The Martlet - Issue 19 by THE MARTLET

POLITICS

The Great Divide of America

LENT ISSUE

READING

Book Reviews

CULTURE

Ikigai - The Path to Peace

FOOTBALL

Corruption within FIFA

Abingdon School’s Leading Newspaper

ISSUE 19

Brexit: What Next? Samuel King unravels the recent Brexit mayhem.

rexit is in crisis. Since reaching her draft Withdrawal Treaty with the EU at the end of 2018, the Prime Minister, Theresa May, has failed twice to get it passed the House of Commons. On each occasion the vote against has been massive – close to 200 and then close to 150. In normal times, a government suffering such a significant parliamentary defeat would have to resign and call an election. These are not normal times and Brexit offers no easy solutions. The Withdrawal Agreement permits the UK to remain aligned with the EU’s Single Market, Customs Union and regulatory equivalence until a formal trade agreement is reached between the UK and its 27 former partners in the EU. It includes a backstop to make Northern Ireland a continued member of the Customs Union and Single Market if the rest of the UK leaves these, having failed to reach a new treaty, by December 2021. The ten Democratic Unionist Party MPs, who prop up Mrs May’s government to give it a slim majority in Parliament, want the backstop removed and the UK’s Attorney General, Sir Geoffrey Cox, has issued a damn-

ing legal opinion that the terms of May’s treaty could result in a permanent alignment between the UK and the EU. Since the referendum result in June 2016 there has been no agreement on what Brexit should mean and there has been a sizeable section of the electorate who want it reversed or heavily diluted. This confusion has translated into a Parliament in which there is no majority for any course of action. With the recent extension to Article 50 agreed by the EU, the UK will leave the EU on April 12, 2019 (if May’s deal is voted down); this is now the legal position: without some change in Parliament, the UK legally exits all EU rules, regulations and tariff agreements on this date. It is a parlous situation since the Government predicts that a no-deal exit will be chaotic, costly and unpleasant. Recent events in review At least three significant developments in the Brexit story and policy decision occurred during the week ending on Sunday 24 March. First, the Prime Minister exposed herself as a popu-

REUNIFICATION OF KOREA P.13i

list denouncer unable to mobilize authority in her party or in Parliament. At PMQs on Wednesday 20th March, the Prime Minister, Theresa May, accused Members of Parliament of creating the crisis over her Withdrawal Agreement and for letting down the Brexit voting part of the British electorate. She elaborated on this view in a brief, petulant broadcast on Wednesday evening from 10 Downing Street setting herself as on the side of the people against the anti-people MPs. In a broadcast of Ibsenian temperament (echoing the Norwegian’s famous play ‘an enemy of the people’), May instantly alienated her standing in Parliament and deeply irritated her Cabinet colleagues and closest allies. Second, Mrs May proceeded to Brussels on Thursday 21st March to plead her Brexit case and to seek support from the 27 government leaders of the EU and its Commission leader Jean-Claude Juncker and President Donald Tusk. She made her case to the assembled leaders and then left the room while they discussed the EU response. While the leaders prepared themselves for an inviting three-course gourmet meal, the Prime

Continued on page 2

SECRETS OF CANOE POLO P.24i

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News

A letter from the Editor

ear Readers,

With most of us having now settled into 2019, this nineteenth issue of The Martlet seeks to reflect on the year behind whilst looking forward to what 2019 holds in store for the school and the country. 2018 saw The Martlet grow at an unprecedented rate and although we saw many new faces, we sadly had to say goodbye to Miss Williamson, who was a great leader and the glue that often kept the team together.

This issue’s News section focuses primarily on the political state of Europe and America. Lachlan Jones examines the pros and cons of Donald Trump’s promised border wall, Samuel King takes a look at the Democratic nominees in the run-up of the 2020 presidential election, and Johnan Nerlov analyses the European elections. In regards to the Features section of the paper, we see the return of Ed Gill’s book reviews, where Steinbeck’s Cannery Row and James’ Daisy Miller are scrutinized and critiqued, along with a review of Frankopan’s The New Silk Roads. Other Features articles include German Baraev’s examination of the possibility of

a Korean reunification and Alex Thulin’s report on the need for, and the likelihood of, prison reform in the United States. The Sports section sees, yet again, a diverse range of articles, from Tom Wormell’s article on the FIFA corruption scandal of 2015 to Marc Tuazon’s exploration into the secrets of Canoe Polo. The issue concludes with a quiz, a cryptic crossword, and some more advice from Maggie, the school’s favourite dog. The Martlet’s continued success relies heavily on the perseverance and varied interests of its writers, the effort put in by the editing team, and the hard work

accomplished by the designers, which allows the paper to look so good. In particular, thanks go to Miss Preston, who succeeds Miss Williamson and under whom The Martlet has already seen the creation of one stunning issue, with many more to come. For those interested in a career in journalism or merely an interest in writing about a subject they love, I would highly recommend considering joining The Martlet. Thank you for reading, Piers Mucklejohn

COVER STORY

Brexit: What Next? Continued from cover page

Minister sat in a room alone, with a takeaway pizza and her closest advisors, awaiting her fate. President Tusk reported the EU leaders’ decision. It was a brilliantly adroit response. If May got her deal through Parliament between 26th and 29th March then an extension of UK membership of the EU until 23 May was on offer. If she failed then she had an additional ten days until April 11th to lead the UK outside the EU with no deal. April 12th is the last day on which a country could remain in the EU and not participate in the May 2019 European elections – if the UK remains in the EU after April 12th then it must run the European elections in the UK. Instead of becoming a focus of blame for May’s incompetence and Brexit chaos, the EU cleverly restated the central role of the UK Parliament, government and voters in deciding on the future of Brexit. Third, on Saturday 23 March over a million Britons marched through London in protest against Brexit, seeking its revocation. This massive mobilization echoed the 4.5 million signatories of an online petition demanding that Brexit be halted and reversed. Amongst the speakers, the Labour Party’s deputy leader Tom Watson offered to vote for May’s deal if she agreed that it should then be put to a referendum.

No change, no decisions Yet these apparently momentous events do not in themselves alter at all the position of the UK in respect to Brexit. Parliament still has to decide whether it will support the May Withdrawal Treaty and, if it does not, what alternative line of action garners a majority of MPs. The Labour Party is as divided as the Conservative Party about how to proceed. About 20 Labour MPs are Brexit supporters against the Party line who will support May’s treaty. The party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, has a long-standing antipathy to the EU but won’t support May. Opinion polls reveal an electorate divided into three groups: those who favour the May agreement, those who want to halt Brexit, and those who support a crash-out no deal. By relinquishing his responsibility to govern on the basis of an election and giving a major issue with little information to the fate of a referendum, the former Prime Minister, David Cameron, deepened political divisions and hatreds in the UK electorate and carved a pro v. anti-EU division into stone. His hapless successor in No. 10 has not only exacerbated this division with her careless and populist rhetoric but proved equally incapable to charter a course of action to address the toxic cleavages created by Brexit.

Will May resign? The Sunday newspapers are full of excitable and anonymously sourced chatter and spin about the Prime Minister facing resignation pressure from her fellow Cabinet members. This is unlikely. The crisis is not about May – though her lack of capable leadership certainly does not help the situation – but about the difficulty of agreeing on a policy in Parliament. There is still no agreement on what proposal can gain a parliamentary majority. If the Cabinet says publicly what they are willing to say in private anonymous briefings to the press then the pressure on Mrs May may be overwhelming, and she goes. But she has resisted these pressures before. A new leader would face immense challenges. They would have to require an extension from the EU, a new Brexit policy and so forth, none of which is on the cards. As the Chancellor, Philip Hammond, said on Sunday 24th, the idea of changing PM is “self-indulgent” and does not address the issues. Conclusions The decision-making process is on the abyss. If nothing is agreed by April 12th then a crash-out no-deal occurs. This prospect alarms everyone except for the hardcore ERG (European Research Group) members of the Conservative Party who believe the chaos

is manageable and indeed invigorating; and the DUP who will be pleased to see a hard border rapidly erected between the Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland because it signals further NI integration into the UK, despite the revival in nationalist-unionist violence its erection will herald. There are numerous vague proposals to debate this week in Parliament. These include: voting to revoke Article 50 and returning to the status quo of EU membership (unlikely); voting to ask the EU for a two year extension (unlikely to be granted since this would require the UK participating in the European elections as an anti-EU political system); voting to ask the EU to moderate the withdrawal treaty into a form of the EEA agreement (a similar deal to that of Norway), a Customs Union and Single Market membership without any influence on the rules regulating them (rendering the UK a rule taker not a rule maker); voting to request a new special UK status in its relationship with the EU which would keep the Northern Ireland border open or voting for a second referendum. We end where we began: Brexit in crisis.

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News

Congratulations to Miss Williamson, Head of The Martlet, on the birth of her son, Henry From The Martlet Team

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News EDUCATION

Is Oxbridge elitist

Jack and Jude investigate Brampton Manor and the wider question it poses regarding Oxbridge elitism and the state schooling system.

xford and Cambridge are often accused of being elitist universities, and the figures would appear to support this.A recent report by the Sutton Trust social mobility charity found that while 7% of children in the UK attend private schools, around 42% of Oxbridge places go to privately educated pupils. Between them, the universities recruit more students from eight top schools than nearly 3,000 English state schools. These top eight schools include two state sixth form colleges: Hills Road Sixth Form College and Peter Symonds College who routinely receive between 48 and 60 Oxbridge offers a year. However, compared with the private schools on the list – Westminster, Eton, St Paul’s, King’s College School and MCS – their sixth forms are much larger. Peter Symonds College, for instance, has 4,000 pupils in its sixth form while Hills Road has around 2,400. Westminster has a total of 740 pupils and MCS has 930. There are a handful of other state schools that buck the trend, notably Brighton, Hove and Sussex Sixth Form College (BHAVSIC), which received 57 Oxbridge offers last year, and most recently Brampton Manor. The latter made headlines in January this year, when 41 of its students, equating to 14% of Year 13, received Oxbridge offers. What makes the result so extraordinary is that the state school, which only opened its sixth form in 2012, is in Newham, one of the most deprived boroughs of London. Half of the successful pupils receive free meals and two thirds will be the first in their families to go to university. Nearly all of them are from ethnic minority backgrounds. Brampton Manor’s success has left many wondering: what is their magic formula? For starters, it is highly selective and highly sought after, with 2,000-3,000 applicants for 300 places in the lower sixth. All candidates are interviewed before being offered a place and some travel as much as two hours each way to attend. The school buys each student their own textbooks to encourage independent study and any extra money it receives by way of a pupil premium – the extra government money given to help boost achievement in disadvantaged communities – goes on funding a study centre that is open and staffed from 6am to 7.30pm. There is also an in-house team of five Oxbridge graduates solely dedicated to university access, according to Sam Dobin, the director of the sixth form. “We have a very traditional approach with no gim-

micks or shortcuts,” says Dobin. “The key is to keep telling the students that they’re capable, that they’re good enough.” Good guidance and instilling self-belief do indeed appear to be critical factors. At top private schools such as Eton and Westminster, there is an expectation that pupils will apply to Oxbridge and have a good chance of getting in. Westminster offers its students bespoke mentoring and St Paul’s School assigns each pupil a university advisor to guide them through the application process, a move that helped more than 25% of their students gain Oxbridge places in 2016. It isn’t just about grades. According to the Sutton Trust, the top 30 selective state schools achieve comparable results to the top 30 private schools but they get an average of 74% of students into the top 30 higher educational establishments while private school pupils, with only marginally better results, manage 87%. The principal of BHAVSIC, William Baldwin, partly ascribes the college’s success to dedicating resources to employing a full-time coordinator of Oxbridge applications. While admitting that Oxford must work harder to attract a more representative selection of students, the university already spends £7m on outreach schemes. But schools, it seems, must play their part too. Clearly, not every child is bright enough to get a place at Oxford or Cambridge, but those that stand a chance should at least have all the support and encouragement they need to apply. Britain can boast four of the world’s

top ten universities, yet it ranks 15th in global education rankings. Something is broken at secondary school level, and it should be fixed if children are to have the best possible chance of success. With the aforementioned colleges attaining a similar number of Oxbridge places compared to top private schools such as Magdalen College and Westminster it seems unfair to pass blame onto either ability, or preju-

stitutions that get significant numbers of students into Oxbridge. This gives further weight to criticism of the UK state education system, and renders negative commentary on Oxbridge admissions ill-born. The real issue lies with the schooling system which has not only let down many pupils, but has moved towards widening the socio-economic gap in the UK. With schools such as Brampton Manor proving

Brampton Manor’s success has left many wondering what is their magic formula? dice. Clearly the UK must aim to improve its state education system nationwide, while also seeking equality of opportunity in higher education. The fact that universities are having to justify the increased increased number of state school pupils appears to point to a critical weakness in the UK state education system. It seems that highly selective academies, sixth form colleges, and grammar schools are the only state funded in-

that ethnic minority students are more than capable of attaining Oxbridge places, such issues are exposed. Are selective sixth form colleges the only way state educated students can reach Oxbridge ? Are top universities doing enough to promote diversity ? What can the state education system do to change this? It seems that rather than blaming individual institutions for such issues, people must take a step back and look at mending fundamen-

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News

The Great Divide of America POLITICS

Lachlan Jones questions the causes and history of Trump’s wall.

