Soma Digest - issue#60

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

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Historic homes of Diyarbakir

SOMA Digest is a subsidiary of KHAK Press & Media Center.

KURDISTANI LIST WINS MAJORITY 78pc turnout for Kurdistan Region’s ‘historic’ polls Lawen A. Sagerma SLEMANI ith a turnout of 78 percent the citizens of the Kurdistan Region took to the ballot boxes to vote in the ‘historic’ parliamentary and presidential polls. A month of hard campaigning from all political parties saw many of the cities and villages of Slemani, Erbil and Dohuk overwhelmed with posters, banners and events to draw in the 2.5 million eligible voters.

Election fever took its grip of the city of Slemani which was without doubt the liveliest of the whole region. Every night the streets were lined with cars from various political groups all bearing their respective flags and photos as a sign of support. But Slemani received the lowest turnout in comparison to the other two provinces at 74.5 percent. The region’s capital Erbil, a KDP stronghold, saw turnout reach 79 percent but neither could beat Dohuk which saw turnout numbers reach 85.93 percent.

Mohammad Salah, a 45-year-old phone cards vendor in Suli’s bazaar, expressed joy at the elections. Sitting on his chair and basking in the morning sun, he said these elections differed greatly from those of the past.

“This month has seen an array of options presented to the public. Every political party has vowed to do better than the other and this time I really believe they mean it because people have become aware of their significant role in the political process,” he reflected. “If they don’t deliver this time, they won’t be voted into power again. This has been a wake up call for them.”

Despite allegations of election fraud, the large turnout and absence of violence ensured a peaceful voting process and a successful election was announced by all political entities and presidential candidates.

Halaw Karim, who lost her fiancé in the struggle against the former Baath regime,

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believes that these elections will ensure that the Kurdistan Region has a lot to look forward to. Sitting on her front porch with a view of children playing outside, she talks of the dreams she has for her nephews.

“It’s too late for me to lead a better life but not too late for them. The government has a responsibility to improve our living standards. They were given another chance.

They have to do better this time,” she said.

The presidential post was for the first time put to the public vote and Massoud Barzani, the head of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), took 69.57 percent of the overall votes. He was followed by newcomer Dr Kamal Merawdale who received 25.32 percent of the votes. Dr Hallo Ibrahim Ahmed, son of affluent figure Ibrahim Ahmed, garnered only 3.49 percent. Lesser known figures Safeen Haji Sheikh Mohammad and Hussein Garmiyani received 1.04 percent and 0.59 percent respectively.

The opposition parties did well enough to create an unprecedented opposition in parliament. Kurdistani List, a coalition between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) were announced as winners taking 57.34 percent of the votes followed by the Change List led by former Deputy Secretary General of the PUK Nawshirwan Mustafa with 23.75 percent. The Service and Reform List, a coalition of four parties, took 12.08 percent of the votes with the Islamic Movement gaining 1.45 percent.

In evaluating the strength of the opposition party and the promises that have been made by them, 25-year-old journalist Awara Raheem says that change is imminent.

“Everyone deep down wants change, the state of affairs have for too long been this way and it’s time for something different. It doesn’t matter that the Change List didn’t win, what is important is that they created a voice for the people; they created a movement that allows people to be actively vocal in asking for their fair share,” he said.

2 STAFF PUBLISHING HOUSE: Khak Press & Media Center MANAGING EDITOR: Tanya Goudsouzian DEPUTY EDITOR: Lawen A Sagerma COLUMNISTS: Dr Sherko Abdullah, Agri Ismail, Dr Joseph Kechichian, Maureen McLuckie, Dr Denise Natali, Anwar M. Qaradaghi CONTRIBUTING WRITERS: Zheno Abdulla, Iason Athanasiadis, Karokh Bahjat, Linda Berglund, Ilnur Cevik (Ankara), Patrick Cockburn, Thomas Davies (Damascus), Bayan Eissa, Dr Rebwar Fatah (London), Basit Gharib, Dr Harry Hagopian (London), Hemin Hussein, Hewa Jaff, Fakhri Karim (Baghdad), Vania Karim, Ali Kurdistani, Mohamad Karim Mohamad, Dastan Nouri, Amed Omar, Jamal Penjweny, Asoz L. Rashid (Baghdad), Roshna Rasool, Kurdawan Mohammad Saeed, Jen. A. Sagerma, Dr Tan Azad Salih, Dr Hussein Tahiri (Australia), Qubad Talabani (Washington, DC), Abdul Karim Uzery

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

CONTENTS CURRENT AFFAIRS ....................................................................................................................3 COMMUNITY ..............................................................................................................................6 WORD ON THE STREET ............................................................................................................9 VIEWS .........................................................................................................................................10 LETTERS ....................................................................................................................................12 BUSINESS .................................................................................................................................13 CULTURE & MORE ....................................................................................................................15 LIFESTYLE .................................................................................................................................17 HISTORY ....................................................................................................................................18 SOCIETY ....................................................................................................................................19 CHAIKHANA ...............................................................................................................................20 LOST IN TRANSLATION

ANWAR M. QARADAGHI

REPORTERS: Awat Abdullah, Darya Ibrahim, Dana Hameed, Hemin Kakayi (Kirkuk), Barzan Kareem, Sazan Mandalawi (Erbil), Galawizh H. Rashid, Roshna Rasool

SOMA Digest wishes to introduce some Kurdish phrases and expressions, which the visitor to Kurdistan will find useful.

