potential approaches teachers may implement in order to address this

current educational issue. It is worth noting that throughout this essay many references will be made to the term ‘LGBT+’, this is an umbrella term for people of diverse sexualities and genders and also includes the children of such people, many of whom are present in today’s classrooms (Mardell, 2016; Price and Taylor, 2015) Marchia and Sommer (2017) note that there is no singularly agreed upon definition of heteronormativity, but rather multiple subtly differing interpretations. Warner (1991) coined the phrase ‘heteronormativity’ to describe the dominant socio-cultural bias for a binary conception of sexuality, wherein individuals are presumed to be exclusively attracted to those of the opposite gender. This bias creates a heterosexual privilege which perpetuates homophobic stereotypes and prejudice against same-sex attraction. It is worth noting that there has been a significant cultural shift towards equality since Warner published his seminal work, challenging the temporal validity of his research.

Despite this, many researchers continue 68

to investigate heteronormativity. Russel et al. (2012) define heteronormativity as a hierarchical societal system that privileges and sanctions individuals based on presumed social binaries. This definition is extended by Allen and Mendezâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (2018) reconfiguration of these binaries into three distinct yet interrelated and analytically inseparable categories, within which individuals are located either in the majority or the minority, without ambiguity. These three categories are: the gender binary, within which cisgendered individuals (those who still identify as the gender they were assigned at birth) are the majority (Peterson et al. 2016); the sexuality binary, with heterosexuality being the majority (Drucker, 2015); the family binary, where the majority are monogamous heterosexual couples with at least one child (McGuire et al., 2016). Allen and Mendez (2018) further argue that heteronormativity is the cultural preference towards an individual located within all three majorities. Alternatively, Montgomery and stuart (2012) define heteronormativity as an internalised set of expectations about gender and 69

sexuality, which causes the holder to have a bias against their diverse counterparts. Whereas the previous definitions focus on the socio-cultural bias influencing the individual, this definition reverses the causal relationship by implying that heteronormativity can be attributed to the individualâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s internal assumptions which, when externalised, influence society. Regardless of definition, Gray (2013) states that heteronormativity drives the discourses of power in the school community. While the culture of heteronormativity differs between schools due to the differing societal influences relative to the demographical location of each school (Toomey et al.,2012), Thompson-Lee (2018) asserts that heteronormativity is present in every primary school.

Many researchers (Bhana, 2016; Cullen and Sandy, 2009; DePalma and Atkinson, 2009; Allan et al., 2008) have shown that heteronormativity is everpresent in schools, influencing both classrooms and curricula. Burt et al.

(2010) postulate that most teachers may unconsciously reinforce

heteronormative assumptions as they are ingrained within commonplace classroom practices exemplifying the use of the phrase “take this home to Mum and Dad”, as this effectively excludes children belonging to diverse family units. Heteronormativity is also reflected within the school playground.

Tyrell et al. (2013) assert that the discourse of childhood innocence presupposes that children are asexual beings, yet Millei et al. (2010) note that in every playground children can be found playing ‘kiss and chase’ within the order of heterosexual attraction. The fact that this gender driven game prevails despite the absence of any sexual attraction demonstrates the subtle ways in which heteronormativity exists in today’s primary schools. Ryan (2016) identifies heterosexuality as a pervasively implicit assumption within primary schools. When students engage in dramatic play they enact romantic narratives of mothers and fathers, when reading non-fiction books about animals, heteronormative family roles are assigned, and when teachers model story writing in creative writing lessons, romantic heteronormative storylines are

included, such as boyfriends and girlfriends getting married. The above examples highlight that the pervasive culture of heteronormativity is perpetuated not just by the students, but also by the teachers themselves, with many studies (Bean et al., 2014; Harris and Gray, 2014; Puchner and Klein, 2011) demonstrating that the heteronormative ideals held by the children originate from the class teacher.

The heteronormative culture in classrooms is a current educational issue as it has many adverse effects on LGBT+ students. A controversial study, completed by Regnerus (2012), found that children of LGBT+ parents are at a disadvantage both academically and socially compared to those with heterosexual parents, identifying the persistent exposure to increased levels of stress resulting from a societal stigma, in other words, heteronormativity, as a main cause of this. This shows that heteronormativity is an issue that should be challenged from an early age. It is worth noting however, that Regnerus’s (2012) study was 70

rebuked in a letter signed by 200 social scientists claiming flawed methodologies and an unsatisfactory peer-review process (Cohen, 2012).

Despite this, there are many other studies demonstrating the notion that heteronormativity is a current issue with negative effects. There is an abundance of studies which show a correlation between an affiliation with the LGBT+ community and bullying (Cumming and Rodiguez, 2018; Sauntson, 2018; Marzetti, 2018; Field, 2018), including many studies identifying this correlation in primary schools (Barnes and Carlile, 2018; Goodboy and Martin, 2018; Espelage et al., 2018). Waller (2016) argues that the perceived negative connotations caused by affiliation with the LGBT+ community can have adverse effects on childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mental health. Van Leent (2014) supports this by exemplifying the issue of name calling, leading to a lack of self-esteem in children belonging to diverse families.

This is a problem because low selfesteem can be detrimental to emotion regulation (Gomez et al., 2018; Essau et al., 2017), reading ability (Boyes et al., 2018; Young et al. 2018) and behaviour 71

management (Bergin et al., 2018; Williams, 2018), which in turn has a negative impact on overall academic performance (Lovell, 2018; Akin and Radford, 2018). While there is an absence of literature identifying the positive aspects of heteronormativity, leading to the conclusion that they may not exist, Myers (2015) asserts that many people, even today, in our progressive society, argue the case for heteronormativity on religious grounds.

In addition to this, the Office for National Statistics (2017) states that only 2.5% of the population identifies as LGBT+, as this statistic suggests the vast majority of the UK population is heterosexual, it is possible to argue the case that heteronormativity is not a pressing issue and therefore some people may debate that there is no need to tackle it.

Nonetheless, the literature shows that primary school children should be introduced to LGBT+ topics from an early age to counteract heteronormativity (Griffin, 2018; Hardwick, 2018; Moffatt, 2016).

The discussed examples show that heteronormativity is a concerning issue

in the classroom due to its effects on LGBT+ students, however, as Westheimer (2015) notes, the children in our classrooms will grow up to be citizens of the future society who will influence cultural norms, dictating social biases. Therefore, it is important that class teachers of today educate them on social responsibilities, such as tackling heteronormativity, as this is an important issue for wider society as well as the classroom. The Albert Kennedy Trust (2018) reports that 24% of homeless youth in the UK in 2018 identify as LGBT+, when compared to the statistic that only 2.5% of the UK population identify as LGBT+ (ONS, 2017), it effectively demonstrates that even in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s society LGBT+ people are discriminated against and marginalised. The discrepancy between these statistics emphasises the importance of tackling heteronormativity in primary schools, for if the educators of today instil notions of complete acceptance and equality in young childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s minds, they will take these forward into the future and start to break down the barriers that the heteronormative culture of the past and

present has put up (Ward et al., 2012), this can be achieved in many ways.

When looking at how to combat heteronormativity in schools, it could be deemed that the literature presents three distinct categories of approaches, for the sake of clarity of expression; these shall be referred to as formal education, integrative education and informal education. Formal education refers to the explicit teaching of LGBT+ issues in an effort to inform and reduce heteronormativity. Davies and Robinson (2010) argue that children need direct education about sexuality to avoid inaccurate understanding based on fragmented information they have picked up, in part, through conversation with other children. This view is supported by Ryan (2010), who emphasises the role childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s peers have in reinforcing heteronormative ideals. Ryan (2016) extends this notion by noting that when adults take the lead in breaking heteronormative silences, through the direct teaching of such topics, children receive the message that such views are welcome, which Ryan et al. (2013) assert allows children 72

to begin to share stories on their own connections to LGBT+ people, normalising the topic and reducing heteronormative barriers.

Integrative education refers to the everyday ways in which teachers can normalise LGBT+ themes without direct education on the matter. DePalma (2014) argues that using LGBT+ infused literature can lead to the normalisation of such themes, therefore reducing heteronormativity. While Blackburn (2012) acknowledges the limitations of literature-based approach to tackling heteronormativity, stating that the texts themselves only serve as a starting point for formal education, Pearce et al. (2016) note that introducing LGBT+ themed literature in day-to-day learning can have a catalytic effect on getting the children to think about heteronormativity. Therefore, encouraging students to understand and challenge complex themes from diverse perspectives, through the use of carefully chosen LGBT+ literature, can represent a significant element in combatting heteronormativity in schools (Martino and Cumming-Potvin, 2017; 73

Wooley, 2015; Logan et al., 2014). Ferfolja et al. (2015) also advocate for integrative educational approaches to tackling heteronormativity, stating that schools should normalise LGBT+ themes in a diverse range of subjects, challenging the power and ascendancy historically inherent in heterosexuality by making diverse sexualities a part of everyday learning experiences. Hazell (2018) suggests that this can be achieved through the use of inclusive questioning, exemplifying the use of diverse sexualities in mathematics by using phrases in word problems such as ‘John buys his boyfriend’ and ‘Lisa’s mums spend x amount’.

Finally, informal education refers to unplanned, impromptu short lessons which occur to correct observed heteronormative behaviour.

Charlesworth (2015) identifies phrases such as ‘that’s so gay’, when referring to a negative attribute of something, as a perfect stimulus for such education. This form of subtle heteronormativity is common in the primary school classroom, with 70% of primary school teachers reporting having heard such

phrases in their classrooms (Guasp, 2014). Harris and Gray (2014) note that the use of such phrases can have a negative impact on LGBT+ studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; wellbeing, causing them to feel inferior to their peers. Charlesworth (2015) states that it is the primary school teacherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s responsibility to challenge such heteronormative behaviour, but to do so in a calm manner, for the student may not realise the implications of what they are saying. He continues to argue that all students involved in the incident in which damaging heteronormative language or actions were observed should be educated on why such phrases should not be repeated, however, Short (2013) notes that said students should only be sanctioned if such behaviour is repeated due to the potentially innocent intentions.

Whilst times are changing for the better, with an increasing amount of primary schools openly reporting and supporting LGBT+ students in their care (Rivers, 2018), we as a society still have a long way to go. Heteronormativity is ingrained in our culture to the point that it has become institutionalised, meaning

that many people do not even realise they are perpetuating harmful stereotypes about LGBT+ people. While the institutionalisation of heteronormativity cannot be undone instantaneously, educators should be aware of the adverse effects of such behaviour and should do everything they can to help reduce this societal bias. This is why, moving forward, educators should endeavour to utilise a heterogeneous approach in order to reduce heteronormativity, infusing formal, integrative and informal education into school curricula to ensure no LGBT+ student feels left out, and to foster a more accepting future.

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How Do StarKid Adapt and Subvert Material from Harry Potter to Create a Parody of the Franchise in A Very Potter Musical (2009)?

Hannah Thomas BA Musical Theatre When adapting works, there will always be an intertextual link to the source text.

As Linda Hutcheon argues, by calling it an “adaptation”, the relationship between the source text and the new work is automatically stated. The previous text will always ‘[shadow] the one we are experiencing directly’ (2006: 6). A way to look at the relationship between an adaptation and the text from which it is derived is examined in Gérard Genette’s Palimpsests (1982) where he explains the ‘hypertext’ as ‘a text derived from a previous text’ and the ‘hypotext’ is the original work; ‘an entire work B deriving from an entire work A’ (1982: 9). This relationship between the hypotext and the new text, or imitation, raises ideas of fidelity: can an adaptation remain explicitly true to its source text? As Robert Stam argues, notions of fidelity produce thoughts that ‘some adaptations are …better than

others’ (2000: 54). Stam suggests this can be measured through ‘fundamental narrative, thematic and aesthetic features of its literary source’ being contained within the adaptation (2000: 54). By capturing this, we as an audience feel fulfilled as we engage with adaptations that successfully portray the source text in these ways; in manners we deem appropriate.

However, to apply this theory to the Harry Potter franchise adds a more complicated manner to these ideas of fidelity within adaptation. In the world of Harry Potter today, a simple transfer from book to film is no more; an explicit singular hypotext cannot be found.

Instead, all three modes of engagement are encapsulated as we are told the story in books, shown it in film, and interact with it through immersive studio tours, magical theme resort worlds, online simulations, and a broad base of home-made fanfics and theories (Hutcheon, 2006: 23). So how, then, do we distinguish between what is true or not? For some, it is the original source texts written by J.K. Rowling, for others it is the films which adapted these texts.

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The ever-growing fan-made theories contribute to the world in their own creative way, with some fans preferring their self-made reflection to the original sources. It is this conscious expansion of the Harry Potter universe which spurs an interesting and complicated take on adaptation, arguably fighting against the notion that an adaptation must remain true to its source. An addition to this ever-expanding franchise is American theatre company, StarKid’s, 2009 musical parody A Very Potter Musical (AVPM). AVPM borrows plot-points from the novel, the film, and even fan-fiction, making it impossible to distinguish which medium is the defining hypotext.

Genette states that parody ‘[takes] up a familiar text and literally [gives] it a new meaning’ (1987: 16). In the case of AVPM, this new meaning contains comedic value, subverting the dark material from the original novels and creating a mockery for the audience’s enjoyment.

Although the musical does well to acknowledge and represent the Harry Potter franchise faithfully, it also critiques the original text to create an addition to the Harry Potter franchise 83

made ‘for the… enjoyment of [StarKid] and other Harry Potter fans’ (Team StarKid, 2009 [online]). Through subversion, AVPM arguably does not stay faithful to the source but it instead comments and expands on the world of Harry Potter. Although this contradicts Stam’s beliefs on fidelity within adaptation, Julie Sanders argues, it is at the ‘very point of infidelity that the most creative acts of adaptation… take place’ (2006: 20). This essay will discuss the various ways in which StarKid borrows various hypotexts and subverts these materials to create a fan-made parody musical.

AVPM loosely follows the plot of the fourth Harry Potter book, Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire (GoF) (2000).

However, with seven books to choose from, AVPM also includes plotlines from other books, arguably to gain the true ‘essence’ of Harry Potter, identified by Stam to be crucial for a ‘faithful’ adaptation (2000: 54). AVPM’s plot revolves around the students competing in a House cup, similar to the Triwizard tournament of the fourth book. The plot then follows that of the final book Harry

Potter and the Deathly Hallows (DH) (2007) as the main characters search for Horcruxes and the recognisable love sub-plots between Ron and Hermione, and Harry and Ginny, are unveiled. Its ‘defining relationship to prior texts’ (Hutcheon, 2006: 3) is openly stated throughout the script, acknowledging not only that this is a musical based on a widely known hypotext but also acknowledging its ‘contraction’ (Hutcheon, 2006: 19) of the plot.

In the original books the defining task for protagonist Harry is to find the magical objects known as Horcruxes and use them to defeat Voldemort. This plotline begins in the sixth book and continues until the seventh and final book. It shows the lengthy adventure of Harry, Ron, and Hermione (the trio) and their search for the final horcruxes, putting a strain on their friendships as well as their wellbeing. Their search takes them to a The Forest of Dean where they camp out for months waiting to find the horcrux, and it ends up with the trio back at Hogwarts, where the story began, for the final riveting battle between Harry and the antagonist Voldemort.

This lengthy main plot of the final book, however, is dismissed in a single line during Act 2 Part 3. As Dumbledore explains the function of a Horcrux to the trio he provides them with a magical ‘Horcrux seeking medallion’.

Dumbledore tells the trio that Voldemort had six horcruxes, and that he has ‘already killed the first five’ (Team StarKid, 2009 [online]). This obvious contraction of a major plot-point had to be done in order to condense the plot down to something possible to perform on a stage, but also provides a comedic parody as the importance of the final adventure for the trio is subverted and understated with the simple introduction of a magical object. They even discuss the location of the Horcrux in Act 2 Part 5, with Hermione suggesting that ‘it could be hidden somewhere around the mundane British countryside’ where their search ‘could contain months of depressing camping’ but their magical medallion ‘says that’s dumb’ and that ‘[they’re] not going to do that’ (Team StarKid, 2009 [online]). The medallion then tells them that the Horcrux is in fact at Hogwarts, their current location. This 84

recognition of adaptation written into the musical’s script not only creates a relationship between the source text and the new piece, but a relationship between the musical and the audience as they openly reference the source texts and acknowledge their existence, allowing the audience to ‘participate in the play of similarity and difference’ (Sanders, 2006: 45). Any relationship had by the audience to the original text is experienced through the self-aware discussions by the characters, making us aware that this musical is a ‘recognition’ of the work rather than a faithful re-telling (Hutcheon, 2006: 4).

As Sanders defines adaptation: it ‘casts a specific genre into another mode’ (2006: 18). When adapting Harry Potter into a musical theatre piece, the conventions of musicals must be considered. A typical ‘opening number’ is required in a musical theatre production in order to ‘establish… stability’ and ‘set the scene’ (Woolford, 2012 :149); AVPM uses its opening number to acknowledge its source text by introducing us to Hogwarts, the key setting of the Harry Potter franchise, whilst shifting the 85

genre of the piece from novel to stage.

The composer of a musical has a key role in the process of adaptation (Hutcheon, 2006: 81). Darren Criss, the composer of AVPM, utilises his key role in the opening chords of ‘Gotta Get Back To Hogwarts’ and subtly imitates the well-known Harry Potter theme ‘Hedwig’s Theme’ (Williams, 2001). Criss acknowledges his source text from the outset. Furthermore, Criss references distinctive plot devices from the books and films to explicitly establish StarKid’s source of Harry Potter. The lyrics establish the friendship of Harry and Ron: ‘as long as we’re together gunna kick some ass’; the magical elements of the story: ‘back to witches and wizards and magical beasts’; and Criss even utilises vocabulary understood by Harry Potter fans such as ‘muggle’. This effectively does as an opening number should by establishing the scene; it also does what an effective adaptation requires: acknowledging the relationship to the source text whilst reworking the mode.

The musical theatre convention does not just help AVPM to acknowledge its

source text, but also allows for a humorous imitation, or ‘parody’, of said text. The use of songs to tell the story allows for the creators of AVPM to use an artistic license and add comedy to situations otherwise known to be of high intensity and severity in the novels.

Harry Potter’s main antagonist is Lord Voldemort, a dark, evil, murderer whose character goal is simple: kill Harry Potter.

In GoF Lord Voldemort is risen from supposed death and returns; it is the turning-point for the plot as the themes become darker and more gruesome from this point onwards. However, in AVPM, this dark scene in which Cedric is cruelly murdered is imitated with comedic intention. ‘Kill the spare!’ is shouted, a line taken directly from the original book and film, and Voldemort’s return is welcomed in the Act One finale with a production number and a tap dance routine. Voldemort’s passion for dance is sung in ‘To Dance Again’ and establishes Voldemort’s ecstasy at finally being able ‘to move his feet’. The song is completed with a can-can line where Voldemort’s loyal followers, known as Death Eaters, defy their typical dark nature as they happily dance along

and ‘make way for a pas de bourre’ (Team StarKid, 2009 [online]). Here, the recognisable conventions of musical theatre take over and re-interpret the dark, fearsome antagonists as bubbly dancers. This subversion of the source material, and obvious juxtaposition to the characters’ canon, successfully parodies the text; whilst AVPM does acknowledge the source through its adaptation, it also ‘[reimagines] it in a new context’: a musical theatre context (Sanders 2006: 55). The theatricality created successfully adapts the hypotext into a new genre and gives it a new meaning to allow for ‘celebration’ of the Harry Potter franchise through acknowledgement and playful mockery (Sanders 2006: 106).

This playful mockery of the source is extended throughout AVPM as more popular plot-points are exaggerated and heightened for humorous reception.

Parody can function not just as a rework of meaning as Genette states, but as a critique of the hypotext, ‘[seizing] on particular aspects… and [exaggerating] it to ludicrous effect’ (Dentith, 2000: 32).

This is evident in Act One Part Nine, as 86

Dumbledore gleefully strides on to the stage singing ‘are you kids ready to fight a dragon?’. He comedically extends his voice into vibrato on the word dragon, obviously enjoying himself, before realising ‘of course you’re not, you’re just children, what the hell am I thinking?’

(Team StarKid, 2009 [online]). In the original book, the politics of children being forced to battle dragons is mentioned in a serious manner.

However, AVPM takes these topics and makes fun of them. This scene is further made comedic as they comment on the fact that the main character inevitably gets the hardest dragon to fight. When Dumbledore gives Harry the Hungarian Horntail he states it to be ‘the most terrifying thing you’ll ever see in your whole life’ whilst the other three competitors get: Puff the Magic Dragon, Figment the Imaginary Dragon, and The Reluctant Dragon. Here, the plot taken from the original books has clearly been exaggerated and heightened for ‘ludicrous effect’, with Harry’s dragon being far more terrible compared to the other dragons.

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To change from book to stage means a physical resemblance of the story is required rather than an imagined as we are being ‘shown’ the story, not ‘told’ it (Hutcheon, 2006: 23). For Harry Potter fans, a physical resemblance is readily available in the films; but for these characters to be transferred to a stage, special effects are not as available as they are in cinematic showings. One way StarKid use their theatrical craft is in the same scene mentioned above, with Dumbledore and the dragons. In the film, dragons are chosen by competitors as miniature life-like versions of the dragons they are about to face whereas in AVPM Dumbledore comments on their use of cardboard cut-outs for dragons, with cartoonish drawings, which subverts the need for fanciful effect in favour of comedic production.

The craftsmanship of AVPM revolves around ignoring specialist magical effect and focusing on practical staging of events. In Harry Potter, the magic is never understated and always a wonderment; in AVPM the magic is deliberately understated in a subversion of important themes from the source text, undermining the fanciful ideals of

magic that are so important in the books and films.

To bring Harry Potter to life, also involves not just the magical elements but the characterisations, too. An interesting and noticeable characterisation in this stage adaptation is the character of Quirrel, taken from Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone (PS) (1997), who creates a large portion of the comedy throughout the musical.

Professor Quirrel is famously known for having Voldemort on the back of his head, a shocking plot twist in 1997, and now a widely known trivia. StarKid satirically stage Voldemort on the back of Quirrel’s head by having two actors; they walk around back-to-back with Voldemort obviously hidden underneath a cloak and a turban shared between the two of them. This characterisation mocks itself as the bulky physical portrayal is clearly noticeable, yet the characters onstage never realise that Voldemort is there, not even when he accidentally sneezes. This moment is made even funnier when Dumbledore loudly announces: ‘did your turban just sneeze?’ and Quirrel dismisses it as

flatulence (Team Starkid, 2009 [online]).

The obvious second person attached to Quirrel creates comedy as the audience are aware that it is intended to be Voldemort, and the characters on stage are completely oblivious to the hidden actor. This aspect is played with throughout the first act, for example in their first entrance, as soon as Quirrel is sighted, Harry’s scar starts to burn. This is a noticeable sign of Voldemort’s presence in the hypotext, which audience members familiar with this will recognise, allowing AVPM to play with the dramatic irony to create a funny moment as the characters begin to wonder why his scar is hurting. Another example can be found in Act One Part Seven: Quirrel enters and announces: ‘Master, the shipments for the first task of the tournament have arrived’ and Voldemort responds with: ‘Yes, I know, Quirrel. I hear everything that you hear!’

(Team Starkid, 2009 [online]). This statement by Quirrel is obviously intended as information for the audience to move the plot along, yet Voldemort’s irritated response plays with the running gag to keep the hilarity of their characters.

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Hutcheon argues that ‘telling the same story from a different point of view’ is a key inspiration in some adaptations (2006: 8). As the characters of Voldemort and Quirrel are attached and inevitably work together as a duo, StarKid focus part of AVPM on their private life, subverting the stone-cold exterior that audiences expect from the characters. In one scene, for example, as they try to go to bed, Quirrel amusingly bends over to lie on his back and is quickly dismissed

by Voldemort: ‘I can’t sleep on my tummy’. Even the use of the childish colloquialism ‘tummy’ would be unthinkable for the character of Voldemort as established by JK Rowling.

Quirrel argues that he has back problems and cannot roll over which leads to Voldemort asserting his allmighty dark powers by shouting: ‘You rollover right now, or I’ll… I’ll eat your pillow!’ (Team StarKid 2009 [online]). This insight into their private life adds comedy in two ways: the act of seeing the performers physically struggle to navigate as one, and, the actual characterisation of Voldemort, which is arguably an antithesis of the original 89

book character. Voldemort in the books is dark, unlovable, fearsome and cruel.

In the musical, however, he argues with Quirrel over the laundry and demands him to ‘fold them at least’ otherwise the chair will ‘start to smell like dirty laundry’ (Team Starkid, 2009 [online]). Seeing Voldemort in a more vulnerable, exposed position creates comedy through subversion of the audience’s pre-conceived knowledge about the character. Voldemort’s characterisation in the show is purely for comedy, as it is an obvious contrast to what we as an audience would expect from the character. Without the shift in genre, this characterisation would never have been created and so the effect of shifting the story from page to stage allows for a physical representation of the story and within it, the director can play with the funny aspects of a person being on the back of someone’s head.

The physical characterisation of the pair is not the only thing affected by the shift in genre. Again, use of conventional musical theatre style songs is utilised. In a typical ‘Golden Age’ musical there were trope songs which the audience

expected. As mentioned earlier, an opening number was required to set the scene. Another trope was the typical love duet; an extension of this was the inclusion of a duet between the loveinterests before they realise they have fallen in love. An example of this could be ‘People Will Say We’re in Love’ from Oklamoma! (1943), sung by a pair of soon-to-be lovers who are denying their affection toward one another. This trope is also used in AVPM for the creation of an hilarious plot-line between Quirrel and Voldemort as they sing ‘Different As Can Be’, enhancing their differences in a song typically associated with lovers.

‘Well, aren’t we an odd couple!’ Quirrel exclaims as the song begins. This heightens the subversion of their original characters, establishing them as almost an old married couple, arguing over trivial things such as laundry. This plot is then developed, arguably taking inspiration from fanfiction, to create an actual romance between the pair. As this is a completely new plot line, not taken from either the book or the film, it creates hilarity for the audience as it again contrasts their pre-conceived notions of what they know to be Harry

Potter, subverting typical knowledge and re-working it for amusement.

AVPM does well to subvert the hypotext of Harry Potter to create a new and refreshed imitation of the work for the stage. As Simon Dentith argues, ‘parody has the paradoxical effect of preserving the very text that it seeks to destroy (2000: 36). Although the writers of AVPM never intended to ‘destroy’ the work, they work well to preserve the text and acknowledge the relationship their work has with it. Its intention of creating a show made by fans and for fans is stated at the start of the show online, and its legacy as an addition to the evergrowing franchise is recognised by fans online. Although not an official affiliate, it is arguably the fan-made input of the Harry Potter franchise which keeps the world alive and thriving. AVPM’s addition to this franchise does well to keep the essence of Harry Potter within its structures whilst allowing for their creative input to create a hypertext which is truly unique; the lack of faithfulness does not distract from the recognisable essence of Harry Potter.

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References Dentith, S., (2000) Parody. Routledge: London Stam, R., and Raengo, A., (2004) A Companion to Literature and Film.

Blackwell Publishing Ltd: UK Genette, G., (1982) Palimpsests, Literature in the Second Degree. Trans.

By Newman, C., and Doubinsky, C., University of Nebraska Press: US Hutcheon, L., (2006). A Theory of Adaptation. Routledge: London McFarlane, B., (1996). Novel to Film.

Oxford University Press: New York Sanders, J., (2006). Adaptation and Appropriation. Routledge: London Stam, R., (2000). Beyond Fidelity: The Dialogics of Adaptation in: Naremore, J., Film Adaptation. Athlone: London StarKid, (2009). A Very Potter Musical.

Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w mwM_AKeMCk&list=PLC76BE906C9D83 A3A [accessed 12/02/18] Woolford, J., (2012) How Musicals Work and How to Write Your Own. Nick Hern Books: London

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How Did Wartime Cinema Portray the Idea of ‘The People’s War’ in 1940s Britain?

Sam Jenkins BA History and the Modern World The concept of the Second World War as a ‘People’s War’, where people came together in solidarity despite their class or gender differences, has been analysed by many historians. Earlier historians believed that the collective spirit of the war led to dramatic changes in social attitudes. Marwick compared the working class of 1945 to the middle class of 1832 after the Great Reform Act, to argue that the needs of the working class could no longer be ignored,1 while Titmuss points to a ‘revision of ideas and rearrangement of values’ early on in the war which resulted in an extended obligation to protect those in need.2 More recent revisionist historians have challenged the extent to which values changed during the war. Donnelly 1

Arthur Marwick, Class: Image and Reality in Britain, France and the USA Since 1930 (London: Collins, 1980), 229.

2 Richard M. Titmuss, Problems of Social Policy (London: H.M.S.O. and Longmans, Green and Co, 1950), 517.

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argues that for many, the Blitz was a ‘personal experience’, since only a minority used communal shelters, undermining the idea that the war brought people together,3 while Summerfield contradicts the idea that the war created new opportunities for women, arguing that employers deliberately took measures so that women were paid less than men.4 This essay will draw on a number of wartime films, with themes including military service and the demands of the home front, to show how cinema portrayed The People’s War through class and gender aspects. While many wartime films supported The People’s War through their advocacy of changing attitudes, this was contradicted by other films which reinforced traditional narratives.

The impact of the war on class relations has been considerably discussed within The People’s War debate. Summerfield 3

Mark Donnelly, Britain in the Second World War (London: Routledge, 1999), 37.

4 Penny Summerfield, ‘The Levelling of Class,’ in War and Social Change: British Society in the Second World War, ed. Harold Smith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986), 186.

argues that historians often view the Second World War as ‘a leveller of classes’,5 indicating that all classes were united by shared burdens, as well as shared experiences during the war.

McLaine supports this narrative, attesting that people were willing to put up with hardship if they believed the entire national community were equally treated,6 while Sonya O Rose argues that in popular memory, both the ordinary and the privileged placed their differences aside in defence of the country.7 There are numerous portrayals in wartime films of people coming together to assist one another, regardless of status or class. This includes a dramatic scene from In Which We Serve, where the sailors of HMS Torrin are escaping to a lifeboat. During the scene, one of the men struggles to swim properly and begins to drown.

Two other members of the crew gradually hoist him onto the lifeboat

together, before another colleague on the lifeboat offers the poor swimmer brandy as he regains his breath.8 The crew are shown to be sticking up for all of their men and not leaving anybody behind even in this dangerous situation, reflecting Murphy’s view that In Which We Serve illustrated how different ‘sections of the nation’ pulled together towards victory.9 A similar situation can be found in San Demetrio London, where the crew work together as a team to keep sailing their lifeboat in the face of exhaustion and severe weather. They achieve this successfully by dividing into watch groups, sharing the workload between them.10 Both scenes put the characters into an even-handed emergency situation with no distinction between social ranks, supporting O Rose’s argument that equality of sacrifice was key to the construction of

Summerfield, ‘The Levelling of Class,’ 179.

Ian McLaine, Ministry of Morale: Home Front Morale and the Ministry of Information in World War II (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1979), 113.

7 Sonya O. Rose, Which People’s War?: National Identity and Citizenship in Britain 1939-1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 1-2.

8

5 6

In Which We Serve, directed by Noel Coward and David Lean, Two Cities Films, 1942.

9 Robert Murphy, British Cinema and the Second World War (London: Continuum, 2000), 64.

10 San Demetrio London, directed by Charles Frend, Ealing Studios, 1943.

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The People’s War.11 Meanwhile, in a moving scene at the climax of The Bells Go Down (Figure 1), a fireman called Tommy climbs up a ladder to the inside of a burning building to join one of his superiors, before being killed when the building collapses on both characters.12 This scene explicitly portrays ordinary people putting their own lives in danger for the sake of the war effort, an image reflected by Mark Donnelly in his analysis of heroism during the blitz.13 Finally, a more domestic example of successful cohesion can be found in the examination of Jennifer from Millions Like Us. Jennifer initially appears to be very hostile to her less wealthy counterparts, she displays distinctly upper-class mannerisms in her choice of clothing as well as her general attitude towards working in a factory. Gradually however, Jennifer manages to blend in with her colleagues, at one point she even offers her underwear to another girl for their romantic date.14 While Jennifer’s character development acknowledges that previous differences

existed in class lifestyle, it advocates the establishment of new social bonds between people regardless of their social status. All these scenes suggest that wartime British cinema portrayed The People’s War by emphasising equality and mutual support between characters regardless of their class or rank.

11

O. Rose, Which People’s War?, 31.

The Bells Go Down, directed by Basil Dearden, Ealing Studios, 1943.

13

12

14

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Figure 1 - Tommy climbs up a fire ladder as debris falls over him in The Bells Go Down.

However, a number of other scenes from wartime films contradicted The People’s War, by portraying tension between different class and status Donnelly, Britain in the Second World War, 37.

Millions Like Us, directed by Frank Launder and Sidney Gilliat, Gainsborough, 1943.

groups. On some occasions this replicated real life divisions. One example includes a scene from The Way Ahead, where a group of new infantry recruits express disdain towards their harsh treatment at the hands of the sergeant, with one angrily complaining that the sergeant does not see them as human.15 Marwick corroborates this image in his examination of how young men reacted to class structure in the army, arguing that a number of young officers became important Labour Party recruits after the war.16 This suggests that while The People’s War encouraged people to make an equal contribution to the war regardless of class, the extent to which the war challenged social hierarchy was limited.

Some films also acknowledged that while the war was being fought in the interests of all citizens, the extent to which suffering was equal could be questioned. In a thought provoking scene from This Happy Breed, a young

man called Sam makes a socialistleaning speech during a Christmas party, claiming that while Christmas is a day for putting aside “all prejudice and class hatred”, there were millions of homes without warmth and food.17 The very fact that this kind of scene was written indicates that a wider problem still existed in real life over the living conditions of the poor, despite The People’s War’s emphasis on equality of sacrifice. Malcolm Smith exemplifies this in his analysis of evacuations, where he describes the tension caused by ‘dirty, ill-mannered’ evacuees arriving at more prosperous middle-class reception areas.18 Therefore, while many wartime films portrayed The People’s War by bringing characters together with a lack of class distinction, the effectiveness of this portrayal was undermined by other films which depicted issues over hierarchy and living conditions, thus undermining the concept of social unity.

15

18

The Way Ahead, directed by Carol Reed, Two Cities Films, 1944.