alls have always defined nations. The symbolic and physical division of areas and ethnicities is no recent phenomenon, and they symbolise both the prowess and strength, but also the concerns and fears of a country. The latest iteration as devised by the US President’s campaign is in many ways the product of decades of division and ethnic distribution across borders in the Americas. A major cornerstone of the 2015 Presidential Campaign was that Trump would build ‘a great wall’. While details of ‘the wall’ were - and still are - difficult to determine, there is no doubt that this concept resonated well with the American people, particularly with the Republican heavy southern states. Migration and drugs are consistently referenced as the reasoning, [although many view this as part of the policies of isolationism that have swept across 21st century America.] The shutdown of federal government in December 2017, the longest in US political history, highlighted clearly the divide between Republicans and Democrats over funding for ‘the wall’, with Trump demanding $5.7 billion for its construction, even though this figure is greatly disputed amongst analysts and leading Democrats, with estimates reaching up to $40 billion. Needless to say, campaign promises of presenting the cost to the Mexican government were swiftly rejected following Trump taking office. The symbolic image of the wall, however, is what swung many American voters, not the uncertainties of the price tag, and that concept of separation is fundamental in the understanding of this concept. A long standing example of the social

Border in the Mexican town of Tijuana.

and political division caused by walls is the Great Wall of China, a 2,000 year old and still colossal divide of the prosperous, rice growing lands of Southern China, from the wild northern Great Steppes of Mongolia. This was also a symbolic ethnic divide; it emphasised the division between the Han dominated China and the various minorities that constituted the Mongol Empire, or ‘barbarians’ to the ruling government of the Ming Dynasty. Although the effectiveness of this border was disputed, due to continual raids on Chinese territory from the north, it undoubtedly helped draw a divide that is still relevant today. Not only did it limit Mongol expansion to the south, but prevented Chinese ethnic and military expansion north by designating Mongolia as ‘barbarian’ territory’. In the modern day, these positions have been reversed, with mass Han migration to Mongolia and an increased interest by Chinese corporations in the multitude of natural resources that lie within this once disregarded territory. However, the sym-

A symbolic ethnic divide

bolic wall remains, and continues to be a reminder of ‘them and us’, even if the Chinese

government would rather that relations with Mongolia are as ‘close and cooperative’ as possible. Walls create division, and division cannot be easily overturned. [The Great Wall of China serves as a historical experiment that the US should take heed of in regard to Central and Southern American nations and their citizens.] Immigration and drugs supply are frequently cited as the President’s reasons for a wall, but what is less well understood is the fact that much of the US-Mexico border is already a ‘hard border. In the 1960s the Department for Homeland Security (Formally the Immigration and Naturalization Service) secured ‘southern boundaries’, particularly in Texas and Arizona. Under the Obama administration alone over 500 miles of wall were constructed, as well as double and triple layering restricted access zones in some designated areas. In 2017, there were an estimated 500,000 illegal entries to the US, which is considerably down on the 900,000 estimate in 2006, before several key wall building campaigns were initiated. However, this drop may simply be due to the fact that less migrants are even reaching the US-Mexico border; fortification of Mexico’s southern border with military bases and fences, constructed with American funding, will have helped to stem the flow of Central and Southern American migrants travelling north. Most illegal migration, however, is through the crossings of border towns. The violence of cartels in towns such as Ciudad Juarez is proof of the importance of these popular crossing points to gangs, where officials can be bribed, which is more cost efficient and poses lower risk than tunnelling

under reinforced concrete and barbed wire. These methods are vital to the trafficking of drugs across the border, and drug seizures and smuggler apprehensions show no sign of dropping, with drug related deaths in the US at unprecedented levels. Therefore the drop in migration as experienced over the last decade cannot be solely attributed to the construction of walls, but these factors are, nevertheless, arguably linked. Despite the ever present issues of illegal migration and drugs trafficking, the changing ethnic landscape of the US may be to blame for the recent support for mass wall construction. The Hispanic community, the largest ethnic minority, is predicted by the CIA World Factbook to rise to 29% of the population by 2050, making whites in America, for the first time, the minority. For many Trump voters, 88% of whom are white, this changing ethnic makeup may have been the catalyst for decisive action, even if this action was initially only in manifestos, and is yet to have tangible consequences in regards to building or other policies. Just to compare, only 8% of Trump’s voters were from the Hispanic community. Having a president who seemed prepared to tackle the issue of race change with hardening of a border struck a chord with Trump’s voter base, going a long way to electing him President. Support for ‘the wall’ has multiple justifications, and although the famed construction has dubious existence in the near future, the divide of ‘them and us’ is a strong as ever and shows no signs of stopping. Perhaps an omen to the future, a former Secretary of Homeland Security said, ‘show me a 50ft wall and I’ll show you a 51ft ladder’.

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News POLITICS

Will the Sun King fade? Johan Nerlov questions what will hppen to Macron.

mmanuel Macron has never truly been an ordinary man. Born in Amiens in 1977 he attended some of the most prestigious schools in France, where he famously met his current wife and former Drama teacher, and has gained several reputable university degrees, most notably from l’Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA), probably one the most distinguished schools of governance and politics in Europe and university to many former Presidents of France and, indeed, other nations.] His political career, too, has seen him rise quickly through the ranks of power in France, making progress in a few years that many would dream of achieving in decades. At first, he worked for a few years at the Inspectorate General of Finances gaining a reputation as a sharp-minded and determined young civil servant. Following

& Cie Bank in Paris. He did, however, never lose hope of one day returning to politics. In 2007, for example, he failed to gain a seat as a member of the Socialist Party in the National Assembly, France’s lower chamber. In 2010, through a mutual friend, he managed to secure a role as the Deputy Chief of Staff to then Prime Minister Francois Fillon and, in 2012, he managed to become Deputy Secretary General of the Elysee under the new President at the time Francois Hollande. Seemingly impressed with his work and perhaps taking advantage of his rather impressive business acumen, Hollande gave him a post in his Cabinet in 2014 as Minister for the Economy, Industry and Digital Affairs. In this role, Macron would, most likely to his own annoyance, be restricted in the scope of the change he could embark upon - evidenced perhaps most clearly by

Though diminished, Macron’s determination to reform Europe clearly remains strong that, Macron, after buying himself out of his own government contract with 50,000 euros, went to work from 2006 until 2010 as an investment banker at the Rothschild

Emmanuel Macron, President of France.

his only major piece of legislation being the famous ‘Macron Law’ that aimed to make France a more ‘business friendly’ environment but that, with the best esti-

mates, would only increase France’s GDP by 0.5% over a ten year time scale. Frustrated by the restrictions placed upon him in a rather junior cabinet post and ever more at odds with the cumbersome leadership of Hollande and the Socialists Macron left his post in August 2016, having already resigned from the party and set his eyes on one seemingly unachievable prize: the Presidency. Before resigning from his ministerial post, in April of the same year Macron had already somewhat secretly created his own political party, En Marche. Cleverly, early on, Macron had noticed a very real and yet hardly touched upon gap in the French political landscape. On the right, there was the infamous Front Nationale (now Resemblement National) that was marred with anti-semitism and racism from the most senior of the Le Pen family. The once central Republicans, who styled themselves as the defenders of the Revolution were alienating their base by moving ever to the right and by failing to address the serious corruption charges of the former President Sarkozy. Then, on the left, the Socialists were proving themselves unpopular and, even worse, unable to lead. There, in the mess that was French politics at the time; in many ways reflecting our own political situation, Macron saw the opportunity of a young, fresh-faced, centrist party that, in his mind, would wipe the slate clean in French politics. Though almost everyone said he was a young, inexperienced ideal-

ist, through careful campaigning, an enviable bank of knowledge, a bold and daring vision, charisma and a bucket load of luck, he, within one year, secured the Presidency with over 66% of the vote in the second round, beating Marine Le Pen by a comfortable 33% margin. At the time of winning the Presidency, Macron was hailed as the future of the West, the man that had beaten the tide of populism and held back the hordes of racists and bigots many feared were beckoning at Europe’s gates. He represented the hope that many were secretly holding but had never dared to express. Even Donald Trump, perhaps the most famous of populists, invited him on a state visit to the States in April of last year and called him ‘a most dear friend’. At his speech on his agenda for European reform at the Sorbonne in June 2017, Macron presented a bold idea of a ‘sovereign Europe’ and a Europe who played its role as a ‘global power’, a Europe that was united in the face of challenges from east and west. And yet, now, much of that early hope seems to have faded, receded into the minds of scholars who say it was a ‘short burst’ of energy that ‘distracted’ people from the realities of the populist revolution. But why? Why did a man that had inspired so much hope suddenly find himself unable to achieve what he so boldly set out to do? Why did Macron find himself with protests at home and pushback abroad? Somewhat ironically, some of the blame must rest with what Macron saw as

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his most vital and powerful ally, Germany. In his speech at the Sorbonne, Macron had spoken of the necessity of the ‘Franco-German engine’ to push forward vital reforms needed to safeguard the European Union from populists at home and enable it to project its power abroad. What his rejuvenating determination received was could at best be described as a lukewarm response from Germany. Fearing pushback from an ever more wary German public, Merkel, still deeply scarred by the 2015 migrant crisis which fueled the rise of the AfD, and facing another election, could not expose herself by wholeheartedly supporting Macron. The result was that other European leaders, already sceptical of further integration,

faded and, as a result, it became harder for him to push through his very radical reform agenda for France. [Indeed, his reforms themselves have caused serious anger among the public, one used, after decades of socialist Presidents, to living in something resembling a welfare state.] The most obvious eruption of this anger came in December of 2018 when, following the introduction of a fuel tax (and other, more minor reforms) protests started that called for Macron to change track or, on the more extreme end of the spectrum, resign and make way for the ‘Sixth Republic’ (France in its current form being the Fifth French Republic). These, of course, were the Gilets Jeune - protests that, although they have fizzled out, are still on-

Macron has proved that he is far more resilient than many of this greatest adversaries

also refused to back Macron and his reforms and, within months, his plans laid almost in tatters, only a handful of projects had barely realised. After enjoying some strangely high popularity at home (at least for a French President), Macron began to sour in the public opinion of many of his compatriots. For many of the French, Macron’s ‘attitude’ was the main problem - he behaved too much like the ‘Sun King’ (a nickname for Louis XIV, perhaps the grandest and most ambitious of France’s kings). A perfect example of this is an occasion last year when Macron told a teenager in a crowd to call him ‘President, not Emanuel’. But, at least for me, this is less of Macron being an overconfident or brash President but rather trying to command the respect he thinks is due to the President of the Republic. However, most people would cite the ‘Banalla Affair’ as the main cause of their discontent. Alexandre Banalla, a security officer for the President assaulted and hurt a member of the public. Despite people raising concerns, it took months before he was fired from the office of the President. The case worsened in late 2018 when it was revealed that Banalla still had access to several diplomatic passports and was using them to travel freely despite the accusations. Though there is no direct evidence that Macron had any close connection to any of the wrongdoings, what matters in this affair was how Macron lost the shine that came with his victory a year earlier. The mirage of his victory had

going today. Vitally, these protests, that took a severe toll on the President, not only damaged his national reputation but, vitally for his projects of European reform, damaged his reputation and standing among European leaders, leaving his

plans dead in the water. Even Trump, who formerly seemed to adore the young French leader criticised him on the infamous and never-ending Twitter feed that is Donald Trump. However, though many believed that that would be the end of the story, Macron has proved that he is far more resilient than many of his greatest adversaries in France, in Europe or the World at large would like to admit. Despite the constant battering by almost anyone in French politics, Macron, in his own way, managed to turn things around. First, he published a long and detailed letter saying sorry to the French people for making them feel he was detached and unapproachable. From this, he launched ‘les Grands Debats’ - a several month long series of debates at different town halls throughout the country - [almost all of them attended by the President himself, where mayors from towns and citizens themselves could revise issues with the President personally and get a direct response.] In this, Macron showed not only his unparalleled understanding of even the most minute of issues but, perhaps more importantly, also showed his determination and devotion to change track and regain the confidence of his people - to regain their trust to carry on with his mission to bring France into the 21st century - head high. And it is here that we find ourselves today. Though still at record lows, Macron’s popularity is beginning to go on the uptick (as well as the general attitude towards his Prime Minister and Government) and his Party now finds itself leading the polls against the Resemblement National (the former Front National led by Marine Le Pen) in the polls for the vital European elections. In early March, Macron published

an open letter to all citizens in Europe (even the Brexit-paralysed UK) showing

Somewhat ironically, some of the blame must rest with what Macron saw as his most vital and powerful ally, Germany

his renewed but still ambitious vision for Europe that he, regardless of the difficulties, seems determined to push forward. Though diminished, Macron’s determination to reform Europe - the same determination from the early days of his young Presidency, clearly remain strong and, for some observers, seem to be having a revival of sorts. [Perhaps, in the end, Macron, the new ‘Sun King’ of France, though injured by the battles he has faced, seems to live up to the description of his former tutor at university - he only sees the long game, small petty fights are beneath him. We shall see, then, were he finds himself, or rather, we find ourselves, in the years to come.]