UK CORRESPONDENTS: Lara Fatah, Raz Jabary, Sara Naz

This episode relates to Judy Roberts, an American school teacher, who has been teaching English in a school in Slemani for over a year. At the school, she has met Aso, a Kurdish colleague, and their relationship has grown so that they were formally engaged. Judy has also taken a keen interest in the forthcoming Kurdistan Parliamentary elections. Aso and Judy are here continuing their conversation about that topic.

LANGUAGE EDITOR: Anwar M. Qaradaghi PHOTOGRAPHY EDITOR: Aram Eissa PHOTOGRAPHERS: Kamaran Najm, Soran Naqshbandy CARTOONS: Ako Gharib DIRECTOR OF DESIGN: Darya Ibrahim MARKETING MANAGER: Brwa Abdulrahman CIRCULATION MANAGER: Rashid Khidr Rashid WEBSITE: Avesta Group for IT Solutions PRINTING HOUSE: Hameedi Publishing and Printing House Our offices are located at KHAK Press & Media Center, on Shorosh Street, Slemani, Iraq.

Tel: 009647701570615 Fax: 0044703532136666 SOMA Digest strives to offer its readership a broad spectrum of views on Iraqi and Kurdish affairs. As such, all opinions and views expressed in these pages belong to the writers, and do not necessarily reflect the position of the publication.

Kurdish for beginners

Aso: We realize there might be some deficiencies here and there, but we’re learning and we’ve made progress in these few years we have been comparatively free. We also intend to become better.

Ema pedezanin ke le wanaya hendi kem u kuri u serinj habn lera u lawe, bellam ema le ferbundaen u peshkawtni chakman bedest henawe em chend sallay dwayeda ke teida nimcha azadiakman habua. Ema deshmanewet bashter been.

Judy: That my darling is the right attitude. I am very optimistic for Kurdistan.

Xoshawistekem, aa awa helwesti rasta.

Mn bo Kurdistan zor geshbenim.

Aso: Thank you my dear. I appreciate your comments. I know that you say those things based on your background experience and honest judgment.

Supast dekem gyanekem. Mn be tebeniakant dezanim. Dezanim aw shtaney daeleyt be bneche u azmun u helsengani rastgoetawan.

Judy: Definitely my darling. You know that in addition to what you have been telling me about the past sufferings of the Kurds, I’ve also been reading on the subject. I am convinced that the Kurds are open to positive change, wish to do things peacefully and have the right attitude for tolerating other people's viewpoints.

Be dlnyaeawa, xoshawistekem. Tto dezanit kawa Bejge le way tto pet wtum

sebarat be cheshtni Kurdekan, xoshm hendi shtm le ser babeteke xwendutewa. Mndlniam ke Kurdekan le gul gorini bashedan u hez deken karekanian be arami braxsenin u helwesti rastyan heya bo leburdaeye u wergertni bochuni khelki deka.

Aso: Darling, is there anything else you want us to discuss about the topic?

Xushewistekem, aya, hichi deke heye le ser babeteke btewe basy bkaen?

Judy: Yes, my dear, I want to ask you about the Kurdistan Constitution and why it has become controversial.

Bally, gyanekem, wistim sebaret be dasturi Kurdistan let prism bo awende mishtu mirr lesere.

Aso: Its timing. Some say that it could have been postponed to some other time. But I believe there is a good reason for what has been done.

Katekay. Hendi dellen detwanra bxrayete kateke trewe. Ballam mn brwam waye hoyeki chak heye bo awey kra.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

REGION|&

CURRENT AFFAIRS NEWS ANALYSIS

‘Poised on a knife’s edge’ The only way to defuse internal tensions within Iraqi federal forces is to provincialize them otherwise Iraqi history will be repeated.

Lawen A. Sagerma SLEMANI he US military withdrawal will bring to the fore the major political conflict between re-centralizers and federalists, and enhance tensions between Sunni and Shiite Arabs says Brendan O'Leary Lauder Professor of Political Science and Director of the Penn Program in Ethnic Conflict at the University of Pennsylvania.

“At the moment, it’s been trying to sneak out quietly, almost as if the [US President Barack] Obama administration hopes no one will notice. But before the US goes it will have to decide whether it is going to deploy its good offices over Article 140. I think the US has less ability, and less moral authority to shape a revenue-sharing law on oil, but if it can help sort out definitive boundaries between Kurdistan and the rest of Iraq then in my view an oil sharing law will follow far more easily,” he said.

According to O'Leary, the forces of the Kurdistan Region are well organized and able to keep their area free of insurgent and jihadist activity. However he was not of the same opinion of the Iraqi forces. He claims that the latter forces lack discipline and will come under severe pressure if the Awakening Councils/Sons of Iraq join them.

“The only way to defuse the internal tensions within Iraqi federal forces is to provincialize them otherwise Iraqi history will be repeated: a strongly centralized military with a grotesque over-allocation of resources will produce officers who will try to organize coups - and counter-coups,” said O'Leary.

“In the period ahead I think the main danger to Iraq's security comes from within its own military, not directly from the insurgents [many of whom General Petraeus brought into the military].”

O'Leary explains that the upcoming Iraqi federal elections will be crucial, indicating that it is unlikely that any Nouri Al Maliki led list will win 50 percent of the vote or more. It is this opportunity that will allow the other blocs to take advantage to ensure Maliki's premiership ends with the elections.