16 Marwick, Class: Image and Reality, 221.

17 This Happy Breed, directed by David Lean, Two Cities Films, 1944.

Malcolm Smith, Britain and 1940: History, Myth and Popular Memory (London: Routledge, 2000), 72.

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The role of The People’s War in challenging traditional gender roles has also been debated considerably by historians. Harold L Smith points to the national women’s conference in September 1943, where Winston Churchill declared that the contribution of women to the war effort had altered the ‘social and sex balances’ of previous years.19 Churchill’s position infers that there was a recognition by the government that attitudes towards women should change. This is supported by the writings of early scholars from our period. In 1945, the economist Gertrude Williams wrote that in many units, men and women were expected to work with ‘absolute equality and good comradeship’, predicting that this would shape future attitudes.20 Williams’s view infers that The People’s War encouraged mutual respect between both genders which could last beyond the war years. Love on the Dole,

set during the 1930s depression, is one example of a wartime film which helped to encourage debate over gender issues. By the end of the film, Sally Hardcastle decides she has no choice but to become a mistress, much to the dismay of her struggling family.21 Levine points out that when the film was originally proposed in the 1930s, censors vetoed the idea because they feared the impact of sexual themes on a mass audience,22 thus the decision to allow the film’s production in 1941 indicates that the establishment acknowledged the need for public discussion on this topic. Another film which contributes to this discussion includes Millions Like Us. During one revealing scene a young woman receives assurances about working in munitions, being told that “you can help your country just as much in an overall as you can in uniform these

Harold L. Smith, ‘The Womanpower Problem in Britain During the Second World War,’ The Historical Journal 27.4 (1984): 925, accessed 17th February 2018, available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2639033 20 Gertrude Williams, Women and Work (London: Nicholson & Watson, 1945), 97.

21

19

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Love On The Dole, directed by John Baxter, British National Films, 1941.

22 Caroline Levine, ‘Propaganda for Democracy: The Curious Case of Love on the Dole,’ Journal of British Studies 45.4 (2006): 847, accessed 4th March 2018, available at: https://doi.org/10.1086/505960

days”.23 This acknowledges the significance of female factory workers to the war effort by placing them on a level par with male fighters. Donnelly observes that the status of women was continuously debated once female conscription was introduced in December 1941,24 highlighting further the importance shown to female labour which Millions Like Us corroborates.

Meanwhile in a scene from This Happy Breed (Figure 2), Frank comments that his wife Ethel seemed tired from doing too much work as their family moved into a new house, to which she responds “well what do you expect me to do, sit down by the fire and read a nice book?”.25 Ethel’s insistence on contributing to the situation at hand indirectly encourages women and men to equally pitch in to wartime demands, supporting Hurd’s argument that cinema attempted to resolve ‘social contradictions’ like gender roles which challenged popular unity.26 It could

therefore be argued that wartime films portrayed The People’s War narrative by provoking debate over gender attitudes, and by encouraging equal contribution to the war effort by people of both sexes.

23

26

Millions Like Us, directed by Frank Launder and Sidney Gilliat, Gainsborough, 1943.

24 Donnelly, Britain in the Second World War, 3839.

25 This Happy Breed, directed by David Lean, Two Cities Films, 1944.

Figure 2 - Ethel and Frank in This Happy Breed.

However, the idea that the Second World War caused sweeping changes to gender roles has been critiqued significantly. Summerfield points out Geoff Hurd, ‘Notes on Hegemony, the War and Cinema,’ in National Fictions: World War Two in British Films and Television, ed. Geoff Hurd (London: BFI Publishing, 1984), 18.

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that in domestic workplaces with canteens, women often missed out because they would use their lunch hour for shopping.27 This indicates that women were still expected to continue their domestic duties, challenging the extent to which gender roles were reassessed. This is replicated to an extent by Millions Like Us. During one compelling scene (Figure 3), a widower father accepts that his daughters will have to leave the family home due to their wartime duties, but he laments about having to come home to an empty home without his dinner made for him.28 While this shows a willingness by the father to make sacrifices for the war on his part, it also suggests a general reluctance towards abandoning traditional female domesticity.

Furthermore, despite The People’s War’s emphasis towards equality between gender roles, a number of wartime films contradicted this idea by

reinforcing patriarchy. Waterloo Road is a particularly poignant example of this, with Aspinall observing that a soldier’s wife is seen as her husband’s property.29 During the film, the wife is pursued by another man called Ted, and the soldier ultimately catches them together towards the end of the film. In the scene that follows, the soldier tells his wife that he is not cross with her, but his wife suggests that he should be.30 By blaming the infidelity directly on the wife instead of Ted, the film advocates the view that females were untrustworthy and made poor choices. Such a negative depiction of women can also be found in other forms of wartime propaganda, including one of Fougasse’s ‘Careless Talk Costs Lives’ posters which depicts two women gossiping in front of Hitler and Göring.31 Therefore, while some wartime films portrayed The People’s War by encouraging equality between the genders, this portrayal was

Summerfield, ‘The Levelling of Class,’ 189.

Millions Like Us, directed by Frank Launder and Sidney Gilliat, Gainsborough, 1943.

29 Sue Aspinall, ‘Women, Realism and Reality in British Films, 1943-53,’ in British Cinema History, eds. James Curran and Vincent Porter (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1983), 281.

30

27 28

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Waterloo Road, directed by Sidney Gilliat, Gainsborough, 1945.

31 Fougasse, You Never Know Who’s Listening Careless Talk Costs Lives (1940), accessed 4th March 2018, available at: http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O121567/carelesstalk-costs-lives-poster-fougasse/

undermined by other films which appeared to resist changing gender roles, as well as some films which negatively depicted women.

Figure 3 - The Father laments at his daughters leaving home in Millions Like Us. Taking all of the evidence above, it can be argued that wartime cinema played an important role in portraying The People’s War, using characters and storylines to depict changing attitudes towards class and gender. Although it is Jose Harris, ‘War and Social History: Britain and the Home Front During the Second World War,’ Contemporary European History 1.1 (1992): 20, accessed 19th January 2018, doi: 10.1017/S096077730000504X 33 Sonya O. Rose, ‘Sex, Citizenship, and the Nation in World War II Britain,’ American Historical Review 32

important to acknowledge historiographical debate over the nature of ‘The People’s War’, the majority of wartime films constituted government propaganda, thus their purpose was to support People’s War attitudes. Harris corroborates this, arguing that cinema was actively involved in building consensus for ‘a certain frame of citizen mind’.32 However, while the duty of wartime cinema was to depict The People’s War in action, we have seen that some wartime films still asserted traditional attitudes towards class and gender. This supports Sonya O Rose’s argument that the media as a whole contributed to public anxiety over the behaviour of girls and young women,33 while Jeffrey Richards attests that cinema continued to portray society in a class-bound manner at the start of the war.34 Therefore, although wartime cinema attempted to portray The People’s War through its exploration of 103.4 (1998): 1150, accessed 2nd March 2018, available at: https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.4.1147 34 Jeffrey Richards, ‘Why We Fight: A Canterbury Tale,’ in Best of British: Cinema and Society From 1930 to the Present, by Anthony Aldgate and Jeffrey Richards. (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999), 58.

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class and gender attitudes, the extent to which this portrayal was effective can be questioned to a considerable extent.

Mackay, Robert. The Test of War: Inside Britain 1939-1945. London: University College London Press, 1999.

References Calder, Angus. The Myth of the Blitz.

London: Pimlico, 1991.

Calder, Angus. The People’s War: Britain 1939-1945, 2nd ed. London: Pimlico, 1992.

Chamberlin, E.R. Life in Wartime Britain.

London: B.T. Batsford, 1972.

Chapman, James. The British At War: Cinema, State and Propaganda, 19391945. London: I.B Tauris, 1998.

Drazin, Charles. The Finest Years: British Cinema of the 1940s. London: André Deutsch, 1998.

Donnelly, Mark. Britain in the Second World War. London: Routledge, 1999.

Mackay, Robert. Half the Battle: Civilian Morale in Britain During the Second World War. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002.

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Marwick, Arthur. Class: Image and Reality in Britain, France and the USA Since 1930.

London: Collins, 1980.

McLaine, Ian. Ministry of Morale: Home Front Morale and the Ministry of Information in World War II. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1979.

Murphy, Robert. British Cinema and the Second World War. London: Continuum, 2000.

Murphy, Robert. Realism and Tinsel: Cinema and Society in Britain 1939-49, 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 1992.

O. Rose, Sonya. Which People’s War?: National Identity and Citizenship in Britain 1939-1945. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

Richards, Jeffrey and Dorothy Sheridan, eds. Mass-Observation At The Movies.

London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987.

Smith, Malcolm. Britain and 1940: History, Myth and Popular Memory. London: Routledge, 2000.

Titmuss, Richard M. Problems of Social Policy. London: H.M.S.O. and Longmans, Green and Co, 1950.

Williams, Gertrude. Women and Work.

London: Nicholson & Watson, 1945.

Aspinall, Sue. ‘Women, Realism and Reality in British Films, 1943-53.’ In British Cinema History, edited by James Curran and Vincent Porter, 272-293. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1983.

Booth, Alan R. ‘The Development of the Espionage Film.’ In Spy Fiction, Spy Films, and Real Intelligence, edited by Wesley K. Wark, 136-160. London: Routledge, 1991.

Gledhill, Christine and Gillian Swanson.

‘Gender and Sexuality in Second World War Films - A Feminist Approach.’ In National Fictions: World War Two in British Films and Television, edited by

Geoff Hurd, 56-62. London: BFI Publishing, 1984.

Hurd, Geoff. ‘Notes on Hegemony, the War and Cinema.’ In National Fictions: World War Two in British Films and Television, edited by Geoff Hurd, 18-19.

London: BFI Publishing, 1984.

Richards, Jeffrey. ‘Why We Fight: A Canterbury Tale.’ In Best of British: Cinema and Society From 1930 to the Present, by Anthony Aldgate and Jeffrey Richards, 57-76. London: I.B. Tauris, 1999.

Summerfield, Penny. ‘The Levelling of Class.’ In War and Social Change: British Society in the Second World War, edited

by Harold L. Smith, 179-207. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986.

Smith, Harold L. ‘The Effect of the War on the Status of Women.’ In War and Social Change: British Society in the Second World War, edited by Harold L. Smith, 208-229. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986.

Estorick, Eric. ‘Morale in Contemporary England.’ American Journal of Sociology 102

47:3 (1941): 462-471. Accessed 27th January 2018. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2769295 Harris, Jose. ‘War and Social History: Britain and the Home Front During the Second World War.’ Contemporary European History 1.1 (1992): 17-35.

Accessed 19th January 2018. doi: 10.1017/S096077730000504X Levine, Caroline. ‘Propaganda for Democracy: The Curious Case of Love on the Dole.’ Journal of British Studies 45.4 (2006): 846-874. Accessed 4th March 2018. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1086/505960 O. Rose, Sonya. ‘Sex, Citizenship, and the Nation in World War II Britain.’ American Historical Review 103.4 (1998): 1147-1176.

Accessed 2nd March 2018. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.4.1147 Shapira, Michal. ‘The Psychological Study of Anxiety in the Era of the Second World War.’ Twentieth Century British History 24:1 (2013): 31-57. Accessed 27th January 2018. doi: 10.1093/tcbh/hwr072 103

Smith, Harold L. ‘The Womanpower Problem in Britain During the Second World War.’ The Historical Journal 27.4 (1984): 925-945. Accessed 17th February 2018. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2639033 Taylor, Matthew. ‘The People’s Game and the People’s War: Football, Class and Nation in Wartime Britain, 19391945.’ Historical Social Research 40:4 (2015): 270-297. Accessed 27th January 2018. doi: 10.12759/hsr. 40.2015.4.270297 Fougasse. You Never Know Who’s Listening - Careless Talk Costs Lives (1940). Accessed 4th March 2018.

Available at: http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O121 567/careless-talk-costs-lives-posterfougasse/ Millions Like Us. Directed by Frank Launder and Sidney Gilliat.

Gainsborough, 1943.

In Which We Serve. Directed by Noel Coward and David Lean. Two Cities Films, 1942.

The Bells Go Down. Directed by Basil Dearden. Ealing Studios, 1943.

San Demetrio London. Directed by Charles Frend. Ealing Studios, 1943.

The Lion Has Wings. Directed by Michael Powell. London Films, 1939.

Love On The Dole. Directed by John Baxter. British National Films, 1941.

Night Train to Munich. Directed by Carol Reed. Twentieth Century Productions, 1940.

Waterloo Road. Directed by Sidney Gilliat. Gainsborough, 1945.

This Happy Breed. Directed by David Lean. Two Cities Films, 1944.

The Way Ahead. Directed by Carol Reed.

Two Cities Films, 1944.

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The Vodka Cranberry Princess Emily Wheeler MA Creative and Critical Writing ONCE upon a time in the land of university, when nights out were still fun and first year didn’t count, there lived three girls who were all very beautiful.

They had many fine clothes and sparkling jewels, for they had spent much of their poorly calculated student loans at Zara. More than anything else these three girls loved to dance and twirl in sweaty nightclubs, drinking vodka and cranberry and trying not to throw up on themselves on the way home. They lived together in a little student house on a little student street, and had not a care for the outside world.

You might suppose that life was completely and entirely perfect for these three beautiful girls, but alas: all was not as it seemed. The precious heart of the youngest and most beautiful had been shattered at the hand of a deceitful and nasty boy. At this, the housemates had wept together, and when the weeping was done, the older and wiser girls knew what to do.

They assured their youngest companion 105

that that the only way to get over the villainous boy was to get under another (less villainous) one. As soon as possible.

Now, close by their little student house lay a great dark nightclub where all sorts of naughty and notorious things would soon be happening. The three girls loved to dance there and would attend each and every Thursday without fail, for it was on this day that the drinks were half price. By mid-winter the older housemates had grown tired of cheering the youngest girl, and were eager to resume their usual antics without having to be mindful of the heartbroken one’s feelings. It was with this plan in mind that a ‘house night out’ was called, and the three of them dressed in their finest wares, pre-drank hard, and set forth to the club.

Once they had woven the great and winding queue the girls began to dance, and for a short time it seemed that all was well in the world. With wild abandon and reckless pleasure the youngest girl would tip back her head and shout to the skies for whatever she most desired in the world. With a flash of her shiny golden card her double vodka cranberry drinks came forth unto

her. Happiness visited her beautiful face once again, and the shiny debit card was her very favourite plaything.

The night became later and the girls became drunker. Then, it so happened that on one foul occasion the youngest girl's golden card did not beep in bright acceptance as she tapped it to the reader. It was blocked and denied.

On this she began to cry, louder and louder, and could not be consoled. The beautiful housemates soon became bored with comforting her and flounced off into the night. The youngest girl did not notice that she was now all alone in the world, because she was, alas, too wasted.

As she thus lamented, a voice spoke to her, ‘What ails thee, young girl? You weep so that even a man would show pity.’ She looked around to see from whence this voice was coming, and saw an unfamiliar and unfortunate-looking boy reaching forth his hand towards her.

‘Ah!’ said she; ‘I am weeping for my golden card, for it has denied me my next double vodka cranberry.’

‘Do not weep,’ answered the boy, overcome by the girl’s beauty. ‘I can

help, but what will thou give me if I bring a new drink forth to you?’

‘Whatever thou wilt have, dear boy’ said she. ‘My glittering clothes, my fitness watch, and this half pack of chewing gum at the bottom of my bag.’

The boy answered, ‘I do not care for thy clothes, thy watch and thy gum, but if you will love me and let me be your dear companion, then I will use my own golden card and bring forth to you a drink of vodka cranberry. With a straw.’

‘Oh yes’ said she. ‘I promise thou all that you wish, if you will bring me my drink, for I am so very thirsty.’ However, the girl thought to herself: ‘How the silly boy does talk! He is not at all my type, a little too short and croaky, and can be no companion to such a beautiful human as I!’ But, as he had received the promise, the boy leaned close to the barman and in a short while he turned to the girl again, and presented two unnaturally-pink drinks before her. The girl was so delighted that she picked up her drink and ran away at great speed.

‘Wait, wait,’ said the boy. ‘Take me with you.’

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But what did it avail him to call after her as loudly as he could? She did not listen, but danced away into the night and soon forgot the poor boy, who was forced to go back to the bar and do shots by himself.

With a light heart, filled so completely with joy and alcohol, the girl re-joined her housemates and danced freely for a while with no concern. But before long a stealthy figure came creeping across the dancefloor towards her. And when he had got close to her he touched his pale arm to her beautiful shoulder and cried: ‘Oh, beautiful girl, come and dance with me!’

She turned to see who was there, and when she looked him in the eyes she saw that it was that very same boy who had bought her the drink. She spun herself about and hid behind her housemates, and was quite frightened.

The housemates saw that her heart was beating violently and said: ‘Beautiful one, what are you so afraid of? Is there perchance a giant who wants to carry you away?’

‘Ah, no,’ replied she. ‘It is no giant, but a disgusting boy.’

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The housemates turned to see the poor unfortunate male.

‘What does that ugly boy want with you!?’

‘Earlier this night I was at the bar and my golden card was rejected. And because I cried so, this boy bought a drink for me, and because he so insisted, I promised him he should be my companion. I never thought he would be able to find me on this dark and crowded dancefloor! But now he is there and wants to dance with me.’

The boy had woven his way through the hot and sweaty bodies to get to her, and he cried, ‘My beautiful girl! Come and dance with me! Do you not remember what you promised to me earlier by the bar? Beautiful girl! Dance with me!’

Then said the housemates: ‘That which you have promised you must perform. Go and dance with him.’ The girl then had no choice, for her housemates would protect her no longer. The boy took her by the hand and danced with her and no one else, and he never let go of her hand, and when anyone else came to ask her to

dance he said ‘no, this girl is dancing with me.’

They danced until a late hour of the night, perhaps past the stroke of twelve, and when the lights were soon to come on the boy stood and cried: ‘Take me home with you!’

And the beautiful girl delayed for as long as she knew how; until at last her housemates commanded her to do it in the hope that she might find herself a new true love.

The beautiful girl led the unbeautiful boy on a very long walk home, though her little student house was not so far. They wound the streets and she shivered with the cold, for she refused to pay three golden coins for the cloakroom. All that concealed her little chest was two hundred sequins, woven together into something resembling a top. The unfortunate-looking boy saw that she shivered so and tried to pull her close to his warmth, but the girl did resist and she pushed him away. At this, the boy took off his jacket and offered it to her, and when she wore it on her frame he was pleased.

After they had walked long and far through the dark and noisy night,

they came to stand outside the little student house where the three beautiful girls did live. Once the boy was there on her street, he wanted to be in her house, and once he was in her house, he wanted to be in her bedroom.

When he was in her bedroom he said: ‘Now, push your little body nearer to me, that we may kiss together.’

She did this, but it was easy to see that she did not do it willingly. The boy enjoyed what he ate, but every mouthful choked her.

At last he said: ‘I am tired, show me to thy bathroom whilst you make thy little silken bed ready, and we will both lie down together.’

The girl began to cry, for she was still afraid of the ugly boy who she did not like to touch, and who was now to sleep in her pretty little bed. By now her housemates had returned and they were drunk and opinionated; having acquired their own male companions for the evening. They told her she must do it.

So, the youngest girl took hold of the boy, and pleased him, but she kept 108

her pretty sequins on. Still the boy was not satisfied. In her little bed he crept closer to her under the covers and said, ‘I want all of you. Do as I say or I will tell your housemates of your great unkindness to me, for you have broken your promise.’

His words made the beautiful girl terribly angry, and in a great rage she grasped a fist of his hair, and threw his head against the wall with all her might.

‘Be quiet, stupid boy!’

Releasing her hand on impact, she ran from the room and took her little key, and locked her bedroom door behind her so that the boy was caught inside. The beautiful girl then stumbled to the bathroom where she wiped the glitter from her cheekbones and threw up in the sink, before fashioning a little bed of towels on the cold tiled floor.

Once the dark cold night had passed and the sun had awoken her at midday, the girl remembered her actions and she feared what she’d find when she returned to her pretty little bedroom. She rose slowly and crept towards the door. Her nimble fingers turned the key and with a click the door

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swung forth to reveal the room which she had fled in such haste.

It was at this moment that the girl received a great and most welcome surprise. Asleep there on her pretty little bed was the most beautiful man she ever had seen in all her life. How fortunate! He was so beautiful that she could not take her eyes off him, so she sat upon the bedside for a while and watched him sleeping. Try as she might she could not understand this most magical turn of events.

Unnerved by being watched in that way, the beautiful man soon awoke.

‘I have admired you from afar’ he explained. ‘But I was hesitant to approach until I could be sure of your true nature.’ He had forged a secret plan to test her promiscuity, because no one could be his girlfriend who would sleep with whomever would buy her a drink.

‘It was my noble housemate, Jim Frogmore, who accompanied you last night on my instruction. He is a fine actor in the university theatre company and a most loyal friend.’

At present, the actor was happily occupied in the girls’ kitchen, nursed by

the beautiful housemates with a bag of frozen peas pressed to his head.

‘Now,’ said the beautiful man.

‘Because you have prevailed in my test and used violence to defend yourself against unwanted menfolk, I am pleased. Tomorrow we will go together to Nandos and have our first date.’

The girl considered this for a time, and after very little thought she decided that she might forgive the beautiful man for his deceptive scheme because he was very beautiful. Besides, she anticipated a more constant deliverance of vodka cranberries and chicken meals if she so consented.

‘Yes, alright’ she said.

And so it came to pass that the beautiful man and the beautiful girl and the beautiful housemates all lived in perfect harmony for one whole week before another great drama befell them.

During the course of those most fateful seven days, the girl became whingy and the boy became lazy. Try as they might to engage in thoughtful and sober conversation, they found that developing a meaningful connection was, alas, beyond them.

On Sunday morning, when she thought her beautiful man was asleep beside her, the beautiful girl resumed her beloved Tinder game. She arranged to meet a tall, dark and handsome stranger at Wagamamas, because truly she preferred Japanese food to chicken.

What she did not know was that the beautiful man had in fact stirred from his slumbers, and in keeping very still he had read over her shoulder and witnessed her dreadful betrayal. In a tempestuous strop he took leave from her pretty little bedroom and clattered down the stairs, awaking the house. The girl felt a little sorry, but soon indulged in a Netflix binge and forgot the matter.

She was excited for her Chicken Katsu Curry.

Thankfully, the beautiful man’s heart was not too much aggrieved because the beautiful girl’s older housemate had the softest silken skin he had ever touched. She offered him great kindness and immeasurable comfort on that most turbulent of Sunday mornings.

The End.

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Rationale: Self-Reflective Rationale for The Vodka Cranberry Princess This creative piece uses the well-known tale The Frog Prince as a springboard to humorously explore some of the moral repercussions of modern student life.

Italo Calvino famously said that “fairy tales are real,” because they explore the “potential destinies of men and women.1” Taking a familiar setting, my retention of the fairy tale ‘voice’ has allowed me to playfully explore the actions and morals of characters which the contemporary reader will find recognisable.

The tale begins in a university house, and follows a stereotypical plot of a heartbroken student being taken on a night out by her friends. Drawing influence from The Frog Prince, my narrative plays with the dilemma of receiving favours and owing debts – brought into contemporary focus by the 1

Italo Calvino. Italian Folktales. trans. George Martin. New York. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.

1980. xviii–xix 2 Zipes, Jack. “What Makes a Repulsive Frog so Appealing: Memetics and Fairy Tales.” Journal of

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male character buying drinks at a bar, in exchange for the female character’s attention. Fairy tales are renowned for exploring the development of sexual relationships, says Zipes, because “they reveal facts about mating strategies and courting practices that can be traced back hundreds, if not thousands, of years.”2 I wanted to construct a situation which readers could empathise with, and imagine what they would do in a similar circumstance. For British students in 2018, the idea that letting someone buy you a drink means that you have to sleep with them is outrageous. However, there are social codes which imply that buying a drink for somebody is also an invitation to engage in conversation and connection.

Accepting a drink from a stranger and then running away would be rude. The individual must decide where on this scale they would sit; informed by their own social morality.

Folklore Research, vol. 45, no. 2, 2008, pp. 109– 143. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40206971.

Using this trivial quirk of social interaction, my creative piece draws parallels with Grimm’s version of The Frog Prince, where the central princess character accepts help from a frog, in exchange for a promise of companionship; “I can help thee, but what wilt thou give me if I bring thy plaything up again?”3 The princess accepts his help, with no intention of fulfilling her promise: "Oh yes," said she, "I promise thee all thou wishest, if thou wilt but bring me my ball back again."

She, however, thought, "How the silly frog does talk! He lives in the water with the other frogs, and croaks, and can be no companion to any human being!"4 In my contemporary retelling, the ‘beautiful student girl’ has similar intentions to accept her drink, but then run away from the boy because he is not attractive enough for her. Her character is simplified – as is the practice for fairy tales – into being beautiful, and liking

only beautiful things. She and her housemates are shallow; and in the modern derogatory sense, they are ‘princesses’5. The reader’s allegiance is perhaps with the boy at this stage, although this changes as the story develops. Reading The Frog Prince, I found the language and pace of action hugely entertaining. Characters act recklessly and dramatically, with refreshing simplicity and lack of rational thought, “But when he fell down he was no frog but a King's son with beautiful kind eyes. He by her father's will was now her dear companion and husband.”6 I kept this specific element of narrative style, which is achieved largely through blunt observations; “the youngest girl did not notice that she was now all alone in the world, because she was, alas, too wasted.”7 However, this style does use a lot of ‘telling’ rather than ‘showing’, a method which Kirsty Logan analyses in reference to pace:

Grimm, Jakob and Wilhelm (translated). ‘The Frog Prince’. The Complete Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm. New York, N.Y. :Bantam, 1987.

4 Ibid 5 Contemporary accusations of being a ‘princess’ include appearing spoilt, lazy and detached from the real world.

6

3

Grimm, Jakob and Wilhelm (translated). ‘The Frog Prince’. The Complete Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm. New York, N.Y. :Bantam, 1987.

7 Emily Wheeler. The Vodka Cranberry Princess.

Contemporary Fiction CW7130.

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This blunt and fast-paced comedic action in the story is effective, but needed balancing with the ‘showing’ technique as well. In this respect, the workshopping group was invaluable for identifying which lines worked as humour, and which could be developed into a more detailed ‘showing’ description.

whether this was as successful as it could be, and I decided to experiment with re-writing the dialogue with contemporary language. Having tried both styles, I much prefer the rhythm and flow created by the traditional-style dialogue I had written, although I have toned it down in response to feedback from the group. The sentence structure and humorous rhythm of speech is the same, but I have swapped some of the ‘thee’s’ and ‘thou’s’ for ‘you’ and ‘your’, because this read more fluidly. Also, the characters recognise the strange language, and comment on it. This, for me, was a suitable way to meet the reader’s needs whilst also maintaining the humorous aspect that the language provided.

Our workshops were also helpful in exploring the use of archaic language for the characters’ speech. Personally, the incorporation of some original dialogue from The Frog Prince was one of my favourite elements of the piece, adding to the comedy and nodding to the source text. However, we discussed

The comedy is an important aspect in the modernisation of the tale, because it contrasts and balances the mood as the plot begins to turn quite sinister.

Filipacchi says that in her use of fictional dark humour, “the purpose is to highlight the absurd or unsavoury aspects of the world, of human nature and/or of our

“In short stories and novels, we can either show narrative in scenes – this has immediacy and pulls the reader into the story – or we can tell narrative in summary. This varies the pace, and also avoids the feel of just bouncing from scene to scene with no reflection or pause.”8

Kirsty Logan. ‘How to edit your own Writing’. Kirsty Logan.com/Blog. Accessed 16th December 2018.

8

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society.”9 Comedy is often used to explore darkness. So are fairy-tales, “Fairy tales are not afraid to address the darker sides of humanity…In this way, fairy tales are brave. Also, traditionally, fairy tales did not always have a neat, happy ending.”10 Whilst addressing the topical issue of rape and consent, I had to carefully consider whether my fairy tale would be one of justice and didactic morality. Reading author’s views on ‘writing morality’, this quotation from Philip Pullman resonated with me: “you can't leave out morality from a book.

Everything we do, however small, has consequences.”11 I think that this is true – morality is implicit, even if it does not need to be overtly explained. I believe that my readers will come to their own moral conclusions from this tale, and that they will likely be in line with my own. The reader is not supposed to like the central female character, but still

feels increasingly uncomfortable as the narrative gently progresses towards a potential rape scene. Should the male character then receive comeuppance for his actions? He is a complex character; showing his ‘goodness’ by lending the girl his coat, and he is revealed at the end to be ‘just testing her’. I debated over darkening the tale to depict a rape scene, and the quote above about ‘bravery’ in fairy-tales stayed with me in my thinking. However, I decided to end the scene before that point, as I felt the ‘What If…?’ element was more effective – the reader’s mind is doing the work already here.

Filipacchi, qtd by Jack Smith ‘In good humor: Using comedy in fiction’. WriterMag. June 2014.

Accessed 17th December 2018. https://www.writermag.com/improve-yourwriting/fiction/good-humor/ 10 Mihaela Nicolescu .‘Five Things Writers Can Learn From Fairytales’. Writer’s Edit. Accessed 10.12.18. https://writersedit.com/fiction-writing/5-

things-writers-learn-fairy-tales/ 11 Philip Pullman. qtd Angelique Chrisafis: ‘Pullman lays down moral challenge for writers’. The Guardian. 2002. Accessed 17. 12.18 12 Tatar, M. (2014). Introduction. In M. Tatar (Ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Fairy Tales (Cambridge Companions to Literature, pp. 1-10).

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

9

Tatar suggests that “despite our constant efforts to turn fairy tales into instruments for conveying messages and morals, we remain drawn to the stories in large part because they open up the great question of ‘What if?’”12 The

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power of this particular story is its closeness to reality and the ability of readers to imagine alternative endings.

What could have happened? My first draft of this creative piece had a ‘fairy tale happy ending’ which was supposed to jar with the modern readers’ expectations, and serve as a comment about the unjust and unrealistic resolutions of many traditional fairy tales. In Grimm’s The Frog Prince, the self-defensive violence shown by the princess breaks the unwanted advances, and both characters are rewarded with the frog’s transformation into a prince - after which they marry and live happily ever after.

a new wave of critical perspectives on the Grimm’s tales”13 (153) Historically, ““Women and especially lower-class women, it was argued, had been the main carriers of traditional tales and, as literacy was very much an upper-class preserve, genuine female stories naturally went unrecorded until the nineteenth or even the twentieth century.”14 With retellings by modern women writers, we begin to see challenges to the traditional narratives.

There is vast critical discussion about the depiction of women in fairy-tales, which Zipes attributes to adaptations from the 1970’s, “A new era, sparked by the feminist movement, signalled a change in the western world that led to

In my story, this was problematic because the central female character is not likeable, and would not deserve a heroine’s ending. After several re-drafts, I concluded that both characters should come to a dissatisfactory ending, because they have shown themselves to be shallow and deceitful. This was also an opportunity to bring back the comedy element of the storytelling, where readers may be able to recognise

13

14

Zipes, Jack. Grimm Legacies: The Magic Spell of the Grimms' Folk and Fairy Tales. Princeton University Press, 2015. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1g0b8zd.

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De Blécourt, Willem. “The Magic of the Printed Word: a Prologue.” Tales of Magic, Tales in Print: On the Genealogy of Fairy Tales and the Brothers Grimm, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2012, pp. 1–22. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6p4w6.5.

elements from real life. The ending is elusive, implying but not explicitly telling the reader what happens between the characters. This worked better than my ‘telling’ explanation in the original draft.

References Calvino, Italo. Italian Folktales. trans.

George Martin. New York. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. 1980. xviii–xix De Blécourt, Willem. “The Magic of the Printed Word: a Prologue.” Tales of Magic, Tales in Print: On the Genealogy of Fairy Tales and the Brothers Grimm, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2012, pp. 1–22. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6p4w6.5.

Filipacchi, qtd by Jack Smith ‘In good humor: Using comedy in fiction’.

WriterMag. June 2014. Accessed 17th December 2018. https://www.writermag.com/improveyour-writing/fiction/good-humor/ Grimm, Jakob and Wilhelm (translated).

‘The Frog Prince’. The Complete Fairy

Tales of the Brothers Grimm. New York, N.Y. :Bantam, 1987.

Nicolescu, M.‘Five Things Writers Can Learn From Fairytales’. Writer’s Edit.

Accessed 10.12.18. https://writersedit.com/fictionwriting/5-things-writers-learn-fairytales/ Pullman, Philip. qtd Angelique Chrisafis: ‘Pullman lays down moral challenge for writers’. The Guardian. 2002. Accessed 17. 12.18 Tatar, M. (2014). Introduction. In M. Tatar (Ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Fairy Tales (Cambridge Companions to Literature, pp. 1-10). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Wheeler, E. The Vodka Cranberry Princess. Contemporary Fiction CW7130.

Zipes, Jack. “What Makes a Repulsive Frog so Appealing: Memetics and Fairy Tales.” Journal of Folklore Research, vol.

45, no. 2, 2008, pp. 109–143. Accessed 11..12.18 www.jstor.org/stable/40206971.

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Zipes, Jack. Grimm Legacies: The Magic Spell of the Grimms' Folk and Fairy Tales.

Princeton University Press, 2015. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1g0b8zd.

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The Making of a Dynasty: Augustus and Vespasian’s Use of Public Imagery in the Roman Empire During the 1st Century AD Daisy Dorrington MA History

emperors were able to distribute their political messages in a bid for legitimisation. The virtues selected for dissemination were dependent upon the socio-political circumstances of the period.

In the modern age, it is common to see politicians indulging in the use of social media platforms, television appearances and advert campaigns to promote their political message. From the posters of Lord Kitchener advising the British populace to sign up to the army (‘Your Country Needs You!’), to Donald Trump’s twitter antics, modern technology has dominated the dissemination of political propaganda for the last few centuries.