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News

Trump’s Biggest Test of Presidency So Far POLITICS

Samuel King looks at the rows of Democrats gearing up for the 2020 US presidential election.

ovember 3 2020 may seem a long way off but for potential Democrat Party presidential nominees this election date is approaching all too rapidly. Even closer is the date of the first primary (in this case a caucus) in the election season – February 3 2020 in the state of Iowa. A caucus means voters meet together in town halls across the state, gathering into groups – ‘caucuses’ – for each candidate. In some primaries voters cast ballots in the normal way. Iowa’s distinct voting style has not stopped it being the hugely influential first expression of voter preference in the nomination process. Barack Obama won in 2008. Donald Trump’s close second to Ted Cruz in 2016 was a harbinger. Each result was a surprise to the political parties but proved prescient of the final presidential outcome ten months later. The Campaign for 2020: Although the campaign to be presidential nominee in 2020 officially kicks off after Labour Day (2 September 2019), the Democrat field is already crowding up with hopefuls. These candidates come from a wide range of positions – Senators, Governors and Congressmembers – with a range of ideological beliefs from conservative (Sherrod Brown) to progressive (Elizabeth Brown), and span a range of gender (plenty of old white males) and minorities (African American and Latinos). The ‘lanes’ to winning the nomination: Analysts, journalists and campaign strategists increasingly write about the ‘lanes’ to winning the nomination. The

USA Presidential White house.

different lanes reflect the features of competing candidates defined by such criteria as ethnicity and race, class (middle or upper), ideology (progressive or conservative or moderate), experience in election winning and holding office, gender and the part of the country from which they originate (the Midwest versus the South for example). Many potential names have emerged already. Several are Senators (Kirsten Gillibrand, New York Senator, African American Corey Booker, New Jersey, African American Kamala Harris, California, Amy Klobuchar, Minnesota, Elizabeth Warren, Massachusetts, Bernie Sanders, Vermont, Chris Murphy Connecticut, and Sherrod Brown, Ohio). Others are current or former governors (Andrew Cuomo, New York, Jay Inslee, Virginia, John Hickenlooper, Colorado), or mayors (Latino Julian Castro, former mayor of San Antonio, Latino Eric Garcetti, mayor of Los Angeles, Michael Bloomberg, former mayor of New York City). There is also former Vice President Joe Biden (also a former Senator) and former Texan congressman Beto O’Rourke. Outliers include Michelle Obama or Ophrey Winfrey. The Georgian governor candidate ( just narrowly defeated in 2018), African American Stacy Abrams was selected as the Democrat Party respondent to Trump’s State of the Union address on 4 February 2019, giving her further national exposure. These candidates divide up into Progressives with radical reform programmes (Sanders, Warren, Gillibrand, Harris, and Booker), the state or city leaders (Bloomberg, Garcetti, Castro, Inslee, Hickenlooper), the Washington centred Democrats (Biden, O’Rourke, Klobuchar), and finally the famous or celebrities (Win-

frey, business leaders Howard Schultz of Starbucks and Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook). Amongst this crowded field, Mass Senator Elizabeth Warren has established herself as an intellectually strong progressive whose appeal stretches to women voters. But she lacks support amongst minorities including African Americans. An-

assistance to run effective campaigns. Donors have two primary criteria for choosing a winning candidate in 2020. They want a candidate with leadership experience (not including serving in the Senate but the Congress or as a governor or mayor) and a candidate who will bring back the Obama voters who defected to Trump in the Midwest key states in

Primary elections are dominated by money other female candidate, African American Senator Kamala Harris, from California, has enormous appeal amongst minority voters but this may decline as her record on supporting punitive law and order policies has come under scrutiny. But Harris from California and Warren from Massachusetts may be seen as too coastal and lacking appeal in the Midwest. From the Midwest, old fashioned moderate white males such as Sherrod Brown may have greater appeal. What donors want in a presidential nominee: American presidential primary elections are dominated by money, and soak up funds at an exceptional rate because of the costs of advertising and mobilizing voters. Therefore, large donors of campaign funds to the Democrat Party are influential in shaping who gets the financial

2016. Leadership is important because the Trump presidency is perceived as demonstrating huge, executive, failings in organizing and directing the presidential office. The Midwest matter because the key states of Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin and Indiana will be pivotal to determining the election outcome on November 3 2020. Southern and South West based candidates have appeal to giving potential to the charismatic Beto O’Rourke from Texas and the ex-Colorado governor John Hickenlooper, both key states in the process. As the 2020 campaign unfolds, Democrat voters and campaigners will increasingly think about who will beat the Republican candidate, likely to be President Trump. Do Democrat voters think a woman will be the best sort of candidate? Should it be a minority candidate? Or does Trump need to be matched with a Biden type opponent?

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News

A true European Election POLITICS

Johan Nerlov questions: will Europe survive?

he first European Parliament elections took place in 1979 and, for the most part of the ensuing 40 years, there has been little fanfare surrounding what has usually been seen as little more than a popularity contest for differing European leaders. In many ways, calling these elections ‘European’ is inaccurate. For the most part, the ‘European elections’ are made up of dozens of small and insignificant contests that, as said above, allow incumbent European leaders to battle it out with their opponents and win, for a brief moment in May (usually when the elections take place), the attention of an otherwise uninterested electorate. Perhaps nothing illustrates the point I have made above better than the very results of these elections. Despite the whirlwind changes that have taken place on the continent since the inception of the European Parliament, two parties have remained the dominant political forces in it every single year with no signs of this changing. Though perhaps this might not seem too abnormal for a British audience, in Europe such little change is not only uncommon but, in many ways, unnatural. The centre-right EPP (European People’s Party) and social-democratic S&D (Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats) have had an untouchable monopoly on the Parliament and, consequently, the European Union’s (as it later evolved) most vital organs - namely the Commission. As a result of this, these two political forces have grown tired and complacent, never truly having to fight for dominance that, at the end of the day, was assured. [As often happens with political complacency, the consequences of this have been brewing for decades yet the worst are only now becoming evident.] [As ex-

groundbreaking policies and never have they had to truly submit to the will of the European people. As a result, the progress made during the legislatures over the years has been at best slow and at worst purely stagnant. But, worst of all, much of the progress that has been made has been detached from the wishes and worries of the citizens this Parliament is meant to serve and, ultimately, it is this that has led

Europe truly takes on a more lively and democratic mantle to the backlash the European institutions are facing, from Brexit to the rise of populist forces and, to some extent, popular uprisings such as the Gilets Jeunes. It is ironic in many ways that it is their own lack of vision that has left many of these parties - and the institutions they control - reeling from the anger of voters across the continent. The problem also extends to the political groupings themselves. Time after time, whenever a younger generation has tried to make inroads into the political agenda of either ‘party’ they have been suppressed by an old guard too wary and, let’s be honest, too nostalgic to truly envisage a different future or a bolder vi-

The consequences of this have been brewing for decades pected, this sheer lack of competition has not forced these two both relatively pro-European coalitions of smaller national parties to ever truly seek to win the hearts and minds of the European public.]Never have they had to propose

sion for Europe. To this day this sad truth kills any chance of true progress and fresh ideas which are vital for a continent that has fared badly in the last decade and a half. One example comes from when the EPP had to choose their new lead candi-

Matteo Salvini, current Deputy Prime Minister of Italy and Interior Minister. date for the coming elections in May 2019 to replace current Commission President Jean Claude-Junker in the senior leadership. Backed by leading conservative governments in Europe, party members went for the safe, obvious and dull choice of Manfred Weber, a man with little political experience and a man that, his lack of vision or ideas aside, was only truly chosen because he can be trusted with maintaining what some EPP officials called ‘the peace’ in Parliament. Who was the other option you might ask? Alexander Stubb, a young, former Finnish Prime Minister who presented a true and exciting vision for Europe, but, ultimately, a candidacy that was far too divisive - not for the electorate - but for some leaders unwilling to face change. However, as happens in politics, the winds of change, eventually, catch up, forcing political actors to weather them as best they can. By turning back to the populist forces I talked of before we can begin to see how their ever-growing presence in European politics has made, and will continue to make a difference. Expected to win over a third of all the seats in the upcoming elections, these mostly euro-

sceptic and sovereignist forces present a very real and worrying threat to the established hegemony of the EPP, the S&D and other smaller parties, such as ALDE or the even the Conservative Block. While those who care about the once secure and universal ideals upon which the European project was based and built upon should be worried these forces can and should-be the catalyst needed to shake up the traditional political landscape. As we are already seeing with political alliances of progressives and populists alike, notably Macron’s ‘En Marche’ forming an alliance with ALDE or new parties such as DiEM25 or Volt, leaders are being forced to fight for their ideals and provide a true alternative, one that people can believe in and take comfort in, something people like Nicola Zingaretti are trying to do in Italy in an effort to reel back power from Salvini’s Lega or the 5 Star Movement. So, with a bit of luck and a lot of hard work there can be hope that politics in Europe may truly take on a more lively and democratic mantle, and allowing for politics to, finally, become more than simple national contests, but a true and open discussion on the future of the continent.

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Features INTERVIEW

What the Abingdon School’s community looks like in 2019 Samuel King interviews Mr Southwell-Sander to take a look at the hugely successful partnership programme here at Abingdon.

wanted to raise the profile of partnerships because it is a great publication and it is important to celebrate what we are doing in school and get people to know and understand some of the partnership opportunities. SK: You oversee the process - what is the biggest surprise you’ve had during that time, positive or negative? RSS: I have been involved in partnership for about three years while I was a housemaster and then in my new role which began this year, which is a strate-

languages’, ‘great pottery throw down’, ‘business challenge’, ‘Olympics’. All of those programs integrate 3 to 400 students and involve some of our own sixth formers. [With our science partnership being a national leader.][ Its evolution over the years has been really impressive. It gives access to facilities to the community which is great, and also exposing our six formers to teaching and supporting other students.] The challenges that remain are that schools are busy places and trying to eke out time to meet with colleagues from other schools to plan effective partnership programs takes up a lot of time. Balancing teaching commitments with plan-

The challenges that remain are that schools are busy places gic overview of all our partnership programmes. The most positive surprise has been the amount we do already. We have very extensive primary school partnership programmes, for example: ‘fun with

Partnership lessons in action.

ning time is a constant challenge. Despite this, if one perseveres the results can be fantastic! Last time we had some English and Maths mentoring, with six formers from Abingdon, Fitzharris and Larkmead

planning a set of four Maths and English lessons to deliver to year eight and year nine students from all three schools. The feedback has been really really positive. We had six formers teaching great lessons - securing and developing their own knowledge of their subject area. They also showed leadership, collaboration, creativity while also challenging themselves with the daunting task standing up in front of a class of 14 year olds. What do you think is the biggest problem facing state schools? Is it purely financial or just the day to day life of the school? Well it is tough because I don’t work in a state school, but from what I can see from being a governor of a primary school over the last nine years state schools have had their budget squeezed. That has had a massive impact what they can offer, particularly putting pressure on teachers, and forcing cuts to enrichment programs that go on outside the classroom. As someone with children in state schools, I would say the teachers and the teaching is similar to what is offered here. However, it’s what is offered outside the classroom that is limited because teachers have to put all their time and effort in ensuring that academic progress is good. Offering

music, performing arts or CCF and sports, comes at a cost. All these programs place a lot of pressure on teachers, and, as a result, more and more teachers are deciding to leave the profession - squeezing the system further. We are in quite a unique position in Abingdon. Geography is on our side. We can easily get to other schools close by very quickly. This provides a unique opportunity to provide a town wide partnership of schools where we can be better together than we would be on our own. Do you feel that that the state and private school dynamic is present within the partnership? I think from a student point of view it matters very little. When you get students together with a common goal they all work collaboratively. As there are far more things that unite 14 and 15 year olds than divide them. There are huge benefits from working with people that you don’t normally work with. This represents what you are going to have to do in the real world: developing interpersonal skills, being creative and working in groups. Having a program where people have to work with others that they don’t normally work with, means that one develops many different skills. So, I don’t

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think there is a particular prejudice out there. This dynamic is sometimes slightly more noticeable with staff. Often staff have worked in either a state or private school for a length of time and so are more aware of the dynamic. But fundamentally every member of staff I have met in any type of school wants the best for the student that is in front of them. In reality it is about relationship building, and about realising that whilst we might come from schools with different financial makeups, we are all about doing the best for the students of our own institutions, and institutions town wide. That is where a town wide partnership could have a real impact on students. [In terms of the skills that they develop, in terms of the opportunities for leadership, collaboration, creativity but also for staff to develop professionally and to look beyond the walls of their own school.] Is there a way you can measure the impact you are having with the programs? That is a very good point. It is difficult to get quantitative measurements of impact because to get a clear, scientifically tested assessment is a challenge. We could measure in terms of numbers: the number of students involved in the programme, for example, has significantly increased this year. More staff are getting involved too, especially from other schools. We are starting to work more with Fitzharrys, Larkmead and John Mason. A sign of our increasing outreach is our new science mentoring partnership which will now involve a fourth school too. We are also looking to develop new partnership activities such as hockey and rugby coaching. As we begin to do more we can involve a greater number of people, allowing us to have a greater positive impact. We are only now, though, beginning to understand how to measure these effects. We can also try to measure the effect we are having on students. We’ve had about 60 students involved in the Maths

Students deliver lessons of their own.

and English mentoring. In the survey, we found that everyone involved found it useful, while 85% said they would recommend it to someone else. So, we are measuring it, even though it is hard to do a longitudinal study. Whether students involved in partnerships get better academic grades, is a very difficult question to explore. However, from a qualitative point of view, all the skills learnt, for example leadership, are massively beneficial. What struck you about that process the most? Firstly how good they are. It is a scary prospect. Even though I have been a teacher for a long time standing up in front of a class, being the fountain of all knowledge is a daunting experience. [Despite this, and and as soon as we got a group of six formers together and gave them an idea, they truly shine.] Technology is on their side, they created a group chat and shared resources, they worked effectively and divided up the workload. Some of them were more comfortable than others in delivering the lessons but they all learnt and got a lot better. Personally, the best thing that could come from this process of mentoring is exposing yourself to teaching and building up a really secure knowledge of your own subject area. Understanding something is one thing, but knowing a

topic well enough to deliver it and teach it to others is completely different - and much harder. What’s more, we have a really high calibre of students at Abingdon and there are such great students across town. The more we can work with them the more we can learn from each other it’s very much about creating an outward looking school where we can be proud of what we do well but we learn lessons from other colleagues. If we can break down any sort of metaphorical barriers between different schools it can only be a

Even though I have been a teacher for a long time standing up in front of a class, being the fountain of all knowledge is a daunting experience.

good thing. What the state sector has done over the last five, six or seven years via OFSTED is improve - and we can learn a lot from that. However, what is on offer at Abingdon is fairly unique. There are many musical and sports opportunities, we even have a film unit. Indeed, something I haven’t really touched on the expansion of the performing arts partnership. Mr Taylor, through his film unit, is teaching 10 students at the moment. Learning the process of filmmaking is a great opportunity for many across town. It would be great to develop our music links, especially getting out to the primary schools. We are only scratching the surface at the moment. The science partnership is front and centre and it was recognised at the recent TES awards for being an outstanding partnership program. Ultimately, partnerships are about allowing our students to realise that there are so many opportunities in working with people in other schools, and in getting to know both primary and secondary schools in town better. It’s also about allowing students to test themselves and learn how to work collaboratively with other people.