“If the Kurdish and Sunni Arab parties coordinate on at least one shared goal then Maliki will lose the premiership. Maliki must be aware of this possibility and therefore in the meantime he will try to win sufficient Sunni

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and Shiite Arab support in advance to keep the premiership.”

He added that such tactics may well heed no results, “[because] he can't give Sunni leaders anything major before the elections without risking loss of support within his own community, and because he has consistently broken promises to both Kurds and Sunni Arabs he has almost no credibility with the two largest minorities – at least one of which will be required to form the next

federal government.”

O’Leary explained that provided Kurdistan's parties are strongly allied at a federal and regional level and ‘focus on a disciplined

‘If the US can help sort out definitive boundaries between Kurdistan and the rest of Iraq, then an oil sharing law will follow far more easily.’

strategic response’ then they will be presented with a very good opportunity to make good political progress. He added that the Kurdistan Region has already made dramatic progress in ‘political unification, a functioning parliament, new institutionbuilding, striking successes in winning new external investment, a construction boom, and the development of its own oil.’

This kind of stability should be preserved as this sets it apart from the rest of the coun-

try that continues to be turmoil ridden.

“Arab Iraq has had a major civil war - fundamentally over the displacement of Sunni Arabs from pre-eminence. Its embers are still glowing. The psychological way in which Arabs are currently coping with this war is to blame the Americans and the Kurds for its causation. A more mature response may follow,” said O’Leary.

He added that although 35 years of Baathist influence of ‘pan-Arabist illusions and hatred for Kurds, Persians and Jews’ unfortunately shape much of the political culture of Arab Iraq there is hope nonetheless.

“As long as elections determine outcomes in the federal parliament and executive, Iraq as a whole may be able to normalize as a democracy. No one is making a greater contribution than the Kurds, but they cannot be expected to sacrifice their rights to appease irrational and unconstitutional demands.”

One prolonged sacrifice that the Kurds are making is in regards to Article 140 which after six years is still on the backburner. The referendum to deal with oil rich Kirkuk and the other contested territories is causing a great deal of tension between Erbil and Baghdad and despite much discussion, it seems the Kurds are the only ones making concessions.

“Maliki, encouraged by successive American ambassadors, has deliberately stalled progress on Article 140. If Article 140 is not implemented in spirit, in accordance with its ethos, if not its letter, then there can be no deep peace between the Kurdistan Region and the rest of Iraq,” said O’Leary.

He added that the next federal Iraqi elections will be decisive but if Kurdistan cannot win a federal executive that will implement Article 140 then it will have to reconsider its options and consider ‘action in conjunction with the governorate of Kirkuk and the neighboring districts in disputed territories.’

“If article 140 is considered dead the Constitution may be considered dead; and if Article 140 is considered dead one should note that the federal executive and parliament have no exclusive or shared powers, in fact no powers over the demarcation of regions or governorates,” said O’Leary.

While O’Leary submits that the Nechirvan Barzani led cabinet has made enormous progress and had remarkable achievements since 2006 in regards strengthening human rights, the rights of women, and the courts plus a vibrant media ‘often raucous and libellous!’ he does concede that ‘Kurdistan's future in Iraq is poised on a knife-edge.’

“It can be the place, the people and the government that makes Iraq work as a pluralist and democratic federation, a successful and stable neighbor to a reforming, democratizing and Europeanizing Turkey, the site of an oil boom and economic transformation, the place that proves that Muslim-majority peoples are capable of creating an advanced democracy. That is the benign scenario,” said O’Leary. “But Kurdistan might be abandoned by the US, attacked by a recentralized Baghdad, and pressured by reactionaries in Turkey and Tehran. That is the malign scenario. The best way to avoid the malign scenario is for Kurdistan to remain united and to pursue its constitutional rights calmly, unambiguously, and peacefully.”

Responses from Brendan O’Leary dated 30 June

Replay ‘Today, Iraq is a country that poses no threat to international peace and security. We are working towards national unity, which has significantly contributed to the successes achieved to date.’

NOURI AL MALIKI, Iraqi Prime Minister, on bringing the country out of Chapter VII of the UN Charter.

‘According to the constitution and law, we can dissolve current municipal councils and form new ones in suburbs and districts.’

ATHEEL Al NUJAIFI, Ninewa Governor, warning that he may dissolve municipal councils.

‘This campaign is aimed at terrorizing vulnerable groups and preventing the peaceful coexistence of different religious groups.’

AD MELKERT, Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Iraq, calling for more efforts to protect Christians.

‘The Parliament’s speaker is responsible for its deteriorating monitoring role. I urge him not to succumb to threats and to take into consideration that the path to the truth is not paved with rose petals.’

HASSAN AL SHAMARI, Chairman of Fadila bloc in Council of Representatives, lambasting House Speaker.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Original Kirkukis warn that further delays in implementing Article 140 may fuel violence.

‘Time is running out’ Lawen A. Sagerma SLEMANI s political agendas change and priorities are reorganized the issue of Kirkuk and other contested areas remain on the backburner.

The implementation of Article 140 appears as nothing more than a tactic to appease Kurds by the central government who has no real intention to enforce the controversial article. However Kurdish officials and ordinary Kurdish citizens are placing their trust in the constitution, the legal document which guarantees them the right to a referendum. But continuous delays may contribute in increasing tensions and fuel further violence.

“Article 140 is written into the Iraqi constitution, and will remain valid unless amended, changed or abolished through constitutional measures,” said Dr Najmaldin Karim, an original inhabitant of Kirkuk and active member of the Kurdish diaspora who

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has been in the United States since 1975.