How then did men of power in antiquity promote their political ethos? What did they portray? And most importantly, why? Without modern platforms of distribution, Roman emperors used innovative ways of producing propaganda and bestowing their individual political ideologies upon its citizens. This was achieved through the construction of magnificent architecture, the minting of coins, and the sponsoring of literature; through these vectors,

This article will explore how Roman Emperors, Augustus (r. 27 BC – AD 14) and Vespasian (r. AD 69 – AD 79) were able to consolidate their rules by promoting their own political messages to prove they were worthy of their emperorship. This framework is still replicated by politicians today; however, they have an easier job with dissemination because of advances in modern technology. In addition to the relatively unchanged motivations, some ideologies promoted were also imitated by their modern counterparts. Both of these illustrious emperors stepped into power at a time of social and political catastrophe; therefore, it was of the utmost importance that they quashed their opposition and validated their position to prevent further chaos from unfolding. This article will discuss Augustus and Vespasian’s use of public imagery to establish idealised principles

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in order to certify their position as the sitting emperor. These principles included the emperor’s personal role as an instrument of peace, the celebration of military achievements, and an emphasis on their divine heritage.

Role as an Instrument of Peace Augustus and Vespasian both made effective use of propaganda that emphasised their role as an instrument of peace, crediting themselves for the relative harmony of the Empire under their emperorship.1 This was of particular value when one considers the preceding chaos, which was prevalent in Rome prior to both of their successions.

Adrian Sherwin-White claims that to speak of Rome during the late Republic without a discussion of violence is ‘impossible.’2 In the years prior to the formation of the most formidable empire

27 BC – AD 180 witnessed a period now known as the ‘Pax Romana,’ Latin for Roman peace. A period that Augustus initiated and Vespasian enjoyed; they both made effective use of their role in the establishment and maintenance of peace to consolidate their imperial powers.

2 Adrian Nicholas Sherwin-White, “Violence in Roman Politics,” The Journal of Roman Studies 46.1 (1956): 1 1

the world has ever seen, violence, disarray, and lawlessness were a commonplace. On the Ides of March in 44 BC, Julius Caesar (l. 100 BC – 44 BC) was violently murdered in the Senate.

The consequential power vacuum that this created instigated further violence amongst all levels of society; citizens rioted in the streets and civil war persisted with devastating ramifications.

It was only when the power struggle between Mark Antony (l. 83 BC – 30 BC) and Octavian (Augustus) reached its dramatic end at the Battle of Actium in 31 BC that things began to simmer down.3 Vespasian also came to power after a period of immense brutality; he usurped imperial powers in December AD 69, following the suicide of Nero (r.

AD 54 – AD 68) and the year of the four emperors.4 During the 18 months following the suicide of Nero; Galba,

3

The Battle of Actium was the last important victory for Octavian against the combined force of Mark Antony and Cleopatra in 31 BC. Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa commanded Octavian’s fleet.

4 The year of four emperors was an 18 month period that opened with the suicide of Nero – the last of the Julio-Claudian emperors – in June of AD 68, and closed with Vespasian’s victory over Vitellius. For an account of this period see; Gwyn

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Otho, and Vitellius all usurped imperial powers and all met a grisly end.5 In both instances, the Roman populace was dishevelled by civil war and had a powerful yearning for tranquillity.

Consequently, it was of substantial benefit to both Augustus and Vespasian to subsidise their role as a bearer of peace, paving the way for their new dynasties.

The very title ‘Augustus,’ allowed him to promote this ideology, as Mary Beard informs us, Augustus was ‘a new name intended to consign the bloody associations of “Octavian” to the past.’6 In other words, Augustus and his newly assigned title represented a new epoch for Rome; leaving the belligerence in the past, they faced a new day of prosperity and peace.7 This is also reflected in the unveiling of the Ara Pacis Augustae Morgan, 69 AD: The Year of Four Emperors (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 1 5 Galba (June AD 68 – Jan AD 69), was assassinated by his successor, Otho (Jan AD 69 – April AD 69), committed suicide, and Vitellius (April AD 69 – Dec AD 69) whilst preparing to abdicate, was executed by Vespasian’s soldiers.

6 Mary Beard, SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome (London: Profile Books Ltd, 2015), 353

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(Altar to Augustan Peace) in 9 BC; a monument dedicated to the goddess Pax – the goddess of Roman peace.

Barbara Spaeth asserts that the monument ‘intended to celebrate the new era of peace brought to all Roman citizens by the princeps Augustus.’8 Referring to figure 1, we see the east side of the Ara Pacis Augustae; on the left relief we see Tellus (the goddess of Earth) and on the right Roma (a female deity who personified the city of Rome).

Encircling the entire monument, located below Tellus and Roma, is a vegetal relief consisting of acanthus plants – a plant native to the Mediterranean region and a common feature of Roman imperial architecture. Diana E E Kleiner and Bridget Buxton claim that this vegetal relief ‘reinforces the theme of peaceful abundance resulting from the Pax Romana.’9 Moreover, Giulia Caneva The title ‘Augustus’ was assigned to him by the Senate in January of 27 BC, for more information see; W K. Lacey, “Octavian in the Senate, January 27 BC,” The Journal of Roman Studies 64 (1974): 180 8 Barbara Stanley Spaeth, “The Goddess Ceres in the Ara Pacis Augustae and the Carthage Relief,” American Journal of Archaeology 98.1 (1994): 85 9 Diana E E Kleiner and Bridget Buxton, “Pledges of Empire: The Ara Pacis and the Donations of 7

and Valentina Savo suggest the use of plants on the monument and other Roman architecture was based on their ‘metaphorical relationship’ with life, fertility, and general prosperity.10

Figure 1: The Ara Pacis Augustae (Altar to Augustan peace)11 Equally significant was Augustus’ revival of the antiquated custom of the Temple of Janus and its traditional association as

Rome,” American Journal of Archeology 112.1 (2008): 59 10 Giulia Caneva and Valentina Savo, “Big Messages in Small Details: Nature in Roman Archaeology,” Economic Botany 68.1 (2014): 110 11 “Ara Pacis Augustae,” last modified October 13, 2013, https://www.ancient.eu/article/618/ara-pacisaugustae/ 12 Livy Ab Urbe Cond. 1.19; Titus Livius Patavinus or Livy was a Roman historian; Janus is the god of beginnings, endings and transitions, he is often depicted with 2 faces, one facing the future and the other the past. Some have credited the construction of the temple to Romulus and Titus Tatius or even

an emblem of peace. Livy (l. 59 BC – AD 17) tells us that the Temple was the architectural project of the second King of Rome, Numa Pompilius (l. 753 BC – 673 BC); the gates were opened during times of war and closed during times of peace.12 The significance of this custom to Augustus’ public persona is revealed in the ‘Res Gestae’ (hereafter; RG), ‘before my birth [the gates are] … recorded to have been closed but twice in all since the foundation of the city, the Senate ordered to be closed thrice while I was princeps.’13 Not only did this allow Augustus to promote his role as an instrument of peace for the Empire, but also appealed to the increasingly prevalent sense of mos maiorum within Rome.14 earlier. For more information on the possible origins of the Temple of Janus see; Valentine Muller, “The Shrine of Janus Geminus in Rome,” American Journal of Archaeology 47.4 (1943): 437 13 The Res Gestae Divi Augusti or the Res Gestae is the autobiographical funerary inscription of the emperor Augustus. This was originally engraved onto two bronze pillars and placed in front of the Mausoleum of Augustus, it was also disseminated around the empire; Aug, RG. 7.13 14 Mos maiorum translates from Latin as ‘ancestral custom’ or ‘ways of the ancestors’, it was an unwritten code which underpinned Roman social norms. It affectionately reminisced the lives and

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Resuscitation of this ancient custom was an extremely powerful propaganda tool to a nation who treasured their heritage, and its significance is illuminated in Augustan literature. Horace (l. 65 BC – 8 BC) says ‘the ending of wars throughout the world under your auspices, and the bars holding fast Janus, the guardian of peace.’15 This view persisted to when Suetonius (l. AD 69 – AD 122) was writing in the second centuries within the confines of Trajan (r. AD 98 – AD 117) and Hadrian’s (r. AD 117 – AD 138) courts.16 He writes, ‘he never made war on any nation without due course… he forced the chiefs of certain barbarians to take an oath in the Temple of Mars the Avenger that they would faithfully keep the peace for which they asked.’17 The prominence of this ancient custom in customs of their ancestors, encouraging citizens to ‘look back’ to a preceding golden age, a nationalistic ideology that is not completely alien to us today. For more information on mos maiorum, see; Dean Hammer, “Roman Political Thought,” The Encyclopaedia of Politic Thought (2014): 3290, accessed 4 December 2018, doi:10.1002/9781118474396.wbept0002 15 Quintus Horatius Flaccus or Horace was a Roman poet during the Augustan era; Horace, Epist. 2.1

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classical literature (Augustan and beyond), is evidence of how commendably its revival was received. It allowed Augustus to align himself with peace and conservatism, contrasting himself with the preceding chaos of the late Republic as a way to legitimise his rule by proving his worth as emperor.

Vespasian embraced and utilised Augustus’ propaganda in order to emulate the supposed tranquillity and repose of Augustan Rome. Steven Tuck claims Vespasian used Augustus as a ‘paradigm of excellence whose precedence could be directly appealed to and exploited.’18 He, like Augustus, made use of the Temple of Janus in his propaganda campaign; not only was he able to align himself with Augustus and Pax, he was also able to discredit Nero.

16

Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus or Suetonius was a Roman historian during the Flavian and Antonine eras.

17 Suet., Aug. 21.2; For honouring of goddess Pax, see Kurt A. Raaflaub, ”Introduction: Searching for Peace in the Ancient World,” in War and Peace in the Ancient World, ed. Kurt A. Raaflaub (Malden: Blackwell, 2007) 14 18 Stephen L Tuck, “Imperial Image Making,” in A Companion to the Flavian Age of Imperial Rome, ed. Andrew Zissos (Chichester: Blackwell, 2016), 110

Gavin Townsend says ‘peace was to be his own gift to the empire,’19 Vespasian claimed that his closure of the gates after the war in Jerusalem was the sixth closure, thus annulling Nero’s closure following an inconclusive Parthian campaign. Despite Vespasian’s attempts, we are aware of Nero’s closure of the gates, because of coins that have been discovered depicting the gates.20 (See figure 2)

Figure 2: Neronian coin from AD 65. The obverse depicting the head of Emperor Nero and the reverse side of the coin

Gavin B Townsend, “Tacitus, Suetonius and the Temple of Janus,” Hermes 108.2 (1980): 234 20 Vespasian’s policy to omit the memory of Neronian peace was simply to encourage historians to not mention it. For more information see; Townsend, “Tacitus,” 234 21 “British Museum, coin collection,” accessed December 6, 2018 https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_ online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=120 2064&partId=1&searchText=janus+roman&page=5 19

shows the gates of the ‘Temple of Janus’ closed.21 Although Vespasian did not directly challenge this series of Neronian coins, he did mint other coins to affiliate himself with Augustus and peace. His coins depicted virtues including Pax, Securitas and Fides Publica, as well as the inclusion of the nomen ‘Caesar’ and the praenomen ‘Imperator’, further underlining his aspirations to correlate himself with Augustan ideologies.22 Congruently to the ‘Ara Pacis Augustae’, Vespasian commissioned the building of the ‘Templum Pacis’ (Temple of Peace) in AD 71 facing the Velian Hill. Adam Nissinoff says the name of the temple was ‘highly symbolic because it broadcast Vespasian’s commitment to achieving peace.’23 Augustus and 22

Pax is goddess of peace, Securitas is goddess of security and stability and Fides is the goddess of trust; For Vespasian’s coinage depicting Pax, Securitas and Fides Publica see M. St. A. Woodside, “Vespasian’s Patronage of Education and the Arts”, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philogical Association 73 (1942) 126; For the use of the nomen and praenomen see; Tuck, “Imperial Image Making,” 110-112 23 Adam Nissinoff, “Examining Vespasian’s Propaganda: Garnering the Loyalty of Soldiers,” A Journal of Critical Writing 10 (2015): 83

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Vespasian presented themselves as bearers of peace through architecture, coinage, and literature. After hundreds of years of civil war, the citizens were desperate for peace; hence, these depictions were particularly meaningful to their antique audiences. War still has a similar effect on society today, it is common to see protests during times of war calling for a ceasefire; just like modern politicians, emperors had to appear as though they were lessening the plight of the ordinary citizen – which the ending of wars and maintenance of peace definitely achieved.

The Celebration of Military Achievement Although it may seem contradictory to the promotion of peace, the celebration of military achievement was an important component to showing ones worth as the emperor of Rome and unifying the Empire with a collective identity. Although these references were 24

Karl Galinsky, Augustan Culture: An Interpretative Introduction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998) 21-22 25 The Circus Maximus was the first Roman chariot racing stadium and mass entertainment venue in Rome; Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa or Agrippa was a

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subtle, they were still of vital importance to the legitimacy of the emperor; to be the head of the most remarkable Empire ever known, they had to prove that, if necessary, they could protect and expand imperial territories. Galinsky says that imperial artists ‘had to employ more non-specific and abstract symbols of victory,’24 such as ships and marine creatures to reference naval victories.

For example, Cupid can be seen riding a dolphin on the ‘Ara Pacis Augustae,’ and the lap markers in the Circus Maximus were also changed to dolphins by Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa (l. 64/62 BC – 12 BC).25 The dolphin is an indirect allusion to the naval achievements of Augustus, including the battle that changed it all – the Battle of Actium. The words of Augustus himself are the most significant in revealing his motivations; in the RG, he says ‘when they waged war upon the republic, I twice defeated them

Roman consul, statesmen and architect. He married Augustus’ daughter Julia, as well as being a close friend and lieutenant of Augustus. Agrippa was of monumental assistance to him during the Battle of Actium, and aided his transformation of Rome into a ‘city of marble’.

in battle.’26 Not only does this highlight Augustus’ distaste for war and violence; it also emphasises that despite this feeling, he could still achieve glory when necessary. Augustus’ reluctance to allude to his rivals is evident in what he leaves out of the RG; not once does he refer to his enemies by name, this was clearly not a mistake. Augustus did not want to remind the public of the violence used to gain his position by mentioning the names of his opposition to power, the assassins of Caesar and Mark Antony.27 He mentions his victory at Actium, in order to memorialise his military achievements, but ingeniously so, neglects Antony’s name as to not act as a reminder of his involvement in a civil war against a fellow Roman.28

achievements. Nonetheless, unlike with Augustus, Vespasian was able to be more overt in images of victory with the Jewish War because they represented a foreign enemy – rather than a fellow Roman. This is evident with the Arch of Titus; the triumphal procession visible along the frieze represents sacrificial animals, soldiers, and slaves.29 The south side depicts Roman soldiers carrying the spoils of war back to Rome; the focal point of this panel is the menorah, which clearly identifies the Arch as celebrating Vespasian and Titus’s (r. AD 79 – AD 81) victory in the Jewish war.

Vespasian again followed the precedent set by Augustus in terms of the commemoration of military 26

Aug., RG, 1.2 The Second Triumvirate, made up of Augustus, Mark Antony and Lepidus, at the Battle of Philippi in 42 BC, defeated the assassins of Julius Caesar, Brutus and Cassius (Augustus’’ adoptive father and only initial claim to power). After fighting alongside one another, Mark Antony – accompanied by the forces of the Egyptian Queen Cleopatra VII Philopater – and Augustus went against each, 27

battling for power over Rome. The Battle of Actium in 31 BC secured Augustus’ victory, and future place as the first emperor of Rome. For more see; David Shotter, Augustus Caesar (London: Routledge, 1999), 3 28 For Augustus mentioning his victory at Actium see; Aug., RG, 24.4-5 29 For Josephus’ description of Vespasian and Titus’ triumphal procession see; Joseph., BJ, 7.5.5

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Figure 3: The south side of the Arch of Titus depicting Roman soldiers carrying the spoils of the siege of Jerusalem.30 Emily Schmidt says that these triumphal processions and celebrations of military might, were ‘important aspect[s] of the creation and expression of Roman collective identity.’31 This is further strengthened by the ‘Judaea Capta’ coins, which highlighted Rome as the ‘all powerful conquerors’32 of the hopeless and defeated foreign enemy.

Vespasian’s legacy as a military man with an impressive and honourable military record was renowned; this can largely be attributed to the public persona he created of himself with his public imagery. This is reflected in the works of later authors such as Suetonius, who claims that Vespasian would never miss an ‘opportunity of improving military discipline, when a young man reeking with perfumes came “Arch Menorah,” accessed December 9, 2018, https://www.agefotostock.com/age/en/StockImages/arch-menorah.html 31 Emily Schmidt, “The Flavian Triumph and the Arch of Titus: The Jewish God in Flavian Rome,” in Beyond Borders: Selected Proceedings of the 2010 Ancient Borderlands International Graduate Student 30

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to thank him …Vespasian drew back his head in disgust, adding the stern reprimand: “I would rather you had smelt of garlic.’33 Through the careful celebration of military achievement, both Augustus and Vespasian were able to prove their own individual distinction and highlight themselves as the ideal Emperor; one who does not seek war – because of their inherently peaceful values – but can exert their military strength when necessary, a trait considered vital for the emperor. Military successes were vital in unifying the empire through the establishment of a collective national identity, rallying support for the administration and increasing political control. Promotion of militaristic achievements are still a commonplace today, and the principles remain similar to the precedents outlined in antiquity; legitimise the rule of those in power and unite the populace. Military parades and Conference eds. Elizabeth Digeser and Christine Thomas (California: University of Califronia, 2010), 1 Nissinoff, “Examining Vespasian’s Propaganda,” 84 33 Suet., Vesp, 8.3 32

memorials are customary in most countries, Remembrance Day in Britain, Bastille Day in France; Donald Trump even wanted to throw an extravagant procession for Veterans Day with missiles and tanks.34 The material culture and militaristic processions were perhaps even more important in antiquity because it was one of the only ways the emperor could educate and inform the citizens of the true might of their Empire.

Divine Ancestry Drawing attention to divine ancestry was another key component involved in legitimising the emperor’s position; it also represents one of the areas where Augustus and Vespasian differ. It can hardly be disputed that these two men are among the most legendary emperors of Rome, not only were they able to stabilise the incredibly vast and expanding Empire, but their rise to power was certainly unexpected. They were both the dark horses of their race to imperial power, partly because of “US military parade ordered by Trump postponed ‘to 2019’,” last modified August 17, 2018, 34

their modest backgrounds. Augustus was provided with little to aid his bid for power, other than the name of his deified adoptive father, Julius Caesar.

After the assassination of Caesar in the Senate, there was a ruthless scramble for power, and lingering in the background was Octavian (Augustus) – the boy no one saw as a threat. During a religious festival, not long after Caesar’s death, Halley’s Comet passed. Citizens believed the comet was Caesar’s ascent to heaven and divinity, it became known as ‘Sidus Iulium’ (Julian Star) or ‘Caesaris astrum’ (Star of Caesar). Suetonius says that as celebrations for the festival were underway, ‘a comet shone for seven successive days, rising about the eleventh hour, and was believed to be the soul of Caesar.’35 Octavian, not having much else to use, monopolised his adoptive father’s deification; being the ‘son of a god’ was a convincing reason for emperorship. During his rise to power and during his rule, Augustus continued to accentuate the link between himself and divinity through his https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada45217286 35 Suet., Jul, 88

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relation to the deified Caesar. He minted coins illustrating the comet, with the inscription ‘Divvs Ivlivs,’ meaning ‘Divine Julius’ (See figure 4) and continued to stress this link through architecture, including Cupid’s presence on the ‘Ara Pacis Augustae’.36

Figure 4: Augustan coin from 19/18 BC. The obverse shows the head of Augustus, whilst the reverse depicts ‘Caesar’s comet’ with this inscription ‘DIVVS IVLIVS (Divine Julius).37

The presence of Cupid emphasised Augustus’ divine heritage through his relation to Venus.

37 “British Museum, coin collection,” accessed December 9, 2018, https://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_ online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=121 3932&partId=1 38 Aug, RG, 1.2 39 In Roman religion, the Salii were said to be the “leaping priests” of Mars; supposedly introduced by King Numa Pompilius. Each year they were said to go around the city in procession, dancing and 36

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In the ‘RG’, Augustus refers to his father as to remind readers of his divine heritage, but doesn’t mention him by name as to not resurface any negative memories of Caesar’s ‘dictatorship’.38 The ‘RG’ also mentions his inclusion in a religious hymn as to further stress his ties to divinity, it says, ‘by decree of the Senate, my name was included in the Salian hymn.’39 The work of contemporary authors again highlights that this imagery was received successfully; Virgil (l. 70 BC – 19 BC) writes, ‘Caesar Augustus, son of a god, destined to rule.’40 Dio Cassius (l. AD 115 – AD 235), writing over a hundred years later, states, ‘his name should be included in their hymns equally with the gods.’41 Showcasing how his reception was just as magnificent after his death,

singing the ‘Carmen Saliare’. It is this song, that by the decree of the Senate, Augustus’ name was included in. For information on Augustan worship and Salii see; Connie Rodriguez, “The “Puluinar” at the Circus Maximus: Worship of Augustus in Rome?” Latomus 64.3 (2005): 623 40 Publius Vergilius Maro or Virgil was a famous Roman poet in Augustan Rome; Verg., Aen, 6.781794 41 Dio Cassius was a Roman statesmen and historian, active during the Antonine and Severan period; Cass. Dio., 51.20

as it was when he was alive – if not more so.

Vespasian, on the other hand, had no feasible claims to divinity or superiority at the time of his succession. He relied on his military knowledge and support to siege imperial powers. Suetonius affirms this, claiming Vespasian ‘lacked prestige and a certain divinity… but these were also given to him.’42 Vespasian’s two sons, (also his successors) Titus and Domitian (r. AD 81 – AD 96) quickly deified him after his death. Both sons monopolised his deification, one scholar saying, ‘glorification of ancestry promptly became a prominent element of imperial-image making.’43 Similarly to Augustus using their adoptive father’s divine status, Titus and Domitian minted coins depicting their deified ancestor.

For example, Titus minted bronze coins that showed the extravagant funeral games held for Vespasian, where a statue of a deified Vespasian rode around the Circus Maximus in a chariot drawn by four elephants.44 Titus had also begun the construction of a temple, 42 43

Suet.,Vesp, 7.2 Tuck, “Imperial Image Making,” 111

which was to be dedicated to his father; however, his sudden death meant that his younger brother Domitian was to complete the job in approximately AD 87, rededicating the temple to his father and his recently defied brother. The purpose of this emphasis of divine heritage was to prove themselves deserving of the position of the emperor by highlighting their supposed superiority over the rest of the population. Being the descendent of a god was a trait that could not be easily questioned. Today we live in a more secular and democratic society, so this is not something that modern politicians could claim.

To answer the initial questions outlined in this article, men of power in antiquity made use of grand architecture, coinage with clear messages, and highly idealised literature to disseminate their political messages. The roots of this still remain firmly grounded in the soil of politics today. The emperor’s role as an instrument of peace, the celebration of military prowess, and an emphasis on 44

Ibid, 120

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divine ancestry are just a few of the ideologies promoted by Roman emperors over the imperial age. The purpose of this public imagery was almost universally unchanged – legitimisation of the emperor’s position, centralisation of power, and unification of the empire. Some of the ideologies used by Augustus and Vespasian have persisted into the modern age.

Commemoration of military achievements are still an embedded element within modern society; triumphal parades and national days may well be part of Vespasian’s legacy – possibly deriving from his extravagant return to Rome after the Jewish Wars.

Additionally, one could easily argue that Augustus’ ‘Ara Pacis Augustae’ is the ancient equivalent of a nation announcing an armistice on the news, radio or on social media; hence, promoting the role of a governing body in the achievement of peace. Therefore, Augustus and Vespasian both used propaganda that promoted their political ethos, to create a highly idealised public persona and a carefully fashioned image of imperial governance to consolidate

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their rules, all in pursuit of making their own dynasty.

References Primary sources Augustus, Res Gestae. Edited by. G P Goold, Translated by. Frederick W. Shipley. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1924.

Cassius Dio, Roman History. Edited by Herbert B. Foster, Translated by Herbert B. Foster and Earnest Cary. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001.

Horace, Epistle, Edited by Charles E Bennett, Translated by H. Rushton Fairclough. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978.

Josephus, Bellum Judaicum. Edited by H St. J. Thackeray, Translated by H St. J. Thackeray. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1927 Livy, Ab Urbe Condita Libri, Edited by Frank Gardner Moore, Translated by B O. Foster. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976.

Plutarch, Life of Antony. Edited by Bernadotte Perrin, Translated by Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990.

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-uscanada-45217286 Beard M, John North, Simon Price.

Religions of Rome. 1: A History.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars. Edited

by J.C. Rolfe, Translated by J.C Rolfe.

Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press: 1914.

Beard, M. SPQR: A History of Ancient Rome (London: Profile Books Ltd, 2015), 353

Tacitus, Histories: 1-3. Edited by Clifford H Moore. Translated by Clifford H Moore and John Jackson. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1925.

Caneva G, and Valentina Savo, “Big Messages in Small Details: Nature in Roman Archaeology.” Economic Botany 68.1 (2014): 109-115.

Virgil, Aeneid. Edited by George Patrick Goold, Translated by H. Rushton Fairclough Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001.

Cartwright, M. “Ara Pacis Augustae.” Last modified October 13, 2013. https://www.ancient.eu/article/618/ar a-pacis-augustae/.

Frank, R I. “Augustus’ Legislation on Marriage and Children.” California Studies in Classical Antiquity 8 (1975) 4152.

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Galinsky, K. Augustan Culture: An Interpretative Introduction. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998.

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“Pledges of Empire: The Ara Pacis and the Donations of Rome.” American Journal of Archeology 112.1 (2008): 57-89.

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Morgan, G. 69 AD: The Year of Four Emperors. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Muller, V. “The Shrine of Janus Geminus in Rome.” American Journal of Archaeology 47.4 (1943): 437-440.

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Chichester: Blackwell, 2016 Nissinoff, A. “Examining Vespasian’s Propaganda: Garnering the Loyalty of Soldiers.” Journal of Critical Writing 10 (2015) 82-87.

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by Kurt A. Raaflaub, 1-33. Malden: Blackwell, 2007.

Rodriguez, C. “The “Puluinar” at the Circus Maximus: Worship of Augustus in Rome?.” Latomus 64.3 (2005): 619-625.

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Shotter, D. Augustus Caesar. Oxon: Routledge, 1999.

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The British Museum. “British Museum, coin collection.” Accessed December 9, 2018. https://www.britishmuseum.org/resear ch/collection_online/collection_object_ details.aspx?objectId=1213932&partId=1 Townsend, G B. “Tacitus, Suetonius and the Temple of Janus,” Hermes 108.2 (1980): 233-242.

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Woodside, M. St. A. “Vespasian’s Patronage of Education and the Arts”, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philogical Association 73 (1942): 123-129 Zanker, P. The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus. Translated by Alan Shapiro. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1990.

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Prejudice Towards Immigrants: Theoretical Approaches Delia Scalco BSc Criminology and Psychology Prejudice refers to predominantly negative attitudes that individuals have towards members of other groups and, in conjunction with stereotyping, creates and maintains social inequality (Vescio & Weaver, 2014). The historical mistreatment of particular ethnic, religious and social groups (amongst others), such as Jews or African Americans, has encouraged the study of prejudice, with social psychologists commencing research in the 1920s and 1930s and, since then, advocating various approaches to the study of prejudiced attitudes (Fiske, 2000). The purpose of this essay is to critically discuss two core theories of prejudice, Tajfel’s (1969) cognitive theory of categorisation and Billig's (2002) discursive approach to bigotry, in connection with a case in which prejudice played a significant role. A relatively recent news story will be used to evaluate the real-world applicability

of the aforementioned theoretical models of prejudice.

In October 2016, three Northern Irish teenagers generated public outrage after filming themselves whilst throwing stones at and verbally abusing a Romanian woman. The footage of the incident came to media attention after being shared on social media by one of the schoolboys and being viewed more than 400,000 times. In the video, the Romanian citizen asks the youths why they have no respect for women. One of the teenagers provides the woman with an answer which depicts strong prejudice towards immigrants, stating: ‘You are not a girl... You're an immigrant and you shouldn't be in this country’ (BBC, 2016, para. 4). One of the youths continues to verbally abuse the woman, asking her if she has a visa to live in Northern Ireland and demanding to see her passport, whilst another ridicules the woman's accent. The schoolboys then ask the woman of which country is she a citizen and, when she replies ‘Romania’, the teenager behind the camera labels her a ‘suicide bomber’, whilst another

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says: ‘We don't like Romanians’ (Williamson, 2016, para. 8).

A cognitive approach to the prejudice displayed by the teenagers towards the Romanian woman, advocated by Tajfel (1969), would indicate that the schoolboys' negative attitudes are a product of natural cognitive processes through which these youths conceptualise their social world. Tajfel proposed three cognitive processes which are suggested to shape individuals' prejudiced attitudes. These processes are ‘categorisation’, ‘assimilation’ and the ‘search for coherence’.

Tajfel (1969) argued that social categorisation predispositions derive from individuals' need to simplify an otherwise varied social environment. He observed that an individual is perceived to have a particular attribute only through comparison to other individuals and notes that, through categorisation, differences between individuals belonging to distinct groups are exaggerated whilst differences amongst individuals within the same group are 137

minimised. The social category ‘immigrants’ appears to be of relevance to this prejudice related incident. Since the teenagers are Northern Irish, they do not identify with individuals of other nationalities who live in Northern Ireland and thus consider immigrants to be an outgroup (i.e., a social group with which an individual does not share particular characteristics). The label that the schoolboys apply to the Romanian woman is ‘suicide bomber’, despite the fact that there is no relationship between individuals of this particular nationality and suicide attacks (Schitrit, Yogev, & Schweitzer, 2016). It could be argued that the use of this label is the product of cognitive processes as it reduces differences between members of the outgroup. In other words, the outgroup, comprised of immigrants, who are individuals of different nationalities and ethnicities than the teenagers, is reduced to the level of criminals who carry bombs with the intention of killing themselves and others. In the contemporary context, this type of labelling could be related to some individuals' superficial association of Islamic extremism with the movement

of refugees from the Middle-East to Europe. As such, the youths, as members of the non-immigrant ingroup, feel entitled to verbally abuse the woman who, as a member of the outgroup, could pose a potential threat.

The second cognitive process advocated by Tajfel (1969) concerns the assimilation of social knowledge, which describes the manner in which individuals are taught the relevant social norms that provide the context for evaluation of social categories. He argued that evaluative judgements, such as ‘liked’ and ‘disliked’, constitute the social knowledge that a child learns from those surrounding him, becoming factual impressions at an early age and retaining their effect in adulthood. Thus, considering that children's predisposition towards ethnic prejudice is more significant when members of a dominant group feel socially threatened by an ethnic, religious or social outgroup (Levin & McDevits, 1993), it would be reasonable to suggest that the teenagers' prejudice towards immigrants results from the assimilation of such beliefs in the British society.

Arguments referring to immigrants as a threat to the British economy, especially with regards to the job market, have been long-standing (DiGiusto & Jolly, 2009) and thus, it could be argued that these youths were expressing more aggressively the beliefs shared by some British citizens.

The third cognitive process presented

by Tajfel (1969) refers to a search for coherence, which defines how individuals make attributions concerning the causes of change in social interactions. In this context, the notion of change could relate to the uncertainty surrounding the United Kingdom after the EU referendum and, it could be suggested that, through assimilation, the teenagers perceived immigrants as being the cause for this change. Thus, by saying ‘We don't like Romanians’ and labelling the woman a ‘suicide bomber’, the youths are providing themselves with a satisfactory explanation for their hostile attitude towards the woman and, in this manner, they maintain their selfimage and integrity.

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A later concept from the social identity literature, concerning the category selection process, could offer further explanations regarding the teenagers' prejudiced attitudes. Van Knippenberg and Dijksterhuis (2000) argued that the application of a category to a particular individual depends on accessibility and fit. Whilst accessibility refers to the likelihood that a category will be applied if context-dependent, congruous external stimuli are present (Wyer & Srull, 1986), fit can be defined as the match between an individual's attributes and the category specifications (Oakes, 1987, as cited in van Knippenberg & Dijksterhuis, 2000). Dotsch, Wigboldus, and van Knippenberg (2011) distinguished between two types of fit, more specifically, what they call ‘normative fit’ and ‘evaluative fit’. They argued that normative fit describes the congruence between stereotypic expectations and observable data, being high when individuals' stereotypes are fulfilled by what is occurring in the social situation. Evaluative fit refers to the idea that social categorisation is facilitated for individuals who are evaluatively compatible with the target category.

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Thus, the labelling of the Romanian woman as a ‘suicide bomber’ would be more appropriately explained by the concept of evaluative fit since this association originates from the youths' negative beliefs about immigrants. This incident cannot be explained as a case of normative fit, as the target does not fit the criteria of a ‘suicide bomber’ during the social interaction with the teenagers.

A discursive approach to the prejudiced attitudes of the teenagers towards the Romanian woman, advocated by Billig (2002), would argue against the notion that these youths have behaved in a hostile manner as a result of them trying to conceptualise their own social world.

Billig (2002, p.178) asserted that not all prejudices are equivalent, proposing that the term ‘bigotry’ would be more appropriate when trying to explain extreme negative attitudes. He argued that bigotry is ideological, and ideologies are discursive. Thus, social categories are not shaped by cognitive processes but rather, they are formed through language. Thus, the study of bigotry should examine the stereotypical language used in social

interactions and how particular manners of speaking depersonalise the ‘other’ (outgroup). Additionally, Billig (2002, p.185) argued that dehumanisation, which refers to an extreme form of depersonalisation, in which members of outgroups are depicted as ‘less than human’, would be more appropriate in explaining extreme prejudice (e.g., the persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany).

Finally, he contended that since societal norms support particular constructions and prohibit others, bigotry can become a forbidden pleasure (i.e., the bigot is freed from the constraints of reasonableness, respect, and tolerance).

Firstly, this incident cannot be considered independently of the political context of the time, more specifically, the uncertainty following the EU referendum. Hate crime has shown to have increased by 19% in 2015/2016 (Home Office, 2016) with some of the political changes in the United Kingdom (i.e., British citizens’ decision to leave the European Union) and the rhetoric that has been used by some political leaders. David Isaac, Chair of the Equality and Human Rights

Commission (2016, as cited in Weaver, 2016, para. 5) stated that ‘the figures make it very clear that people have used the EU referendum results to justify their deplorable views and promote intolerance and hatred’. Thus, the teenagers' abusive language and behaviour towards the immigrant woman is at least partially an expression of ideology. Secondly, by applying a label which is associated with criminality, terror and lack of morality (i.e., suicide bomber), the teenagers are fundamentally dehumanising the Romanian woman, since a suicide bomber is an individual who does not only takes his or her own life but others' lives too and thus, should not be deserving of moral consideration.