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Features

Geopolitics Book Reviews READING

Rory Bishop and Johan Nerlov discuss two contrasting books on geopolitics.

The New Silk Roads by Rory Bishop Rarely, do I find myself as disappointed in a book as I was whilst reading Peter Frankopan’s latest sequel The New Silk Roads. Having loved its predecessor, titled merely The Silk Roads, released in 2015, I was greatly excited by the prospect of a second book being released and was surprised to have heard so little about it until the week prior to its launch. Whilst the original served as a world history framed from a Middle Eastern perspective, this second book promised to consider ‘the present and future of the world’ from a similar point of view. It initially seems like a rather bold proclamation, albeit it a valid and logical continuation from the ending of The Silk Roads. Although, as aforementioned, I found this book underwhelming, one should still give it credit, where it is due. Frankopan retains an engaging style with snappy comparisons which are consistently unique but also, simultaneously, quite apt. He writes in a more concise style here which is to this book’s benefit, as one of my few complaints about his first book is the inconsistent length of focus on certain topics compared to others. Furthermore, this book seems more accessible and less dense for those who were disinterested in the potential tangents of its predecessor. Sadly, this is where the compliments stop. The main problem that seems to trouble this book is a lack of a clear objective. Whilst The Silk Roads was blunt in defining the importance of the Middle East throughout history, The New Silk Roads seems merely a collection of tangentially related anecdotes about current affairs. It lacks depth, taking multiple shallow dives into much larger topics that it dares not delve into comprehensively. For those of you interested in politics it will seem rather lax on details as it leaps from one story to another, whether it be Trump or Brexit. If I

had sought to learn about politics, it would have been preferable to actually read a book about politics as opposed to some vague political rambling masked with a faint semblance of what could be called history. This follows through to the next issue. It may be detrimental that the political focus is underdeveloped, but the greater tragedy is the loss of history. Anyone who had read the first novel due to a fascination in history, such as I, will feel let down by this novel as well. It seems to be trying to walk a balance between a history book and a politics book, but in the process loses both audiences. My sadness was exacerbated when I returned to the original a few weeks later as a point of reference and found myself delightfully more engaged reading a mere two pages compared to the whole 200 of the successor. As one of my favourite history books, I could not recommend the original enough as it is a marvel of writing talent, however, one should tread with caution when approaching The New Silk Roads unless they want to be left considerably underwhelmed.

Empty Planet - The Shock of Population Decline by Johan Nerlov As someone that is fascinated by geopolitics and current affairs, I usually find myself reading book after book regarding the rise of one ideology and the fall of another or, a more recent trend, the never-ending discussions about the new rivalry between the United States and China. While this is all well and good I found many such books, Peter Frankopan’s New Silk Roads included, lacking in one major thing: people. As much as economic growth rate or political crises matter and, they certainly do, I wanted to read something that took a different angle towards geopolitics. After an embarrassingly long Amazon spree, I came across a book that perhaps, on the face of it, is more likely

The Silk Roads act as a perspective from which Frankopan frames his global history.

to appeal to freak environmentalists yet it tells us as much, if not more, about the future of our world than almost anything. Empty Planet - The Shock of Population Decline, written by two Canadian journalists, John Ibbitson and Darrell Bricker, is very much a book that flies in the face of conventional wisdom about demography and the future of population growth. The UN is often spewing out predictions and none are more well known than the prediction that humanity will reach over 11 billion in 2100, with all the good and bad that brings. Instead, Ibbitson and Bricker provide a well researched and refreshing outlook on humanity’s future direction. With urbanization in developing countries reaching rates never before seen and women, finally, empowered by education and a sense of freedom few have experienced before, begin realizing their potential outside of the home, birth rates, as has been shown time and time again, drop and drop and drop to, eventually, below replacement fertility. Indeed, with well accounted for references and strong and clear logic throughout the book, the two authors of Empty Planet don’t simply put forward a rosy idea but rather a strongly held view that, as they say, has for far too long been only held within the academic community. Empty Planet takes us on a journey throughout the developed and emerging world, from Europe to China, Africa to Latin America, where Ibbitson and Bricker describe to us the situations occurring or on the cusp of happening, in these parts of the world, be it ageing on a scale never before seen in China or a fast drop in birth rates in Africa and Latin America. To their credit, the authors don’t simply stop there. In each section, they both carefully describe what effects factors such as low fertility will have, and the picture is both rosy and slightly depressing, depending on where you look and how you take it. In the developed world and China, already very low fertility will lead to massive growth in those over 65+

which will force us to re-imagine our society and come up with new solutions to old problems. In Africa particularly, the picture is much more hopeful. Tearing through the ‘conventional’ wisdom that Africa, due to its high birth rate is ‘destined’ to remain poor, Ibbitson and Bricker show us a young, prosperous and modern Africa, using the case study of Nairobi in Kenya, where young aspiring women achieve their life goals with a birth rate just above or below replacement. With this, Africa will soon be able to reap the benefits of its demographic dividend and forge ahead, leaving behind a recent past that did not do it justice. If there must be any criticism of this book, it certainly won’t relate to its writing style, which is both engaging and simple, allowing any non-expert, such as myself, to easily understand and formulate their own ideas. However, the authors, in presenting their solutions to greying populations, perhaps do focus a bit too much on migration and its capability to keep productivity and society going. Although Canada, where both authors originate, might be spared its ‘decline’, as contended by the authors, due to its open and welcoming approach to migrants, as the authors themselves admit, this is, as we can see in the political climate, a solution that Europe or much of the rest of the West seems ready to accept. Furthermore, Ibbitson and Bricker take little consideration of Populism and the changing politics in the world and efforts to raise fertility in the West and what effects this might have, simply discarding the idea early on. Nevertheless, this book is as engaging and well written as it is vital in understanding the likely future direction of the planet. It is not an answer to all problems but, as Ibbitson and Bricker say, a conversation starter. Perhaps the most useful quote from Empty Planet that sums up the coming decline in populations is ‘population decline is not a bad thing, it’s not a good thing, it’s a big thing’ - and something we might have to get used to.

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Features

Will Korea unite? Reviewing Cold War reunification POLITICS

German Baraev contrasts the reunification of Germany with the hopeful reunification of Korea.

ven after 30 years since the end of the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, fusing two different political ideologies beneath the banner of Helmut Kohl and his West German government, the revenant remains of a 20th-century conflict linger in the Korean peninsula. With the promises of reunification in the air, will 2019 be the conclusion of the division along the 38th parallel? Both sides of the divide vow to restore the Korean peninsula into a singular country. Seoul is bombarded daily by petitions for reunification while Kim Jong Un’s agreement for nuclear disarmament and long term peace with the US promises a closer bond between the two Koreas. The most recent example of reunification is Germany’s triumphant success in the early 90’s. Beneath the sinking ship that was Gorbachev’s USSR, the East was allowed to rejoin with the Western Bloc to form the nation of Germany. This came about through the efforts of the then German Chancellor, Helmut Kohl, who was bullish on a united Germany. For such an ambitious endeavour to be achieved, major powers had to agree with Kohl and his vision. The Soviet Union was the greatest adversary to a united Germany; losing influence in Central Europe was a deathwish for some Soviet politicians. However, the wave of rebellion and uproar in the Eastern Bloc was only spurred by Gorbachev’s policies of glasnost and perestroika. Combined with the now famous phrase “tear down that wall” delivered by President Reagan in 1987 the Soviet Union was essentially pushed out of Germany and the wall fell in November 1991, marking the end of the Cold War period, with the collapse of the Soviet government soon to follow. The circumstances surrounding the unification of Germany and Korea aren’t too dissimilar: both divides were offspring from the brutal Cold War and both split families, friends and a united country along artificial and often imposed ideological differences. However, the major contrast in the Korean reunification as compared to that of Germany is the motivation. It is improbable that Korean Unification would lead to a Korean peninsula dominated by the Kim dynasty and Communist ideology. The already impoverished and economically disparate state of North Korea is a bleak reflection of the wealthy, affluent and

modern South Korea, that teems with economic growth and technological innovation. Suppose that Korean unification is easily achievable and that the choice to unify is presented to many regular working-class South Koreans, would they choose to reunite with a decade long enemy? To answer such question is to consider how South Korea came to be so wildly economically progressive and in turn, surpass the Communist North. The South Korean economy was built on regular citizens toiling away endlessly and with little rest, such is the culture in South Korea surrounding work. Children are expected to study up to 10 hours a day to pass the competitive CSAT - the South Korean A levels. Beyond education, work is endless and this contributes to the high suicide rate in South Korea 15 deaths by suicide per 100,000 deaths. Therefore, it isn’t unlikely that many in the South would reject the ‘burden’ of North Korea. The reunification, in the short term, would cause the South Korean economy to falter as an increase in the population of 25.5 million would inevitably cause many resources to be diverted from South Korean economic growth to getting the North up to par. This issue can also be seen in Germany, although the German reunification was successful and was a symbolic end to the communist-capitalist split in

The Arch of Reunification.

Europe, economic disparities between the West and East persist. Even though Willy Brandt, former chancellor of Germany, produced the now legendary sentence: “What belongs together, will grow together”, Germany is still divided economically along the east and west frontier. The net wealth of an average West German is about 153,000 euros, an East German’s average net wealth is not even half that. An East German having a net wealth of over 100,000 would put them in the top richest 10% in the East, while the same barrier in the West is 240,000 euros. This data suggests that the economy isn’t yet fully integrated and united as previously hoped for. The example of the blissful German reunification falters when considering the inequality that exists in the former East. The German reunification came during a political climate that was ripe for change and forward direction. While, without hindsight, we can’t know how 2019 will turn out, the global political agreement is that Korean reunification will not proceed so smoothly. Aside from the economic factors restricting the Korean reunification, the most major problem inhibiting a united Korean peninsula is the dictatorship that has formed in the North, ruled by the Kim Dynasty since the Cold War began. In 1989, Germany had no formal dynastic or hereditary system in which the next generation would rule after the for-

mer died. It was, in any case, still a brutal dictatorship, just not a medieval-style one. This separates the Hermit Kingdom of North Korea from Germany again, Korean reunification is largely reliant on Kim Jong Un being willing to abandon his seat of power. Democratically elected leaders must reside in a united Korea or the South would be unable to extend it’s affluent economy and culture. This is the most major stumbling block preventing the reunification. However, it would also require a formal declaration from the regional superpowers agreeing to its terms. German reunification was only made possible through Gorbachev, Britain and the US agreeing to allow Germany to reunite again. This would similarly need to be achieved in Korea; China, the regional superpower and the world’s second-largest economy would have to agree to abandon their North Korean buffer zone and long-standing ally and major trading partner. Russia would also have to agree to a change in the East Asian political climate. The world’s third-largest economy, Japan would seek to remove the threat of nuclear annihilation through the Korean reunification. Lastly, and most importantly, the Trump administration or the one that follows him, must, if necessary, force through negotiations, to unite a war-torn country and end the last remaining Cold War conflict.

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Features MEDIA

The Digital TV Boom - Is Old Programming Collapsing? Joshua Jackson asks whether it is time for the world to cut their cables and move to digital entertainment.

he first television broadcast was in 1928 in which the Baird Television Development Company broadcast the first transatlantic television signal. The TVs’ accessibility and simplicity made it a staple of a modern household. But, in recent years, our source of entertainment has begun to shift away from a big screen and a sofa, to an overheating MacBook in bed. Video sharing sites such as YouTube started this transition, with binge-able content made by, and for, a younger demographic than most traditional TV. However, since then, big media companies have begun to jump in on the digital media trend, shifting finance across a multitude of platforms in order to diversify their consumer base.

work they are doing on series that air on paid TV. An example of this is the $560k singer Kelly Clarkson makes, per-episode, on the MGM talent show known as The Voice. Actor Norman Reedus makes $1 million for every episode that he plays the role of Daryl Dixon in AMC’s The Walking Dead. These heavy sums are somewhat of a wakeup call to those who are sleeing traditional television as a dying media. The fact of the matter is that studios such as FX and AMC monopolise the high-budget programming that dominates awards such as the Emmys, with 60% of the nominations for best television drama going to traditional television providers.