“The delay in its implementation can lead to unrest and violence, as the people who were victims of violence and ethnic cleansing policies of the past will take matters into their own hands and lose faith in the authorities,” he added.

Many feel that Kurdish officials in Baghdad have greatly compromised Article 140 by making too many concessions on it but Dr Karim explains that this was done in part because the Kurdish leadership put ‘their faith in the future Iraqi government to implement it’, but concedes that ‘agreeing to including other provinces in Article 140, was a big mistake in my opinion’.

Dr Karim added that in his opinion more active and vigorous efforts from Kurdish representatives in the Iraqi government could have moved the process forward, especially when the government in Baghdad was in dire need of Kurdish support.

“To my knowledge the Kurdish side has rarely put Article 140 on the agenda of the meetings with Al Maliki,” he said.

Often referred to as the Jerusalem of Kurdistan and the heart of the region, Kirkuk is stuck in a battle that seems neverending.

Sporadic suicide bombings continue to rattle the city as the security situation remains volatile. Lack of financial resources going into the city has meant that infrastructural progress remains minimal and public services poor at best. The curse of the black oil is more evident here than any other part of the country and while other parts of the Kurdistan Region and Iraq have begun to profit from the abundance of the natural resource, Kirkuk stands a neglected and shattered city.

“The Iraqi government since 2003 has neglected Kirkuk altogether when it came to allocating resources to rebuild the city and the province. The local government is also at fault by being passive and complaining rather than being proactive,” said Dr Karim.

He added that the efforts of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in rebuilding are to be commended but that this would have ‘yielded better results if it was coordinated and not run by each political party separately’.

“The people of Kirkuk and Kurdistan are losing patience and have less faith in how serious the leadership is on this very important issue. The wait is over and time is running out before the situation deteriorates out

‘The delay in implementing Article 140 can lead to unrest as people who were victims of ethnic cleansing may take matters into their own hands.’

of control,” said Dr. Karim.

He added that the oil issues have been dealt with in the Iraqi constitution and the Kurdish leadership has removed the opportunity for Baghdad to nullify any contracts made by them by agreeing to have all the existing oilfields in Iraq which include the oil fields in Kirkuk operated by the federal government.

“Article 140 is about justice, history, and reversal of policies of Anfal, ethnic cleansing and genocide. It is not about oil,” he pointed out. “I was in Kirkuk on 29 June, the day before the suicide explosion in Shorja. As someone born and raised in Kirkuk, it breaks my heart to see one of the most beautiful cities of Iraq in this state of ruin and destruction. The city was ignored and destroyed by the Baath regime.”

Like many others, Dr Karim believes that the longer the delays continue the more likely the potential for violence. He explained that rebuilding the city and extend-

ing services to all communities will go a long way in restoring the trust and harmony among the population. Many Iraqis and indeed the majority of the Kurdish populace believe that foreign intervention in internal matters is unacceptable and while external support by way of assisting the implementation of Article 140 is welcomed, making decisions on the issues with binding resolutions is not.

“International NGOs and the UN can use their expertise in implementing Article 140 [but] in areas such as census and referendum, this is an Iraqi issue and no solution can be imposed on them,” said Dr Karim.

Asked what he hopes for Kirkuk in five years time, Dr Karim said: "That we see an end to violence and that Article 140 has been implemented, and Kirkuk has joined the KRG, with special status, and provisions for true participation of all the communities not only in governing Kirkuk but the KRG as well.”

Abizaid leads US military veterans visit to SOMA Digest office he editorial office of SOMA Digest at Khak Media and Press Center in Slemani played host to a retired US military delegation led by Former CENTCOM Commander General John Abizaid on Monday 13 July.

The delegation was accompanied by the Kurdistan Regional Government's (KRG) representative to the United States, Qubad Talabany. The delegation said they were impressed with the content, design and scope of SOMA Digest. They inquired about its inception, distribution and contributing writers.

SOMA Digest was launched on 14 February 2006 with a skeletal staff of mostly Kurdish journalists and specialists. Contributing writers include noted experts such as Dr Joeseph Kechichian, Dr Denise Natali and Dr Hussein Tahiri. The digest was initially

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printed in Baghdad by Al Mada Publishing House, but due to logistical complications, it has recently begun publication out of a printing house in Slemani.

The delegation also included Former Under Secretary of the Army Joe Reeder, Lieutenant General Shoffner, whose son is currently commanding a battalion in Kirkuk, Colonel Jack Einwechter and Colonel Dick Naab head of CPA North during Bremer’s premiership in Iraq along with two journalists.

As drinks were served, encouraging words were passed onto the elated editorial team who were congratulated on the success of the bi-weekly publication and told to 'keep up the good work'.

— EDITORIAL

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

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Kurdistan Region witnesses 78 percent turnout for presidential and parliamentary polls

What a difference a day makes. Kurds, young and old, male and female, turned out to cast their ballots in the Kurdistan Region's landmark elections on 25 July, which saw the emergence of a bonafide opposition group in parliament.

The region has taken a further step towards democracy. (photos by Aram Eissa)

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

COMMUNITY|&

LOCAL NEWS PERSONALITIES

Ministry of Youth and Sports adopts new strategy to meet the needs of the Kurdistan Region’s youth.

Working plan he Kurdistan Regional Government’s Ministry of Youth and Sports is set to launch a new plan which takes a scientific approach to identifying problems facing the youth in order to come up with sustainable solutions. Taha Barwari, Minister of Youth and Sports, is also keen on examining errors of strategy committed in the past so as not to repeat them.