Therefore, by dehumanising the immigrant woman through the use of derogatory language, the teenagers consider her the ‘other’ and ‘less than human’ and, in this manner, feel justified to verbally abuse and physically assault her. Finally, there is an element of pleasure in verbally abusing the woman, since the teenagers decided to share the footage of the incident with their friends on social media. Additionally, by 140

ridiculing the woman's accent and laughing whilst verbally abusing her, indicates that the teenagers derive enjoyment from this social interaction (i.e., the teenagers mock the restrains of logic and reason) . The concept of enjoyment is consistent with Billig’s (2002) argument that prohibited endeavours, which free the bigot from the strain of respect, can provide pleasure and result in a predisposition to express bigotry.

In summary, both Tajfel's (1969) cognitive theory of categorisation and Billig's (2002) discursive approach to bigotry provide convincing explanations regarding the negative attitudes displayed by the teenagers.

Nevertheless, considering the seriousness of this hate incident, in conjunction with the political context of the time and the pleasure derived by the teenagers from the hostile social interaction, this essay concludes that Billig's (2002) approach to bigotry is more consistent with this particular news story.

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References BBC News (2016). Stone-throwing youths abuse Romanian. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldeurope-37539065 Billig, M. (2002). Henri Tajfel’s ‘Cognitive aspects of prejudice’ and the psychology of bigotry. British Journal of Social Psychology, 41 (2), 171-188. doi: 10.1348/014466602760060165 DiGiusto, G. M. & Jolly, S. K. (2009).

Xenophobia and Immigrant Contact: British Public Attitudes toward Immigration. Retrieved from http://aei.pitt.edu/33071/1/jolly._seth.p df Dotsch, R., Wigboldus, D. S. J., & van Knippenberg, A. (2011). Biased allocation of faces to social categories. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 100 (6), 999-1014. doi: 10.1037/a0023026 Fiske, S. T. (2000) Stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination at the seam between the centuries: evolution, culture, mind, and brain. European Journal of Social Psychology, 30 (3), 299-

322. doi: 10.1002/(SICI)10990992(200005/06)30:3<299::AIDEJSP2>3.0.CO;2-F Home Office (2016). Hate Crime, England and Wales, 2015/2016. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/uplo ads/system/uploads/attachment_data /file/559319/hate-crime-1516hosb1116.pdf Levin, J. & McDevitt, J. (1993). Hate crimes: the rising tide of bigotry and bloodshed. New York, Plenum Press.

Schitrit D., Yogev, E., & Schweitzer, Y. (2016). Suicide attacks in 2015. INSS Insights, 789. Retrieved from https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/195887/ No.%20789%20%20Daria,%20Einav,%20and%20Yoram%2 0for%20web278300049.pdf Tajfel, H. (1969). Cognitive aspects of prejudice. Journal of Social Issues, 25 (4), 79-97. doi: 10.1111/j.15404560.1969.tb00620.x Van Knippenberg, A. & Dijksterhuis, A. (2000). Social Categorization and

Stereotyping: A Functional Perspective.

European Review of Social Psychology, 11 (1), 105-144. https://doi.org/10.1080/1479277204300 0013 Vescio, T. & Weaver, T. (2014). Prejudice and stereotyping: Oxford bibliographies online research guide. Oxford University Press. Retrieved from: https://itunes.apple.com/us/book/prej udice-stereotyping-oxfordbibliographiesonline/id949151086?mt=11 Weaver, M. (2016, October 13). Hate crime soared after EU referendum, Home Office figures confirm. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/politics/ 2016/oct/13/hate-crimes-eureferendum-home-office-figuresconfirm Williamson, C. (2016, October 3).

Northern Irish schoolboys film themselves hurling racist abuse and throwing stones at woman. Belfast Telegraph. Retrieved from https://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/ne 142

ws/northern-ireland/northern-irishschoolboys-film-themselves-hurlingracist-abuse-and-throwing-stones-atwoman-35099121.html Wyer, R. S. & Srull, T.K. (1986). Human cognition in its social context.

Psychological Review, 93 (3), 322-359. doi:0033-295X/86/$00.75

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What is the Difference between the Interpretation of the Shoah that Assumes G-d’s Presence in History with that which Supposes G-d to be absent?

Caroline Smith BA Theology, Religion & Ethics In this essay the author uses the Hebrew term 'Shoah' to refer to the Holocaust and, in keeping with Jewish tradition, omits the 'o' from the word 'God' (except where the ‘o’ is included in quotations from source materials) Traditional Jewish formulations of the G-d of Israel hold that G-d is active in human affairs. This immanent G-d, the G-d of history, intervened to save the people of Israel in their flight from Egyptian enslavement, was revealed to Moses at Sinai and continues to intervene in the lives of those with whom G-d shares a unique, covenantal relationship. History is, therefore, at the core of traditional Jewish belief and the destiny of the Jewish people is seen as ‘a gradual unfolding of

God’s purpose in the world from the first act of creation to the end of time with the coming of the Messiah’ (Sheridan 2000, 81). Jewish history becomes interwoven with myth as historical events and cultural celebrations are interpreted through a theological lens: ‘History, in Judaism, does not mean an enumeration of facts…rather, it is a theological interpretation of events designed to involve the believer and effect a specific response’ (Sheridan 2000, 82). But if events in history are to be interpreted theologically, how are Jewish theologians to interpret the unprecedented catastrophe of the Shoah? In this essay, responses from four Jewish writers will be critically analysed. Male theologians, Ignaz Maybaum (1897-1976), Richard Rubenstein (1924- ) and Eliezer Berkovits (1908-1992) were writing in the 1960’s and 1970’s at a time when second wave feminism was only just beginning to address issues of gender in the West. Their accounts rely heavily on patriarchal conceptions of G-d and on traditional notions of divine reward and

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punishment and divine power and dominion. Melissa Raphael (1960- ) is a rare contemporary feminist voice in post-Shoah theology. She offers a distinctly different and nuanced theological response which validates the idea that there are myriad ways to experience G-d.

By the end of Hitler’s reign, ‘European Jewry had effectively ceased to exist’ (Laqueur 2006, 122).

Judaism had encountered much persecution in previous eras but the events of the Shoah defied comparison with anything that had gone before in the history of the Jewish people. The Shoah thus ‘represents a theological point of no return’ (Braiterman 1998, 5). An early theological attempt to understand the Shoah as proof of G-d’s action in the history of the Jewish people was made by Reform Jewish rabbi, Ignaz Maybaum, in his 1965 book The Face of God after Auschwitz. Maybaum viewed the Shoah as ‘part of a pattern of historical events which reveal the guiding hand of divine providence’ (Langton 2011, 38). For

Maybaum, three catastrophes, or churbanot, bear powerful witness to G-d’s presence in history. They comprise the destruction of the First and Second Temples by Nebuchadnezzar and Titus and the Shoah. With all three, Maybaum asserts that G-d’s purpose was to catalyse the mission of the people of Israel: they were to be a light to the rest of humanity. The suffering of the Jews ‘should be understood as a historical manifestation’ of this mission (Langton 2011, 39). In this way, ‘we now realise that our Holy Land is not a country on the shores of the Mediterranean. We now realise that our Holy Land is mankind’s future…..As Jews we serve mankind’ (Maybaum 1965, 68). For Maybaum, Hitler was to be understood as assuming the mantle of Nebuchadnezzar and executing G-d’s divine purpose: ‘the word of God in the book of Jeremiah says “Nebuchadnezzar, My Servant”….Would it shock you if I were to imitate the prophetic style and formulate the phrase: Hitler, My Servant?’ (Maybaum 1965, 67).

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For Maybaum, then, G-d was present in history during the Shoah, Hitler was G-d’s divine instrument and the Jews were fulfilling their historic mission to spiritually advance humankind. The mass murder of the Jews by the Nazis was, therefore, ‘to be regarded as a kind of vicarious sacrifice’ and the Jewish people in their suffering were to find their parallel in the ‘veritable Suffering Servant’ of the book of Isaiah (Langton 2011, 39). The servant is crushed for the sins of the world, his soul offering itself as restitution.

Universal redemption will follow and ‘the nations of the world will recognise their guilt’ (Bakon 2002, 6).

According to Maybaum’s rendering, G-d’s purpose in the Shoah was to shake Christianity in to a spiritual awakening using the only language which Christianity would understand: G-d’s action in history is made manifest in death on the cross. For the Jewish world, on the other hand, the Akedah, the non-sacrifice of Isaac in the book of Genesis (Gen.

22), shows that death is not a prerequisite to spiritual progress. For Maybaum, the Jews must mount the cross to awaken the conscience of the Gentile world: ‘The Golgotha of modern mankind is Auschwitz. The cross, the Roman gallows, was replaced by the gas chamber’ (Maybaum 1965, 36). But the Shoah also served another purpose for Maybaum, enabled by the actions of Hitler. The destruction, or churban, wrought by the Shoah ushered in a new era of progress for Judaism, freeing it from the last vestiges of Jewish medievalism: ‘We march with the western nations. We can progress. Religiously we emancipate ourselves….from a medievally enforced supervision of our religious life’ (Maybaum 1965, 68).

Maybaum’s account of the G-d of history whose divine will was enacted during the Shoah will be highly problematic for those who cannot conceive of G-d in these terms. A very different rendering is offered by Reform rabbi, Richard Rubenstein. In his 1966 publication,

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After Auschwitz, Rubenstein wrestles with the notion that the Nazis were the G-d of history’s divine instruments. He argues ‘To see any purpose in the death camps, the traditional believer is forced to regard the most demonic, antihuman explosion of all history as a meaningful expression of God’s purposes’ (Rubenstein 1966, 223). A seminal moment in the development of Rubenstein’s theology was a chance encounter with Heinrich Grüber, a Protestant minister from the Berlin Evangelical Church. With echoes of Maybaum’s theology, Grüber contended that it was part of G-d’s divine plan for humankind that the Jews had perished, a notion that was deeply shocking for Rubenstein (Solomon 2000, 161). Rubenstein railed against belief in a G-d who would act in this way and cast grave doubt on the traditional notions of election and covenant. To maintain belief in these ideas would require believing that ‘a just and omnipotent God covenanted to Israel and active in its affairs…..justly willed the murder of six million Jewish people’

(Braiterman 1998, 87). Far from endorsing the traditional Jewish G-d, Rubenstein concludes that the fate of European Jewry demonstrates that the G-d of history was absent during the Shoah: ‘We stand in a cold, silent, unfeeling cosmos, unaided by any purposeful power beyond our own resources. After Auschwitz, what else can a Jew say about God?’ (Rubenstein 1966, 151152). Thus, for Rubenstein, the traditional formulation of the G-d of Israel is dead. The ‘after’ in After Auschwitz hints at ‘a milestone distinguishing modern Jewish thought from contemporary Jewish thought……Jewish life and thought can never be the same’ (Braiterman 1998, 87).

But Rubenstein maintains that he is not declaring G-dself to be dead.

Rather, it is the G-d of history that is dead. In its place, Rubenstein points to a mystical, transcendent G-d. For Rubenstein, this G-d assumes an altogether different mode of being to the G-d of reward and punishment and is the only way to posit a G-d

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which avoids responsibility for the slaughter of six million innocent Jews. In his 1970 book, Morality and Eros, Rubenstein explains this revised notion of G-d: ‘I believe there is a conception of God….which remains meaningful after the death of the God-who-acts-in-history. It is a very old conception of God with deep roots in both Western and Oriental mysticism’ (Rubenstein 1970, 185). Thus, Rubenstein’s theology offers a revised interpretation of the Shoah in which notions of divine punishment of the Jews or spiritual advancement for the Gentiles, as propounded by Maybaum and others, are roundly rejected.

For Rubenstein, the death of the G-d of history provides an opportunity for a revitalisation of Jewish history, culture and community. Whilst Rubenstein’s reformulated G-d is indifferent to the world of humankind, and whilst Judaism must be demythologised in relation to ideas of election and covenant, Judaism can find new purpose in traditional rituals and institutions.

They provide comfort, meaning and security in a world in which a providential G-d is absent (Braiterman 1998, 106-107). For Rubenstein, the institution of synagogue becomes central to Judaism as the space in which key events in Jewish life, such as lifecycle rituals and festivals, are marked and, therefore, as the space of authentic experience of community. This experience of community offers a foil to the tragedies of human existence.

If Maybaum’s interpretation of the Shoah assumes G-d’s presence in history and Rubenstein’s assumes Gd’s absence, how is Judaism to interpret this dialectic? Orthodox rabbi, Eliezer Berkovits, seeks to occupy a middle ground through a rendering of G-d in which G-dself is present in some guise during the Shoah but is somehow hidden. With echoes of Maybaum’s theology, Berkovits returns to the idea of major crises forming a pattern in Jewish history. Unlike Maybaum, however, Berkovits does not single out the

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First and Second Temple destructions but rather groups these tragedies together with others in Jewish history, such as the slaughter of Jews during the crusades and the events of European expulsion (Langton 2011, 42). In this way, the Shoah for Berkovits is part of this same pattern of historical attacks on Jewry and is unique only in its scale.

G-d had been present during these attacks but played a mysterious, invisible part in them: ‘That the Jewish people has withstood all the barbarous attacks upon it….bespeaks the presence of another kind of power, invisibly playing its part’ (Berkovits 1979, 83). The survival of the people of Israel bears witness to ‘the mysterious intrusion of a spiritual dimension…..the presence of a hiding God in history’ (Berkovits 1979, 83).

But, for Berkovits, the faith of the people of Israel in the face of the Shoah demands answers. He finds them in G-d’s divine nature, drawing upon the biblical idea of the hiding of the face, hester panim, as illustrated in the book of Deuteronomy: ‘Then

My anger will flare up against them, and I will abandon them and hide My countenance from them’ (Deut. 31:17 NJPS). But, crucially for Berkovits, this time the hiding of G-d’s face is not a form of divine punishment.

Rather, it is a necessity for human existence: G-d’s eclipse provides ‘the shade that allows the human plant to flourish, even if at times it proves dangerous’ (Wolpe 1997, 39-40). In this way, Berkovits asserts that, in creating humankind, G-d had to withdraw G-dself’s providence in order for humankind to exercise and experience free will. Suffering thus becomes an inevitable consequence.

On the one hand, G-d must show patient forbearance with humankind in its commission and perpetration of unconscionable evil. Yet, at the same time, G-d cannot be strictly just and so must ‘turn a deaf ear to the anguished cries of the violated’ (Berkovits 1973, 61). For Berkovits, there is a form of symmetry to G-d’s absence and presence. For humankind to flourish under the responsibility of divinely given free will, G-d must be absent. However,

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for humankind not to destroy itself, G-d must remain present in some way, as a curtailing force. G-d’s absence-and-yet-presence thus ensures that ‘evil will not ultimately triumph’ (Berkovits 1973, 107). For Berkovits, therefore, responsibility for the Shoah must lie with humankind.

In particular, Christian antisemitism is indicted. He argues that its promulgation throughout history helped forge a climate in which the Shoah could occur. Moreover, unless and until Christianity abandons the historic charge of deicide against the Jews and ceases to privilege the myth of Christianity over and against all other notions of religious belief, inter-faith dialogue is futile for Berkovits.

The idea of a hidden G-d, as opposed to a dead G-d, implies the possibility of return. For Berkovits, Gd showed G-dself’s face again in the creation of the State of Israel in 1948.

This time it is a smiling face: ‘We have seen a smile on the face of God’ (Berkovits 1973, 156). G-d, therefore, still has redemptive power

and the capacity to act in history: ‘Defeat and suffering need not mean being abandoned by God…..God comforts Zion through the return of her children’ (Berkovits 1973, 145).

For Berkovits, then, in spite of the horrors of the Shoah, evil had been denied the ultimate triumph.

The theological interpretations of the Shoah offered by Maybaum, Rubenstein and Berkovits signal a departure from the notions of the omnipotent, intervening, supportive G-d of biblical tradition (Solomon 2000, 162). The idea that G-d was present in history during the Shoah raises extremely difficult questions about G-d’s divine purpose for the chosen people of Israel. Under this formulation, G-d would appear to be either sacrificing G-dself’s covenantal people to further the spiritual enhancement of the Gentile world or, alternatively, punishing Gdself’s covenantal people for being unfaithful in some way. Both possibilities, that G-d is either unjust or vengeful, are highly problematic in the context of the mass murder of six

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million Jewish people. The idea that G-d was hidden during the Shoah may not necessarily infer divine punishment for unfaithfulness but, nonetheless, it raises serious questions about an apparent lack of divine justice. Thus, the formulation of a hidden G-d becomes ‘a subject of lament and protest as innocent supplicants charge that they have done nothing to warrant divine abandonment’ (Balentine 1983, v).

With all three renderings there is also the problem of the seemingly arbitrary nature of G-d’s intervention in history: why does G-d intervene in certain events in history and not in others and why would the Shoah, whose horrors bear no moral equivalent, be an occasion for G-d’s absence or hiddenness?

Set against the traditional notions of election and covenant, these questions become more pressing.

Unlike the male theologians considered so far, contemporary Orthodox feminist scholar, Melissa Raphael, does not claim to view the events of history as an unfolding of

G-d’s plan for the world or the Shoah as being part of a divine scheme (Langton 2011, 49). In fact, for Raphael, most post-Shoah theological interpretations are lacking in their conceptions: they consistently posit a highly patriarchal G-d and they rely heavily on and reinforce traditional male power and dominion narratives. Raphael prefers a different approach. She challenges ‘the assumption that the normative ‘Jew’ (who is actually a male Jew unless specified otherwise) of social and religious discourse….also represents all victims of the Nazis’ (Raphael 2005, 103). Raphael is clear that her aim is not to dismiss accounts of male suffering during the Shoah but, rather, to give voice to female suffering, to ensure that the experiences of women are not muffled or simply overlooked by the privilege traditionally accorded to male suffering. Raphael’s purpose is also theological. She wants to offer ‘a corrective to the almost universal scholarly assumption that women’s Holocaust experience tells us something important about Nazi

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savagery but not about God’ (Raphael 2005, 104). For Raphael, there is a theological significance to the experience of female suffering which has not been captured in postShoah theology. Women have been excluded from the exegesis because Judaism, like many other religions, ‘casts women as the secondary objects of male agency, rather than the subjects and agents of their own experience’ (Raphael 2005, 105).

Raphael, therefore, offers a thoughtprovoking critique of the theological interpretations of Maybaum, Rubenstein and Berkovits. On the one hand, she commends their postShoah theology for its humanity in refusing to attribute blame to the Jews for their own suffering in the manner of older Jewish tradition (Raphael 2002, 107). On the other hand, she asserts that their theological interpretations have largely been preoccupied by attempts to ‘either vindicate or berate an absolutist God’ (Raphael 2003, 20). She rejects Maybaum’s claim that the mass slaughter of the

Jews was ‘in any sense the sacrificial instrument of redemption’ (Raphael 2003, 12). Such a claim merely perpetuates a patriarchal narrative in which ‘supposed creative ends (whether those of God, ‘man’ or Nazi Germany) may deploy or permit absolutely destructive means’ (Raphael 2003, 37). Raphael is equally critical of Rubenstein’s patriarchal language in his assertion that ‘a void now confronts man where God once stood’ (Rubenstein 1966, 49). Yet she also sees potential for a feminist reinterpretation of Rubenstein’s ‘void’. It offers an opportunity to re-orientate theological reflection on the Shoah away from patriarchal imagery towards a very different mode of characterising G-d. Likewise, Raphael rejects Berkovits’ patriarchal model of a G-d that was willing to look away and allow unprecedented human suffering ‘in order to preserve human (essentially masculine) free will to do good or evil’ (Raphael 2002, 108).

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Instead of masculinist models which postulate the presence, absence or face-turning of G-d during the Shoah, Raphael advocates a theological reflection on what it is that Jewish women’s Shoah experience can tell us about G-d. In this way, Raphael starts not from a fixed formulation of G-d but, rather, from human experience. Her analysis of women’s testimonies from the death camps leads her to assert that women’s experiences ‘were often more co-operative than was the case among men’ (Langton 2011, 49). Further, she notes the nurturing acts of the women in their care for each other and for the children, describing them as ‘the little acts of loving kindness upon which camp-sisters so depended for their dignity and self-worth’ (Langton 2011, 49). Raphael comes to read the nurturing accounts of sisterhood within the camps theologically: they are midrashim, or commentaries, on the presence of a mystical, relational, maternal G-d (Raphael 2003, 9, 41).

This understanding of G-d offers a way to affirm the presence of a

redemptive G-d in the camps. The caring female face of G-d, Shekinah, was present and dwelled with the women, sharing in their suffering.

For Raphael, drawing on Lurianic kabbalah, ‘these were moments of tikkun’ in which the restoration of Gd’s vision for the world were glimpsed (Raphael 2003, 159). Thus, for Raphael, the G-d that failed Israel during the Shoah was ‘a patriarchal model of God, not God-in-God’s-self’ (Raphael 2003, 5).

A critical analysis of Shoah theology reveals enormously divergent opinion on the nature and presence of G-d in the Nazi death camps. The theologies of Maybaum, Rubenstein and Berkovits are all premised upon exclusively masculine notions of the G-d of history and were formulated at a time when the West was only just beginning to grapple with issues of gender. They reflect the historical and geographical contexts in which they were written. Yet these theologians opened up an important field of theological reflection. As Raphael asserts, they fall short, not in

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their ‘passion, intellect or moral seriousness’, but in their wholly masculinist renderings of both G-d and of the people with whom G-d is bound in covenant (Raphael 2002, 107). Through them, women are written out. Raphael, on the other hand, seeks not to locate the divine in history but in human experience, taking as her inspiration the Shoah testimonies of women. Much of Shoah theology attempts to answer why it is that such unconscionable suffering befell G-d’s chosen people.

The question is insoluble: ‘there is only one fully truthful answer….We do not know’ (Goldberg 1995, 81).

But, as Raphael illustrates, the G-d of Israel may be known in different ways. Theological interpretations of the Shoah, therefore, demand a ‘broad and changing variety of metaphors’ (Plaskow 1990, 154).

Rather than relying solely on the notion that human experience can only be defined by reference to a static formulation of G-d, diverse and nuanced formulations of G-d which emerge from human experience can

offer new opportunities for theological reflection.

References Bakon, Shimon. 2002. ‘Suffering: Three Biblical Views.’ In Jewish Bible Quarterly vol. 30 (3): 1-9.

Balentine, Samuel E. 1983. The Hidden God. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.

Berkovits, Eliezer. 1973. Faith after the Holocaust. New York: KTAV Publishing House.

Berkovits, Eliezer. 1979. With God in Hell: Judaism in the Ghettos and Deathcamps. New York and London: Sanhedrin Press.

Braiterman, Zachary. 1998. (God) After Aushwitz: tradition and change in post-Holocaust Jewish thought.

Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Goldberg, Michael. 1995. Why Should Jews Survive?: Looking Past the Holocaust Toward a Jewish Future.

New York: Oxford University Press.

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Langton, Daniel R. 2011. ‘God, the Past and Auschwitz: Jewish Holocaust Theologians’ Engagement with History.’ In Holocaust Studies: A Journal of Culture and History, 17:1, 29-62.

Laqueur, Walter. 2006. The Changing Face of Anti-Semitism: from ancient times to the present day. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Maybaum, Ignaz. 1965. The Face of God after Auschwitz. Amsterdam: Polak & Van Gennep.

Plaskow, Judith. 1990. Standing Again at Sinai: Judaism from a Feminist Perspective. San Francisco: Harper Collins.

Raphael, Melissa. 2002. ‘Is Patriarchal Theology Still Patriarchal?: Reading Theologies of the Holocaust from a Feminist Perspective.’ In Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, 18 no. 2 Fall 2002: 105-113.

Raphael, Melissa. 2003. The female face of God in Auschwitz: a Jewish

feminist theology of the Holocaust.

London: Routledge.

Raphael, Melissa. 2005. ‘The Religious Narration of the Holocaust.’

In Gender, Religion and Diversity: Cross-Cultural Perspectives, edited by Ursula King and Tina Beattie, 101–112.

London and New York: Continuum.

Rubenstein, Richard. 1966. After Auschwitz: radical theology and contemporary Judaism. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill.

Rubenstein, Richard. 1970. Morality and Eros. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Sheridan, Sybil. 2000. ‘Myth and history.’ In Themes and Issues in Judaism, edited by Seth D. Kunin, 81109. London and New York: Cassell.

Solomon, Norman. 2000. ‘Picturing God.’ In Themes and Issues in Judaism, edited by Seth D. Kunin, 136-165. London and New York: Cassell.

Wolpe, David. 1997. ‘Hester Panim in Modern Jewish Thought.’ In Modern

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Judaism. vol. 17, no. 1 (Feb. 1997): 2556.

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Echolocation in Bats (Chiroptera): Making Pictures from Sound and the Impact of Anthropogenic Noise Carol Cook MSc Animal Welfare Science, Ethics and Law

Figure 1: Echolocation visualisedSource Arizona State University Introduction This essay will begin by briefly discussing how animals communicate. The main focus will be on the auditory communication style known as echo-location which is used by bats (Chiroptera). Bats belong to a group of animals, both aquatic and terrestrial, that use echolocation or bio-sonar for all their primary survival needs, foraging,

hunting, mating and learning. Echolocator animals ‘see,’ their environment through sound, by using clicks, squeaks and chirps. The returning echoes from these emitted sounds provide an ‘image’ to the animal (Fig. 1). We live in an increasingly noisy world. The World Health Organisation (WHO) cites noise pollution as being responsible for a range of negative health effects in humans (WHO, 2019). Recent empirical studies discussed below, have also concluded that anthropogenic noise-humangenerated noise- can impact the behaviours and capabilities of echolocating animals. An animal’s very survival depends on their ability to communicate effectively. All their communication signals have evolved according to the needs of the species and its ecology. Increasing anthropogenic noise will result in further declines in animal populations (Shannon et al. 2016) and there will also be increased issues for animal welfare, including physiological stress responses (Wright et al., 2007). It is vital that

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there is expeditious and proactive investment into research to understand the impact of human generated noise, not just on humans, but also on animal behaviour, for reasons of species survival, but also to avoid severe impacts on human economies and the environment.

How animals communicate Animals communicate in response to signals from another animal. These signals are driven by stimuli, which can be something or an event that provokes a reaction. Stimuli may have an immediate ‘trigger’ response, such as flight from a predator, or a more delayed or longer-lasting ‘arousing’ effect, for example as an animal changes from being solitary to social (Manning and Dawkins, 2012). Stimuli can be internal, or external, or both. The stimuli will also orientate behaviour in a certain direction, for example, how an animal responds to its physical environment, such as weather patterns or light. The animal’s response depends on

information received from a diverse range of sensory capacities. Table 1 details the main four communication signals. Some animals also have other senses beyond these. The duck-billed platypus (Ornithorhynchus anatinus) detects electrical fields using electroreceptors- a vertebrate organ that contains sensory cells-on their bills to catch prey (Scheich et al., 1986). Electric fish (Gymnarchus niloticus) use magnetism and electrical field distortion to detect obstacles and prey, they also communicate with conspecifics through electrical signals (Hopkins and Bass, 1981).

Table 1: Communication signalling in animals Communica tion Signals

How?

Example

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Visual

Auditory

1: Shape and colour, known as the ‘badge.’

2: Things done to show behaviour, known as the ‘display.’

Male peacocks (Pavo cristatus) in courtship display.

Using sound animals can communic ate over long distances at any time. They can adjust the volume of the sound dependin g on the conditions , using higher volumes for alarm calls.

Howler monkeys (Alouatta sara) raising the alarm.

Video 1: Dinning, 2011

Video 2: Science News, 2015

Tactile

Chemical

This can be by touch for comfort, or to assert dominanc e, by fighting.

Sika deer (Cervus Nippon) fighting.

Scent (pheromo nes) and taste can warn of danger, mark territory, signify a food source or signal the need for help

Matabele ants (Megaponera analis) using phermones to signal injury.

Video 3: BBC Earth, 2016

Video 4: Science Magazine, 2017

Auditory communication Auditory communication is incredibly versatile. The volume of sound can be increased or decreased depending on the animal’s

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circumstances or environment.

Sound can travel beyond physical barriers such as corners or walls.

Animals can utilise higher locations to amplify sound to a greater distance. The attenuation or amplitude of sound in water, is less than sound in air. This is the reason many aquatic animals utilise sound extensively as their communication behaviour (Jonckheer-Sheehy, 2018.)

The discovery that animals used auditory communication was made in 1793 by scientist Lazzaro Spallanzani, and his contemporary, Louis Jurine. They plugged the external ears of bats which caused them to collide with objects in their environment. They concluded from this, that the bats were using some other sensory capacity, aside from vision to navigate (Griffin, 2001). It was zoologist, Donald Griffin, who first discovered ultrasound in bats (Fig. 2). Following physicist, G.W. Pierceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development of equipment that could detect sounds beyond the range of human hearing, Griffin and his colleague, Galambos, discovered that bats emitted ultrasound and

used the echoes from obstacles in their environment, to detect and avoid them (Pierce and Griffin, 1938, Griffin and Galambos, 1941, Griffin, 1958).

Figure 2: Zoologist, Donald Griffin, discovered the echolocation ability of bats.

Some animals communicate using sound vibrations that are inaudible to humans, namely sounds above or below 20 kiloHertz in frequency.

These sounds are ultrasonic and infrasonic. Ultrasonic is sound at a higher frequency, this is used by bats and the odontocete family, which

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includes dolphins and killer whales.

Infrasonic is sound at a low frequency, this is used by elephants and some members of the cephalopod family including octopus and squid. Whales are also wellknown for their long-distance infrasonic communication.

Bats are renowned for communicating using echolocation.

‘Echolocating bats emit sonar pulses and listen to returning echoes to probe their surroundings. Bats adapt their echolocation call design to cope with dynamic changes in the acoustic environment, including habitat change or the presence of nearby conspecifics/heterospecifics’ (Chiu et al., 2009). Conspecifics are members of the same species and heterospecifics are members of a different species. Echolocation is the use of reflected sound to locate objects. It is a form of sonar. Video 5 shows bat echolocation slowed down and recorded at low frequency, so it is audible for human hearing.

Video 5: The sound of echolocation: Source Smithsonian Channel, 2016 ‘In all species that use echolocation, the sound pulses are short bursts at relatively high frequencies, ranging from about 1,000 Hz in birds to at least 200,000 Hz in whales. Bats use frequencies from about 30,000 Hz to about 120,000 Hz. The pulses are repeated at varying rates depending on what the animal is doing’ (Richmond, 2002). Echolocation sound can be heard by recording the sound on electronic devices with built-in ultrasonic microphones. The microphones detect the echolocation sound and output the sound to an audible level within human range. This equipment can be used not only to hear echolocation sound, but also to determine the

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presence or absence of echolocating animals in an area.

Figure 3 shows a schematic of bat echolocation calls as a bat pursues its prey.

bat (Rousettus aegyptiacus) (Holland et.al.2004) which, like microbats, use tongue clicks to echolocate. Three other species of fruit bat, the Cave nectar bat (Eonycteris spelaean), the Lesser short-nosed fruit bat (Cynopteris brachyotus) and the Long-tongued fruit bat (Macroglossus sobrinus) use a more rudimentary sonar, through wing clicks (Boonman et al. 2014).

Figure 3 Bats: Bats are divided into 2 groups, microbats (Microchiroptera) and megabats (Megachiroptera).

Megabats are also known as fruit bats or flying foxes (Fig. 4), and with a few exceptions, do not use the sophisticated echolocation abilities of microbats. Being frugivorous and nectarivorous, megabats rely on their excellent vision and olfactory senses to source their food (Batworld, n.d.).

The exceptions are the Egyptian fruit

Figure 4: Fruit bat- Source Bat Conservation International There are over 1,300 species of microbats (Bat Conservation Trust, n.d.), all of which use echolocation.

These bats are primarily insectivorous. Whilst not blind, microbats rely more on their hearing than their eyesight. Evolutionary adaption has enabled bats to receive

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sound signals and to â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;seeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; sound.

They do this by using either their larynx or tongue to emit the echolocation sounds. The sound travels through the batâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mouth or nostrils depending on the species.

The characteristically large ears of microbats are adapted to aid their ability to echolocate, (Fig.5). The size, shape, folds and wrinkles on the external ear all play a role in receiving and funnelling the echo emitted by the bat (Fig.6). The inner ear has a concentration of receptor cells that make bats particularly sensitive to changes in frequency.

The middle ear has three bones and a muscle which expands and contracts, to either separate the bones, reducing hearing sensitivity when the bat emits sounds, then contracts a few seconds later to receive the returning echo.

Figure 5: Large ears of Spotted Bat (Euderma maculatum)

Figure 6: Anatomy of ear By using echolocation microbats can predate insects while maintaining sustained flight, this is known as aerial-hawking. In addition, some bat

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species will also predate non-flying insects by perching on branches or on the ground listening for the sounds of moving insects. This technique is called ‘ground-gleaning’ (Siemers and Ivanova, 2004). Bats are prolific insect predators. ‘Under controlled conditions the Little Brown bat (Myotis lucifugus), a small insectivorous bat that lives near waterways, has been recorded capturing 1200 tiny fruit flies in one hour, one every three seconds, while navigating in the air’ (Anthony and Kunz, 1977). This level of predation has led farmers to use bats as biological pest controllers, ‘instead of eradicating bat colonies from their farmhouses and barns, farmers are exploring ways of attracting bats to their fields. Many farmers are living with their bat allies and even encouraging their colonization by constructing artificial habitats. In addition to consuming insect pests, it is suggested that bats protect crops from pests by “chasing” away insects with their echolocation calls.

Researchers saw a 50 percent reduction in damage to corn plots by

corn borers when they broadcast bat-like ultrasound over test plots’ (Belton and Kempster, 1962).

It is interesting to note that as a result of evolutionary countermeasure- an action to counteract another action- (Miller and Surlykke, 2001), one prey species, the tiger moth (Bertholdia trigona) has evolved to jam the bat’s sonar by using their own ultrasonic clicks (Corcoran et al. 2009).

Video six shows a bat emitting highpitched chirps and predating a moth.