The case for traditional TV

The first Netflix original to be released to their online platform was House of Cards with the first episode in early 2013. This show’s 5-year run was met with critical acclaim and won the Emmy Award for Best Directing in its first season. However, since then its seemingly unstoppable run was cut short by the revelations of the ‘Me Too’ movement that accused starring actor Kevin Spacey of several instances of severe sexual misconduct. However, the smash hit series has nevertheless put a fire underneath the boards of companies such as Time Warner and HBO that digital media can, and will, be taken seriously. Since that point, other streaming companies such as Hulu, Amazon Prime and even Apple have invaded the modern households’ evening entertainment. Massive subscriber bases have further helped aid the growth of these companies, this is evident in Amazon’s business tactics of an all-in-one premium service that gifts its customers streamable music and video as well as faster shipping and discounts on delivered goods. This clearly works due to the fact that over 22% of adults in the US use Amazon Prime video. These massive audiences provide the income that is required to create shows that compete with the media juggernauts that are HBO and AMC. This is yet again reflected in the wages they pay their performers. These paychecks have skyrocketed of late, demonstrated by the $1.1 million-per-episode wage that Jennifer Aniston and Reese Witherspoon are both making in an Apple dramedy that is currently in the works. Furthermore, actress Elizabeth Moss was paid $1 million per episode for Hulu’s The Handmaid’s Tale reboot that has, in that past year received, mass critical acclaim along with a multitude

However, many believe that the old wired approach to entertainment is going stronger than ever with an increase of almost 2.5% in the US cable subscriber base in the year 2012 and 94.6 million US households directly paying for their wired television. Furthermore, companies such as Comcast, Time Warner and Scripps, which all have major stakes in the US’ paid tv subscription industry, all have some of the most solid large-cap stocks in the market. This is, for the most part, due to increased revenues from the raising of their prices. In addition, cable channels are still putting out hits that rack up millions of live viewers whenever an episode is scheduled. The theory is that with well written, expensive dramas or star-studded comedies, fans will not be able to wait for an on-demand option to hit the market thus bringing back the urgency that pre-internet television had. One prime example of this is the record-breaking HBO hit series Game of Thrones, a medieval fantasy epic based upon the books written by author George RR Martin which broke the boundary of ‘nerdy’ fantasy shows into the cultural mainstream. As soon as a new series ends or begins or, seemingly everyone’s, favourite character dies, it’s the top Twitter moment within seconds. Even though the show is set to end soon, multiple spin-off series have already been written and planned, with many fans hoping to be able to keep the GOT ratings train moving. Lastly, the size of cable television is rather well exemplified by the wages that studios are paying their talent. Across a plethora of genres, actors, actresses, comedians and reality stars are all receiving hefty sums for the

The opposition

of awards. Breakout Stranger Things star Millie Bobby Brown has been handed a hefty $350k per episode salary by Netflix despite being only 14 years of age. These large paychecks clearly give the public an insight into just how much revenue is be-

Over 22% of adults in the US use Amazon prime video.

ing invested by these companies and just how fast this has all occurred considering this concept was barely recognised 6 years ago. Since then, massive companies such as Netflix have burst upon the scene, eventually overtaking cable in the US in 2017. It is evident that media is moving to digital. The numbers indicate it and so

does public opinion with the introduction of a digitally savvy generation forecast to kill the traditional TV service. The fact of the matter is that in a modern world, things that aren’t convenient get cut out and in time TVs won’t rely on a cable or antenna to watch shows. Streaming services’ customised selections and multi-platform viewing make it a more accessible medium along with internally produced cult-classics appealing to a wide variety of customers. However, it seems that big TV has seen this coming as demonstrated by the BBC’s establishment of streaming facilities back in 2007 with iPlayer. Since , then large companies have followed suit such as HBO launching HBO GO in 2010 and services like Sling which aim to bring cable programming to a digital medium. However, the shift into digital may take longer than expected, those of the older generation may not be informed or be interested in updating their entertainment. So where does it go from here? Traditionally paid TV is forecast to fall over time, however, the studios that once existed on this platform will almost definitely work over the next few years to transfer over to the digital space, with many already well underway with that task. Digital giants like Netflix and Amazon will be subject to further sustainable growth, and could possibly become the dominating recipient of Academy Awards. The gap in digital and traditional TV talent income has seemingly been bridged in the past few years and so has the subscriber numbers. All we can do from here is observe the shift.

‘The Walking Dead’ actor Norman Reedus is paid $1 million per episode.

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Features

Ikigai, Okinawa and The Secret to Longevity LIFESTYLE

Jake Morris and Tommy Harris ask: why do the people of Japan live so much longer than everyone else?

any Japanese people have a reason for living - a reason for getting up every morning and feeling energised. This is Ikigai. This simple concept is made up of what you love doing, what you are good at; what the world needs, and what you can be paid for. All of these add up to Ikigai, which is like your purpose for life. The term is made up of two Japanese characters, iki, meaning ‘life’ or ‘alive’ and kai, which means ‘the realisation of expectations and hopes’, or ‘a meaning for life’, however, there is no direct translation from Japanese into English. In a nutshell, Ikigai shows that life is not just about money and fame, but if you have a personal goal, you can truly experience life. As Victor Frankl says: ‘If you don’t know what your Ikigai is yet, your mission is to discover it.’ Ikigai is a motive to get up in the morning do more and do better. Finding your Ikigai is often a long, lengthy search of self which may take months or even years. Ikigai serves a purpose in enjoyment in your work, loving what you do, giving meaning to your existence, combined with healthy eating and a nice living environment. For many Ikigai is an important ingredient for healthy ageing. It is often suggested that Ikigai makes one live longer and that it is one of the sig-

tio of centenarians to non-centenarians, around 50 centenarians for every 100,000 people living there. When compared to the UK, which has 22 centenarians in every 100,000, you can see that Okinawa has a staggering amount of these truly extraordinary people. This number results in around 740 citizens on the island being over the age of 100. One thing those who have found their Ikigai have in common is that they don’t retire. The oldest man in history, Jiroemon Kimura, was from Japan. Kimura was born in 1897, and died in 2013, aged 116, a supercentenarian, someone who lives to over 110 years of age. He had seen the century turn twice! Kimura worked in the local postal offices from age 17, and continued to work there until age 65, after which he tended to his farm until he was 90 years old. This goes to show that keeping active is the key to a long life. He claimed that the key to a long and healthy life was small portions of food or hara hachi bu. His family also lived to a very old age - 4 of Kimura’s 5 siblings lived past the age of 90, while his youngest brother made it to 100. Kimura ended up having 15 great-great-grandchildren by the time he died. There are other reasons why the people of Okinawa live so long - their diet

generally eat low-fat and low-salt foods, and only consume around 30% of the sugar that an average Japanese person would.

It shows - with the Japanese having the longest life expectancy in the world.

They also eat much less rice, the traditional Japanese staple, and much more sweet potato, a special purple variant native to

Ikigai is the simple concept that is made up of what you love doing, what you are good at, what the world needs, and what you can be paid

nificant causes for the Japanese to have the longest life expectancy in the world, around 84 years of age. In Okinawa, one of the islands off the coast of mainland Japan, there is a life expectancy of around 87. A major contributing factor to this is that all of the Okinawan citizens have an Ikigai. Okinawa also has the highest ra-

for example. It is generally accepted that your diet determines around 30% of how long you live, and the Okinawans eat very healthily, meaning that they tend to live much longer, leading them to be one of Blue Zones’. The traditional diet of the islanders contains 30% green and yellow vegetables. The people of Okinawa also

The diagram for Ikigai.

the island - this accounts for around 70% of their calorie intake! Although the Okinawans eat considerably less eggs, grain, and dairy than mainland Japan. Pork and fish are highly valued in Okinawa, however they are both eaten very rarely. The Okinawan diet also consists of a large amount of fish - but this is less than half a serving a day. With regards to pork, due to it being highly valued, the quantity of pork consumption per person a year in Okinawa is larger than that of the Japanese national average. To give an idea of the numbers, the quantity of the pork consumed per person a year in Okinawa in 1979 was 7.9 kg, which which is about 50% more than that of the Japanese national average. Despite the high pork intake, this diet leads to a very large decrease in cardiovascular diseases - diseases that affect the heart or blood vessels. In Okinawa, they have a very low chance of breast and prostate cancer, which is typical of the Blue Zones. Ikigai, despite being a very simple concept, has a very strong message. The simplicity of what you love doing, ‘what you are good at’, what the world needs, and what you can be paid for is a very power-

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Features FILM

Historic Film Reviews Rory Bishop and Freddie Marshall review three contrasting history films.

he film industry has seen an increase in the number of historical films over the last few years and this has brought with it multiple different variations from dramatic recreations, to factual reflections on certain periods, as well as simply setting fictional stories during significant historical times. We have selected three films that we felt approached the genre of historical films in different ways and considered their varying merits.

relevancy concerning the greatly controversial and discussed topic of ‘fake news,’ and it remains so today as we continue to live in an era in which facts and figures are blown out of proportion purely for the benefit and interests of politicians. The film’s dynamic is certainly unusual with the main character (Lipstadt) never being brought into the courtroom as a witness, preventing her from speaking in the majority of the high tension courtroom scenes. However, the energy Rachel Weiss

mination, and morals that ultimately are crucial to the direction and outcome of the case. In particular, scenes in which Lipstadt and her team visit Auschwitz are incredibly poignantly executed and respectfully played, and it allows us more insight into Lipstadt as a person that we might fail to get throughout the film, despite her being the main emotional protagonist. However, although providing powerful links with current affairs, complex

Denial Deborah Lipstadt (Rachel Weisz), an American historian, accuses Holocaust denier David Irving (Timothy Spall) of falsifying history in her book Denying The Holocaust. Irving reacts by taking his case to the High Court of Justice, claiming her accusations, concerning her labelling of his actions as anti-semitic, would ruin his reputation. This subsequently causesDeborah Lipstadt to become engaged in and, burdened by, proving how the holocaust happened rather than being able to push Irving to prove it did not. Released on the 10 March 2017, Denial was perfectly timed for overwhelming

Deborah Lipstadt accused Holocaust denier David Irving of falsifying history

brings to her performance combined with Lipstadt’s quick intellect allows scenes outside of the courtroom to still have weight and establish her strength, deter-

moral ideas concerning comparison between physical evidence and eyewitness accounts, and facts along with a story so engaging it alone hold viewers interest, it has one shortcoming. is the lack of drama and character development at times. Providing an accurate recreation of the event certainly holds precedence over this in such a film, however in scenes except Auschwitz, we don’t see enough into the characters’ (particularly Lipstadt’s)

ing the holocaust, but also the various intricacies of the case of Irving vs Penguin & Lipstadt fairly. In all fairness, the film details the context with great respect and an adequate handling. Going into comprehensive detail over a four year case in less then two hours is a hard task to say the least and so selection of information is essential. It quickly highlights the build up to the case and its context in some quite powerful opening scenes before getting to the case at hand. It then centres on certain aspects of the case, such as the construction of the gassing chambers which could be used to epitomise the tone of the trial. It balances the legal aspects of the incident with the historical proponents, in such a manner that neither side outweighs another. The problem arises, as most do, in the dramatisation of the film. Lipstadt was an American historian playing a game on Irving’s home ground in England. They try to present a fish out of water storyline which considers the differences between American and English courts. In actuality this became of little note once the sessions started and Lipstadt made little issue with the fact, let alone to such the extent of the recurring theme that the film presents. Cold War Pawel Pawlikowski’s Cold War presents a compelling love story during the eponymous setting, and in doing so he has sculpted an elegant film of nuance and

The problem arises, as most do, in the dramatisation of the film

Rachel Weisz depicts Jewish historian Deborah Lipstadt.

mindset and personal situation. At times it doesn’t feel dissimilar to a very dramatic documentary, which in a way is due to the accuracy of the recreation, however, it feels like one without the interviews, without the personal insight into the characters. Historical accuracy is at the heart of Denial and thus it is pivotal to depict the film in a fair, albeit balanced, light. Unlike most historical films it was also in a more complicated predicament. Not only did it need to consider the accuracy surround-

substance. The relationship developed between actors Joanna Kulig and Tomasz Kot, who play Polish protagonists Zula and Wiktor respectively, is well crafted and stunningly shot, to say the least. Above all else, this film prides itself on cinematography. Its use of a monochromatic colour palette and a 4:3 aspect ratio is perhaps the most striking aspect of this foreign film. Despite not using colour, everything is shot with a sense of beauty and is made to stand out. One does not need bright reds to identify the prevalent

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soviet imagery, or greens to portray luscious fields, as Pawlikowski instead portrays these aspects in his shots, displaying prominence or discretion whichever is most applicable. The use of music is also a greatly memorable aspect of the film. Since Cold War is both a foreign language film and about dance, the focus on sound is integral to the final product. Small aspects, such as how the characters musical displays reflect their character arcs, is perhaps the most prime example of this. One watches as the two Polish leads begin with traditional Slavic dance and mountain tunes, only to abandon it in favour of music resembling more Western Jazz and Rock, before finally returning to their origins as they embrace their culture once more. This transition enables a greater sense of connection to and between the pairing, differentiating it from regular love stories. Pawlikowski does an interesting job in enabling one to empathise with the characters in spite of their sometimes questionable actions or past. Of the two leads, Kulig does have a tendency to outshine Kot and this is perhaps the most prominent shortcoming of the film. The only other aspect which felt lacking was the beginning. Whist important for setting the scene and greater context of the film, the first five to ten minutes may deter some as it is not especially indicative of

the film one is about to watch. Cold War has flown under the radar for many, being first released at the Cannes Film Festival in May and then in the UK the following August at selective cinemas. It is yet to have any international release, only having been shown in England, Poland and France, which is a real shame for a movie that deserves high praise. Hopefully, recent Oscar recognition may change this. It is definitely worth a watch regardless, and the fact it has a short run time of only 85 minutes means it does not drag on with excessive filler and can be enjoyed in a relatively brief sitting. Darkest Hour Director Joe Wright tackles one of the most frequented yet momentous moments in history, bringing us, arguably, Gary Oldman’s most compelling performance as one of Britain’s most iconic leaders. A man who, come May 1940, was receiving calls increasing in urgency for peace and compensation with Hitler, yet insists it’s vital that Britain fight on, giving birth to some of history’s most potent speeches. The film’s merits certainly outweigh that of the last film by Jonathan Teplitzky, Churchill starring Brian Cox, however, this seems mainly due to the greater budget, Oldman’s performance and the out-

Cold War director Pawel Pawlikowski. standing prosthetics and cinematography. Kazuhiro Tsuji’s incredibly intricate and realistic prosthetics completely blend into the film and within five minutes become unnoticeable. Cinematographer sBruno Delbonnel and Joe Wright designed a beautifully striking visual strategy to accentuate Oldman’s performance, highlighting Churchill’s move back and forth from darkness to light as he challenges his uncertainty with his own ability to run the country (after his previous humiliating military defeats). There are many exam-

main issue I have with the film is it is just slightly too safe and I felt what it tried to convey about Churchill had been done before. Wright fails to introduce or touch on anything we hadn’t scene in previous adaptations, only touching, briefly, on Churchill’s fragility and mental state towards the end. Oldman’s performance, granted, is successful in portraying frailty and indecision to an extent, yet the film fails to compliment this. With fictional moments devised to add to the drama, and a very inspirational and heroic feel, I felt that you

The film’s merits certainly outweigh that of the last film by Jonathan Teplitzky...