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Darya Ibrahim ERBIL In a bid to better address the needs of the youth in the Kurdistan Region, the Ministry for Youth and Sports has initiated a plan which it claims is the most developed of its kind.

Taha Barwari, Minister of Youth and Sports, said: “This plan has been put together in accordance with a method called Logical Framework Approach (LFA) which is an instrument utilized for arranging a united idea to the problems and doing the necessary work to make changes.”

He added: “It is an instrument for identifying the problems, the reasons, the effects, discussing the aims and creating plans and programs in a way that moni-

tors and evaluates the projects in order to reach their aims.”

Barwari went on to explain that LFA is a famous global method that is and has been used in many countries for a great number of years. He added that the plan needs four years work before it is completed theoretically and then executed by the ministry with the support of other respective ministries.

In addressing the social classes of the majority of the youth and those who are unemployed, Barwari explained that those without jobs are usually not proficient in English, nor do they have good IT skills or a specialization in any field. This, he explained, needs to be changed and their potential has to be tapped so that they can make use of whatever talent they possess.

Barwari, Minister of Sports and Youth, under a tent with the youth of the Kurdistan Region to discuss their problems. The ministry is aiming to encourage more youth participation. (photo by Aram Eissa)

“The ministry is working on the question 'What kind of youth is necessary for Kurdistan and how can we produce them?’ We need a layer of youth that is liberated, smart and knowledgeable, because work in the field of the youth is wide-ranging,” said Barwari, adding that many changes have been carried out since 2006 and that their work has seen a lot of reform.

“Those working for youth development were a number of athletes who had no real experience and were working without appropriate plans. We have to work to enable a ministry which works for improving the country through directing the youth and this will allow them to forge a place for themselves in a wide range of fields and educate others to serve

Women’s rights activists discuss the challenges facing Kurdish women at a festival in London.

Still some way to go Lara Fatah LONDON urdish society, like other Middle Eastern societies, is often characterized as patriarchal, yet through the years Kurdish women have played a central role in society from taking to the mountains in the struggle against the previous regime, to filling the ‘bread winning’ roles left vacant by husbands, fathers and brothers in the mountains.

Aspects of a patriarchal society do still exist, both in Kurdistan and in the expatriate communities in Europe and elsewhere. A recent panel at a Kurdish

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women’s festival in London, discussed the challenges to women achieving true equality in Kurdish society and how women must develop strong civil society groups, which must be accepted and supported by Kurdish men.

During the panel, Sawsan Salem of the Kurdish Refugee Women’s Organization, spoke about how Kurdish communities in Kurdistan and outside needed to deal with and confront ‘honor killings’. In 2002 following the killing of a 16-yearold Kurdish girl in England by her father, her group started campaigning against ‘honor killing’ in the UK and Europe in alliance with other groups. The UK government issued a statement saying that

‘Murder is Murder’, and cultural practice is not an acceptable defence.

Since Iraqi Kurdistan gained autonomy in 1991 there have been up to 33,000 ‘honor killings/suicides’. It is a very real problem facing Kurdish society and sits in stark contrast to the continued progress in other areas such as education - a quick glance around any Kurdish university will show you that there is more or less a fifty fifty split of males to females. The Kurdistan Parliament has a higher proportion of female MPs than various EU states and provides in the constitution that at least 30 percent of MPs must be women - currently there are 29 female MPs which is 27 percent of the

as volunteers,” said Barwari.

The ministry, created on 7 May 2006, has established many directorates for the youth including opening culture houses.

“Our directorates in Slemani are working efficiently and we have pointed out five main problems that require our attention. These include poverty, unemployment, education standards, emigration and lack of youth participation in the democratic process,” said Barwari.

A few years ago, a project on the youth parliament was in the pipeline. It was organized by some of the youth organizations but unfortunately to no avail as they were not successful. Barwari explains that this is an important issue, one for which his ministry must bear responsibility.

“We have worked on this issue seri-

ously and have discussed it with the Iraqi Ministry of Youth and Sports. We believe that those who are to be members in the youth parliament and those who can vote for them must be less than 18 years old because if they are above this age they can already vote for the ordinary parliament,” said Barwari.

After the Kurdish uprising of 1991 and with the establishment of the first Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) there was no governmental sector to deal with the issue of youth until 2006.

As part of any civilized society, the youth are a crucial layer. Continuous work by the ministry will strengthen ties with the younger generations and engage them in the processes that affect their country.

parliament. Progress too has been made in the area of ‘honor killing’ in Iraqi Kurdistan where the Iraqi constitution legalizes under articles 130 and 131 but article 59 of Kurdistan’s constitution outlaws this. However, Salem added that the recent legalisation of polygamy in the Kurdistan Region undermined some of the progress made and that it infringed upon women’s freedom.

While Salem urged Kurdish men to support women’s organizations, she also called for all Kurdish women’s groups to work together both inside and outside Kurdistan in order to protect and further the freedoms of Kurdish women, by helping those in need and lobbying governments to protect and provide for women’s rights.

Margaret Owen, an international human rights lawyer, also sat on the panel and echoed the importance of supporting women in society and not to underestimate the importance of the role that they can play in building peaceful and democratic societies. Owen highlighted the plight of Kurdish women outside Iraqi Kurdistan, among whom the literacy rate

is extremely low, the need to help them receive education and encourage civil society groups so that women can be consulted and take part in peaceful changes to the system. She highlighted how for the first time the UN has recognized that conflict impacts upon women more than men and that it has legislated under UNSCR1325 that women should be present at and active in any peace and reconciliation talks.