Video 6: Bat predating moth: Source Oregon Caves National Parks Service, 2015.

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Bats also communicate with one another by detecting echolocation calls of a conspecific, at a minimum of 5 metres away (Knornschild et al.

2012). If the conspecific is female, the male emits courtship vocalisations, if the conspecific is male, territorial vocalisations are emitted.

avoid obstacles all depend on correctly grouping and segregating echoes from sonar targets in a complex environment and on differentiating their own calls/echoes from those produced by other bats in their surroundings’ (Chiu et al. 2009).

The impact of anthropogenic noise

Anthropogenic noise is noise created by human activity. It too, can have a detrimental impact on echolocating animals because of ‘three possible mechanisms that cause noise to affect wildlife: acoustic masking, reduced attention, and noise avoidance. Acoustic masking refers to when noise interferes with an animal’s detection of a target sound, because the noise and target sound have similar qualities such as frequency’ (Luo et al., 2015). It is widely known that aquatic animals are ‘exposed to significant anthropogenic disturbances that cause animals to change behaviour and move away from potential foraging grounds,’ (Nabe-Nielsen et al. 2018). Recent studies have also shown noise can cause hearing loss

The presence of background noise from other animals can influence bats ability to recognise auditory objects (Chiu et al. 2009). Auditory objects are sounds, the characteristics of which are pitch, loudness or timbre. Auditory objects link to create auditory scenes, the process by which the auditory system organises sound into perceptually meaningful elements (Bregman, 1994). The ability to interpret auditory scenes is especially important for echolocating bats because ‘they generate sonar pulses and listen to the features of echoes reflected from objects to perceive their surroundings. Their ability to orient, capture prey and

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in animals, ‘although most manmade sounds are insufficiently intense or persistent to cause overt trauma to free-ranging terrestrial mammals, recent studies have shown that noise exposures producing reversible hearing loss can still permanently damage synapses between auditory sensory cells and primary auditory nerve fibres and thereby affect hearing function,’ (Slabbekoorn et al. 2004).

Two primary examples of anthropogenic noise generators are compressor blasting at natural gas extraction sites (Bunkley et al., 2015) and wind farm installations (NabeNielsen et al., 2018). The continued ‘growth of transportation networks, resource extraction, motorized recreation and urban development is responsible for chronic noise exposure in most terrestrial areas, including remote wilderness sites’ (Barber et al., 2010).

The impact of anthropogenic noise on bats has only been studied in the laboratory, with the exception of one recent study of free-living bats at a

natural gas compressor station in the USA. The study found some anthropogenic noise can interfere with signal reception and processing (Bunkley et al. 2015). Acoustic sampling, widely regarded as the most effective tool to study bat activity (O'Farrell & Gannon, 1999) was used, utilising acoustic recording units and bat detectors.

Comparisons were made between echolocation search calls and the study found that bats can alter echolocation sounds in noise.

Consideration has to be given as to whether this may impact prey detection and communication between conspecifics; obviously if the impact is negative, this will affect survival rates and subsequent population levels.

In laboratory conditions, bats were exposed to traffic noise, the results concluded that the bats ability to successfully locate prey was significantly reduced (Luo et al., 2015). Bats have also been shown to avoid hunting in noise when given the option. Greater mouse-eared

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bats (Myotis myotis), were placed in a flight room with the option of two testing compartments, separated by a sound-dividing wall. Each compartment had landing stations with mealworm food rewards.

Loudspeakers were placed in each compartment to emit background noise of various types, with one compartment kept silent by playing an empty file over the loudspeaker.

The results were that the bats showed a preference for the silent compartment, though did not entirely avoid the other compartment.

Bats are considered a keystone species within their ecologies. ‘Many of the more than 1,300 bat species consume vast amounts of insects, including some of the most damaging agricultural pests. Others pollinate many valuable plants, ensuring the production of fruits that support local economies, as well as diverse animal populations. Fruiteating bats in the tropics disperse seeds that are critical to restoring cleared or damaged rainforest’ (Bat

Conservation International, n.d.).

Economically and agro-ecologically, one study estimated a $3.7 billion loss to North American agriculture if bat populations decline (Boyles, 2011). Guano or bat faeces is a nutrient-rich manure used as a fertiliser. This is a lucrative agricultural product that reduces the reliance on chemical-based fertilisers and their detrimental environmental and health effects.

As the ecological importance of bats becomes more widely-recognised, together with the prevalence of decline in some species through disease, for example North American bat populations succumbing to white nose syndrome (Buckles and Ballmann, 2012), solutions as to how to counteract the impact of anthropogenic noise have been demonstrated by scientists. As ‘data suggests that anthropogenic soundscapes have or will encompass nearly all terrestrial habitat types, potentially impacting innumerable species interactions both directly and indirectly,’ (Barber et al. 2010), one suggestion has been

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to build sound-dampening walls around compressor stations (Francis et al. 2012). Noise barriers are becoming commonplace in many large scale industrial projects, to mitigate noise pollution for the benefit of human health. This follows strong evidence to suggest the noise pollution is one of the top environmental hazards for both physical and mental human health.

The WHO recently published its European peer-reviewed guidelines on acceptable levels of noise (WHO, 2018).

Another solution may be through planning conservation policy when assessing environmental impacts. All planning applications where noise will be a significant factor should require mandatory noise reduction schemes. This means the current system where processing plants can operate 24/7, 365 days a year, would be limited to operating on certain days and at certain times, similar to the control of air traffic noise in residential areas.

Conclusion There are a growing number of empirical studies that conclude anthropogenic noise can have an impact on echolocator animals.

Policymakers and stakeholders need to be proactive in adapting economies and social behaviours to prioritise this problem. This is achievable by embracing alternative approaches and providing solutions to mitigate the impact. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Noise pollution will continue to escalate with the continued increase in the human population, leading to further urbanisation, industry and infrastructure for transportation, all causes of chronic noise,â&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Barber et al., 2010). Echolocator animals are biologically adapted to undertake all their principal behaviours using this auditory style of communication. Any disruption or inability to perform these behaviours is of significant concern for populations and the welfare of these species. In the case of bats, even where there is limited concern for the intrinsic value of the species itself, there should be

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significant concern for the detrimental impact of their decline to economies. Bats provide several services to the ecosystem and it is recognised that they have enormous potential as bioindicators-an indicator of the quality of an ecosystem-(Jones et al., 2009).

However, worldwide bat populations are in severe decline (O’Shea et al., 2016) for a variety of reasons, including anthropogenic noise. Bats are essential eco-managers for healthy functioning habitats and noise is a ‘serious obstacle for sustainable environmental management’ (Sutherland and Freckleton, 2011). The impact of anthropogenic noise on animal health must also be included in all guidelines and subsequent decisionmaking processes, in relation to the mitigation of noise pollution.

References Anthony, E. L. and Kunz, T. H. (1977).

Feeding strategies of the little brown bat, Myotis lucifugus, in southern

New Hampshire. Ecology, 58(4), 775786.

Barber, J. R., Crooks, K. R., & Fristrup, K. M. (2010). The costs of chronic noise exposure for terrestrial organisms. Trends in Ecology and Evolution, 25(3), 180-189.

Bat Conservation International. Why Bats? Available at: http://www.batcon.org/whybats/bats-are/bats-are-important [Accessed on 23 November 2018].

Bat Conservation Trust. About bats.

Available at: https://www.bats.org.uk/aboutbats/what-are-bats. [Accessed on 23 November 2018].

Boonman, A., Bumrungsri, S., & Yovel, Y. (2014). Nonecholocating fruit bats produce biosonar clicks with their wings. Current Biology, 24(24), 29622967.

Boyles, J. G., Cryan, P. M., McCracken, G. F., & Kunz, T. H. (2011). Economic importance of bats in agriculture. Science, 332(6025), 41-42.

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Bregman, A. S. (1994). Auditory scene analysis: The perceptual organization of sound. Cambridge, MA. The MIT Press.

Buckles, E. L., & Ballmann, A. E. (2012).

White-nose syndrome in cave bats of North America.

Bunkley, J. P., McClure, C. J., Kleist, N. J., Francis, C. D., & Barber, J. R. (2015).

Anthropogenic noise alters bat activity levels and echolocation calls. Global Ecology and Conservation, 3, 62-71.

Corcoran, A. J., Barber, J. R., & Conner, W. E. (2009). Tiger moth jams bat sonar. Science, 325(5938), 325327.

Chiu, C., Xian, W., & Moss, C. F. (2009).

Adaptive echolocation behaviour in bats for the analysis of auditory scenes. Journal of Experimental Biology, 212(9), 1392-1404.

Francis, C. D., Kleist, N. J., Ortega, C. P., & Cruz, A. (2012). Noise pollution alters ecological services: enhanced pollination and disrupted seed

dispersal. Proc. R. Soc. B, 279(1739), 2727-2735.

Griffin, D. R., & Galambos, R. (1941).

The sensory basis of obstacle avoidance by flying bats. Journal of Experimental zoology, 86(3), 481-506.

Griffin, D.R. (1958). Listening in the Dark â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Acoustic Orientation of Bats and Men. Yale University Press, 1958.

Griffin, D.R. (2001). Return to the Magic Well: Echolocation Behaviour of Bats and Responses of Insect Prey, BioScience, Volume 51, Issue 7, 1 July 2001, Pages 555â&#x20AC;&#x201C;556 Available at: https://doi.org/10.1641/00063568(2001)051[0555:RTTMWE]2.0.CO; 2 [accessed on 23 November 2018].

Holland, R. A., Waters, D. A., & Rayner, J. M. (2004). Echolocation signal structure in the Megachiropteran bat Rousettus aegyptiacus Geoffroy 1810. Journal of experimental biology, 207(25), 43614369.

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Jonckheer-Sheehy, V. (2018).

Signalling and communication.

Webinar with PowerPoint. Available at: https://winchester.instructure.com/ courses/7713/modules/items/3016 40. [Accessed on 23 November 2018].

Jones, G., Jacobs, D. S., Kunz, T. H., Willig, M. R., & Racey, P. A. (2009).

Carpe noctem: the importance of bats as bioindicators. Endangered species research, 8(1-2), 93-115.

Luo, J., Siemers, B. M., & Koselj, K. (2015). How anthropogenic noise affects foraging. Global change biology, 21(9), 3278-3289.

KnĂśrnschild, M., Jung, K., Nagy, M., Metz, M., & Kalko, E. (2012). Bat echolocation calls facilitate social communication. Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences, 279(1748), 4827-4835.

Manning, A. and Stamp Dawkins, M (2012). Stimuli and communication. In: An introduction to animal behaviour.

6th edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 109-177.

Miller, L. A., & Surlykke, A. (2001).

How Some Insects Detect and Avoid Being Eaten by Bats: Tactics and Countertactics of Prey and Predator: AIBS Bulletin, 51(7), 570-581.

Nabeâ&#x20AC;?Nielsen, J., van Beest, F. M., Grimm, V., Sibly, R. M., Teilmann, J., & Thompson, P. M. (2018). Predicting the impacts of anthropogenic disturbances on marine populations. Conservation Letters, e12563.

O'Farrell, M. J., & Gannon, W. L. (1999). A comparison of acoustic versus capture techniques for the inventory of bats. Journal of Mammalogy, 80(1), 24-30.

O'Shea, T. J., Cryan, P. M., Hayman, D. T., Plowright, R. K., & Streicker, D. G. (2016). Multiple mortality events in bats: a global review. Mammal Review, 46(3), 175-190.

Pierce, G. W., & Griffin, D. R. (1938).

Experimental determination of supersonic notes emitted by bats. Journal of Mammalogy, 19(4), 454-455.

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Richmond, E (2002). Available at: https://www.encyclopedia.com/pla nts-and-animals/zoology-andveterinary-medicine/zoologygeneral/echolocation-physiology [Accessed on 20 November 2018].

Schaub, A., Ostwald, J., & Siemers, B. M. (2008). Foraging bats avoid noise. Journal of Experimental Biology, 211(19), 3174-3180.

Shannon, G., McKenna, M. F., Angeloni, L. M., Crooks, K. R., Fristrup, K. M., Brown, E.& McFarland, S. (2016).

A synthesis of two decades of research documenting the effects of noise on wildlife. Biological Reviews, 91(4), 982-1005.

Siemers, B. M., & Ivanova, T. (2004).

Ground gleaning in horseshoe bats: comparative evidence from Rhinolophus blasii, R. euryale and R. mehelyi. Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology, 56(5), 464-471.

Slabbekoorn, H., McGee, J., & Walsh, E. J. (2018). Effects of Man-Made Sound on Terrestrial Mammals.

In Effects of Anthropogenic Noise on

Animals (pp. 243-276). Springer, New York, NY. Sutherland, W. J., & Freckleton, R. P. (2012). Making predictive ecology more relevant to policy makers and practitioners. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences, 367(1586), 322-330.

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New WHO guidelines for Europe released. Available at: http://www.euro.who.int/en/mediacentre/sections/pressreleases/2018/press-informationnote-on-the-launch-of-the-whoenvironmental-noise-guidelines-forthe-european-region. [Accessed on 12th January 2019].

WHO, (2019). Health and sustainable development. Noise. Available at: https://www.who.int/sustainabledevelopment/transport/healthrisks/noise/en/ [Accessed on 12th January 19].

Wright, A. J., Soto, N. A., Baldwin, A. L., Bateson, M., Beale, C. M., Clark, C.

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& Hatch, L. T. (2007). Anthropogenic noise as a stressor in animals: a multidisciplinary perspective. International Journal of Comparative Psychology, 20(2).

content/uploads/2016/06/Anatom y_and_physiology_of_animals_The_ ear.jpg

Figure sources:

1: Dinning, P. (2011) Peacocks dance display. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v =qDvFdj-pFMc

Figure 1: https://askabiologist.asu.edu/echol ocation Figure 2: Photo by Nina Leen/The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images Figure 3: https://www.tcabasa.org/?page_id= 2718 Figure 4: https://www.jw.org/en/publications /magazines/g201410/fruit-batstropical-rain-forest-gardeners/ Figure 5: https://www.factzoo.com/mammal s/spotted-bat-biggest-earsamericas.html Figure 6: http://www.koryoswrites.com/wp-

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2: Science News, (2015). Hear a howler monkey roar. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v =PYar0dkZ6v8 3: BBC Earth, (2016). Deer battle for dominance/Wild Japan. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v =Xa4DJgkVe0w 4: Science Magazine, (2017) Ants rescue injured comrades from termite battles. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v =qBrW0dcHTK4 5: Smithsonian channel, (2016). Hereâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s what bat echolocation sounds like, slowed down. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v =qJOloliWvB8

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6: Oregon Caves National park Service, (2015). Bat echolocation.

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In what way(s) Do You Consider that Any Two Films Released in the Last Twenty Years Represent Positive Constructions of African American History and Identity?

Ashleigh Hannay BA American Studies To discuss the positive constructions of African American history and identity within recent films, it is vital to first discuss what is meant by the term ‘positive’ and what will be classed as such in this essay. The Oxford English Dictionary defines ‘positive’ as something which is constructive, optimistic or confident and shows progress or improvement1. Using this as a guideline, this essay will examine representations in the last twenty years which depict complex individuals who bring more to the film than just comic relief or support to a lead. The chosen representations include characters with their own storyline and history

that isn’t based around a white narrative and a plot that does not have to rely on a tragic past to heighten a person’s achievements.

This, however, does not mean that the characters themselves are necessarily what we would term ‘positive’. This essay will argue that positive representations can come in the form of recognition of complex issues of black identity that have been given an important platform through film which previously was not available. Two contemporary case studies, Barry and Moonlight will be used to analyse such constructs of African American identity. Using these case studies, this essay will argue that a positive construction does not always have to mean that the characters portrayed are admirable or even likeable. Whilst this is sometimes the case, other times positive constructions may simply be recognising the fact that African American history and identity is so much richer than the limited

OxfordDictionaries.com, “Positive”. Accessed 20 November 2018

https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/posit ive

1

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and stereotypical portrayals that Hollywood tends to utilise.

The first example of positive constructions that both films use, in different ways but equally effectively, is the introduction of admirable African American characters to their narrative. The first case study, Barry, details the life of a young Barack Obama in his college days. The young Obama’s onscreen representation is no doubt a positive representation of a man who is charismatic, intellectual (as illustrated by his attendance at Colombia University) and driven.

These characteristics could be classed as the epitome of positive representation, with there being nothing to really criticise Barry on in terms of his dedication to his work and to his drive to figure out where he belongs. It would be reasonable to say that often a positive bell hooks, “Reconstructing Black Masculinity” in Black Looks: Race and Representation.

(London: Routledge, 2015), 4 3 Donald Bogle, “The 1990s: New Stars, New Filmmakers, and A New African American 2

representation is going to be the opposite of whatever the negative representations are. bell hooks takes this assessment further by saying that “what is thought to be good is often a reaction against representations created by white people that were blatantly stereotypical”2. By adding a racial element to her statement, hooks suggests that when considering representation, it is important to consider the fact that some things may only seem positive because they are being compared and contrasted against previous images which were overtly negative. For example, it could be argued that many of the roles Denzel Washington played at the turn of the century can be likened to the characters Sidney Poitier played in the 50s and 60s3. Poitier’s roles were criticised for supposedly doing nothing to break away from the Cinema” in Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. (London: Bloomsbury, 2016), 382

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stereotype of blacks being subservient to whites, even though there was no doubt that his characters presented a more positive image of blackness than previous roles for black men. His role in Lilies of the Field is one which received criticism for its “erasure of Poitier’s sexuality4” where any potential for a romantic encounter is denied due to the only other characters he encounters being nuns5. By this logic, hook’s statement suggests that Barry may only seem to be positive because, much like Poitier’s lead roles taught audiences to expect passivity, previous black leads from the early 2000’s have taught contemporary audiences to expect drug dealers, gang members and rappers or athletes with a troubled past6. However, despite this, there is no doubt that Barry successfully foreshadows a ground-breaking step

forward in African American history, by depicting the life and toils of the first black president of the United States in the years before he was even considering politics. Barry can be said to present a positive construction of African American history by showing a young man who is not only admirable in his youth, but who goes on to make history, thus highlighting a different representation.

Edward Guerrero, “The Rise and Fall of Blaxploitation” in Framing Blackness: The African American Image in Film (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 72 5 Lilies of the Field, directed by Ralph Nelson, United Artists, 1963 Feature Film.

6

4

Unlike in Barry, it is more complicated to identify examples of positive characters in Moonlight because the main character could be seen as flawed. This second case study tells the story of one man’s struggle with his identity as a homosexual, African American man.

Moonlight’s Chiron can be read as a positive representation of a gay black man who overcomes a Darron Smith, “Entertaining While Black: The Depiction of Black Males in Popular Media”.

Accessed 31 November 2018 http://www.darronsmith.com/2012/06/entertaini ng-while-black-the-depiction-of-black-males-inpopular-media-existing-while-black-in-americaseries/

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plethora of challenges in his life with little to no help or guidance. Critic Kimberly Fain argues that African American characters in film “must model perfect citizenship and succeed in American society”7 to be regarded as a positive image or role model. However, Chiron’s character disproves this and would suggest that being a good exemplar of African American identity does not necessarily mean that they are devoid of all negative characteristics; they are just not defined by them completely. This relates back to bell hooks’s suggestion that positive images are a reaction against the blatantly negative ones which came before them8. Chiron can be viewed as a positive role model, not necessarily in the way that he lives his life, but in the way he overcomes challenges and becomes a relatable character for others who have also

struggled with accepting their own sexual identity. In this sense then, Chiron creates a new definition of what a positive construction of African American identity can consist of in film.

Kimberly Fain, “Black Images from the Apex of the Civil Rights Era to the Age of Barack Obama” in Black Hollywood: From Butlers to Superheroes, the Changing Role of African American Men in the Movies. 83-169. (Santa Barbara: Praeger Publishing, 2015), 94

8

7

Another way that both films present positive constructions of African American identity is through their breaking away from stereotypes. As mentioned previously, Barry’s representation of an intellectual black man who is determined to achieve his own goals as opposed to the earlier interracial buddy roles or the ‘magical negro’ roles of the 80s and 90s9 gives African Americans agency of their narrative. Donald Bogle talks of these films and how their use of black people as supporting characters and background material was an example of America’s hopes to

hooks, “Reconstructing Black Masculinity”, 4 Donald Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. (London: Bloomsbury, 2016), 392 9

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simplify its racial tensions10. The ‘magical negro’ roles in particular saw African American actors working to help a white man improve his situation whilst no focus was placed on his own life, aspirations or desires11. Much like Bogle, Edward Guerrero talks of the “recurrence of certain resilient stereotypes… of black people as comics, entertainers, athletes and criminals in disproportion to broader dramatic roles”12. Using Guerrero’s list of popular typecasts, it becomes apparent that Barry does not fit into any of them; he is not aggressive and violent like the black buck, nor is he an amusement object13 or submissive to the white man, thus he becomes an agent of his own narrative. Rather than a classic ghetto gang narrative, or a film where the black man is simply the white man’s accomplice, Barry

shows a black man taking control of his life despite the inner struggles he faces along the way.

10

14

Bogle, Toms, Coons, 245 Bogle, Toms, Coons, 392 12 Ed Guerrero, Framing Blackness: The African American Image in Film. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 7 13 Bogle, Toms, Coons, 5 11

Moonlight also breaks away from existing stereotypes, particularly those surrounding black masculinity.

Presenting a black gay man on screen is certainly a step forward for representing minorities in film and so in this sense alone the film can be read as a positive and progressive construction of African American identity and history. From the early days of black cinema, gay characters (when present at all) served as what Dutta calls “objects of laughter, ridicule and derision”14, often moulded into racist and homophobic stereotypes15. In contrast to these earlier representations, Moonlight gives Chiron’s experience meaning.

For example, the sole love scene of the film between Chiron and Kevin Debopriyaa Dutta, “’In Moonlight Black Boys Look Blue’: Exploring Black Male Queerness and Notions of Masculinity In Moonlight”.

Accessed 02 December 2018 https://highonfilms.com/in-moonlight-blackboys-look-blue/ 15 Ibid

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uses popular clichés and romantic devices, allowing for the experience to be normalised16. Chiron’s story has largely been excluded from film and so its inclusion in Moonlight marks a recognition of the fact that the black experience is composed of more than just archetypal narratives of blackness. It may be argued that Chiron himself, does not end up being a very positive figure as he ends up in prison and actually ends up completely rejecting his sexuality until reconnecting with Kevin at the end. However, regardless of whether or not Chiron’s character can be classed as a positive representation, the film’s coverage of such a complex part of African American individuality is a step forward in positively constructing African American identity.

This leads into the ways in which both Moonlight and Barry depict struggles with personal identity in order to show that African American identity is complex. Whilst Chiron struggles with his sexuality and his need to perform certain aspects of blackness, Barry is seen struggling with his racial identity. Barry’s position is unique in that his father was Kenyan and his mother is a white American17. In his autobiography Barack Obama talks about his struggles with who he is and where he fits into American society given his mixed heritage, saying that “I was trying to raise myself to be a black man in America, and beyond the given of my appearance, no one around me seemed to know exactly what that meant”18. This quote would suggest that his confusion is more based on the opinions of the people

16

17

Menaka Kannan, Rhys Hall, and Matthew. W Hughey, “Watching Moonlight in the Twilight of Obama”. Humanity and Society 41 (2017): 293.

Accessed 08 October 2018 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/01 60597617719889

Barack Obama, Dreams From My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance (Edinburgh: Canongate Books Ltd, 2007) page xv 18 Obama, Dreams From My Father, 76

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surrounding him and the way that they perceive his identity to be a divided soul, trapped between two worlds. This struggle to figure out where he fits in terms of the black experience in America is illustrated effectively by Devon Terrell’s performance as Barry. This is made evident in a scene where Barry speaks to his mother, telling her, “You know, every time I open my mouth in class, it's like... I'm supposed to speak on behalf of all Black people. Meanwhile, I, uh... I quit going to Black Student Union meetings because I didn't feel like I belong there either”19. Barry’s struggle is one which Naomi Zack discusses in detail; building on Du Bois’ theory of double consciousness she suggests that those in America of mixed black and white heritage feel that they do not fit in with either race20. The film’s tackling of issues of

mixed identity shows that the African American experience is diverse and complicated as opposed to following a certain template set out by earlier films.

19

https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=C847Ye4 LvYoC 21 Kannan, Hall and Hughey. “Watching Moonlight in the Twilight of Obama”, 293 22 Straightwoo, “The Myth of Chiron in Moonlight”. Accessed 31 November 2018

Barry, directed by Vikram Gandhi, Black Bear Pictures, 2016. Feature Film 20 Naomi Zack, “Race and Mixed Race” (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993) Accessed via Google Books. Accessed 20 November 2018

Alongside Moonlight’s inclusion of a gay black man to show diverse representations of black masculinity, the film also presents other forms of blackness to show that black identities cannot all be placed in one category. The film makes use of a protagonist who is, as Kannan, Hall and Hughey write, “flawed, sloppy and deeply human”21, in attempt to make the narrative relatable for the audience. The film is divided into three chapters to reflect stages in Chiron’s development. In the first, he is a child known as Little; the second a teenager who goes by his given name, Chiron; and in the last he goes by the name Black22. Each of these

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identities reveal layers of Chiron, introducing the audience to a naïve and innocent child, an angry and anxious teenager, and finally an adult who has adopted the hardened exterior of a “thug”23. As he goes through each stage in his life, he is forced to engage with his sexuality even more and as Juan tells him in the first chapter, “At some point, you gotta decide for yourself who you’re going to be. Can’t let nobody make that decision for you24”. This piece of advice in particular will resonate with people regardless of their sexuality, race or gender. The narrative structure of using three chapters gives the audience the opportunity to develop a bond with the character and to understand the way he reacts in any given situation. Chiron is supposed to represent every young black gay boy who grew into adulthood unsure and uncomfortable with his own identity.

Thus, in the films attempt to connect with its audience, its plot becomes one which is a positive and progressive reflection of African American identity as multifaceted and complicated.

http://straightwoo.com/2017/02/25/myth-ofchiron-moonlight-movie/ 23 Eric A. Jordan and Derrick R. Brooms, “Black and Blue: Analyzing and Queering Black Masculinities in Moonlight” in Living Racism:

Through the Barrel of the Book (London: Lexington Books, 2018), 142 24 Moonlight, directed by Barry Jenkins, Pastel Productions, 2016. Feature Film

Based on the critical debates which have been engaged with and the examples from each film, Moonlight and Barry can both be said to represent positive constructions of African American identities through their inclusion of complex themes and their ability to share a narrative that is often left untold. Whilst Moonlight shares the experiences of a young black boy discovering his sexuality, Barry reimagines the life of one of Americas most loved and cherished African American figures.

Both films break away from typical stereotypes of African American men and show their protagonists taking control of their own future, whilst

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facing and dealing with their own questions regarding their racial, cultural and sexual identities. By allowing for African American narratives to be told in a space which is uniquely their own, Barry and Moonlight claim a right that has been sought after since before the Blaxploitation films of the seventies25.

In addition, the above discussion has illustrated that positive constructions do not always have to conform to a white ideal and may even just show that black identity is complex and versatile.

Moonlight, directed by Barry Jenkins, Pastel Productions, 2016. Feature Film

References

Dutta, Debopriyaa. “’In Moonlight Black Boys Look Blue’: Exploring Black Male Queerness and Notions of Masculinity In Moonlight”.

Accessed 02 December 2018 https://highonfilms.com/inmoonlight-black-boys-look-blue/

Primary Source(s): Barry, directed by Vikram Gandhi, Black Bear Pictures, 2016. Feature Film

Amy Abugo Ongiri, "“You Better Watch This Good Shit!”: BLACK SPECTATORSHIP, BLACK MASCULINITY, AND BLAXPLOITATION FILM." In Spectacular Blackness: The Cultural Politics of the Black Power Movement and the Search for a Black 25

Secondary Sources: Bogle, Donald. Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies and Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. London: Bloomsbury, 2016 Davis, Jude and Smith, Carol. Gender, Ethnicity and Sexuality in Contemporary American Film.

London: Routledge, 2013

Aesthetic, 159-86. (Charlottesville; London: University of Virginia Press, 2010), 169 http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt6wrht8.9

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Fain, Kimberly, “Black Images from the Apex of the Civil Rights Era to the Age of Barack Obama” in Black Hollywood: From Butlers to Superheroes, the Changing Role of African American Men in the Movies.

83-169. Santa Barbara: Praeger Publishing, 2015

George, Nelson, “Still Too Good, Too Bad or Invisible”, The New York Times, 15 February 2015. Accessed 01 December 2018 https://www.nytimes.com/2013/02 /17/movies/awardsseason/blackcharacters-are-still-too-good-toobad-or-invisible.html

Guerrero, Ed. Framing Blackness: The African American Image in Film.

Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993.

Hooks, bell. “Reconstructing Black Masculinity” in Black Looks: Race and Representation. London: Routledge, 2015.

Guerrero, Ed. “The Black Man on Our Screens and the Empty Space in Representation”. Callaloo 18 (1995): 395-400. Accessed 08 October 2018 https://www.jstor.org/stable/32990 85?seq=2#metadata_info_tab_conte nts

Jordan, Eric A. and Derrick R. Brooms, “Black and Blue: Analyzing and Queering Black Masculinities in Moonlight” in Living Racism: Through the Barrel of the Book. 137-157.

London: Lexington Books, 2018.

Guerrero, Edward, “The Rise and Fall of Blaxploitation” in Framing Blackness: The African American Image in Film, 69-111. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993

Kannan, Menaka, Hall, Rhys and Hughey, Matthew. W. “Watching Moonlight in the Twilight of Obama”.

Humanity and Society 41 (2017): 287298. Accessed 08 October 2018 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/p df/10.1177/0160597617719889

186

Lilies of the Field, directed by Ralph Nelson, United Artists, 1963 Feature Film.

Miller, Chris. “The Representation of the Black Male in Film”. Journal of African American Men 3 (1998): 19-30.

Accessed 08 October 2018 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41819 338 Obama, Barack, Dreams From My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance. Edinburgh: Canongate Books Ltd, 2007 Ongiri, Amy Abugo, "“You Better Watch This Good Shit!”: BLACK SPECTATORSHIP, BLACK MASCULINITY, AND BLAXPLOITATION FILM." In Spectacular Blackness: The Cultural Politics of the Black Power Movement and the Search for a Black Aesthetic, 159-86. (Charlottesville; London: University of Virginia Press, 2010) page 169 http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt6wr ht8.9

OxfordDictionaries.com, “Positive”.

Accessed 20 November 2018 https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/d efinition/positive Smith, Darron. “Entertaining While Black: The Depiction of Black Males in Popular Media”. Accessed 31 November 2018 http://www.darronsmith.com/2012/ 06/entertaining-while-black-thedepiction-of-black-males-inpopular-media-existing-while-blackin-america-series/ Straightwoo, “The Myth of Chiron in Moonlight”. Accessed 31 November 2018 http://straightwoo.com/2017/02/25 /myth-of-chiron-moonlight-movie/ Teer, Barbara Ann. “Needed: A New Image” in SOS-Calling All Black People: A Black Arts Movement Reader. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2014 Zack, Naomi. “Race and Mixed Race” Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993. Accessed via Google

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Books. https://books.google.co.uk/books?i d=C847Ye4LvYoC

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London Pride 2018: An Intersectional Approach to Trans Exclusionary Radical Feminists Kat Pevreall MA Liberal Arts In activist circles, London Pride 2018 will likely be remembered for the unauthorised protest of Get the L Out, a group of radical feminist activists who believe that trans26 people have no place in the lesbian community (Gabbatiss, 2018; BBC News, 2018; Southwell, 2018). The groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s argument rests on the assertion that a trans identity is a false and invalid one and that lesbians are being forced and coerced into sexual relationships with men under the guise of trans lesbianism (Get the L Out, 2018). Although important to recognise the validity of trans identities, this essay will not attempt to debunk claims that trans identities are not valid. Rather it will seek to provide an explanation for why the rejection of the trans identity 26

Anyone whose gender identity is not the same as the gender they were assigned at

weakens the LGBTQ+ community and provides a superficial analysis of the systems of power at work in the world around us. Trans Exclusionary Radical Feminists (TERFs), such as Get the L Out, are seemingly most concerned with the ways in which the trans identity impacts their validity as lesbians and thus their claim to rights and fair treatment (Get the L Out, 2018). What needs to be understood is that systems of power interact with all identities to either subordinate or empower them (Crenshaw, 1989; 1991; Ehrenreich, 2002; Collins and Bilge, 2016) and that failing to acknowledge the trans identity and the interactions it has with these systems will not benefit anyone. Activism and scholarship must take an inclusive approach, not because one identityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cause should suffer at the inclusion of another but precisely because these interactions are of equal value in understanding the ways in which systems of power prevail over our identities. Without

birth, including agender, genderqueer, and non-binary folk.

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this understanding it would not be possible to provide a comprehensive approach against systemic oppression. This essay will explore the ways in which the phallocentric27 rejection of men not only conflicts with resisting the oppression of trans individuals but also does little to address the systems of subordination that oppress lesbians. Using intersectional theory, this essay will posit that inclusive feminist activism is the most effective form of activism, otherwise feminism is at risk of upholding the very systems that it wishes to disrupt and deconstruct. While this essay makes no attempt at addressing the morality of the subordination of trans people, this aspect should certainly not be avoided and should still form a central argument when fighting against systemic oppression. It

should be noted that Get the L Out makes no distinction between transgender women and other trans people who were assigned male at birth (AMAB) but who are not men or women, for example, non-binary28, agender29 or genderqueer30 people.

Due to the focus on genitalia in much of the scholarship discussed in this essay, it will be assumed that when Get the L Out refers to an individual as a transgender woman, they are actually referring to all trans people who were AMAB, but not referring to trans people who were assigned female at birth (AFAB). This essay will make distinctions between transgender women, and all trans people who were AMAB where appropriate. Unless discussing a specific individual, this essay will use the pronouns they/their when referring to trans people.31

27

30

Focussed on the penis as a symbol of male dominance.

28 A gender identity that exists outside of the binary of ‘male’ and ‘female’.

29 Someone who is agender feels that they are not any particular gender.

Someone who is genderqueer might not identify with either ‘male’ or ‘female’, or may identify with both.