Gary Oldman was highly praised in his role as Churchill.

ples of this use of light and dark continuously throughout the film, possibly the most significant use of which is the contrast in lighting between the first scene, and the very last. In the first scene, Churchill is absent and his bowler hat lies in the dark on his chair. The lighting of this scene suggests sunlight casting diagonally across the commons shadowing his seat, however, in his final, arguably his most infamous speech, the light spotlights him, engulfing him. He can’t escape. The film certainly achieves what it set out to convey, and does so very theatrically and inventively. However, the

never fully understood the pure danger of the situation and that maybe on Churchill wasn’t fit for PM being, in actual fact, such a highly controversial character. It would have been nicer to see an even more psychological film with more focus Churchill’s imperfections (which I feel has not been done previously in a film). The film portrayed Halifax in a fairly negative light and if Wright had maybe used him more as a device to sway viewers back and forth from siding with Churchill the film would have been altogether more powerful and innovative.

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Features

Classic Book reviews READING

Ed Gill reviews two classic novels, Daisy Miller and Cannery Row.

Whores, Pimps, Saints and Angels Ed Gill discusses Steinbeck’s 1945 Cannery Row There’s something appealing and enticing in Steinbeck’s writing. Reading Cannery Row, I realised it’s the humanity of his characters and his complexity yet simplicity. It’s the juxtaposition in his writing between his unostentatious use of language and the profundity behind it. It’s unassuming and, in being so modest, draws the reader in, almost imperceptibly, until they’re lost in the 1930s of America. Cannery Row is a small street in Monterey, California lined with sardine canneries. The novel follows Mack and his boys as they plan to throw a party for the unanimously beloved Doc, a melancholy marine biologist. Along the way, we meet a host of quirky characters who bring colour to the dreary world of Depression-Era America. There’s Lee Chong, the sceptical shopkeeper selling everything from kimonos to fishing rods in the true spirit of a general store, Henri, the pretentiously eccentric painter who doesn’t paint, and Dora Flood who runs the local brothel. Their endearing camaraderie and blunders in trying to throw a party, to repay

Doc for his years of selfless favours, makes for a pleasantly wholesome tale (ignoring all the prostitution and alcoholism). It’s one of Steinbeck’s lightest reads and is laced with humour that’s endured the 70 years since its conception wonderfully, though perhaps unsurprisingly; food, alcohol and sex rarely go out of fashion in comedy. Each character’s mishaps remain

between the jokes and smiles. The 1930s in America were defined by desperation as the Great Depression shrouded the country and this underlines the story. The world of Cannery Row isn’t a particularly admirable one either; thieves, abusive alcoholics, and prostitutes make up the population. But even in the worst of men there is instilled the potential for compassion, generosity and

There’s something appealing and enticing in Steinbeck’s writing

when the Second World War gripped America. For this reason, Cannery Row is a nostalgic celebration of the human spirit and the unanticipated dignity that’s to be found in the reciprocal kindness, the loyalties, and the undeterred acceptance of the struggles of life which altogether make up this dispossessed community. As well as that, it’s a personal indulgence of Steinbeck’s as he revisits his home town of 10 years and a simpler time. In understated simplicity, Steinbeck portrays a lovable story of friendship, selflessness and redemption. The novel is a page-turner if I’ve ever read one and a thoroughly heart-warming and entertaining story. It’s a delightfully light novel and demands nothing more of you than your ability to read. I look forward to reading the sequel, Sweet Thursday.

Unconventional

world of convention relatable to this day and, as we watch them clumsily go about their lives, there’s something profoundly human in Steinbeck’s creations. But the story’s much more than just a comedy. Multiple suicides, poverty, loneliness, and a potential murder can all be found

hope. And, where there’s hope, the meagre dregs and leftover drinks from the patrons of a brothel become an exciting cocktail to be shared in the warmth of good company (read the book and you’ll understand what on earth I’m talking about). Steinbeck published the novel in 1945

Ed Gill reviews Henry James’ novella, Daisy Miller Before reading Daisy Miller, I’d just finished The Grapes of Wrath, which, though thoroughly enjoyable, was also the literary equivalent of watching paint dry. This was a fresh change of pace. The eighty eight-page novella is fun and light-hearted and is underlined with just enough social critique to be considered ‘edgy’. The story focuses on Americans in Europe - promising comic material - and follows a young man named Winterbourne who falls for a compatriot named Daisy. He finds her sprightly and flirtatious nature enticing. However, his aunt, Mrs Costello, deems Daisy “very common” and criticises her intimacy with the family courier as Daisy even went so far as to suggest that, God forbid, the courier dine with the family! What follows is the juxtaposition of Daisy’s rebellious disregard for social conventions with the horrified reactions of the stiff upper-class. In many ways, the titular character is a predecessor to the flapper (a woman in the early 20th century who defied social norms and restraints particularly prominent in The Great Gatsby) but Henry James makes it very clear that the world wasn’t ready for that kind of woman in 1879. Daisy Miller tells of a woman being socially ostracized because she is different and thus the message at the core of the story remains pertinent today. But, I didn’t enjoy this story because of some profound meaning beneath it all; I enjoyed it because it made me laugh and because the characters were so lifelike. Sometimes that’s all that’s necessary to make for a memorable and entertaining read.

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Features HISTORY

‘Kill All the Gentlemen’: The Historic Fight Against the Rich

Piers Mucklejohn examines the history of the anti-elite sentiment present in English society.

nglish society has changed continuously throughout the last 500 years with technological advancements defining agriculture, the industrial revolution reshaping the workforce and regular wars reshaping its culture. Yet, amidst all the turbulent changes to their way of life, one thing and one thing alone has remained unchanged within the lower classes of English society: an unfettered hatred of the elite. In recent times, such a sentiment has clearly not dwindled in its popularity. On the contrary, the rise of Jeremy Corbyn to Leader of the Opposition on progressive promises is a testament to the everpresent class tensions at play in British politics. Even the Conservatives, a party rife with corporate interests and one which has not been seen as ‘working class,’ have invoked such anti-elite ideas in order to push for a harder Brexit. Jacob Rees-Mogg, the Conservative MP for North East Somerset, has urged Theresa May to stand up to the ‘metropolitan establishment of fashionable society’. Perhaps Mogg, an Eton-educated, multi-millionaire, son of a life peer, who has consistently voted against raising welfare benefits, has had a sudden and

unexplainable change of heart? Unlikely. The reality is that he’s cashing in on an anti-elite sentiment for his own political gain. English anti-elitism, however, goes back much further than the recent political climate, further back than the labour movement in the 20th century and starts well before the industrial revolution. Indeed, anti-elitism is perhaps almost inherent in any society, or at least any society in which power is not equally distributed. The natural human desire for power, or even just to lead a comfortable life, seems to contradict the very basis of both capitalism and feudalism, in which only a few rise to the top whilst many others are forced to lead less-than-desirable lives. It wouldn’t be absurd to view capitalism not as an entirely different system from feudalism but rather just as an extension, alteration, or evolution of it. It sounds crazy and unfounded but upon further analysis it’s very clear - like it or not, the role of feudal landlord has transformed into that of the CEO, the role of a serf into that of an employee, and the powerful aristocracy still exists through the systemic elitism present in the country. It would, of course, be foolish to suggest that capitalism is no

The Peasants’ Revolt was one of the earliest major protests against the Crown on the grounds of labourers’ rights.

different - or no better - than feudalism, although their similarities explain why many of the complaints from the 14th century are the same as those in the 21st: more economic opportunity, more regulation on employers’ activities and others. One of the most notable, although certainly not the earliest, example of historic anti-elitism can be seen through the Peasants’ Revolt. The revolt was spurred by the Black Death of 1347-51, which led

religious freedom, and little extravagance. More remarks, ‘I don’t see how you can ever have justice or prosperity so long as there’s private property and everything’s judged in terms of money’. Although this was written over 250 years before the word ‘Communism’ even existed, being published before Victor D’Hupay coined the term in his book Projet de communauté philosophe in 1777, the Soviet Union has honoured More as a communist thinker

The Soviet Union has honoured More as a communist thinker alongside Marx and Engels. to an extreme demand for peasant labour and a much lower supply, and was exacerbated by subsequent anti-worker legislation - some of the first to be passed by the English government - which essentially forced the workers to not ask for higher pay and the lords not to offer it. One of its leaders, the Lollard priest John Ball, addressing the rebels at Blackheath, uttered the phrase, ‘when Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?’ which emphasises the idea of humans being born equal and invokes religion to suggest that God had not intended for such social inequalities to occur. Whilst it was ultimately unsuccessful, its ramifications were far-reaching. American historian Peter Linebaugh argues that we need a ‘Wat Tyler Day’ in his book Why the Middle Ages Matter. The revolt played a part in the American Revolution as well, probably inspiring the revolutionaries’ motto of all humans being created equally. In Thomas More’s Utopia, published in 1516, a similar, slightly more eloquent, anti-elite message is pushed. More, however, looks not so much at the manner in which things are run but rather at what he thinks the future will be like if things progress from their current point. By the beginning of the 16th century, it was clear that capitalism was the future economic model of England, although it was not yet fully implemented (and certainly not in the way we recognise it today). More’s hypothetical island is run much like a communist country, with no private property,

alongside Marx and Engels. Both the Western Rebellion and Kett’s Rebellion, in 1549, were inspired by a hatred of the wealthy landowners. Enclosure was a huge problem at the time, as public land was essentially stolen by the wealthy gentlemen for their own private operations and personal profit. In the former, its participants allegedly cried out, ‘Kill all the gentlemen!’ as they rioted and both required the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector at the time, to dispatch large quantities of men to quash. Robert Crowley, writing in his book The Waie to Wealth in 1550, describes the nobility and gentry of the time as, ‘Men vtterly voide of Goddes feare’ and, ‘men that would leave nothyng for others’ lamenting, ‘it pitieth me to se the myserable estate that thou [the poor] arte in!’. It is clear that many of their toils, namely the seizure of public lands and ability of the rich to abuse laws without fear of prosecution, are comparable to current complaints about the wealthy, namely the lack of efficient regulation and low wages. With such a long-lasting pattern clearly present throughout English history, the question we must ask is, will this end any time soon? The answer inevitably seems to be, ‘no’. Whilst there is power to be had, there will be greed, whilst there are people in power, there will be abuse of the poor, and whilst there is abuse of the poor, there will be hatred for the elite.