The panelists also highlighted the fact that for Kurdish women, there is still some way to go in achieving equality with men. Sadly, this is true in most countries - even in the West, to a degree, despite unprecedented level of personal freedom - gaining access to education, protected rights and better jobs does not necessarily make you an equal. Changing the mindset of a society and how they perceive and value women creates a more equal balance between men and women.

Kurdistan is far from being alone in struggling to achieve this, but at least some parts of the society are aware of the need to achieve change.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

RECOMMENDATION

‘Brief Recollections: Personal Flashbacks in Kurdistan’

The Kurdish youth now have a more lively choice of radio from Zed-Radio.

“Brief Recollections: Personal Flashbacks in Kurdistan” is a new book by our Language Editor, Anwar Qaradaghi, that is just published by Khak Foundation in Slemani. Its content comprises his columns (and some other articles) in the first 55 issues of this paper, SOMA Digest, of the last three years or so – and it is in English. Its price per copy is 3,000 Iraqi Dinars and can be purchased from the SOMA office.

The majority of the pages speak of differing aspects of life in the city of Slemani and its surrounding areas in the last 60 years or so. That is how they used to be in his recollections and how they have become or could have developed.

In most cases they also contain suggestions for improvement. Consequently, they contain interesting details to tell about Slemani, the Kurds and Kurdistan and Iraq in general.

Moreover, it is believed that these short articles may be interesting and useful to visitors of the region with the aim of giving them some general in-

(photo by Soran Naqishbandy)

The launch of Zed-Radio in Erbil gives a fresh new voice to the Kurdish youth.

Something in the air Tanya Goudsouzian ERBIL he recent elections in the Kurdistan Region were characterized by the mass participation of a new generation of Kurds, who have few recollections of life under the iron-fisted rule of the late Saddam Hussein. Their massive turnout at the polls no doubt contributed toward effecting a measure of change in the political set up that has been in place since the no-fly-zone was established in 1991. It is the first time that collective action by this new constituency has yielded such radical results, but for those who have been listening to their voice on Zed-Radio, it would not have come as a surprise.

Zed-Radio was launched in January this year out of a small studio in Erbil. Zed means ‘fatherland’ in Kurdish.

Najdel Mansour, one of the producers of the new radio station, said: “We wanted to broadcast a new style of programs, especially geared for the youth. We have a range of programs, both in Kurdish and English. We did this because we wanted to reach out to foreigners in the region as well.”

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Mansour explains that the programs are intentionally non-political and non-religious.

“We have panel discussions on a host of social issues such as poverty and the needs of young people,” he said.

“But we try to take a positive, constructive view on matters.”

Unlike other media outlets that have been accused of attempting to foment discontent and unrest, the crew at Zed-Radio aim to give the youth a forum through which they can discuss their thoughts and observations, giving them a sense that their voice is heard and can make a difference.

Funded by Zagros TV, Zed-Radio has some 30 young media professionals working in the programming and technical department. There are 10 hosts, out of whom five are employed full time. The radio is on the air from 7am to 12pm on 91.7 for Slemani and 92.3 for Erbil.

‘Startalk’ is an especially popular program. It invites average people to talk to Kurdish celebrities. Another program is called ‘Kchan’ (Girls), which helps young men understand the antics of the opposite gender a little better. Following the popularity of ‘Girls’, another program called ‘Boys’ was launched.

‘We have panel discussions on a host of social issues, but we try to take a positive view.’

Shko AbdulKadir, 21, is the host of two programs, ‘Kchan’ and ‘Yes/No’.

‘Yes/No’ invites four guests to answer a quick succession of questions in the span of a minute without using ‘yes’ or ‘no’.

Ismail Taha, head of the technical department, says Zed-Radio is aired across Iraqi Kurdistan up to Khanaqeen. Work is underway to broadcast in Kirkuk as well.

formation about the Region, its history, culture, language, customs, and aspirations.

Anwar Qaradaghi, who (holds MBA from Leicester University in Educational Management), has had many years of teaching, administration, writing and translation experience, has other published works that include two collections of English short stories translated into Kurdish and a history book on Kirkuk translated from Arabic into English.

— EDITORIAL

INSIDE for a taste KURDISTAN

Taking you of life in

Every Saturday night on Kurdsat 23:00 Erbil 20:00 GMT inside@kurdsat.tv

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Inspector Gadget A young ‘inventor’ from the small town of Kanakawa creates gadgets to suit the needs of his society.

At the tender age of six, Sabah Ahmed made a remote control toy car.

By 19, he had built an automated furnace for baking bread. He went on to manufacture an innovative garbage truck and much more.

Dana Rashid SLEMANI or as long as he can remember, Sabah Ahmed was always busy breaking things apart in order to recreate new gadgets. By the tender age of six, he had already made a remote control toy car. At 19, he created an automatic furnace for small loaves of bread better known as 'samoon' in Kurdish.