31 This essay used Kapitan’s (2017) style guide as a reference for choosing the most appropriate and respectful terms.

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Second wave feminism saw a variety of different approaches to activism, many of which are often accused of being essentialist (Rudy, 2001; Collins and Bilge, 2016). For the purpose of this essay, understanding the message of ‘radicalesbians’ (Rudy, 2001) is essential. As is an awareness of more inclusive activists groups in the 1970s and ‘80s, groups which we may now refer to as intersectional (Collins and Bilge, 2016). While an intersectional approach to activism has a rich history in Black feminist circles dating back several decades (Collins and Bilge, 2016), the term was first introduced by Kimberle Crenshaw in 1989. For feminist activists of the 1970s, this approach meant discussing the ways in which women who were not white, straight, and middle-class were effected by multiple systems of oppression (Rudy 2001; Collins and Bilge, 2016).

Many Black feminists felt it important to create their own spaces where race could be discussed alongside sexism and these spaces were often inclusive of, if not exclusively for, lesbians (Collins and Bilge, 2016; See

for example Combahee River Collective, 1978). Since then, Crenshaw (1989;1991) has put forward intersectional theory which offers a framework for understanding individual experience without universalising that experience. Crenshaw (1989;1991) encourages scholars to consider that there are systems of power and subordination operating on identities at all times, these systems do not operate separately but rather they interact and the effect on an individual will be dependent on their identity (Crenshaw 1989; 1991; Ehrenreich, 2002). For example, a lesbian does not experience life as a woman and a gay person separately but rather as a gay woman. While heterosexism and sexism are both operating here they are doing so simultaneously to create a lesbian experience. Thus, a heterosexual woman will experience sexism differently to the ways in which a lesbian might experience sexism.

Through this lens it is possible to understand experiences of individuals whilst attempting to

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dismantle the systems responsible for their subordination. Another key aspect of Crenshaw’s (1989) work is the prioritisation of a “bottom-up” approach to activism. In other words, by advocating for the empowerment of people who are most subordinated by the various systems of power operating within society, the greater the number of systems of power are being challenged and thus a greater number of subordinated people benefit (Crenshaw, 1989; Cho, 2013). This line of thinking is in direct conflict with the essentialist feminist rhetoric of some second wave feminists where being a woman was considered to be the primary concern of ‘radicalesbians’ among other groups (See Raymond, 1994; Rudy, 2001; Walters, 1996; Rich, 1980). Often these groups rejected discourse around race and strictly enforced the rule that members of the group were not to engage in sexual activity with ‘men’ [read: anyone AMAB](Rudy, 2001). It should be noted, that many of these women used lesbian as a political identity rather than simply a

sexuality (Rudy, 2001). The scholarship and activism regarding this thinking is heavily focused on genitalia and the phallo-centric rejection of men as a way of disrupting the patriarchy and empowering and liberating women (See Raymond, 1994; Daly and Caputi, 1988). At the time, trans people attempted to be part of the movement that so fervently rejected sexism and heterosexism, however there are many examples of their inclusion resulting in divisive infighting. A noteworthy example is Sandy Stone of Olivia Records, a transgender woman, now a prominent academic, who worked at an all-women recording company, and who was the subject of a virulent attack in Janice Raymond’s The Transsexual Empire for her supposed “male energy” (Raymond, 1994).

Additionally scholars, and indeed participants in these groups, have later noted that members were predominantly white and middleclass, and evidently cisgender (Crenshaw, 1989; Rudy, 2001). While the radicalesbian rhetoric is rejected

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by many feminists today, equally it is the backbone of Get the L Out’s rejection of transwomen and, indeed, many other TERF groups’ ideologies.

However, by using intersectional theory it is possible to understand how these ideologies are damaging to not just trans people but lesbians and other women.

As a society, we consistently categorise identities in binaries, and it is these binaries that allow oppressive systems to remain intact by ensuring that people who do not conform to the dominant category, that is to say people who are anything that the dominant category is not, are subordinated (Rudy, 2001; Ehrenreich, 2002; Taylor, Hines and Casey, 2011; Rossiter, 2016) Often these classifications give members of the dominant category power to subordinate others, but the very process of categorisation can also be an exercise of power in itself (Crenshaw 1991). For example, the trans identity is constructed by imagining everything that a cisgender identity is not, and in this

categorisation the trans identity is othered (Fellows and Razack, 1998 quoted in Ehrenreich, 2002). A cisgender person being anyone whose gender identity is the same as the gender they were assigned at birth (Cisgender, 2019). However, the trans identity is an example of why the binary system of categorisation not only does not encompass the myriad identities which exist, but subordinates anyone who exists outside of it. The binary system’s inadequacy is made clear by the frequency with which gender categories are redefined (Baum et al., 2014). However, it seems that radical feminists are using this binary system to their advantage in an attempt to avoid further subordination. Ehrenreich (2002) offers the term “Compensatory Subordination” to describe the process of one subordinated group choosing to subordinate another in order to ensure that they do not have to give up the privileges they do have. This definition seems to imply a conscious effort to preserve privilege which, perhaps, does not

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offer an adequate explanation of the complexities at work. However, one possible explanation for Get the L Out’s anti-trans rhetoric is that they are, consciously or otherwise, using the system of binary gender in an attempt to ensure that the definition of cisgender encompasses the identities within the lesbian community, and in doing so they are subordinating all identities that cannot be encompassed in this definition. In supporting the notion that butch lesbians are still cisgender (Get the L Out, 2018) (despite the fact that many butch lesbians are trans, whether they are transgender women (Rossiter, 2016), agender, non-binary or genderqueer) they are positioning the lesbian community as viable members of the dominant gender category. In order to do this, they are categorising a cisgender lesbian as any lesbian who was born with a vagina. This genital-centric approach which hails from the previously mentioned radicalesbian literature is an attempt at pushing back against the patriarchy. The emphasis of the anatomical element

of the social category ‘woman’ (the vagina) is an aggressive resistance against the binary system’s definition of what it is to be a man (the penis) (Rudy, 2001). By empowering the vagina, and indeed relationships between vaginas, they are attempting to undermine the power of the patriarchy which they perceive to be the penis (See Daly and Caputi, 1988; Raymond, 1994). In order to do this, Get the L Out must uphold the binary system of gender.

Unfortunately, cisgenderism, the patriarchy and heterosexism are inextricably linked systems of subordination and in upholding cisgenderism they are giving power to the privileged members of the patriarchy and heterosexism (heterosexuals and men) to subordinate lesbians further (Rudy, 2001; Stephenson, 2003). These systems rely on each other to continue subjugating all those who are not members of the dominant category. The patriarchy, for example, could not possibly exist without the binary system of gender, the very categories of ‘man’ and

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‘woman’ are what allow a hierarchical classification of those categories (Rudy, 2001). Similarly, heterosexism upholds the patriarchy by ensuring that women are forced to enter into marriages with men, and can therefore continue to be subordinated by them (Enloe, 2017).

Thus, lesbians continuing to subordinate trans people can only seek to weaken the LGBTQ+ community. After all, diverse gender identity and presentation has played a huge part in the gay community historically, for example drag queens, drag kings and butch lesbians (Halberstam, 2005). It seems clear that the main concern of TERF groups such as Get the L Out is the erasure of their own identity in conversations about empowerment, or even just as an identity in its entirety (Walters, 1996). Fears that have stemmed in part from the radicalesbian rhetoric of the 1970s and ‘80s and exacerbated by the push to consider all LGBTQ+ people ‘queer’ in the 1990s (Walters, 1996).

Indeed, Get the L Out refer to lesbian erasure several times on their

website (Get the L Out 2018).

Activists may be tempted to simply dismiss these claims as ridiculous, however this is not helpful, especially given that those that benefit from systems of subordination rely on intergroup fighting to remain in a privileged position (Ehrenreich, 2002). Instead, this is where intersectional theory and praxis compliment each other (Collins and Bilge, 2016) and the benefits of trans inclusion can be mapped. This fear stems from the, incorrect, belief that there are a finite amount of rights and groups must fight for access to these rights (Ehrenreich, 2002).

Of course, while these statements are rooted in human experience, they are also broad and offer only a cursory analysis of systems of subordination. While unable to offer a fully comprehensive exploration of the ways in which the attitudes and arguments of Get the L Out harm the very community they are trying to defend, this essay has attempted to illustrate the interaction of systemic

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oppressions. An intersectional approach makes it clear that relying on binary systems in order to categorise identities cannot continue so long as the aim is to dismantle systems of oppression. The systems of subordination that rely so heavily on binaries are intricately connected and it is impossible to give power to one without giving power to them all.

Get the L Outâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rejection of the trans identity amounts to nothing more than essentialist thinking built on a foundation of fear of erasure, fears that contribute to the systemic problems that face lesbians and trans people today.

References Baum, J., et al., (2014). Supporting and Caring For Our Gender Expansive Youth: Lessons from the Human Rights Campaignâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Youth Survey [online]. California: Gender Spectrum.

Available from: http://www.genderspectrum.org/yo uth

BBC News, (2018). Pride in London sorry after anti-trans protest. BBC News [online]. 8 July. [Viewed 9th December 2018]. Available from: https://bbc.in/2QTQMDV Cho, S., (2013). Post-intersectionality: The Curious Reception of Intersectionallity in Legal Scholarship. Du Bois Review [online].

10(2), 385-404. [15th December 2018].

DOI: 10.1017/S1742058X13000362 Cisgender adj. (2019). In: MerriamWebster Online. [Viewed 10th January 2019]. Available from: https://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/cisgender# h1 Collins, P. H., and Bilge, S., (2016).

Intersectionality. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Combahee River Collective, (1978). A Black Feminist Statement: Combahee River Collective. In: Z. Eisenstein ed. Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism.

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New York: Monthly Review Press, 210-218.

Crenshaw, K., (1989). Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics.

University of Chicago Legal Forum [online]. 1(8), 139-167. [20th November 2018]. Available from: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.ed u/uclf/vol1989/iss1/8 Crenshaw, K., (1991). Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence Against Women of Color. Stanford Law Review [online]. 43(6), 1241 - 1299.

[20th November 2018]. Available from: https://jstor.org/stable/1229039 Daly, M., and Caputi, J., (1988).

Webster’s First New Intergalactic Wickedary of the English Language.

London: The Women’s Press Ehrenreich, N., (2002). Subordination and Symbiosis: Mechanisms of Mutual Support between

Subordinating Systems. UMKC Law Review [online]. 71(2), 251 - 324.

Available from: https://bit.ly/2HgyFIT Enloe, C., (2017). The Big Push: Exposing and Challenging the Persistence of Partiarchy. Oxford: Myriad Editions Gabbatiss, J., (2018). London Pride: Anti-trans activists disrupt parade by lying down in the street to protest ‘lesbian erasure’. Independent [online]. 7 July. [Viewed 9th December 2018]. Available from: https://ind.pn/2QXCPF4 Get the L Out, (2018). Get the L Out: Lesbian not Queer. [Viewed 10th December 2018]. Available from: https://getthelout.wordpress.com/ Halberstam, J., (2005). In a queer time and place: transgender bodies, subcultural lives. New York: New York University Press.

Kapitan, A., (2017). The Radical Copyeditor’s Style Guide for Writing

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About Transgender People [online].

The Radical Copyeditor. [Viewed 2nd January 2019]. Available from: https://radicalcopyeditor.com/2017 /08/31/transgender-style-guide/ Raymond, J., (1994). The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male.

New York: Teachers College Press.

Rich, A. C., (1980). Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence. Journal of Women’s History [online], 2013. 15(3), 11-48. [11th January 2019]. DOI: 10.1353/jowh.2003.0079 Rossiter, H., (2016). She’s Always a Woman: Butch lesbian trans women in the lesbian community. Journal of Lesbian Studies [online]. 20(1), 87-96.

[3rd January 2019]. DOI: 10.1080/10894160.2015.1076236 Rudy, K. (2001). Radical Feminism, Lesbian Separatism and Queer Theory. Feminist Studies [online].

27(1), 191-222. [16th December 2019].

Available from

https://www.jstor.org/stable/31784 57 Southwell, H., (2018). Anti-trans groups allowed to lead Pride in London March after hijack. Pink News [online]. 7 July. [Viewed 9th December 2018]. Available from: https://bit.ly/2FCKqa9 Stephenson, V., (2003). Stepping Down From Patriarchy. Off Our Backs [online]. 33(5/6)16-17. [3rd January 2019]. Available from: http://search.ebscohost.com.winche ster.idm.oclc.org/login.aspx?direct=tr ue&db=a9h&AN=9841183&site=ehostliv Taylor, Y., Hines, S., and Casey, M. E., (2011). Introduction. In: Y. Taylor, S. Hines, and M.E. Casey eds. Theorizing Intersectionality and Sexuality.

Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Walters, S.D., (1996). From Here to Queer: Radical Feminism, Postmodernism and the Lesbian Menace (Or, Why Can’t a Woman Be More Like a Fag?). Signs: Journal of

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Women in Culture and Society [online]. 21(4). 830 - 869. [12th December 2018]. DOI: 10.1086/495123

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How great was the Threat to the Fledgling Lancaster Dynasty through the Revolt of Owain Glyndŵr and the Percy Rebellion?

Oliver Curant BA History and the Medieval World Henry IV of England faced several crises following his usurpation of Richard II. Arguably the most important and prominent being the revolt of Owain Glyndŵr in Wales combined with the Percy Rebellion in England. Owain Glyndŵr was a Welsh knight from northern Wales and had declared himself Prince of Powys1 and Wales around September of 1400 for several reasons. This originally started as a land dispute with his English neighbour, Reginald Grey which spilled over into accusations of treason against Henry and England

by Grey.2 Glyndŵrs revolt was of great national importance for both the Welsh and the English due to a rising sense of nationalism amongst

the Welsh and through the revolt, a growing sense of disharmony amongst at least the English nobility and to the English living in Wales and surrounding counties such as Cheshire, a grave sense of threat as the revolt gained momentum.

Importantly Glyndŵr tried to establish Wales as an independent nation from England with a national parliament and involving foreign allies with embassies sent to Scotland, Ireland, France and the Pope with French troops being sent to Wales to assist with the revolt. The Percy’s at the time were the greatest military power in England, however, several events and grievances led the Percy’s to open rebellion against Henry IV. One grievance was that of a difference of opinion in dealing with Owain Glyndŵr’s revolt, with the Percy’s initially being tasked by Henry to supress the revolt. Despite the initial conflict between the Percy’s and Glyndŵr, J.M.W Bean discusses that the two eventually

1

2

Region in north Wales, during the period the most prestigious amongst the Welsh as their royal lines descended through Powys.

R.R. Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyndŵr (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995) 153154.

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colluded, or worked together, to coincide the Percy rebellion with the Glyndŵr revolt.3 Both the rebellion and the revolt were of equal threat to the Lancastrians but due to the international involvement of Glyndŵr’s diplomatic correspondence, the revolt can be seen as the more significant threat the Henry and the Lancastrian dynasty.

Owain Glyndŵr’s revolt originally started in 1400 and continued for fifteen years, the first half of the revolt seeing more and more troops and resources drawn into the conflict from England. Glyndŵr could claim J.M.W. Bean, “Percy, Henry, first Earl of Northumberland,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, last modified 26th May 2005, https://doiorg.winchester.idm.oclc.org/10.1093/ref:odn b/21932 3

4

Legitimacy is an important term throughout history, without it, actions and events could not unfold as they have done, an example in modern terms would be the Suez Crisis where the United Kingdom sent in troops in a move that was condemned by the international community. Because of this when the Falkland’s invasion happened, the United

descent through two of the most prestigious dynasties in Wales, that of Deheubarth and Powys, and was the senior surviving members of both families. This gave him and his followers the legitimacy4 needed to crown himself as ‘Prince of Wales’.5 By doing this, Glyndŵr established himself as leader of Wales and in direct conflict with Henry IV, his overlord.6 Events leading up to Glyndŵr’s revolt included that of accusations of treason from Reginald Grey, this was due in part to a land dispute with Grey claiming part of Glyndŵr’s lands as his own. As an English Marcher Lord, Grey was a powerful figure in northern Wales

Kingdom looked to the United Nations to ratify it first before acting.

5 Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyndŵr, 130131.

6 An important medieval term, the nobility all paid homage to an ‘overlord’ someone fundamentally, higher up the social chain than themselves, typically in the British Isles this was normally the king of England and refusing to pay homage or supplicating themselves to their overlord, could mean open warfare such as during an earlier period when a prince of Wales refused to pay homage to Henry III of England.

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and frequently was called to parliament by Henry IV.7 From the parliament rolls of January 1401,8 it can be seen that the English held little regard for the Welsh and that due to this part of the reason for the intensity of the revolt was the treatment of the Welsh themselves by the English.9 Davies discusses that Welshman were no longer knighted and that English low born were often raised above Welsh nobleman.10 This certainly seemed to be the case with the evidence Davies provides and would explain the rising sense of Welsh nationalism growing in Wales during the period.

The revolt soon escalated with castles such as Aberystwyth and Harlech being captured and key to the revolt, two significant hostages being taken, Reginald Grey who was ransomed for a substantial amount and Edmund Mortimer.11 The Mortimer family had a strong claim to the English throne, albeit through the female line of Philippa daughter of Lionel of Clarence, second son of Edward III.12 It has been argued that it was for this reason along with rumours that Mortimer had allowed himself to be captured that Henry IV did not ransom Edmund or allow him

7

History Online, accessed December 17, 2018, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/noseries/parliament-rolls-medieval/january-1401.

10 R.R. Davies, The Age of Conquest: Wales 1063-1415 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987) 443.

11 Thomas Jones Pierce, “Owain Glyndŵr,” published 1959, last accessed 12th March 2018, http://wbo.llgc.org.uk/en/s-OWAI-GLY1354.html 12 T.F. Tout revised by R.R. Davies, “Mortimer, Sir Edmund,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, last modified 23rd September 2004. https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/19343

"Henry IV: October 1399," in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. Chris Given-Wilson, Paul Brand, Seymour Phillips, Mark Ormrod, Geoffrey Martin, Anne Curry and Rosemary Horrox (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), British History Online, accessed December 17, 2018, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/noseries/parliament-rolls-medieval/october-1399.

8 Official records of meetings of parliament and events discussed within them.

9 "Henry IV: January 1401," in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. Chris Given-Wilson, Paul Brand, Seymour Phillips, Mark Ormrod, Geoffrey Martin, Anne Curry and Rosemary Horrox (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), British

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to ransom himself such as Grey did.13 Because of this, Glyndŵr offered his sister’s hand in marriage to Mortimer to cement an alliance between them which Mortimer accepted and then announced his nephew as the rightful heir to the English throne should Richard II be deceased by this point.14 What is significant at this stage is that previously the Mortimer’s had been fighting alongside the Percy’s in attempts to put down Glyndŵr’s revolt and enjoyed a close relationship due to the marriage between Henry ‘Hotspur’15 and Mortimer’s sister, however due to Henry IV’s refusal to ransom Mortimer, this further caused frictions between the Percy’s and Henry IV. It is at this point in Glyndŵr’s revolt that Bean suggests that the Percy’s and Glyndŵr

colluded together establishing what was already a significant threat in the revolt in Wales into a full rebellion by one of the kings leading noble families drawing resources into both conflicts, indeed one that had been amongst, if not, the most prominent supporters of his return from exile and following usurpation.16

13

16

Chris Given-Wilson, Henry IV (Cornwall: Yale University Press, 2016) 195.

14 T.F. Tout, “Mortimer, Sir Edmund.” This is important as Henry IV as Henry Bolingbroke, usurped or took the throne forcefully from Richard II. 15 Henry Percy’s nickname due him being known as hot headed and prone to rash decisions.

Glyndŵr, the Percy’s and the Mortimer’s eventually entered the Tripartite Indenture which agreed that Wales and England would be divided between the three, Glyndŵr in Wales, Percy in the north and Mortimer in the South showing the extent of the threat that the revolt and rebellion had now reached.17 Through this alliance Glyndŵr was able to further establish international links having already sent emissaries

Ian Mortimer, The Fears of Henry IV (London: Random House Group Ltd, 2007) 260-261.

17 Map of the Tripartite Indenture. Map. Wales, Owain Glyndŵr society. http://www.owainglyndwr.wales/tripartite_intenture.html (last accessed March 12, 2018)

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to Ireland, Scotland, France and the Papacy, he was given support by the French with French troops landing in Wales in 1405, a significant event which some French chroniclers18 such as Enguerrand de Monstrelet stating that these troops reached into English soil. Although they did reach as far as Haverfordwest19 there is no evidence of this in records or from contemporary English chroniclers.20 The Tripartite Indenture is of extreme importance when establishing how big a threat the Revolt was. It shows that Glyndŵr was an acute statesmen, well versed in political subterfuge;21 it also presents, as discussed by Michael Livingston that although the kingdom would be split between Glyndŵr, the Percy’s and Mortimer’s, it would be ruled by all three rather

than as separate kingdoms with only the Welsh being beholden to terms with the French due to a previous agreement the Confederation between Wales and France drafted mere weeks before the Tripartite Indenture.22

18

20

Someone who detailed history at the time, often inaccurately, however. One of the most famous being Froissart who was a court chronicler for Edward II’s wife Philippa of Hainault, he would often detail battles with much larger numbers than has been found to be accurate or placed battles geographically wrong.

19 Located in Pembrokeshire, close to the English border at the time.

The significance of these alliances could not be understated. It shows that Glyndŵr was well versed in English politics and all that entailed and knew how to work them to his advantage. By utilising these skills Glyndŵr used growing Welsh nationalism to further his cause amongst the Welsh and established a parliament, a sign that he believed in Wales as a separate nation to the English.23 Glyndŵr also cemented his alliance with the French towards the end of March 140624 by declaring E.F. Jacob, The Fifteenth Century 1399-1485 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992) 56-57.

21 Or also an extremely competent diplomat.

22 Michael Livingston, “Owain Glyndŵr's Grand Design: "The Tripartite Indenture" and the Vision of a New Wales,” Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, Vol. 33 (2013): 158161. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24371940 23 Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyndŵr, 116.

24 Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyndŵr, 121.

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Welsh support for the Pope in Avignon25 as opposed to the English support of the Rome Pope in his Pennal letter.26 Although no material support was sent by the Avignon Pope, just the fact that Glyndŵr was in the position to declare such support shows how much of a threat the revolt was to Henry IV’s England with the addition of French troops truly making the revolt of International significance. It is also significant in that due to the conflict being in Wales, Henry IV’s heir, the young Henry of Monmouth was responsible for the early stages through being Prince of Wales. As the revolt continued and increased, the threat to Henry of Monmouth’s survival increased, especially as the Percy’s openly rebelled in the summer of 1403 although it should be noted that Henry had other sons

who could have taken up the mantle of heir to the throne, but losing Henry of Monmouth would have been a severe blow to the Lancastrian dynasty this early in its creation.27

25

Centre, http://www.canolfanglyndwr.org/pennalletter.php?lang=en& (accessed March 12th 2018).

27 Christopher Allmand, English Monarchs: Henry V (St Ives: Methuen London, 1992) 2531.

28 Mortimer, The Fears of Henry IV, 266.

Located in Southern France, for a period there were two popes, one based in Rome and one in Avignon, also known as the anti-pope, the French traditionally supported the anti-pope whereas the English supported the Rome pope.

26 Glyndŵr, Owain. Pennal letter to Charles VI 1406. Letter. From Canolfan Owain Glyndŵr

The Percy Rebellion rather than being one isolated incident, was in fact three rebellions, one in 1403 with the second being in 1405 and the final one in 1408. The rebellion openly threatened the stability of Henry’s new dynasty, the Percy’s used the rallying cry of “King Richard is alive”28 initially in the lead up to the battle of Shrewsbury, using Henry’s usurpation of Richard II as an excuse to rebel against him. There were, however, multiple reasons the Percy’s rebelled against Henry. They felt that Henry had pushed them aside in favour of the Neville family,

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another prominent northern family whom had also supported Henry on his return from exile. Although this is likely true due to what could have only been Henry realising that one family, the Percy’s, had been granted too much power as discussed by Bean.29 Furthermore there was a conflict between the Percy’s and Henry in the handling of the Welsh revolt and the refusal to ransom Mortimer by Henry.30 Finally there was the Percy’s belief that they had not been financed correctly for their Scottish border wars and the conflict in Wales and not being allowed to ransom Scottish prisoners which would have helped them raise funds to cover these grievances.31 Initially the Percy’s had supported Henry and were well rewarded with

J.M.W. Bean, “Percy, Henry, first Earl of Northumberland.”

30 Jacob, The Fifteenth Century 1399-1485, 41.

31 Jacob, The Fifteenth Century 1399-1485, 4550.

32 Commander of the kings armies.

33 A.L Brown and Henry Summerson, “Henry IV (known as Henry of Bolingbroke),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, last 29

offices and royal grants, the earl of Northumberland was made Constable of England for life,32 the highest military office in the kingdom.33 Hotspur was retained as the warden of the east march with the Earl being granted the office of warden of the west march both being ten-year appointments.34 The Earl also received along with his heirs, the Isle of Man, whereas Hotspur was granted offices in Wales and the Earls brother, the Earl of Worcester being granted the title of admiral of England for life.35 Bean points out that all these offices and grants combined made the Percy family the military and naval power in England at the time, something that would lead to the Neville family being granted Roxburgh castle. This lessened the Percy’s power base on

modified 23rd September 2010. https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/12951 34 J.M.W. Bean, “Percy, Henry, first Earl of Northumberland.” The Marches were border positions, East being the Eastern part of the Scotland-England border and West being the western part.

35 Highest naval command at the time.

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the Scottish border, their traditional lands, Mortimer discusses that part of the reason the Percy’s had supported Henry in his usurpation was because of fears of losing their authority in the north. He goes on to say that because of the grants and offices awarded to them, they had to financially support the Scottish incursions and Welsh revolt with no financial assistance from Henry.36 This however was unlikely to be true and Henry may have made every effort to financially support the Percy’s up until this point as evidenced in the parliament rolls of September 1402 and chroniclers interpretation of them.37 Henry refused to allow the Percy’s to ransom Scottish prisoners taken captive at the Battle of Homildon Hill, most notably that of the person Earl of Douglas. Finally, Glyndŵr’s revolt and the refusal to ransom Edmund Mortimer, Hotspurs brother-in-law, tipped the Percy’s over to open

rebellion. The two families, that of the Percies and Mortimers, were close, and a dialogue of friendship had obviously opened between Glyndŵr and the Percies, especially once all three became linked through marriage.38

36

history.ac.uk/no-series/parliament-rollsmedieval/september-1402.

38 Mortimer, The Fears of Henry IV, 264.

39 Given-Wilson, Henry IV, 219-220.

Mortimer, The Fears of Henry IV, 262-263.

“Henry IV: September 1402,” Parliament rolls of Medieval England, British History Online, Originally published 2005, https://www.british37

Around the same time that Hotspur was marching to intercept Henry of Monmouth at Shrewsbury in 1403, Glyndŵr was marching down the Tywi valley, Given-Wilson argues that this shows a clear collusion between the two despite the fact that the Welsh were marching “away from the English border” which could have been a diversionary tactic conspired between them.39 Despite the setback at the Battle of Shrewsbury where Hotspur was killed in battle and the Earl of Worcester, who up until the battle was Henry IV’s second in command, was executed, Earl Percy continued to support Glyndŵr in his revolt as

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was evidenced by the Tripartite Indenture. Earl Percy rather than being stripped by attainder of all titles and lands, denied his involvement with his son and brother’s rebellion. He was far too entrenched in English politics and received a royal pardon after being found guilty of trespass and lost his office of constable of England and the wardenships of the marches, with the west march office going to Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, his political rival.40 However he rebelled again in 1405 this time along with Richard Scrope, Archbishop of York and Thomas Mowbray. Rather than joining with his allies, Percy attempted to remove Westmoreland as an opponent through an ambush.

Westmoreland escaped the attempted ambush and this according to Bean caused Percy to believe the rebellion would not work and he fled to Scotland.41

Although the Percy rebellion was a threat to the stability of the realm, especially when considering the actions of Hotspur at Shrewsbury; that of attempting to capture the heir to the throne, the revolt of Glyndŵr was of more significance as a threat.

It lasted longer and had huge international significance with actual significant military support from the French, although this could be expected in the context of the time as it was a chance to destabilise England, France’s traditional enemy for a number of years. However, the fact that Glyndŵr and the Percy’s almost certainly colluded cannot be discounted when discussing the two events. The marriage that Glyndŵr arranged shows how Edmund Mortimer viewed the importance of the revolt and cemented the alliance between the three families. The Tripartite Indenture shows that the heads of the three families believed that they could work together after defeating Henry IV. Despite the

J.M.W. Bean, “Percy, Henry, first Earl of Northumberland.”

41

40

J.M.W. Bean, “Percy, Henry, first Earl of Northumberland.”

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turmoil that Glyndŵr’s revolt caused in England, helping to draw in the Percy’s and Mortimer’s, ultimately Henry IV was victorious against these significant threats to his rule and the Lancastrian dynasty. Through the revolt, Welsh national pride had risen and although defeated, Glyndŵr was never captured and many rumours persisted around him for many years to come. Significantly, it could be argued that due to Henry of Monmouth’s actions during the revolt, the Welsh were drawn to him and willing to fight for him with a significant amount of Welsh present during the Agincourt campaign in 1415 the year in which it is generally believed that Owain Glyndŵr finally perished.

References Allmand, Christopher. English Monarchs: Henry V. St Ives: Methuen London 1992.

Bean, J.M.W. “Percy, Henry, first Earl of Northumberland.” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, last

modified 26th May 2005, https://doiorg.winchester.idm.oclc.org/10.1093 /ref:odnb/21932.

British History Online. Henry IV: September 1402,” Parliament rolls of Medieval England, Originally published 2005, https://www.britishhistory.ac.uk/no-series/parliamentrolls-medieval/september-1402.

Brown, A.L. and Summerson, Henry.

“Henry IV (known as Henry of Bolingbroke),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, last modified 23rd September 2010. https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/12 951.

Davies, R.R. The Age of Conquest: Wales 1063-1415. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.

Davies, R.R. The Revolt of Owain Glyndŵr. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

Given-Wilson, Chris. Henry IV. Cornwall: Yale University Press, 2016.

Glyndŵr, Owain. Pennal letter to Charles VI 1406. Letter. From

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Canolfan Owain Glyndŵr Centre, http://www.canolfanglyndwr.org/pe nnal-letter.php?lang=en& (accessed March 12th 2018).

Jacob, E.F. The Fifteenth Century 1399-1485. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.

Jones Pierce, Thomas. “Owain Glyndŵr,” published 1959, last accessed 12th March 2018, http://wbo.llgc.org.uk/en/s-OWAIGLY-1354.html.

Mortimer, Ian. The Fears of Henry IV. London: Random House Group Ltd, 2007.

Tout, T.F. revised by R.R. Davies, “Mortimer, Sir Edmund,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, last modified 23rd September 2004. https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/19 343.

Livingston, Michael. "Owain Glyndŵr's Grand Design: "The Tripartite Indenture" and the Vision of a New Wales." Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium 33 (2013): 145-68. http://www.jstor.org/stable/243719 40.

Map of the Tripartite Indenture. Map. Wales, Owain Glyndŵr society. http://www.owainglyndwr.wales/tripartite_intenture.ht ml. Last accessed March 12, 2018.

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Product of Procrastination Michalina Tanska ERASMUS Psychology

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The Leadership and Organisation of Medieval Popular Protest: The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 Richard Hutchings BA History 2019 has seen a significant growth in popular protest throughout the western world as groups and individuals across the political spectrum feel increasingly disenchanted and isolated from their respective governments, with their wishes, concerns and hopes unaddressed or ignored. Over six centuries before the ‘gilet jaunes’ in France, or the People’s Vote movements, the late fourteenth century saw a number of uprisings against established order throughout Europe. In medieval England, the most serious of these was the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, during which large areas of the country rose against Parliament and officials.

According to the contemporary Anonimalle Chronicle, in the south-

42

See the Anonimalle Chronicle in V. H. Galbraith and A. R. Myers, eds., English

east of the country between fifty and sixty thousand people rose up,42 many of them converging on London where the rebellion ended with the murder of the movement’s leader Wat Tyler. In the 21st century, civil disobedience is largely organised through mobile phones and social media, a common misconception being that mass communication in the pre-electronic age was difficult or even impossible. However, this paper will examine the mobilisation, leadership, and ideological goals of the Peasants’ Revolt, to argue that opposed to being a mass disordered outpouring of anger, the events of the summer of 1381, from the initial incitement of Thomas Baker of the villagers of Fobbing, to the great gathering at Smithfield outside London, amounted to a highly organised rebellion against the government of King Richard II, fuelled by longstanding social and economic grievances, and bearing

Historical Documents Vol. IV., 1327-1485 (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1969), 128.

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many similarities to modern uprisings.

The origins of the revolt lie in the years following the Black Death which ravaged the country in 1349, killing between thirty and fifty percent of the population. An agrarian society, subsequent labour shortages as a result of the high mortality rate led to a brief period of economic prosperity with workers able to demand higher wages and better conditions. In 1353, at the urging of landowners, parliament issued a statute of labourers, as a means of fixing wages to their preplague levels and placing restrictions on workerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s movements.43 Disquiet began from 1377, when a series of levies were imposed to fund the ongoing war with France, resulting in the Poll-Tax of 1380, a flat-rate demand of twelve pence from every person over the age of fifteen regardless of income. This tax

43

For a detailed explanation of this and other statutes relating to labour law, see Bertha Haven Putnam, The Enforcement of the

brought matters to a head and provided the catalyst for rebellion against both the feudal system, and the Kingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s government, seen as avaricious and corrupt. Amid endemic tax evasion, and growing unrest, the flashpoint came on 31st May 1381, when an angry crowd at Brentwood, Essex, attacked the local tax collector John Bampton in retaliation to armed threats of extortion. News of this event quickly spread to throughout the county, and within a few days, the actions of a few villages had become a mass movement intent on revolution.

As early as four days after the initial confrontation with tax collectors, a level of coordination was underway which quickly brought people from many levels of society together into a large movement. So swift were the rebels in their mobilisation that both contemporary chroniclers and modern historians accept that a level

Statutes of Labourers During the First Decade After the Black Death, 1349-1359 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1908).