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Features

State Sponsored Abuse JUSTICE

Alexander Thulin investigates the need for prison reform.

he legal system of a country is one of the most vital institutions to maintain order. Without a system of appropriate punishment for crime, we risk lawlessness and anarchy. The key term here, however, is ‘appropriate’. Even today, while progress has of course been made, the prison system has repeatedly failed to act upon this most fundamental principle of justice. Throughout history, we have seen the continuous misallocation of sentencing and repeated implementation of loopholes and double standards which pervert justice and discriminate between the rich and poor. Ultimately, the discussion of prison reform is intrinsically linked with what you believe the main purpose of the prison system is. This debate has been going on for years and the argument can generally be refined to the belief in retribution, incapacitation, deterrent, or rehabilitation. Through the course of this article, I aim to show that the prison systems in America and the UK have failed in almost all of these areas, something I hope will illustrate the necessity of further reform. The theory of incapacitation argues that the purpose of prison is to ensure that threats to society are unable to harm others, trapping them in prison so that the public can be safe. I believe that this the-

ory falls down if ever detached from the other principles. What is the point of isolating someone if they are just going to be released after an arbitrary length of time with no provisions for rejoining society? Even on its own, it is difficult to justify the rates of incarceration especially when you analyse demographics. According to the Federal Bureau of Prisons, the U.S agency responsible for the prison system, in November 2018 (the latest available date

problems with the U.S prison system is a complete inconsistency, for example, in Kentucky possession of drugs has a mandatory sentencing guideline of two to ten years with a fine of up to $20,000 while in California the same offence would recieve a fine between $30 to $500 and only 15 - 100 days in prison. If the same offence carries different sentencing, depending on where it is committed, it is difficult to justify equal protection of the public. In

these offences that are being punished. Where the prison system could be said to be succeeding is as a deterrent. The poor conditions in prisons, which reformers are aiming to change, can almost be seen as a good thing if you consider the main purpose of prisons to be to deter people from committing crime in the first place. However, it is clear that this isn’t working with the estimated crime rate in 2018 in the U.S at just under 4,000

The ACLU report found that the toilets were overflowing with raw sewage

at the time of writing) 48% of the prison population are incarcerated on drug offences. Can we really justify these levels of imprisonment by claiming we are somehow protecting the general public by imprisoning people for several years on the simple charge of possession? One of the

the same way, the theory of retribution is difficult to justify when we analyse these statistics. Possession of drugs is doing little to actively harm the general public yet the U.S have mandatory sentencing for it, although, of course, drug use can lead to increased risk of other offences, it is not

Prison systems are frequently brutal and oppressive and do little to rehabilitate offenders.

per 100,000 people, it is evident that more needs to be done if fear of incarceration is to be an effective deterrent to potential criminals. Rehabilitation is perhaps the area in most desperate need for reform. Even without looking into the dreadful conditions within prison the fact remains that around 67% of offenders re-offend within just three years of release. This simply isn’t good enough. The continued stigma surrounding those who have been imprisoned means that former felons, even those arrested for victimless crimes, frequently find themselves unable to enter employment and rejoin society, leading to such significant re-offending rates. This problem is exacerbated due to the issue of privately run prisons, especially problematic in America, where funding is distributed based on how many prisoners are detained, meaning there are active, financial incentives to keep people in prison. One prison - the Torrance County Detention Center - is even risking being shut down for not filling its quota. Because of this system, rehabilitation schemes frequently have low funding and little is done to bring people back into society. For-profit prisons have been repeatedly proven, across numerous prisons, to be damaging to prisoners; in 2015 a private

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Staff hunted down the leaders, tear gassed their cells, and shot at them with rubber bullets

prison in Michigan was found to have cakes infested with rats where an inmate was told to cover up the evidence with icing. In Mississippi, privately run prisons have around two to three times the rate of violent assaults as publicly run prisons. In a report by the American Civil Liberties Union it was found that, in 2013, prisoners at the Reeves County Detention Centre attempted to protest about the appalling conditions they were subjected to and the lack of medical care, causing the death of an inmate in 2008. Staff then hunted down the leaders, tear gassed their cells, and shot at them with rubber bullets before putting both the leaders (and anyone

completely unrelated to the protest who happened to be in the cells and objected to the tear gas) into solitary confinement. The same ACLU report found that at Willacy County Correctional Centre in the same year the toilets were overflowing with raw sewage and anyone who complained was placed in isolation. In Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs being part of a group and having relations with others is placed on the third level of human needs, making it a fundamental necessity for humans to operate properly. Isolation cells are thus one of the most unpleasant punishments a person can go through in jail and should only be used

in extreme circumstances. The infamous 1950s study where monkeys were isolated in a ‘pit of despair’ with sloped sides they could not climb out of found that within days the monkeys would resort to sitting in place rocking back and forth and self-harming. It is clear that if we are to call our prisons reasonable this form of punishment should be given only in extreme circumstances and only for short periods at a time. However, in a series of interviews the ACLU found that isolation cells are regularly used when the main prison block overflows (the fact that this even happens is indicative of a serious problem in America’s prisons) and as punishment for even the most trivial of offences, including complaining about poor conditions. Reportedly, this form of punishment is likely to lead to a dramatic increase in risk for mental health issues such as memory loss, hallucinations and suicidal thoughts. The American Bar Association for the Standard of Treatment of Prisoners has called for complete abolition of extreme isolation, however, little has been done in public prisons and even less has been done in private prisons. The contract process for establishing Willacy facility insisted on a 10% of bed space quota for solitary confinement beds despite one bidder questioning if this was necessary for a low-security prison. Additionally, prison systems, suffer

Solitary Confinement cells are one of the most dehumanising punishments a prisoner can experience.

from a deep inequality over race [although this is more a symptom of a wider issue with the justice system rather than a specific problem with prisons]. According to the U.S Bureau of Justice in 2013 black men made up 37% of the male prison population compared to white males who made up 32%, despite the fact that people of colour make up a minority of the overall U.S population. As noted in a study by U.S News, figures from the war on drugs provide the most damning report on the U.S justice system. Despite the U.S Department of Health and Human Services finding no disparity in drug use between races, African-Americans were five times more likely than white people to be arrested for drug-related charges in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Even in the UK, where it is often assumed that the issue of race is a lesser problem, the Lammy Review found that people of colour were 53% more likely to be sentenced to prison time through the Crown Court. They consistently reported worse relations with staff including increased reports of abuse at the hands of staff. These figures cannot go unnoticed. Our prison systems are fundamentally failing to achieve any of their core purposes. In many cases, they have been transformed from institutes of justice to institutes of profit and this must be changed.

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Sport

Is the six nations expanding? RUGBY

Ben Lisemore asks if the six nations expanding would be a positive change.

he Six Nations originally formed in 1883, when it was under the name of the ‘Home Nations’, until Italy joined the, then called, ‘Five Nations’ in 2000 and made it what it is today, the Six Nations. The Six Nations involves England, Wales, Ireland, Scotland, France and Italy where all the teams play each other and the team earning the most points in the table wins the tournament. The tournament has always involved five or more teams since it started but, could it be time for a change? If the tournament did expand to give more teams a chance, teams such as Georgia and Romania could be facing off against the likes of England and Wales. So would this new format work and what would the advantages and disadvantages be of this new look tournament? There is currently a European Nations Cup which is effectively a tournament for the teams in Europe not good enough to be in the Six Nations. Georgia have won this tournament in seven of the last eight years but haven’t really been rewarded for this. You would think they would be able to make it into the Six Nations for the amount of trophies they have won. So, should a relegation system be implemented to reward teams doing well in this secondary tournament? Firstly, it would allow teams less well known for rugby to show themselves on a global scale every year if they did well enough. The other

option is to just place more teams into the tournament now if they have proved they are good enough to be there. This would expand the tournament to more teams which may make for more fierce competition, but it may be hard to fit more games in to an already jam packed schedule. However, I believe a relegation and promotion system would be the best way to go. I think this would provide a more competitive, more entertaining and attractive style of rugby, as teams would have extra pressure on them to deliver in these matches. As it currently stands, the team at the bottom of the table is able to shrug their shoulders and say “there’s always next year” but if they had to look over their shoulders and be having to make sure that they were in the competition next year, the tournament would no longer just be focused on who was going to win, but also who was going to remain in the competition, adding an additional level of suspense for fans and players alike. If the Six Nations was to involve more countries it would certainly make rugby a more well-known sport worldwide, and would mean that new countries, not so well known for rugby, could gain an increased following, which is no bad thing for the game. An ever-increasing audience would lead to an improved Rugby World Cup, with more countries investing in rugby and therefore improving the standard

Georgia have won the european nations cup in seven of the last eight years.

of stadiums, pitches and officiating. This was shown in the last World Cup, when Japan beat the two time world champions South Africa. When results like these hap-

achieved this, they may start to ease off and instead play a boring brand of rugby. This would inevitably lead to a less interesting game to watch, but the pressure of

So, should a relegation system be implemented to reward teams doing well in this secondary tournament? pen the whole rugby-world is admiring and certainly finds it entertaining, unless you’re the team on the other end of this kind of result. Anyway would a Six Nations that involves more European countries improve the Rugby scene on a global scale? I certainly don’t think it would do any harm. So, we have seen the benefits of involving more teams in the competition, but what would be some of the disadvantages of this idea? Firstly, it could promote a more defensive style. In the case of some teams it may mean that they need a certain result and as soon as they have

needing a particular result may also spice up a game. The ‘get out of jail free card’ for the home nations would be that they may not be able to fit in more games into their schedule. This may be true if more teams are added to the tournament, which could have some negative consequences. It could make the tournament less exciting as people may feel it is dragging on for too long and lose interest, especially as the tournament does seem to be a good length at the moment. Commercial deals would also be affected if the Six Nations was to involve a relegation and promotion system. The companies that invest in a country during the Six Nations would be hoping that if that country is playing in the tournament they will be able to make money off the back of their brand being advertised. However, if a relegation system was implemented a country may lose its sponsorship if they were relegated. This could affect the amount that a country has to spend in its rugby setup, which could lead to a decline in the amount of new talent coming through. However, I do believe that an expansion in the number of countries that would be able to compete in the tournament would only be positive. Whether this should be done by implementing a relegation and promotion system, or just the Six Nations becoming bigger is another question that has to be considered. I believe that if more countries had a chance to play in this prestigious tournament then rugby would be more well known on a global scale and definitely be improved. Then maybe one day a team like Georgia could lift the Six Nations trophy.

THE MARTLET LENT ISSUE 19

Sport

The History of Squash SQUASH

or hundreds of years, people have enjoyed the simple pleasure of hitting a ball. Whether it was rackets, tennis, real tennis or badminton, people had always seemed to have an attraction to these sort of games. The game of squash was started in 1830 at Harrow School in London. In its primordial beginnings, there were only three things that needed to be present: the ball, the racquet and the wall. Almost two centuries later, squash still features three. For the past 189 years, the game has been on a rollercoaster journey. After humble beginnings in Harrow, with the first court being built there by an Old Harrovian in 1883, the game quickly took off, with developments mainly in England and America. Britain, having such a great empire at the time, had many countries within their empire also playing it. In squash’s early days, there was no international form of squash that was standard, ensuring numerous variations between any two countries. English courts were 2½ inches wider than their American counterparts, and the British played with a softball, whilst the Americans played with a hardball. In fact, there was no governing body of squash until 1967, when the World Squash Federation (WSF) was formed. The first recorded reference to squash was in 1890 in Volume 14 of The Badminton Library of Sports and Pastimes

Jake Morris examines the sport’s history.

on Tennis, Lawn Tennis, Rackets and Fives. In 1901, Eustace Miles, a champion of both rackets and tennis, wrote the first book on Squash, concisely titled ‘The Game of Squash.’ Both of these were important milestones for the growth of the game, especially in the upper-class literate population of Victorian England.

ly 20th century, was chosen as the standard model for squash courts worldwide - measuring 32 feet by 21 feet. By this time, many of the British colonies had picked up the game, and many had built courts around the world. South Africa, New Zealand, Ireland and Kenya all had courts by 1913 and many had

There are three things that need to be present: the ball, the racquet and the wall. Two centuries later, squash still features the same three things

By 1920, the first Squash Championship was held, which was won by C.R. Read. In 1923, with the introduction of the First English Amateur Championships just beyond the horizon, H.A.L. Rudd stated that rackets would lose many players to the upcoming game, squash. Time told that his forecast was correct. Finally, international regulations were created for squash. A court built in Bath, in the ear-

It’s sad to see that competitive squash has such a bad reception.

already pipped England to the post with National Championships. England’s first British Open was held for men in 1932, and for women, 10 years earlier, in 1922. The women tended to be way ahead of the men in squash - in their Open they changed from a challenge system (where the defending champion would wait to play in the final against the winner - or the challenger) to a standard knockout tour-

nament 20 years before the men. Finally, in 1932 the first British men’s Open was held. Egypt’s F.D. Amr Bey won his first of six British Open titles. During the Second World War, British squash, and squash in general, took a turn for the worse. Bath Club, which was the leading club at the time, had been burnt down. The Ladies Carlton Club, one of the only clubs with an American-style hardball court, was bombed and lastly Thomas Carlton Club, which had fifteen courts, was used for file-storing. So only 3 courts were playable after the war. Many other courts were also used as bases and were abandoned after the war. One RAF pilot, Douglas Bader, lost both of his legs during the war, but still enjoyed and played the game, despite not being able to move. He played with skilled players who ‘will not hit everything out of your reach but will adjust his game to give you plenty to do and himself plenty of exercise.’ Most countries were unable to continue their national championships - the countries that could were Ireland and Sweden. Next came the Khan dynasty. Pakistani players had quickly become greatly influenced by the game, despite there still being less than 400 courts there. There were six Khans, and between them they achieved 23 British Open wins and six World Championship wins. Some say that Jahangir Khan is the greatest player in the history of squash. Despite having to have two hernia operations and being very weak as a child, he won 10 British Open titles and is the youngest ever World Open champion, winning it at just 17. He did not lose for five years and became the 7th President of the WSF. The 80s and 90s was undoubtedly the golden era of squash. It would be played by all, and by the end of the 20th century, squash had gathered a following of 15 million players worldwide. However, in more recent times, squash has seen a downturn in the number of players. Despite it being an event in the Commonwealth and Asian Games, it has been rejected by the Olympic Committee for the last three games, due to it being very hard to follow on television, with the ball being so small. For the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, Squash and Baseball were beaten by Wrestling to become a new sport. As an avid squash player myself, I think it is upsetting that squash has taken a downturn in the past decades, and I hope that with the inclusion of squash in last year’s Youth Olympics, there is a chance it might be included in the 2024 Olympic Games.