His furnace includes a section for kneading and another for storing the wheat powder; both features are controlled by an electric processor. The only manual requirement is to deposit the wheat and water into the designated slots. Ahmed, 34, spent one year on this

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Something wicked this way comes

THE BORNE IDENTITY AGRI ISMAIL witter has been bringing about the end of modern civilization for almost two years, 140 letters at a time. And while Google has been giving us all the knowledge in the world without any of the understanding since 1998; Facebook has been making it impossible for men to lie since 2004 (the amount of infidelities that are exhumed due to tagged pho-

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tos and comments on the walls of people without the necessary privacy settings are too numerous to detail in such a short piece, suffice it to say that their net amount would easily be able to be dressed up in leather togas and re-enact the battle of Thermopylae). It’s a new world we live in. A world of interconnected iPhones and Blackberrys, of text messages and microblogs. And it’s easy to see this as the end of what made us human once, by being endlessly connected to the world, of knowing exactly what Johnny did at 14:32 on Wednesday while being completely ignorant of the realities taking place outside your window.

But I posit that, aside from the inevitable fact that this whole web 2.0 nonsense will lead to the creation of Skynet and the Rise of the Machines, it is also the rise of an entirely new

form of communication. When Michael Jackson died, Twitter went aflame. Our best source of information regarding the chaos in Iran is not through regular news outlets but, again, Twitter and the blogosphere.

People who previously had no voice can now be on par with the world’s most renowned anchormen as long as they have an internet connection.

In an age where printed newspapers are going under and you’re as likely to be reading this column online as you are in a printed paper, it’s interesting to find that there is a new journalistic world order where truth tends to come out. It’s through handheld phone videos uploaded to YouTube that atrocities can no longer be hidden. It’s hard to imagine something like the Anfal campaigns going unnoticed now that the Kurdish population have gprs and MMS. Hell,

project because he was also working another job and had less time to dedicate to his gadgets. The top part of the furnace is a cooker and has a monitor which notifies when the bread is done.

Garbage truck with a twist One of his more innovative inventions is an eco-friendly garbage truck: “I had the idea for this vehicle because I am a member of the Environment Protectors’ Union and I wanted to create something that would help our environment.”

The vehicle requires one person to drive and control all the operations. The recycle bins will be emptied through hydraulic systems that the driver can view through the side mirror.

“This vehicle can clean, suck up dirt on the roads and pick up animal carcasses lying on the roadside,” said Ahmed.

He explained that this vehicle was made over a period of eight months with the support of some youngsters of the village and at a total cost of US$25,000. The funding was provided by the Ministry of Youth and Sports.

Ahmed has showcased his vehicle three times at the international exhibition in Slemani with the support of the Progressive Kurdistan Economic Organization and the Chamber of Commerce. His vehicle has already been implemented in the Kanakawa area for the last two years and there hasn’t been any need for the vehicles of the municipality to come in to clean the area.

Another invention of Ahmed's has been the oil washer for big vehicles and big machines.

“I had the idea to build this after we had a tractor and its oil washer broke.

it’s hard for someone to slip on the street of the Suli bazaar without it being uploaded into a myriad mobile phones, let alone for thousands of villages to be razed to the ground.

These are technologies and methods of communication that we, as Kurds, have quickly taken to heart.

Facebook has become a place for young boys and girls to communicate with avatars and photos of themselves in a manner that they’ve been previously unaccustomed to. It’s the teahouse for the 21st century, although it’s true that there still are far too many around the world and in Iraq who do not have access to this world at all.

Perhaps most interestingly of all in this election fever is the way that people, who have long complained about not being able to communicate with their politicians, now have a direct link to several prominent politicians. More and more of our

Even though it was repaired many times, it didn’t work properly and it was then that I decided to make this piece.

Now people come and ask for the oil washer of Kanakawa from all over Iraq,” he said.

Another one of Ahmed’s inventions is an electric water pump for irrigation purposes which has the capacity to pump water 200m high from 2 inches and requires the usage of 15 amps of electricity. The cost of this invention was US$15,000 and his water pump is now working in the Kilka Simaq area in the city of Koya.

After Ahmed went to participate in a workshop led by the Directorate of Cinema in Slemani, he was asked by one of the teachers there to make a crane and heavy lift container. He succeeded in building one that could be lifted 12m into the air with a weight of 20kg.

Set them free Kanakawa is neither metropolitan nor cosmopolitan; it is a small rustic town where animals are a common sight and flies are aplenty. For this reason, Ahmed thought of creating a gizmo that would catch the flies without killing them so he can then free them in an open area further away. His idea resulted in a box that contains pistons that will rise up every three minutes and suck in the flies. This cost him a paltry US$100.

“I have asked the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to support me because I have many ideas for other inventions that can help our society and country in the future,” said Ahmed.

Until then, he continues to tinker away at his home, producing more useful gadgets.

politicians, globally and in Iraq, have started using Twitter, communicating directly to thousands of followers. In this new world, the world of 140 letters which will, as mentioned, eventually lead to Arnold Schwarzenegger travelling through time to find and kill a rebel leader, in this world there are no fences between us and our leaders.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Word on the street Aram Eissa gauges popular reaction to the recent elections and asks what citizens expect from the upcoming Iraqi parliamentary and presidential polls set for January 2010.

Marewan Kamal, 20 (student) What do you make of these elections?

“The process was fine for this period of time for our society. I don’t think there was much difference between our elections and those of other countries with more than 70 percent of the eligible population participating.”

What are you expecting from the upcoming elections?

“I think for the next elections there must be more international monitors and organizations.

There must be many monitors to cater for all the cities and election centers.”

Saman Khalid, 22 (student) What do you make of these elections?

“It was normal for me but this time it contained more lists, candidates and opposition parties which allowed other people and political parties to think and to act more actively for their goals.”

What are you expecting from the upcoming elections?