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of pre-planning must have taken place.44 As Rodney Hilton notes, there can be seen several stages in the evolution of the Peasants’ Revolt, all showing a degree of organisation, from Baker’s initial rising to the almost immediate dispatch of deputations and appeals for support from other neighbouring towns and villages against inevitable retribution, and finally, the emergence of leaders, under which the insurrection grew into open rebellion.45 While much of Essex became embroiled in violence during the early period of the revolt, the first recorded action which demonstrates the rapid mobilisation and aims of the rebellion from the outset was Abel Ker’s attack with a hundred armed men on the abbey at Lesnes, and the destruction of manorial rolls and

financial documents. This was an act that would be repeated across the country, as a means of undermining the government, and severely hindering future attempts at tax collection. As Juliet Barker argues, it is the meeting between Ker, Wat Tyler, and Jack Straw on the 2nd of June that the rebellion seems to have gained a definite social and political ideology,46 in which oaths were taken by those present to ‘destroy divers lieges of the lord king, and to have no law in England except only those themselves [the rebels] move to be ordained’.47

44

47

George Macauley Trevelyan, England in the age of Wycliffe (New York: Longmans, Green and Co, 1899), 202-203 45 Rodney Howard Hilton, Bond Men Made Free (London: Methuen, 1982), 218-219.

46 Juliet R. V. Barker, 1381, The Year of the Peasants’ Revolt (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2014), 167.

From the outset, one of the distinguishing features of the Peasants’ Revolt was its leadership, separating it from earlier popular protests which were largely isolated Nicholas Brookes, ‘The Organisation and Achievements of the Peasants of Kent and Essex in 1381’, in Studies in Medieval History Presented to R. H. C. Davis (London: Bloomsbury, 2017), 252.

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manorial disputes between whole communities and landowners, such as had broken out in 1377. The overall leader of the revolt, Wat Tyler, remains an enigmatic figure, much of his background prone to conjecture by both contemporary chroniclers and modern scholars.

Jean Froissart recorded that he was a veteran soldier who had ‘done service in France’,48 an assertion supported by Charles Oman, citing Tyler’s rapid establishment of authority and leadership style being indicative of a military style command.49 However Barker disagrees, proposing based on an entry in the Eulogia Historiarum that the leader of the revolt was, as his name suggests, a tiler by trade, and an itinerant drawn to Kent for work from where he became the leader of the rebels.50 While his background remains opaque, a fact of Tyler’s leadership which demonstrates the

organised nature of the rebellion was not only the logistical endeavour of leading thousands of people to march to London, but largely keeping order upon their arrival, and, when necessary, punishing transgressors, such as thieves and looters that harmed the legitimacy of the rebels. As Henry Landsberger concludes, the maintenance of discipline and relatively little violence are among the most striking aspects of the uprising, and what is clear beyond doubt, is that the leadership of the uprising, Tyler included, were not themselves peasants, but artisans and members of urban society, a ‘middle management’ group intent on rebellion.51

Richard Barrie Dobson, The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 (London: MacMillan Press, 1988), 189.

49 Charles Oman, The Great Revolt of 1381 (Ontario: Kitchener Books, 1906), 26.

50

48

While Tyler may be regarded as the logistician behind the Peasants’ Revolt, John Ball, the itinerant preacher, about whom much more is Barker, 1381, 170.

Henry A. Landsberger, Rural Protest: Peasant Movements and Social Change (London: MacMillan, 1974), 47.

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recorded, is accepted as the chief communicator and agitator of the rising. Having a religious figure as the ideological leader of the peasants was important to the legitimacy of the rebellion, as the theoretician of the rising and its spiritual father.52 Already well known to the authorities and the church for his revolutionary sermons, Ball had a twenty-year history of stirring trouble and inciting rebellion. While a previous student of John Wycliffe, the head of the Heretical Lollards, Ball is perhaps best described as an evangelical Franciscan, espousing the virtues of equality and the ending of feudal society. Excommunicated, and imprisoned at the time of the beginning of the rising, Ball demonstrates the organised nature of the rebellion in his numerous letters, written by both himself and sympathetic clergy, and recorded in the chronicles of Knighton and Froissart.53 Though the transcribing

of these letters in largely hostile contemporary writings raises questions about their veracity, Richard Barrie Dobson proposes that the similarity between them suggests they were accurately replicated, and therefore the only genuine voice of the rebels to have survived.54 Trevelyan believed the cryptic and allegorical nature of the letters, and the use of pseudonyms reveals their purpose as commands to the lower classes, in calling for unity, and cooperation, based upon the notion of a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;great societyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; in which all were equal. Ball himself admitted at his trial to writing dozens of these letters, disseminated across the country, suggesting planning and organisation. Their distribution, calling for immediate action, further supports the idea of a central core of leadership.

52

53

Charles Poulson, The English Rebels (London: Journeyman, 1984), 11.

Whitsunday, the festival during which the Bocking meeting was

George Macauley Trevelyan, England in the age of Wycliffe, 203, 209, 219.

54 Dobson, The Peasantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Revolt, 181-187.

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held, and one of the most significant dates in the medieval church calendar, brings further credence to the Peasants’ Revolt as an organised rebellion. The swearing of oaths, at a time when larger than normal crowds would be gathered, meant that revolutionary proclamations would have reached a much wider audience. There can be little doubt that the Eastertide message preached by clergymen largely sympathetic to the revolt at every church and preaching cross would have exacerbated the sense of injustice felt. The county assizes held during June of 1381 were an opportunity for the rebels to further gather and coordinate their movements, allowing large groups to move from town to town without arousing suspicion, and the legal, religious, and festive atmosphere provided an ideal setting for fomenting revolt. As Anthony

Musson contests, during the county assizes, and the sheriff’s tourn, a ‘view of arms’, peasants could quite legitimately be carrying weapons.55 The use of saint’s days appears to have been the primary method by which the rebels mobilised and coordinated their movements on a national basis. ‘All these troubles’, wrote Thomas Walsingham, ‘happened in different counties at one time, during the same days, even though in distantly separated places, namely within the octave of the feast of Corpus Christi’.56 Margaret Aston contends that this further strengthens the argument for strategy and organisation of the revolt,57 Paul Freedman adding that the significance of the dates might also have affected the planning of the convergence on London, which was more a planned, coordinated

55

James G. Clark (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2005), 148-149.

57 Margaret Aston, “Corpus Christi and Corpus Regni: Heresy and the Peasants’ Revolt”, Past and Present, 143:1 (1994): 3-47.

Anthony Musson, Medieval Law in Context (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 243.

56 Thomas Walsingham, The Chronica Maiora of Thomas Walsingham, 1376-1422, ed.,

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movement than a spontaneous mob activity.58 The Peasants’ Revolt was the result of large-scale cooperation between different social groups, each with different agendas that were in their own way revolutionary. The ideological goals of these groups can largely be broken down into two distinct types. Among increasingly politically aware urban dwellers, the primary motivation was the reformation of the government, while for the labouring and rural workers, the demands were predominantly social and economic change. For artisans, and residents of the large cities affected by the uprising such as London, York, and Norwich, the rebellion was less a reaction to the desperation of the post-plague years, than the reaction of better off town workers to the oppression of

the corrupt authorities, which they saw as holding them back from prosperity.59 Among the rural contingent of the Peasants’ Revolt, though the trigger for rebellion was the collection of taxes, seen as unjust, and unduly heavy handed, from the earliest days, the main motivation was social change and the desire to bring about greater freedom by the abolition of serfdom.

The theme of equality ran through the revolt, from Ball’s famous Sermons raging against the nobility, to the words of Wat Tyler, recorded in Knighton’s chronicle as being ‘Remember, we come not as thieves and robbers. We come seeking social justice’.60 The key to achieving this, it was felt, was the punishment of the ‘evil counsellors’ surrounding the King, particularly those in high office. As B. Wilkinson notes, it was with regard to this particular

58

60

Paul Freedman, Images of the Medieval Peasant (Redwood City: Stanford Press, 1999), 260.

59 Roberta Anderson and Dominic Aidan Bellenger, Medieval Worlds (London: Routledge, 2003), 253.

Henry Knighton, Knighton’s Chronicle 13371396 ed., Geoffrey Haward Martin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 89.

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grievance most of all, that Londoners, and rebels from Essex and Kent met on common ground.61 The narrow range of individuals and establishments attacked shows that the Peasants’ Revolt was unquestionably an organised rebellion, the ideological goals of which were to enact sweeping political and social change throughout England. That the attacks on the churches holding administrative records, the homes of tax officials, and members of parliament occurred without widespread bloodshed and looting is indicative of a measure of organisation and planning being asserted over the progress of the revolt.62 The destruction of financial documents indicates the economic nature of the rebellion, hampering future tax collection and identification of the rebels, but B. Wilkinson, “The Peasants’ Revolt of 1381”, Speculum, 15:1 (1940), 25.

62 Nigel Saul, Richard II (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), 62.

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perhaps more interestingly highlights the literacy of many participants, being particularly careful that they did not destroy any documents that enshrined their own rights.63 As there are no existent first-hand records of the peasants’ grievances, it is only possible to extrapolate the overall goals, rather than those of each individual faction within the rebellion.

However, it is accepted that the overarching objective of the uprising was to bring about an end to the feudal system and restore liberty and basic freedoms for the common people, the rebel demands listed in the Anonimalle Chronicle being ‘equality among all people, save only the king’.64 It is agreed that there was, especially among the London and Kentish rebels, a strong hatred directed against the counsellors of Richard II, and in particular, John of Gaunt, once the leading figure in government, but named by the John S. Beckerman, “Procedural Innovation and Institutional Change in Medieval English Manorial Courts”, Law and History Review, 10:2 (1992), 226.

64 Landsberger, Rural Protest, 117.

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rebels as ‘traitor in chief’.65 This hatred of those surrounding the king manifested itself in the execution of several leading officials, which Barker notes, were prioritised to cause maximum paralysis in government, temporarily preventing a coordinated response.66 This paper has examined the swift and decisive mobilisation, the timing of the rising, the coordination and the communication provided by the leaders, and the prioritising of targets and ideologies in the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, to highlight that organisation of popular protest is not a new phenomenon enabled and facilitated by modern technologies, and instead has much deeper roots.

In conclusion, historians are now convinced of the extent to which the uprising was planned and coordinated, even allowing for the actions of some free spirits. It is clear that the Peasants’ Revolt, rather than an eruption of discontent, was first and foremost a well-planned and 65

Ibid, 131.

highly organised rebellion against social, political and economic oppression of the government of Richard II. References Primary Sources Brereton, Geoffrey, ed., Jean Froissart, Chronicles. London: Penguin Books, 1978.

Clark, James, G., ed., The Chronicla Maiora of Thomas Walsingham, 13761422. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2005.

Myers, A. R., ed., English Historical Documents IV, 1327-1485. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1969.

Secondary Sources Anderson, Roberta, and Dominic Aidan Bellenger, Medieval Worlds.

New York: Routledge, 2003.

Aston, Margaret, ‘Corpus Christi and Corpus Regni: Heresy and the Peasants' Revolt’. Past and Present 143 (1994): 3-47.

66

Barker, 1381, 353.

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Barker, Juliet R. V, 1381, The Year of the Peasants' Revolt. Cambridge: Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2014.

Beckerman, John S., ‘Procedural Innovation and Institutional Change in Medieval English Manorial Courts’.

Law and History Review 10 (1992): 197-252.

Brookes, Nicholas, ‘The Organization And Achievements Of The Peasants Of Kent And Essex In 1381’ in Studies in Medieval History presented to R.H.C.Davis, ed. Henry Mayr-Harting, 247-271. London: Bloomsbury, 2017.

Dobson, Richard Barrie, The Peasants' Revolt of 1381. London: The Macmillan Press, 1988.

Dunn, Alastair, The Great Rising of 1381. Stroud: Tempus Publishing, 2002.

Epstein, Steven A., An Economic and Social History of Later Medieval Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Freedman, Paul, Images of the Medieval Peasant. Redwood City: Stanford University Press, 1999.

Hilton, Rodney Howard, and T. H. Aston, The English Rising Of 1381.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

Hilton, Rodney Howard, Bond Men Made Free. London: Methuen, 1982.

Hunt, William, Political History of England. London: Longmans, Green and Co, 1905.

Landsberger, Henry, Rural Protest: Peasant Movements and Social Change. London: The Macmillan Press,1974.

Musson, Anthony, Medieval Law in Context. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001.

Oman, Charles, The Great Revolt of 1381. Ontario: Kitchener Books, 1906.

Poulsen, Charles, The English Rebels, London: Journeyman, 1984.

Saul, Nigel, Richard II. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999.

Trevelyan, George Macauley, England in the age of Wycliffe.

London: Longmans, Green and Co, 1899.

Wilkinson, B., ‘The Peasants' Revolt of 1381’, Speculum 15 (1940): 12-35.

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Fadi and Zara William Herring MA Writing for Children In the midst of a terrible war, in the northern part of a small, ancient city, there was a beautiful garden. It was owned by a hardworking gardener, and with his son Fadi he grew jewel-coloured flowers that scented the air with their perfume, slender fruit trees and herbs of all kinds. Every day people came to buy flowers for their home or to place on a fresh grave.

‘The fruit trees need watering,’ called father, ‘and then come and sit with me. It’s hot today.’

Fadi dunked his battered watering can in the water butt and hauled it to the far side of the garden. The pear and fig trees, the apricot and plum, fluttered their leaves in thanks. Fadi whispered his wish, knowing the trees could hear him: ‘I wish I could be a normal child.’

Then he ran to the corner of the garden to sit in the shade and talk with father.

Father always sat on an old sofa placed against the wall and Fadi liked to sit on an upturned crate. Pink flowers cascaded along the wall behind the sofa, almost dropping into the sweet tea father was pouring.

‘Everything is growing,’ said father, smiling at Fadi. ‘Like you, my boy.’

For a moment all was quiet.

The only sound was bees visiting the flowers along the wall. A blue butterfly paused on the edge of the table.

‘When will the war be over, Dad?’ Father sighed. ‘It’s our job to grow flowers. People need them. It gives them hope. Those fools,’ he pointed to the sky, ‘know nothing.

They don’t even understand that if a bomb kills this plant, another plant will grow and flower in its place.’

At that moment a yellow finch flickered down to the table. Father opened his hand and the bird took the seeds in his palm before an explosion on the other side of the city frightened it away.

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‘Play a song, Fadi.’

Fadi fetched his flute and played two songs. The first was quick, like the Summer swifts, and the second was slow and sad, which was how he felt today.

‘The flute is a magical instrument,’ said father. ‘I wish your uncle could hear you play - I wish he was here. But I think it is safer where he is. Come on, back to work. We’ve got customers.’

The next morning the garden was struck by a bomb, and when people started shouting father’s name Fadi came running. He pushed through the group of medics.

‘Dad! Dad!’ He dropped to his knees, shocked at the sight of so much blood. Father tried to smile.

‘Fadi,’ he whispered, ‘go home. Tell your mother.‘ ‘I want to stay with you.’

Father shook his head. ‘Go home.’

The medics gently moved Fadi aside and continued with their work. As if in a dream, Fadi wandered into the garden. Nothing was left of

the flowers and fruit trees. On the right a fire was finishing the bomb’s work. To the left, sheltered by a metal water tank, one plant had survived. It was father’s favourite flower - a red rose - and Fadi took the small pot home.

Soon after Fadi had told his mother and younger sister Zara what had happened, the medics brought father down the steps. They made him comfortable in a corner and then left to attend another emergency.

Mother sobbed and beckoned to Fadi and Zara.

‘We are sending you to your uncle’s,’ she said. ‘It’s not safe here.

Get your things together and go while it is quiet.’

Fadi and Zara looked at each other in shock.

‘We want to stay with you and dad!’ said Zara.

Mother’s sobs grew louder.

‘Will this nightmare ever be over?

We are sending you away because we love you. Now go.’

Fadi knelt beside father’s side.

He knew that under the bandage both eyes were blinded, and that

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under the blanket his chest was a mess of blood.

‘Take flowers with you,’ said father, ‘and your flute. It will please your uncle very much.’

It took only a few minutes to pack some clothes and food and water, and then they said goodbye and climbed the steps out of the dark, airless basement they called home.

The city lay in ruins, but even though the streets were dust-white canyons it was still possible to see among the rubble the shells of their old favourite cafes and shops, and this helped them find their way to the city centre. But beyond the centre the roads were indistinguishable, one from another.

Here, tall buildings with blinded windows and broken backs spilled their concrete floors onto the streets.

It was a city only for cats and rats.

‘How will we ever find our way back?’ said Fadi. ‘I don’t know these streets at all, and there is nothing to remember our route by.’

Zara stopped. ‘I know what we can do.’

She took a rose bud from Fadi’s bag and carefully peeled away one petal. She placed the petal on top of an air-conditioning unit that had fallen from a window. Then, to keep it from blowing away, she placed a fragment of concrete on top, allowing the ruby-red to be visible.

‘We just need to look for the red petals,’ said Zara, smiling up at her brother.

Fadi nodded and glanced up, shielding his eyes from the glare of the sun. An enemy plane was crossing the sky, high and small, like the bone arrowheads he had once seen in the city museum - which was now a heap of concrete and twisted steel.

‘Let’s be quick,’ he said, and they walked through the maze of streets, leaving petals wherever they needed to remember the road.

They ate their bread when they were hungry, not stopping for a moment and speaking only briefly.

A sign at the southern edge of the city told them their uncle’s village was another seven miles.

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‘I can’t walk that far,’ said Zara.

‘I’m starving, and my feet are aching.’

They soon found themselves in wide open countryside, but where there would normally be fields of golden corn there was nothing but limp grasses seeded from previous harvests.

A yellow finch suddenly appeared, swooping low over their heads, chattering and drawing them away from the road. Fadi was sure it was the same finch he saw yesterday.

‘Look, over there,’ said Zara, pointing.

A small, undamaged house stood in a neat garden. A white fence ran around the garden, and in front of the house was a pear tree. Fadi eyed the pears hungrily, licking his dry lips.

The door opened and a woman in a bright blue dress appeared. She put her hands on her hips and smiled.

‘Would you like a pear?’ she called. ‘Come in. Help yourselves.

There’s more than I could ever eat.’

Zara pulled Fadi back by the sleeve. ‘Do you think we should?’

But Fadi was already helping himself, thanking the woman and picking a pear for Zara.

The pears were sweeter than any they had ever tasted, and as they ate the woman asked them many questions. When they had told her everything she became very serious and concerned.

‘You can’t go any further today,’ she said. ‘You must have a meal here and a good night’s rest.

You will never make it to your uncle’s village tonight.’

Fadi wanted to continue, but it wasn’t long before the woman had persuaded him to stay. Besides, he found her fascinating. She laughed like cool water tumbling over stones; she danced barefoot on the grass as she collected herbs; and she sang country love songs as she prepared food for the evening meal.

During dinner, however, he noticed how she grew tired. He suddenly saw that her hair was grey not light brown. And once, bending

235

low to open the oven door, she winced and rubbed her back.

After dinner Fadi and Zara were happy to go upstairs to bed.

The room had two small beds and a table, where an ugly clock squatted.

Zara fell asleep immediately, but even though he was so tired Fadi couldn’t sleep. He thought about father lying on that concrete floor, blind and in pain. He could hear the woman singing in the kitchen, and he decided to get up and talk to her.

When he opened the kitchen door he stopped in shock. He stepped back and pulled the door to, so he could watch through a narrow crack. The beautiful woman was nowhere to be seen, and in her place an ancient woman with a face as wrinkled as willow bark bent over a mixing bowl. Her long boney fingers worked fast, like scrabbling spiders, and now and then she laughed and muttered something he couldn’t hear.

Her dress was the same as the other woman’s - a long blue dress - and though her hair was

white and thin and straggly, it was tied back with the same blue ribbon.

‘She can’t be the same person,’ Fadi thought. ‘But I think she really is.’

She poured the mixture into a baking tin, opened the oven door and slipped it in. Then Fadi watched her sink into a large chair in the far corner of the kitchen, place her hands on each arm of the chair, and close her eyes. When he was sure she was asleep he tiptoed up to her.

Her face had the same shape. Her nose was the same.

‘It is her!’ he thought, wondering how she had seemed so young before. ‘Perhaps we were so tired and hungry we never really noticed how old she was.’

It was then he realised she wasn’t breathing. He touched her hand, and it was as cold as mountain water.

Terrified, he ran back to bed and dropped into a long dark sleep.

They were woken by the sun and birdsong. At first the house seemed deserted, but when they opened the front door there was a

236

woman in the garden, looking as young and beautiful as a bluebell.

And on a little table set on the grass was a honey cake and two cups of tea.

‘Have some breakfast before you go,’ she said.

Fadi was stunned and confused but he was hungry again, and the smell of the honey cake was like sunrise and nectar and hope all mixed together.

Zara shook her head and took Fadi’s hand.

‘But Zara, we must eat.’

So they ate a large slice each and drank their tea before beginning their journey again.

The walk ahead was long, but they were refreshed after their sleep and the honey cake and they set off at a quick pace. A mile later, Fadi told Zara what he had seen in the kitchen the night before, and she turned pale with fear. One mile further on they felt tired and rested under a tree.

Fadi looked at Zara, thinking she looked different, and he caught Zara sneaking glances at him.

‘I feel strange,’ she said. ‘And you look...older.’

‘But I am older.’

‘I mean older than you should be.’

Fadi swallowed, feeling his heart pound in his chest. The changes in Zara’s face told him what was happening.

They walked on through the heat of midday, and as the day grew older so did they, until Zara walked with a stoop, like a bird examining the ground with every step. Her hair was thin and grey, and her face was pinched and deeply lined. Fadi made a stick from a hazel tree to steady himself on the path. He looked at his hands. They were dry and knotted and the skin was paper thin.

The sun was setting as they entered uncle’s village, and when they found his house and knocked on the door, they stood on the doorstep feeling close to tears.

‘Hello?’ said uncle. ‘Can I help you?’

‘We are your niece and nephew,’ said Fadi, in a thin, wheezy voice.

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‘That’s impossible! They are children. They are eight and ten!

Who are you?’

Fadi shuffled uncomfortably and rubbed his weak eyes. ‘I am Fadi and this is Zara. Our father is your brother.’

‘But you’re old enough to be my father! You better come in, all the same. You look fit to collapse!’

Their uncle helped them upstairs to a bedroom and brought them bread and soup. He made them as comfortable as he could, and promising to help them in the morning he bid them goodnight.

Fadi and Zara sat on the beds facing each other.

‘In one day we have come to the end of our lives,’ said Fadi, in a trembling voice. ‘You’re an old woman and I’m an old man.’

Zara lay down. ‘I can’t even remember being a child. It seems such a long time ago. Can you remember?’

Fadi shook his head. ‘We haven’t been children for a very long time.’

‘I want to sleep for ever, Fadi.

I’m so tired...so frightened.’

‘I don’t want to die, not yet, but I don’t want to live either.’

They said nothing for a while.

Fadi let tears find a path down his wrinkled face. He had not even begun to live, and now his life was closing. He opened his bag and took out the last rose bud.

‘You have the rose, Zara. Hold it while you sleep. Do you remember dad always said when you smell flowers they feed the heart and the soul?’

He curled his sister’s fingers around the bud.

Zara spoke without opening her eyes. ‘Play me a song from our childhood.’

Fadi took out his flute and tried to remember the songs he used to play. There was the sad song he played the day before the bomb, but his fingers were so stiff it was difficult at first to play. Another song came back to him, and then another. He played song after song, long into the night, until he was no longer able to

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hold the flute to his lips and he fell back onto the bed.

The next morning Fadi sprang out of bed and examined Zara’s face.

She was a child again!

‘Zara!’ He shook her by the shoulder. ‘Look at me. Am I a child, too?’

Zara nodded and smiled.

There was a gentle knock on the door and uncle came in. His mouth fell open in astonishment.

‘Fadi! Zara! How did you get here? Last night two old people came...and now where are they?’

Fadi and Zara explained everything in such a gabble that uncle told them to slow down, and over breakfast the story became clear, like the calming of the sea after a mighty wind.

‘We’re going back,’ said Fadi.

‘They sent us away to be safe, but we’re going back today.’

Uncle nodded and went out of the back door, and when he came back he said, ‘Come with me.’

A dark brown horse stamped and snorted in the yard.

Uncle handed Zara the reins.

‘You sit in front. Fadi will hold on to you. Goodbye my children. Stay safe.

I will come soon.’

Fadi and Zara smiled and waved goodbye to their uncle. The horse took them slowly at first, clopping along the dusty path, and then it tossed its head and galloped like the roaring wind. Fadi and Zara tore through the destroyed streets, feeling the air on their faces and energy in their chests.

‘Look!’ shouted Zara. ‘Our petals!’

Each petal had taken root in the concrete dust, and blood-red roses grew at every street corner.

Fadi felt his heart beat faster, and he prepared himself for seeing father again.

Mother welcomed them quietly and led them to the corner where father was lying. He turned his head.

‘Who is it? Who’s there?’

Fadi touched father’s hand.

‘We have come back, dad.’

Father smiled and then his chest heaved and shuddered. ‘It is

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time for you to grow, my beautiful children, and it is time for me to go.’

The next moment all was still, and then Fadi played father’s favourite song. Zara helped mother prepare some food and gave what comfort she could.

Fadi sat beside his father’s body and thought about their garden, and he remembered father’s words: ‘If a bomb kills this plant, another flower will grow.’

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How can Sport be used to Develop Peace Internationally?: The Role of Cricket Diplomacy Bonita Lunn MRes Sport & Exercise One of the most powerful tools which can promote peace, tolerance and understanding, is sport (Kidd, 2008). Sport is a universal language which helps to bring individuals together across nations, cultures and religions (United Nations, 2014).

Throughout the recent years, there has been a considerable political and public interest in ‘Sport for Development and Peace’ (SDP) organisations (Giulianotti, 2011a). SDP solely refers to “the intentional use of sport, physical activity and play to attain specific development and peace objectives” (Right to Play, n.d.:1). When focusing on sport as an active agent of development, it is also important to define the term ‘sports development’. It has been defined by Collins (1995: 3) as: “a process of effective opportunities, processes, systems and structures that are set up to enable people in all or particular groups and

areas to take part in sport and recreation or to improve their performance to whatever level they desire” Globally there are individuals struggling with a range of difficulties, including malnutrition, war and illness (Unicef, 2016). SDP organisations which provide assistance for people in distress, have also used sport to promote a peaceful and harmonious environment. Therefore, this essay will focus on the important role that SDP has on society. Next it will critically analyse sport, and why it is the essential activity for developing peace. There will also be a focus on globalisation in sport and the impact it has on SDP. Sport has played a fundamental role in developing and encouraging peace, reconciliation, and reconstruction within societies which have been divided by politics (Giulianotti, 2011a). It is also important to understand that sport has played a significant role on reconstructing relationships. Therefore, the later part of this essay will discuss the importance of sport diplomacy and the impact it has on building relations between conflicting nations, alongside critically analysing

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the ideology of sports diplomacy.

Most specifically, this essay will explore the role cricket diplomacy had on the relationship between India and Pakistan, after the partition of British India in 1947.

Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) The link between sport and peace is very powerful (Kidd, 2008). From grassroots to international worldwide events, sport plays an influential role in the development of peaceful, harmonious surroundings (Giulianotti, 2011). There are key institutions within the SDP sector, these organisations are using sport and physical activity to fulfil various development and peace-building goals across the world (Gilbert & Bennett, 2012). These organisations include: nation-states, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), inter-governmental organisations, international sport federations and grassroots community-based organisations (Giulianotti, 2011a).

Their aim is to develop and create peace across communities, and use sport to achieve this (Giulianotti, 2011b). The International Olympic Committee (IOC) insist that the

purpose of the games is to promote peace and internationalisation amongst growing communities (Guttmann, 2002). This suggests that there are a range of SDP organisations which use sport to bring together people worldwide to create a peaceful environment.

SDP has become an acknowledged strategy of social intervention in underprivileged communities throughout the world (Kidd, 2011). By emphasising commonalities and bridging cultural or ethnic divides, sport acts as an agent which brings individuals and communities together (United Nations InterAgency Task Force on Sport for Development and Peace, 2003).

Additionally, the SDP sector has attempted to stabilise racism and prejudice; alongside promoting health education, gender equality and tackling crime and social exclusion (Sekulic, Massey & Hodson, 2006).

Globalisation has been defined by McGrew (1998) as, â&#x20AC;&#x153;a process which generates flows and connections, not simply across nation-states and national territorial boundaries, but between global regions, continents and civilizationsâ&#x20AC;?. Globalisation

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creates universality that relates to enlightenment values such as democracy, human rights and liberty (Coicaud, Doyle & Gardner, 2003).

This can link to SDP as globalisation gives a range of individuals the same human rights and gives them the same opportunities. Likewise, globalisation is advantageous as it allows communities and individuals to share ideas, which brings together a range of different cultures, creating awareness of their similarities and differences (Kar & Roy, 2015).

Globalisation brings individuals together and enables them to become more alike, sharing common goals and ideas. Nevertheless, this can have a negative impact on cultural identity. With nations becoming more alike, countries can lose their individuality which can be a key concern for unique cultures (Wang, 2007).

Globalisation has been impacted by capitalism; since the 1960â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, capitalism has been restricted to a point where society and sport have become more globalised than ever (Wright, 2018). Sport is a universal language which can be understood and enjoyed by all (United Through Sport, 2018); therefore, sport is an

activity which continues to become globalised. Nevertheless, this is also having a negative impact on sport as a development tool for peace.

Globalisation emphasises social injustice, whereby unequal wealth is prevalent due to capitalism in the first world countries which creates inequality for those in the developing nations (Hillman, 2008). Social injustice is also an issue which treats individuals with differing traits unfairly. This means that it operates with a sole interest for the wealthiest countries and organisations. Sport has contributed to the idea of globalisation in society, as it has developed the global mass consumption culture (Harvey & Rail, 1996). Globalisation brings about a sense of togetherness, which is essential and beneficial in sport (Wang, 2007).

It must be questioned why sport is the most appropriate tool for developing peace. According to Lincoln (2000: 54), sport is more than a mere reflection of society; it can also â&#x20AC;&#x153;create interests, principles and meanings which do not exist if there is no sport and which have an effect on other aspects of societyâ&#x20AC;?. The United Nations (2003) recognise that

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sport has been used as a powerful tool for developing peace and international communities. Right to Play (n.d.) has established that sport has the ability to connect people and communities together. Sport has been valued as a social connector, which is universally popular and a great tool in bringing people together into a virtual community. It has been established that there are many skills and values which can be developed as a result of partaking in sporting activities (Giulianotti, 2011b).

When taught, they can prevent conflicts and create conditions which are peaceful and harmonious; including, abiding by and sharing common rules, fair play and respect (UNICEF, 1999). Not only are these skills beneficial in creating peace within sport, but they can also be developed into life skills which can be transferred into many domains in society.

Sport has the ability to empower individuals by giving them the confidence and ability to partake in a challenge (Right to Play, n.d.). During a sporting activity, we celebrate our successes and shine a light on what people have achieved; not what they havenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t achieved. This constantly

empowers and inspires individuals which promotes hope and a positive outlook for the future. This is extremely beneficial in third world countries, where they often struggle to see a positive future due to illness, malnutrition and poverty (Essays, 2015). Globalisation reinforces social injustice (Hillman, 2008).

Nevertheless, SDP can overcome this issue as sport has a crosscultural nature; it is used to promote a range of different issues which are prevalent in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s society. These include: gender equality, promoting health and diseases and creates inclusion for those with disabilities (Kiuppis, 2016; International Platform on Sport & Development, 2009; Huggins & Randell, 2007). Creating equality for the minority, including the disabled and women, is an issue which is currently being tackled in many domains of society. Therefore, if sport overcomes these concerns it may inspire other fields in society to try to tackle these issues.

Sport has the ability to teach individuals values, alongside giving individuals who may struggle to take part in activities the opportunity to do so (Burnett, 2001). However, it can also have a negative impact on

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society. Large events, including the Olympics, which insist that their purpose is to increase peace and togetherness are sporting events which may create the ideology of ‘first world hegemony’. Hegemony has been defined as, “the social and cultural processes of domination of one class, nation or gender over another” (Craig & Beedie, 2008: 101).

Within the Olympics, it is evident that those with a higher gross domestic product are more likely to achieve success (Reiche, 2017); this includes the United States, China and the United Kingdom. Furthermore, no country on the African continent has ever hosted the Olympics (Imray, 2018). Both these statements suggest that sporting events, like the Olympics, can create first world hegemony, as those who are living in those countries are given more opportunities to display their talents and more likely to succeed which can create a leading dominance. It is also evident that globalisation can cause first world hegemony, which can have a negative impact on those countries who may be struggling in society (Wang, 2017). Similarly, it has also been said that competitive sports are unlikely to lead to inclusive outcomes. This is due to

the principles of organisational structures that are frequently present in traditional activities; including hierarchy, divisions and categorised abilities (Strechele, 2015). By segregating individuals based on their ability, it takes away the aspect of peaceful playing, which creates competition that can lead to rivalry.

Kidd (2012) has also established that sport alone does not generate peace and that there is a range of other factors which need to be included in order to create a beneficial environment. This means participants must feel the programmes meet their needs; there must be skilled, passionate volunteers and coaches who will work alongside the athletes.

Participants must be able to gain genuine access to the resources needed, including transportation and equipment. This shows that sport itself does not automatically lead to success; it does not work on its own and that it must be applied with other components. You also cannot ignore the fact that social and materialistic conditions are needed in order to be successful (Kidd, 2012).

Therefore, in order to achieve the best results, sport must be applied in

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a holistic and integrated manner with other interventions and programmes.

Finally, SDP programmes must be sustainable to have a long-lasting impact. Without sustainability and commitment, it would not be possible for sport to have a significant impact on a range of developing nations and relationships.

In order for sporting activities to remain sustainable, organisations must utilise their funding and equipment to the best of their ability to make sure it goes a long way.

Sport and Cricket Diplomacy: Diplomacy has been defined as, “a system of representation and communication” (Næss-Holm, 2008: 28). Sport provides a platform for communication, on a daily basis.

Athletes communicate directly with other competitors and officials who share the same common enjoyment; therefore, sport is a vehicle for diplomacy. The commonality of interests and passion in a sporting activity helps to create a conversational space; consequently, sporting events give athletes the opportunities to bridge differences and foster mutual understandings (Næss-Holm, 2008). The most

important and significant application of sport being used as a diplomatic tool, is when it is used to build closer relationships between enemies (Walker, 2006). It helps to break down stereotypes, increase understanding between the different parties and keeps battles to the playing field rather than the battlefield (Goldberg, 2000).