THE MARTLET LENT ISSUE 19

Sport CANOE POLO

Unravelling the secrets of canoe polo Marc Tuazon takes an in-depth look at one of Abingdon’s more obscure sports - canoe polo.

nother sport which has often gone under the radar at Abingdon is canoe polo. Led by Mr Simmons, the sport has gone from strength to strength in a short period of time, with Abingdon now taking part in numerous tournaments around the country. I took the time to talk with Mr Simmons about how canoe polo has established itself as a sport during his time at the school. MT: Could you give a summary of what canoe polo actually involves? BDS: Canoe polo is basically a combination of kayaking, rugby and water polo. So, you will need good kayaking skills so you can get around the pitch (i.e: the water), you will need good ball skills as you would have in water polo, and you can push other players in, so you have the contact element, similar to rugby, which requires you have the buoyancy aid and a full faceguard. Is it easy to learn for the novice student? Yeah, the thing that is really good about canoe-polo is that a team can train to a high level with a wide range of player ability. So, when we play after school, we can have players from the Upper Sixth playing with people in Third Year. There’s also various type of rules, like what kind of

boat you can use, depending on how good you are; for example if you are in a plastic boat you can’t get pushed in, because you might not know how to roll yet, which just shows that anyone can play and have fun together, no matter how good you are. What has the turn-out been like? We usually have 15 people who turn up on Monday and 15 on Thursday with a few boarders, so we have, in total, 35 people who play canoe polo. Has the canoe polo team been on many school tournaments? Yes, there are many tournaments we play in - we play in the South West and South East Youth Leagues, so a combination of schools and clubs participate in those. So, the South West League has around five tournaments a year, which run from a 5:30 to 9:30 on a Saturday night, so in a few weeks’ time, we are entering the tournament in Cardiff, which is run by Cardiff University Canoe Club, which is the second biggest canoe polo tournament in the UK, and we’re entering the B League for that. You will have to tell me how that goes Yes, only if we do well! Have you always been in charge of ca-

noe polo? Well, initially I started running kayaking lessons about half a term after I arrived at the school, so that would be six years now, and then it morphed into canoe polo after the boys picked up the basic kayaking skills. We also built up the kit slowly with buoyancy aids and helmets that were suitable, and about three or four years ago we got the fleet of bright pink boats, which always goes down very well at the tournaments! Since then, we have been more seriously competing with other schools and clubs around the country. Would you say that the school has been supportive of canoe polo? Have they provided a lot of funding? Yes, I absolutely do. The school had bought the boats, and although that sounds like the most expensive thing, with other clubs the most expensive thing is usually the pool time - we have three hours of pool time a week, which allows us to train on a regular basis, and there’s always a lot of support from senior colleagues in the Sports department for entering tournaments. If a tournament is held on a Saturday (and may clash with a hockey or football fixture) we are often in a lot of negotiation, as to the needs of the pupil, and the needs of the school.

On a more wider level, do you think canoe polo is growing as a sport? Is there more interest in canoe polo? Of course, canoe polo remains quite a niche sport. I mean it’s not something you can watch on the TV a lot, but in every region, there will be clubs that play. What I do think is great about canoe polo is that it is a sport for life. So in some sports, you might play when you are at school, and maybe university, after which you might give up, but generally the people will play and keep it as a hobby for even twenty, thirty years. Generally, with the clubs, I’ve said before, with the different ages that people play at in team, and the mixed age levels of experience, so if you look across the country there seems to be a well recognised following. There are many tournaments over summer, happening over a particular weekend and venue, and there are usually at least ten tournaments a year throughout the UK. There are also many leagues over the course of the year, especially in winter, in swimming pools as well, which I think goes to show this. So you would say that canoe polo has been effective in bridging the gap between Middle and Upper School? Yes, I totally agree with that. If you look at any Upper Sixth member of the team, they will look back at a time when they were fairly rubbish at the sport to start with, and so having that point of empathy - as other members will have gone through that learning experience, and will mean that they will be willing to help, assist and coach younger members of the group. The interaction between the different year groups is really a major thing, and something that I am really proud of. Cardiff University Canoe Polo Tournament:

A glimpse into the competitive sport that is canoe polo.

A team from Abingdon School, consisting of Simon Maddison, Hamish McAlpine, Nick Case, Jake Wallis, Ben Broadbent, and Tom Robson, recently took part in the B-League of Cardiff University’s Canoe Polo Tournament. They were very successful over the two days (16th-17th March), winning the B-League, as well as every match in the process, overcoming universities, such as Nottingham, Southampton and Loughborough on their way to victory. At the forefront of the action, was upper sixth captain Simon Maddison, scoring a hat trick in the final against Nottingham, as well as showcasing his superb leadership skills throughout their unbeaten run.

THE MARTLET LENT ISSUE 19

Sport FOOTBALL

Exposing the extent of corruption in FIFA Tom Wormell examines the corruption within the FIFA organisation.

n 2015, the United States Attorney disclosed information about corruption in the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA). At the end of May 2015, there were 14 FIFA officials linked to the FBI’s investigation into corruption. The investigation revolved around the links between CONMEBOL (South American Football association), CONCACAF (North American Football), and sports executives. On 27th May, seven FIFA officials were arrested in a hotel in Zurich ahead of the 65th FIFA Congress, which was deciding the vote on who was to become the next FIFA president, and two further arrests took place in December 2015. Whilst this is certainly damning evidence regarding the prevalence of corruption in FIFA, one has to ask whether FIFA has taken steps to reform, and if the election of new president Infantino has actually garnered any genuine change. But firstly, let’s delve deeper into the extent of the allegation. The 2015 arrests centred on issues of bribery, corruption, money laundering and fraud (estimated to be around $150 million). It is alleged that Nike paid a whopping $40 million in bribes to become the sole provider of footwear, kits and accessories of the Brazil national team. In December 2010, the FBI secured an undercover investigation on American football executive and CONCACAF official, Chuck Blazer, with regards to his involvement in the bidding process of host countries for the World Cup. When the FBI confronted him with evidence of tax crimes in 2011, he agreed to cooperate with them. Surprisingly, Prince William and David Cameron met with FIFA vice-president Chung Mong-Joon to discuss a vote-trading deal for a vote for England to host the 2018 World Cup (a vote-trading deal is an agreement where if

FA’s watch). Eventually, justice was reached. In November 2013, Chuck Blazer pleaded guilty to 10 criminal charges, including wire fraud conspiracy, money laundering, and offenses involving income tax. This guilty plea was aimed to avoid more serious accusations, such as racketeering, which could lead to 20 years imprisonment. Blazer would later work undercover and record secret meetings with FIFA officials. During the whole corruption case, it was reported that the general secretary of FIFA, Jerome Valcke, transferred $10 mil-

now also have to disclose any related fi-

change, or if corruption remains a dominating force within FIFA. It must be noted that in July 2016, Infantino was investigated for breaking the FIFA code of ethics, with investigations largely focusing on “several flights taken by Mr. Infantino during the first months of his presidency, human resources matters related to hiring processes in the president’s office, and Mr. Infantino’s refusal to sign the contract specifying his employment relationship with FIFA”. Nevertheless, barring this investigation, one can clearly see the attempts Infantino has made to reform FIFA. He had stated in an interview in 2018 that “we would show with facts, with actions, with good governance, with transparency, with reform that this is a new FIFA”. Given that Infantino has introduced eligibility and integrity checks for all FIFA committees, which has resulted in about 20 percent of applicants nominated not being admitted, and the fact that FIFA council members

nancial or business interest that might pose a conflict of interest, it is clear that Infantino has tried to achieve genuine change in his administration. Although there is still a long way to go, Infantino acknowledges this, saying “it’s a step in the right direction. And we have far greater oversight. We make sure what happened in the past cannot happen any more. The risk of money being misappropriated by any member of the FIFA body is almost entirely excluded.” Overall, it is clear to see that corruption in FIFA has been a notorious problem for several years, and whilst this has damaged the global reputation of football, there still remains hope under President Infantino’s administration. Although only time will tell, as to whether genuine change will happen under Infantino’s tenure, steps are being taken to reform FIFA, and on a basic level, change the perception that FIFA is corrupt. All we can do now is just wait and see.

Time will tell, as to whether genuine change will happen

lion that had been given by the president of South African football, to Jack Warner, the head of CONCACAF, (the Confederation of North, Central American and Caribbean Association Football). This is a key piece of evidence that shows that Jack Warner took bribes regarding South Africa becoming 2010 World cup hosts. It is clear to see the extent of how corrupt football actually is, how money driv-

Although there is still a long way to go, Infantino acknowledges this

he voted for England, Britain would make a trade deal with his company - another illustration of bribery existing under FI-

has to ask whether he has brought actual

en this sport is and how complex football can be. However, with new president Gianni Infantino taking charge in 2016, one

THE MARTLET LENT ISSUE 19

Humour

Maggie’s Muddles ADVICE

Maggie steps forward again to tackle readers’ queries with Lachlan Jones

Dear Maggie, The prophesied time is drawing near. As summer inches closer with marginally warmer weather and rushed revision clinics, I can’t but ponder about how and why I am going to revise. I must admit, the time has crept up on me, in part due the stressful days of mocks behind me. I have drifted into a sport obsessed academic slumber over the last few months, aided no doubt by the Head of Wellbeing’s meditation applications, of which I make regular use. The threat of Supervised Study has had little effect on the work rate of myself and my colleagues and I fear that some of the year group is in a similar, dejected and slightly concerned, state about our looming exams. This is not to say however, that change cannot happen in the near future. I have been bombarded with timings of revision clinics and I feel sure that the popular English Plus will no doubt help boost my predicted grades to a pass. Language orals are imminent however, and I feel that only a fortnight in France learning about environmental protection could save me now. I will battle on, and try and fill the general conversation with repeating the question and asking the examiner whether they like our school uniform. Finally, how do you recommend I balance my time on Study Leave? I have many important sporting commitments that seem to be rather a lot, but something within tells me I will want to do some revision instead of sitting on a bench next to a cricket field. This seems a risky but necessary strategy, but I beg you Maggie, can you help me to glimpse the light at the end of this, three month long, tunnel? Yours sincerely, A struggling Abingdonian

Dear Struggling Abingdonian, Do not fear; the symptoms of exam stress and disillusionment you describe are far from uncommon and were experienced by many great gentlemen that preceded you. Mostly, they all turned out just fine, apart from the special few who prefer to go on holiday each year on Results Day instead of receiving their envelopes. I would strongly advise against this. You will want to be proud of your achievements in the future, even if your knowledge of French environmental protection will not become world-renowned. Do speak slowly in your oral, but only enough so that it doesn’t antagonise the powers that be amongst the CIE markers. I would also recommend attending as many clinics as possible, particularly during the Study Leave period. You will unfortunately have to disappoint your sporting masters over this time, as many a precious hour was will be wasted waiting for your turn to bat while wistfully thinking of chemical compounds or electrolysis. Historical factual detail recitations are also advised, as regurgitation of this is crucial to your History IGCSE. If in doubt just make up some statistics; this is always a viable fallback. Trust your head not your heart, and you should scrape into Sixth Form. Warm regards, Maggie

Answers to crossword (opposite)

THE MARTLET LENT ISSUE 19

Conundrums

Cryptic Crossword PUZZLE

Ed Gill challenges readers to the ultimate cerebral challenge

Across

Down

{Awards}

The

Quiz

In the midst of this award season, it is a great opportunity to reflect upon previous theatrical successes throughout the years. From Chariots of Fire to Gladiator to Birdman, the Oscars and similar awards have seen a plethora of films ranging in quality, content and themes. Test your film knowledge and see how well you know your cinematic history.

Quiz by Rory Bishop

1. Which Mexican director won Best Picture in the 2018 Oscars for his film Shape of Water? 2. Which actor/actress has won the most Oscars for acting, with a total of four awards and a further 8 nominations? 3. January the sixth marked what number of Golden Globe award ceremonies? 4. A mistake in the 2017 Oscars led to La La Land being falsely awarded Best Picture. What film actually ended up receiving the award and who directed it? 5. The UK’s own film awards, the BAFTAs, is an acronym for what? 6. At the 50th Academy Awards in 1976, a now infamous film won six awards, despite missing out on Best Picture. What was this film? 7. Since 2000, which three hosts have presented the Oscars more than once? 8. Which film won both Best Picture for the original and the sequel? 9. Which of these best picture winners does not include a chariot racing scene: Ben Hur, Chariots of Fire or Gladiator? 10. Which awards book end either side of awards season? 11. To the nearest five, how many different award categories are there in the Academy Awards? 12. In 2018, the nominees for sound mixing and sound editing were identical and this year, there is only one difference in nominees. What films are not identical this year? 13. The first BAFTA award ceremony was presented by which famous actor? 14. What feature was removed from this year’s Golden Globe statuette? 15. Actress Tatum O’Neal was the youngest ever award winner at what age?

PUBLISHERS Emma Williamson Julia Preston

FEATURES EDITORS Freddie Marshall Johan Nerlov

EDITOR Piers Mucklejohn

SPORTS EDITOR Marc Tuazon

DEPUTY EDITOR Alexander Thulin

DESIGN EDITORS Rory Bishop Sam Penrose

PUBLISHING EDITOR Sam Penrose NEWS EDITOR Samuel King

STAFF WRITERS Samuel King Piers Mucklejohn Jack Ward Jude Green Lachlan Jones Johan Nerlov Rory Bishop German Baraev

Joshua Jackson Jake Morris Ed Gill Freddie Marshall Alexander Thulin Ben Lisemore Marc Tuazon Tom Wormell

ONLINE SUPERVISORS ILLUSTRATOR Samuel King Michael Man Freddie Marshall Printed by the Newspaper Club Initial design by Asten Yeo

1. Guillermo del Toro 2. Katherine Hepburn 3. 76 4. Moonlight by Barry Jenkins 5. British Academy of Film and Television Awards 6. Star Wars: A New Hope 7.Steve Martin (2000/2002), Ellen Degeneres (2006/2014) adn Jimmy Kimmel (2017/2018)

8. The Godfather and the Godfather part II 9. Chariots of Fire 10. The Gotham awards (Start) and the Oscars (end) 11. 25 12. A Star is Born (sound editing) and A Quiet Place (sound mixing) 13. Charlie Chaplin 14. The Marble base 15. Ten