Due to the division of India in 1947, a range of horrific incidents, including mass killings, rapes, genocide and rioting occurred in both regions (Jawaid, 2018). As a result of this, relations between Pakistan and India have been unsteady (Choudhury, 1958). The division occurred, when the British colonial rulers led the partition of British India into two separate states for the subcontinent Hindus and Muslims. Although both countries belonged to South Asia and shared some of the social, cultural and civilizational past, they had different religious backgrounds (Behera, 2002). The Indian-Muslims wanted to preserve and foster their own way of life based on their distinct culture and religion (Choudhury, 1958). However, those who were followers of the Hindu religion did not allow this. As a result of this, it strengthened the demand

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for two separate states (Choudhury, 1958). This finally resulted in the partition of India into two states, Pakistan and India. The result of this was that their relationship became known as ‘the most complex divorce in history’ (Lapierre & Collins, 2006: 212).

Cricket diplomacy is evident when cricket is used as a political tool to enhance the diplomatic relations between two cricket playing nations (Cricket Diplomacy, 2014). Cricket has been known to bond communities together which is integral, as it allows for a development of personal identity, support, cohesion, feelings of togetherness and belonging (Seippel, 2008). Although India and Pakistan have a highly competitive and extremely confrontational political relationship (Rauf, 2005), they both share the same passion for cricket (Iftikhar, 2017). The former chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board says that cricket can help build ‘bridges of peace and harmony both across frontiers, as in India and Pakistan or within a country as in South Africa’ (Khan, 2005:179). Therefore, it is evident that cricket has become a very important component in the

development of improving relations between both nations. Khan (2005) also suggested that cricket has acted as a ‘bridge of peace’ between both India and Pakistan; therefore, it is apparent that it has been used as a political tool to bridge the gap between different cricketing communities, as it has tied different individuals together (Nichols, Tacon & Muir, 2012). Khan (2005) stated that the cricket boards and associations of India and Pakistan have had a good relationship whatever the political climate. Despite all the issues that the countries have had with one another, cricket appeals to young people which can bring individuals together despite differences of region, race or religion (Walker, 2006).

Individuals belonging to both nations enjoy seeing their teams playing against each other, but it discontinues when India and Pakistan develop misunderstandings; for example, when India refused to play cricket matches with Pakistan (Iftikhar, 2017). More recently, India have refused to host the Asia Cup tournament due to Pakistan’s participation (GEO News, 2017).

Therefore, it is apparent that the

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ideology of cricket diplomacy between both nations has an inconsistent history. Ultimately, cricket has been used as a way to build bridges; however, at other times it has provided a platform for confrontation (Jha, 2017).

Consequently, it is clear that the ideology of cricket diplomacy is not always permanent; although it has worked previously to create cohesion, it will not always remain.

Likewise, it is also important to understand that sport and cricket will not always work as a diplomatic source and that harmony cannot always be achieved in some circumstances (Iftikhar, 2017); however, if it is utilised correctly, it can help to mend the ties between both India and Pakistan.

Although sport, and most specifically cricket, has been used to develop peace and cohesion between different nations, it has not always been successful. Sport diplomacy has been criticised, as it does not help with tangible binding agreements and policies and it is only beneficial for less tangible elements: including attitudes, relationships and opinions (Chigas, 2003). Although these intangible

elements are very beneficial, it enforces the point that sport diplomacy is limited to what it can achieve. Likewise, NĂŚss-Holm (2008) suggests that although sport diplomacy is a beneficial tool, it does not work sufficiently by itself; ultimately it is the political leaders who have the fundamental responsibility for improving relationships and making the concept of diplomacy work. In order for sport to improve relationships, it must be combined with a range of other factors. It has also been argued that sport is all about competition and cooperation; an environment created which has been described

by George Orwell (1945) [online] as, â&#x20AC;&#x153;bound up with hatred, jealousy, boastfulness, disregard of all rules and sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence: in other words, it is war minus the shootingâ&#x20AC;?. This quote signifies that sport highlights nationalist tensions within and between countries which may have a negative impact on international relations. Therefore, it may not be the correct tool for developing peace, as it could be argued that it will only make things worse.

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Nevertheless, as a leading global sport, cricket continues to captivate and inspire individuals of every age, gender, background and capability (Rumford & Wagg, 2018). The sport remains to build bridges between continents, countries and communities. The International Cricket Council (ICC) is the international governing body for cricket who are becoming increasingly involved in SDP work (Dudfield, 2014). They aim to create more peace within different nations and increase harmony within their sport. This organisation is one of many who are increasingly utilising sport and physical activities in efforts to fulfil various development and peace-building goals in communities across the world (Gilbert & Bennett, 2012). There are currently twelve countries that are full members of the ICC including: England, India, Pakistan and many more. There are also 92 associate members who are based across all five continents. The ICC Global Development team provides global support across five continents to help increase grassroots sport and most importantly harmony between nations. It is evident that cricket has increasingly become more

globalised, with it bringing together those with individual interests who have one common passion, making individuals more alike than before.

Overall, this essay has discussed how SDP initiatives can be used at grassroots level, but most specifically at an international level to create a harmonious environment which provide opportunities for individuals to partake in sport. By allowing individuals to partake in activities, it is evident that SDP initiatives have been very successful (Giulianotti, 2011b). Sport provides individuals with the skills and values which are essential for developing peace (UNICEF, 1999). Therefore, this essay has focused on why sport may be the most suitable activity to help develop peace. There has also been a great emphasis on globalisation in sport, and the impact it has on SDP. It shows that although globalisation attempts to develop a sense of unity, it has its disadvantages. This essay has established that although SDP organisations and policies have created growing relationships between nations and communities (Giulianotti, 2011a), bringing together ethnic and cultural divides, it also has its problems. One problem is the

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reproduction of first world hegemony (Darnell & Hayhurst, 2012).

Likewise, evidence suggests that for sport to create peace, it must be included within a range of other factors, it does not work alone (Kidd, 2012). The latter part of this essay has focused on the ideology of sport diplomacy and how it is used as an active agent of peace development.

More specifically, this essay looked into the role cricket diplomacy plays in building relationships between rivals (Walker, 2006). India and Pakistan who have an unsteady political relationship, have created peace and a better relationship in the sporting environment as a result of their common interest and enthusiasm for cricket (Khan, 2015).

‘Cricket can form the perfect bridge of internal and inter-state peace between peoples...’ (Khan, 2005; 1).

Nevertheless, what Khan is stating is only partially true; it has been argued

by Chigas (2003) and Næss-Holm (2008) that it is not completely beneficial, as it requires more than sport to create a diplomatic society.

There are issues which remain unresolved between these countries which are outside of the sporting arena. Overall, this essay has shown that sport can be used to develop

peace internationally; however, there are other aspects which should be combined with sport to give the best, most reliable outcome. As there are areas for improvement, this signifies that there are opportunities for research within the concept of SDP, which could include social change and justice.

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A Critical Discussion of Biological and Psychological Explanations for Paedophilia Kelly Janaway BA Criminology

listed. Due to the persistent nature of contact offending, only individuals displaying paedophilic disorder will be examined.

Explanation of the onset, development and maintenance of paedophilia is difficult given diversity of the group. Paedophilic individuals cannot be treated without a concrete integrative theory, with the success of response dependent on both biological and psychological recognition. Biological recognition will concern impairment in the orbitofrontal cortex and the influence of white matter degeneration, in addition to the existence of dopamine in immediate reward and serotonin in comorbidity. The existence of a paedophilic gene will be questioned. Psychological recognition will concern cognitive distortion and affective dyscontrol (Hall and Hirschman, 1992), in addition to a defective neuropsychological system (Ward and Beech, 2006). Each explanation will be appraised, with limitations

Concern with paedophilia was negligible prior to the late 19th Century. Bates (2015a, [online]) noted that consent was aligned to the age of marriage and onset of puberty for both the male and female, particularly in the Roman era. An increased age of consent regarded a changing view of childhood, from 10 in 1285 to 16 in the Criminal Law Amendment Act (1885, cited in Thompson et al., 2017:5). A female below 16 was not considered to possess mental maturity, with Victorian law seeking to protect children and provoke innocence (Bates, 2015b). Particular focus was held on the working-class, preventing vulnerable females from reproducing early (Bates, 2015a) or engaging in prostitution (Davidson, 2008). The notion of the paedophile was recognised by Krafft-Ebing (1896), but not adopted until the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of

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Mental Disorders (DSM) (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 1952:39).

Usage of the terms ‘paedophilia’ and ‘child sex offender’ as interchangeable lends itself to misconception. Approximately 50% of child sex offence cases are motivated by paedophilic preference, characteristic of the fixated offender (Seto, 2009:391). The DSM-5 (APA, 2013:697) defined paedophilia as a persistent sexual interest in prepubescent children, defining the separate existence of paedophilic disorder. In paedophilic disorder the molestation of a child is carried out, rather than fantasised, as is the case in paedophilia (Gerwinn et al., 2018). Paedophilia as a sexual orientation was raised in this edition, but reamended to a sexual interest (Berlin, 2014). The DSM-5 definition will be used for this paper, characterising prepubescence as 10 to 13 years old, inclusive of males and females. The ICD-10 (World Health Organisation, 2015:171), in comparison, does not separate

paedophilia from hebephilia, an interest in pubertal children. The difficulty in stating age preference is implied with regard to late puberty.

Neither acknowledge the existence of fixated or regressed paedophilia, a distinction with which the cause is separate. Groth et al., (1982) developed the notion of fixated paedophilia as a primary sexual attraction to male children, one which is caused by stunted maturity beyond a certain stage (Stinson and Becker, 2016:17). Regressed paedophilia concerned the interest in female children under conditions of extreme stress, marital problems or alcohol use (Seto, 2008a:4). The preference is due to regression to an earlier developmental stage, combined with the need for intimacy (Stinson and Becker, 2016:17).

Regardless of fixated or regressed paedophilia, it is not beyond reason to suggest a neurodevelopmental predisposition or an abnormality in neurotransmission, arguing for biological recognition.

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Reduced activation of the orbitofrontal cortex is noticeable with white matter degeneration (Cantor et al., 2008; 2015). The ‘cross-wiring’ of nerve fibres in white matter, known to connect to grey matter, may explain how a paedophilic individual responds sexually to a child instead of maternally. Cantor and Blanchard (2012:749) developed on Schiffer et al., (2007) who found decreased grey matter in the orbitofrontal cortex. It was clarified that grey matter may increase propensity to break the law, but white matter deficits were related to paedophilic disorder.

Burns and Swerdlow (2003) studied a 40-year-old male in 2000 with regressed paedophilia, caused by a tumour in the right orbitofrontal cortex. White matter development, which continues into the third decade of life, would be stunted, if not stopped, by the growth of a tumour (Squire et al., 2012:922) Displacement of the right orbitofrontal cortex may have essentially disrupted or ‘cut off’ white matter connectivity between different brain regions, causing

reduced inhibition and emphasising immediate reward (Wood, 2017:45).

Burns and Swerdlow (2003) corroborated Schiffer and Vonlaufen (2011) in signifying that regressed offenders displayed a greater dysfunction in the orbitofrontal cortex than fixated offenders.

Admittedly, in focusing on impairment of the orbitofrontal cortex in adulthood, one fails to recognise a cause for sexual deviance in childhood. The consensus is rather weak regardless, despite the case study. The diverse samples used do not allow a firm conclusion on the role of white matter degeneration in paedophilia to be given. Schiffer et al., (2007) examined high-risk inpatient paedophiles, with Cantor et al., (2012) and Cantor (2015) analysing those referred for evaluation services by parole or probation at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health. There is a strong need to investigate nerve fibre connectivity in relation to cancer or brain injury, and the after effect on activation of the orbitofrontal cortex.

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Testosterone is known to inhibit the enzyme Monoamine Oxidase, which metabolises dopamine and serotonin, resulting in abnormal levels of each neurotransmitter (Garrett and Hough, 2018). Ward and Beech (2006) noted that dopamine reinforces the reward circuity of the motivation/ emotional system in which immediate reward is favoured.

In paedophilic individuals, who do not offend, habitual viewing of similar pornography may become tiresome, resulting in a need for novelty in the form of violent pornography (Hall, 2018). Sexual excitement due to new stimulation would cause an increase in dopamine (Turner and Briken, 2018:6). Serotonin is of focus in comorbidity, where paedophilic individuals experience at least one other mental disorder (Seto, 2008b).

Gerwinn et al., (2018:78) found that 35% of fixated paedophiles who offend, 39% of fixated paedophiles who do not offend and 31% of regressed paedophiles experienced major depression. A further 13% of

fixated paedophiles who offend and 21% of fixated paedophiles who do not offend experienced avoidant personality disorder (2018:79). This is supportive of Kruger and Schiffer (2011:1656) who found a 33% prevalence rate for avoidant personality disorder in inpatients.

Major depression, coupled with avoidant personality disorder, may explain poor interpersonal social skills, lowered self-worth, identification with children and a lack of moral judgement seen in paedophilia. Gerwinn et al., (2018) provided a significant contribution to literature in comparing convicted paedophiles to those who had not committed a crime. Prior literature was dominated with imprisoned offenders, preventing the establishment of a causal relationship between dopamine, serotonin and paedophilia. Another issue concerns Kruger and Schiffer (2011) who used inpatients of paedophilic and hebephiliac preference. With limited literature on the subject of comorbidity, the failure to classify an individual

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hinders the application of findings to paedophilia specifically.

In regard to evolution, paedophilic tendencies can be examined as an extreme variation of male preference for youthful females who are fertile, or as a tendency to engage in impersonal sex. Neither Ward (2014:132) nor LĂĽngstrĂśm et al., (2015), however, found a specific gene for paedophilia, with Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) alteration for incestuous paedophilia unlikely. Recognition as a sexual orientation would govern paedophilia as similar to homosexuality. For homosexuality the gene titled SLITRK6 on chromosome 13 was noted as contributory (Sanders et al., 2017).

Despite recognition of orbitofrontal cortex impairment or the role of neurotransmission, the omission of altered DNA questions the validity of the biological explanation. It is not presumptuous to assume the explanation for paedophilia is neuropsychological, or at a minimum, psychological in nature.

Hall and Hirschman (1992) in the Quadripartite model of child sexual abuse identified four motivational precursors that increased the probability of offending.

Physiological sexual arousal, cognitive distortions, affective dyscontrol and personality difficulties were noted. Cognitive distortion concerned the dominant belief that sex with a child was acceptable, with affective dyscontrol as an inability to regulate behaviour or experience positive emotion.

Finkelhor (1984) in the Precondition model serves to develop on Hall and Hirschman (1992). Cognitive distortion, referred to as blockage by Finkelhor (1984), may result in the perception of a child as provocative, seductive and benefitting from sex (Proulx et al., 2014). In line with rational choice theory (Becker, 1968), an individual may act on these distortions if the perceived sexual benefits overshadow the risk of punishment. Sex with the child may be emotionally satisfying as the sense of power and control exhibited

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further heightens the offender’s selfesteem (McCartan, 2008).

Although receiving minimal recognition in literature, Hall and Hirschman (1992) addressed the diversity of offenders. The notion of a ‘critical threshold’, wherein the activation of a primary precursor increased the intensity of the remaining three factors, explained why sexual offending only occurred in certain circumstances i.e. regressed paedophilia (Ward et al., 2006). Ward (2015, [online]) confirmed the significance of the ‘critical threshold’ arguing that 1 in 35 men possess paedophilic tendencies, but only 1.3% develop into offenders from viewing child pornography (Seto and Eke, 2005:207). The model, in addition, identifies treatment needs, harbouring significant clinical value.

Ward and Beech (2006:59) noted that the fixated offender should use the conditioning strategy of directed masturbation to reduce deviant sexual arousal. Individuals who cannot establish an intimate adult

relationship (Blanchard et al., 2017) should modify entrenched and maladaptive interpersonal strategies using an extended approach. A regressed offender should comparatively receive treatment to control and regulate negative emotions due to the impulsive manner of offending. Despite acknowledgement of success, the model neither explains the origin of the four factors nor explain how each interact to cause paedophilic disorder (United States Department of Justice, 2017:48). As such, the claims of the model cannot be systematically evaluated. It may be the case that affective dyscontrol acts as a disinhibitory more than a cause, with the notion of a single factor cause implied.

Ward and Beech (2006) in the Integrated theory of sexual offending focused on the role of biological, ecological and neuropsychological factors in determining paedophilic disorder. Neuropsychological functioning focused on the motivation/ emotional, perception

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and memory, and the action selection and control systems developed by Pennington (2002).

Deficiency in each system is known to allow the initiation and maintenance of sexual offending, as explained by Boer et al., (2017). The motivation/emotional system allowed goals to influence action selection, but led to unmanageable attachment issues and mood disorder if deficient. The perception and memory system concerned processing of incoming sensory information, and if malfunctional led to the misinterpretation of social encounters. The action selection and control system determined the planning, implementation and evaluation of action plans, but caused problems with selfregulation, uncontrolled behaviour and negative emotion if defective (Ward and Beech, 2006:54).

Maladaptive beliefs in the motivation/ emotional system, biased processing of sensory information in the perception and memory system, and an inability to control behaviour in the action

selection and control system, contributed to paedophilic disorder (Boer et al., 2017).

The theory by Ward and Beech (2006) supplements the surface level symptoms seen in Hall and Hirschman (1992). The inclusion of several theories is demonstrative of development from the 1960s and 1970s in which single factors, namely impaired social skills, dominated the understanding of sexual offending (Ward et al., 2006:154). The recognition of different developmental trajectories is also successful in accounting for multiple pathways to offending (Thakker and Ward, 2012:5). Psychological vulnerability was recognised in the personal environment i.e. partner death, child abuse, or in substance misuse, all of which contributed to the disinhibition of behaviour.

Despite acknowledgment of success, the model contends that the individual cannot be blamed for uncontrollable circumstances. With regard to â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;virtuous paedophilesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, who exercise moral judgement in not

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offending (The Paedophile Next Door, 2014), the degree of control noted in the theory is quite low. The model emphasises the impulsivity of behaviour which ‘virtuous paedophiles’ serve to oppose. In arguing the influence of neuropsychological systems, the regressed offender cannot be suitably punished (Gilbert and Focquaert, 2015). The implication of this stands for all sex offenders, whether they were in control of their behaviour or were led by an uncontrollable urge. Admittedly, the model cannot be suitably accepted due to empirical inadequacy and scope (Gannon and Ward, 2008:347).

In comparison to Hall and Hirschman (1992), treatment as well as social and public policy responses are neither considered nor commented on, lending to the notion of an uncomprehensive theory.

To conclude, a neurodevelopmental predisposition is primarily responsible for paedophilia, with psychological vulnerability contributory to paedophilic disorder.

Although undetermined to what degree, a combination of each explanation is expected. In regard to biological recognition, reduced activation of the orbitofrontal cortex ‘in-utero’ or in adulthood is hypothesised to cause ‘cross-wiring’ of nerve fibres, in which a sexualised response to a child is given.

Abnormality in neurotransmission may act as a risk factor, with a deficit in the action selection and control system causing comorbidity.

Arrested emotional development, with regard to cognitive distortion or affective dyscontrol, may inhibit judgement and reasoning, providing consensus for the orbitofrontal cortex. However, this is neither concrete nor solely accountable for paedophilia. Empirical inadequacy and scope in both biological and psychological theory, with regard to diverse samples, effectively limits the implication of risk management and treatment for criminal needs.

The existence of a ‘critical threshold’ is principal, with onset and maintenance of paedophilic disorder dependent on neurodevelopmental

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predisposition and consistent psychological vulnerability.

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Gendercide is practiced in Many Different Religious Communities.

Therefore, if Religion is not a Determining Factor, what is?

Rachel Perry BA Politics and Global Studies Warren writing in 1985 coined the term Gendercide and defined it as: ‘the deliberate extermination of persons of a particular sex’ (2014:79).

She highlights the importance of a gender-neutral term, as the victims may be either male or female.

Furthermore, Warren accurately noted that the term ‘calls attention to the fact that gender roles often had lethal consequences’ (2014:79). In this she posits, that gender as a social construct could have genocidal costs. This essay will explore these lethal consequences by discussing the gendercide of young girls in India. It will be argued that the determining factor of gendercide in India is the pervasive cultural preference for sons, which is combined with technological advancements that are playing an exacerbating role in India’s

gendercide. The case study of India was chosen as it has been claimed that India is the most dangerous place in the world to be born a girl, with girls almost twice as likely to die before turning five than boys (Nelson, 2012). This is exemplified in India’s shocking child sex ratio. A normal child sex ratio is 943-980 females per 1000 males (Dubbudu, 2015, [online]). However, in 2011 India’s child sex ratio was as low as 918 girls, highlighting that girls are being sex selectively aborted or killed off in their thousands (Statistics Times, 2018). These “missing women” (Liisanantti, & Beese, 2012:4) are often killed before birth through sex selective abortions, killed after birth through infanticide or are killed later through neglect (Das Gupta et al., 2003:157). Therefore, the focus of this work will be to determine the main causal factor of this Indian gendercide. It will be argued that the cultural value of son preference is this determining factor. Furthermore, this work will show that India’s gendercide has been further exacerbated by new technologies.

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This thesis will first be shown through an assessment of Indian family systems including patrilineal kinship. Secondly this work will consider the role of men as bread winners and support in old age.

Thirdly this work will discuss the economic burden of paying dowry and lastly the role of technology will be discussed as a means by which gendercide has been empowered in India.

Patrilineal Kinship ‘The birth of a son enhances my status… if there are only girls then the land will be sold. Boys are the owners of land, they are the tree of the house’ -a Jat father (Sen, 2009:8) The terms ‘son preference’ and ‘daughter aversion’ have become common place in literature regarding sex selection and gendercide (Sen, 2009:8), although it can be claimed that these terms over simplify a complicated issue. They tend to suggest that there is a personal emotional preference or choice,

however these preferences or aversions are instead based on a series of historical and cultural factors (Sen, 2009:8). The first is that of family structure which is based not only on patriarchy but ‘patrilineality’ (Das Gupta et al., 2003:160). Patrilineality refers to the social construct that requires the main assets of a family to be passed through the male line (Das Gupta et al., 2003). This includes land, possessions and the family name.

The women in the family may be given some ‘movable goods’, such as a dowry or certain items for inheritance (Das Gupsta et al., 2003:160), for example, (as the quote from a farming Jat father notes) it is extremely rare for a daughter to inherit land. In many cases a man without sons would adopt a male from amongst his extended family so as to continue the family line and keep the property intact (Das Gupsta et al., 2003). In India lineage is very important, and great emphasis is placed on the maintenance of genealogies which record the ties between men for generations (Das

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Gupta et al., 2003). In this way men are considered “fixed points in this social order, and women…as moving points’ (Das Gupta et al., 2003:161).

Therefore, without a son there is no way to continue the family line and no fixed point to transfer the family name and land to. This of course results in son preference and a determination on the part of the parents to have sons at the expense of daughters.

Furthermore, patrilocality requires that newlywed couples locate themselves in the man’s home, often on land inherited from his parents (Sen, 2009). Due to patrilocality when women are married they leave their lineage completely and are ‘absorbed’ into their husband’s lineage (Das Gupta et al., 2003:161).

Women are therefore unable to contribute much to their parent’s welfare, hence the pervasiveness of son preference. Even if a daughter is educated, or she is able to work in higher paid roles this would not benefit her parents as these new benefits go to her husband’s home

(Das Gupta et al., 2003). In this way daughters are viewed as ‘paraya dhan’ which means ‘the wealth of others’ (Sen, 2009:9). Additionally, it is often hard for women to leave abusive relationships and return to her parents, because returning to a parental home after an unsuccessful marriage would result in social shaming as divorce reflects negatively on a women’s duty to satisfy her husband (Davis, 2018). In the South of India by contrast, it is more socially acceptable for women to retain a more supportive relationship with their parental family after marriage (Das Gupta et al., 2003). This mutual support reduces son preference as it aligns the value between a son and a daughter.

Therefore, family structures based on patrilineality and patrilocality in the North increase son preference by making daughters a transitionary member of the family who can only support the parents until she is married. Consequently, parents would resort to either feticide or infanticide to make sure they have a son.

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Gendercide is exacerbated further as people are increasingly preferring smaller families, with only one boy and one girl (Liisanantti and Beese, 2012). Studies have found that families are content with one boy and one girl but hardly anyone has only daughters, as Sen notes: ‘family planning is therefore planning for one or two sons, and secondarily allowing for the birth of at most one daughter’ (Sen, 2009:8). Because of this India shows increased sex ratios at birth amongst second and third order births when the first-born child is a girl (Liisanantti and Beese, 2012).

For example, Liisanantti and Beese found that the sex ratio in the second child if the first was a girl fell to 716 girls per 1000 boys (2012). This is a staggering drop and highlights that parents are killing off a potential second or third female child in the hope of trying again for a male child.

This is often through sex selective abortions, which along with the role of technology will be discussed later in this work. In this way, family structures and kinship systems

based on son preference are a determining factor when considering gendercide in India.

Breadwinners and Support in Old Age ‘May You Be the Mother of a Hundred Sons’ - A common Vedic blessing at weddings (Robitaille, 2013:658) In Indian culture men are traditionally considered to be the ‘breadwinners’ and the child that will go on to look after his parents in old age (Hays, 2008, [online]). Therefore, the birth of a son means that the family have gained a ‘future asset’ (Poole, 2015, [online]), as men often have greater earning potential and the chance of working in higher wage-earning jobs (Poole, 2015 & Hesketh, & Wei Xing, 2006). Additionally, they are able to do more agricultural work in subsistence settings (BBC News, 2014). Due to these factors, parents rely more heavily on sons to bring money into the household. For example, it was found that despite educational strides, the labour force

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participation rate of women was 28% in 2017. With men occupying the remaining 82% of the labour force (Catalyst, 2018). This may be because there is still stigma against women working outside the home, in these traditional societies (Poole, 2015). It is no wonder then that parents with limited income would prefer to have a male child to help with income and that mothers are blessed on their wedding day to become the ‘Mother of a Hundred Sons’ (Robitaille, 2013:658).

An additional motivation for son preference in India is that sons are to provide old age support as Das Gupta and her colleagues note that the overwhelming majority of the elderly live with married sons (Das Gupta et al., 2003). Support in old age is an important issue in India as there is very limited government support for the elderly, particularly regarding health care (Balagopal, 2009:489490). Therefore, parents must rely on their children in this stage of life and as already discussed, daughters must leave their parental home and

join their husbands upon marriage.

The result is that parents must rely on sons due to the aforementioned family system that strips women of her parental family at marriage (BBC News, 2014).

Furthermore, son preference is often due to funeral rituals in India. In the documentary, directed by Evan Davis, ‘It’s a Girl’, interviewees highlight the tradition that male children are meant to perform last rights for their parents (Davis, 2018 [online]). This task of ‘karmic duties’ in Hindu funeral ceremonies has always been the duty of the son. If a couple had only daughters these funeral rituals can cause much concern for the elderly (The Independent, 2010. & Abhinand, 2016, [online]). Therefore, parents are under pressure to produce a son so that they will be secure in future life, and so that they can have a traditional funeral. For this reason, many will kill off daughters to ensure that they have at least one son to perform these duties, whilst also

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maintaining an economically viable family size.

This does not always mean that parents will use sex selective abortion, as in many cases these families cannot afford the ultrasound to do so (Davis, 2018). The result is often that those female children who survive their first years of life are often killed later through neglect (Nelson, 2012). For example, it has been found that some Indian mothers breast feed girls for a significantly shorter period than their sons and provide them with less nutritional food. This is to ensure a healthy son but also to stunt the daughter with the aim that she would not reach puberty and marital age (Nelson, 2012). Furthermore, boys are taken to the doctor for care, whereas girls are often the last to receive medicine as parents do not have the same concern about their survival (Nelson, 2012). Brink claims that this severe neglect gets limited attention in these communities, as people understand the preference for boys.

He notes ‘No one raises it as a public

issue within the community, so while it's not secret, it isn't commented upon’ (2015, [online]). This societal silence around the issue of son preference has therefore allowed for the gendercide of thousands of girls through neglect.

Dowry: ‘Raising a daughter is like watering your neighbours' garden.’- Indian Saying (Poole, 2015, [online]) Much of this discussion has thus far focused on son preference, but this next section will focus on daughter aversion, as the preference for a son is also due to the desire not to have daughters (Diamond-Smith et al, 2008). The main reason that parents in India are against having daughters, is due to the cultural tradition of giving dowry. A study in 2008, led by Diamond-Smith and her colleagues; found that one-fifth of respondents cited the economic burden of dowry as the primary reason they did not

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want daughters (2008). Dowry, known as ‘Dahej’ in Hindi, is the ‘payment in cash or some kind of gift given to the bridegrooms’ family…generally they include cash, jewellery… and other household items’ (Liisanantti & Beese, 2012:10).

Prohibited under the Dowry Prohibition Act 1961, it is technically illegal to give or receive dowry.

Despite this, the tradition for paying dowry is still very common (Davis, 2018). This practice continues for several reasons. In many cases, dowry is an important symbol of prestige for a family and it is shameful for a family not to provide a daughter with a dowry (DiamondSmith et al., 2008). Furthermore, dowry is often paid by families to protect the wellbeing of their daughters. New wives can often face difficulties or even violence if the dowry is not sufficient enough (Diamond-Smith et al., 2008).

Robitaille claims that a dowry can sometimes be six times the annual income of a family and that a further four months salary is needed to cover the celebration costs (2013).

This payment therefore ‘dooms’ the family, as a daughter is likely to carry off a large part of her family’s wealth when she marries (Davis, 2012 [online]).

It can be argued that if it were reversed and parents had to spend money on their son’s wedding, they would not resent the expense because the money is staying within the family (Das Gupta et al., 2003). As already discussed, a daughter completely leaves her parental family and takes her dowry with her to her new family. Due to this, there is a common Indian saying which argues that ‘raising a daughter is like watering your neighbours garden’ (Poole, 2015, [online]). This highlights that there is no economic benefit in having daughters as it may in fact bankrupt you as you pay into someone else’s family. For this reason, many families will choose to take action to prevent the birth of a daughter.

Because of factors such as dowry, men as breadwinners and sons as

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old age support; it could be argued that economic factors are determining factors in the case of gendercide. In contrast, it is argued that rather than a determining factor, economic factors are only additional factors (Das Gupta et al., 2003). To highlight this, it has been found that sexual disparities tend to rise with income and education and that some of the most prosperous states in India have the worst sex ratios (The Economist, 2010). Thus, even in wealthy and educated areas son preference is still pervasive and it could be argued; even more so. This again goes back to patrilineality because these wealthy families will often own lands and will want to pass it on to a son (Aljazeera, 2011).

Furthermore, a higher income makes it easier to pay for a sex determination test and an abortion in the case of a girl child (The Economist, 2010). Consequently, if the rich are still determining the sex of their children it can be theorised that gendercide has little to do with money and a lot to do with pervasive cultural norms. Moreover, these

economic factors such as patrilineality, dowry and male support in old age can be framed as culturally constructed to begin with (Das Gupta et al., 2003). Therefore, cultural traditions and norms are the determining factors of gendercide in India, particularly that of son preference.

Technology â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Pay 5,000 rupees today and save 50,000 rupees tomorrowâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;- Indian advertising slogan for ultrasound scans.- (The Economist, 2010, [online]) The last section of this essay will briefly discuss the role of technology in exacerbating gendercide in India.

One of the key ways in which technology has exacerbated gendercide is through sex selected abortions. Banned in 1994, sex selective abortions have provided a convenient way for parents to choose which gender child they will have. The Pre Conception and Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques Act made it illegal for a doctor to

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determine the gender of the child and for the parents to abort the child based on gender (Davis, 2018).

Additionally, doctors with access to ultrasound technology were required to register their machine and to record every time and for what reason it was used (Davis, 2018).

The Act has had limited success in preventing the practise as there is little enforcement and reported crimes are rarely investigated (Davis, 2018). To demonstrate, disregarding the act can be as simple as presenting the bill for the scan in a blue or pink file, the meaning in these instances are clear (The Independent, 2010). Therefore, there is a low risk nature to the crime, and only moral conscience prevents parents and doctors from ignoring the act (Liisanantti &n Beese, 2012).

As a result, sex determination tests are carried out with relative impunity by doctors who are willing to perform the ultrasound for profit, and by families who wish to have sons instead of daughters (Davis, 2018).

Subsequently, access to sex determination technology is ‘rapidly

spreading’ (The Economist, 2010, [online]). Portable ultrasound machines are taken around villages and scans today only cost around $10 (The Independent, 2010).

Likewise, if you are unsuccessful in determining the sex through a scan, it is now possible to send a blood sample to the United States and receive the results back by email (The Independent, 2010). It is claimed that this spread in technology has led to an estimated half a million female foetuses being sexselectively aborted in India each year (Robitaille, 2013). As a result, it is clear that these new technologies; coupled with son preference, are playing a substantial role in exacerbating gendercide in India.

Conclusion In conclusion this work has proved that ‘gender roles’ do ‘often have lethal consequences’, as Warren claimed (2014:79). We can see these consequences in the current sex ratio crisis that India is entering.

These consequences will not only

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affect the daughters who are being targeted but the sons who will grow up without the chance of having families of their own (Sen, 2009:13 & Liisanantti & Beese, 2012:27). The damage to some extent has already been done and the fruit will be seen in the years to come as Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s child sex ratio plays itself out into adulthood. But action must be taken now to prevent the further deaths of young girls and the resulting skewed sex ratios. As this work has argued, the pervasive preference for sons is spurring on this crisis. Coupled with new access to technologies the problem is become entrenched.

Therefore, there needs to be action taken by the government to limit the effect of son preference. This can be done by providing greater governmental support for the elderly so there is more reliance on public safety nets rather than children (Liisanantti & Beese 2012). Secondly, the government must call with greater urgency for the end of the dowry system (Davis, 2018). These two steps will not prevent the cultural preference for sons

necessarily, but these reforms would go a long will to limiting its power.

However, the main focus needs to be in changing the cultural attitudes of son preference and daughter aversion, as implementing a legal solution to what is a cultural problem is often unsuccessful (Aljazeera, 2013).

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