“For the next elections we must take this one as an experience to cover all the different aspects, for example we must not allow the propaganda process to disturb the public and we must ensure that there is no violence.”

Bestun Salih, 23 (graduate) What do you make of these elections?

“The elections here were the same as they would be in any other country. Having international supervisors was necessary and important but the propaganda could have been more civilized.”

What are you expecting from the upcoming elections?

“The only thing that will make a difference for the next elections are the promises that the lists give. They must be honest and true. The Hiwa Araz, 17 (student) political parties need to know that they are What do you make of these elections? always fighting an election.”

“The process will be a good one when the winning parties continue to execute the promises that they made before the elections.

I was happy with this process even though I was not allowed to vote.”

What are you expecting from the upcoming elections?

“Only foreign independent people must supervise the process not people inside the country otherwise there will be bias toward a certain party.”

Ranj Nahro, 25 (decorator) What do you make of these elections?

“Socially everyone was very eager to participate in the elections but in regards the procedures the Independent High Electoral Commission must be more rigorous in their practice.”

What are you expecting from the upcoming elections?

“I hope that anyone who calls themselves a Kurd thinks about the Kurdish question and does something because this is why we practice democracy and why we participate in elections.”

Shalaw Najmaden, 18 (student) What do you make of these elections?

“Elections are a great task that everyone must take part in. This election directed us towards a brighter future and it was a very unique experience for us to know how to vote and for who and how to get involved in the elections.”

What are you expecting from the upcoming elections?

“The most important thing in the next elections is for the Independent High Electoral Commission to be truly independent and for there to be enough international monitors.”

Bnar Bakir, 29 (sound manager) What do you make of these elections?

“The process was fair enough for me as it gave people a chance to give their vote to whoever they wanted and to show the parties that people want someone who will execute their promises.”

What do you expect from the upcoming elections?

“I think we need many more independent monitors especially on the boxes and it would be better if they were foreigners. The Independant High Electoral Commission must be 100 percent independent.”

Mustafa Aras, 23 (dancer) What do you make of these elections?

“I don’t think there is or was an election because it was more like hypnotizing the people, pretending that we have a democracy but sadly we don’t. On the other hand if there were elections, they pretend the list that pass through will be same as the previous ones or maybe worse.”

What are you expecting from the upcoming elections?

“I think there must be enough independent groups and honest employees to take care of the process accurately and to make sure that no political party can tamper with any of the procedures.”

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

VIEWS|&

EDITORIALS COMMENTARY

he results of the parliamentary and presidential elections of the Kurdistan Region indicate changes ahead to the traditional political establishment. With nearly 40 seats won in the 111-seat Iraqi Kurdistan Parliament (IKP) opposition groups will form the foundations of a more active assembly that can check the monopolization of power by the two dominant parties. Yet, the nature of the region’s political system also suggests that the opposition will face its own challenges from existing power structures and those committed to protecting the status quo. Despite the weakening of their power base the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) will remain as the dominant ruling parties, having received 59 seats in the IKP. Massoud Barzani, head of the KDP, also has garnered a vast majority of votes and will continue his reign as president of the region. Each party also retains influential politburos and patronage systems that check parliamentarianism and the rule of law. Unless these traditional power structures are removed or seriously weakened, no real political change will be able to occur in the region.

Certainly the election is a watershed moment in Iraqi Kurdish politics. For the first time since the establishment of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in 1992, the political arena has become open to opposition groups, high levels of political pluralism and participation, and greater minority representation. Twenty-four lists competed for parliamentary seats and five

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AN OPEN POLITICAL ARENA DR DENISE NATALI individuals for the presidency. Voter outcome was 78 percent of over two million eligible voters. Hundreds of polling observers were present at over 5,000 polling stations. Further, election outcomes were uncertain, marking the beginnings of some form of electoral democracy.

No one in the political establishment expected or desired a 40seat opposition to emerge in the IKP. Opposition groups have complained about election fraud. Many individuals could not vote while others voted multiple times. The Change (Goran) list and Services and Reform list (Khizmet u Chaksazi) offices in Erbil and Dohuk were ransacked while outbreaks of violence occurred in Slemani between members of different groups.

Still, election fraud appears to have been manageable enough to have offered smaller groups the opportunity to form an important opposition in the IKP. Although collectively the opposition has insufficient seats to block or alter legislation it has received

Impact of Iranian democratization

DEMOCRACY IN IRAQ DR JOSEPH KECHICHIAN ecent dramatic developments in Iran, with nightly revelries of “Allahu Akbar” and “Death to the Dictator,” stand as examples of what to avoid in ongoing Iraqi democratization efforts.

Although Iran and Iraq are very different from each other, there are key similarities, which should alert Iraqi officials to potential problems and how best to avoid them.

At the outset, both countries are multi-ethnic, with rich legacies that stretch over time. There is a slightly more pronounced sense of nationalism in Iran, but this is probably due to the immensely polarizing

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Arab Ummah concept that prevented similar conditions from emerging in most independent Arab societies. This is changing, including in Iraq, but it seems that nascent autonomy is a work in progress.

Patriotism thrived in Iraq and Iran for decades though what defined both were dictatorial reign. Several military despots kept Iraqis chained just as authoritarian rulers imposed narrow definitions of power over hapless Iranians. Whenever revolts erupted in the two countries, wars or repression, were the orders of the day. It would be correct to surmise that brutal regimes succeeded each other in Baghdad and Tehran, notwithstanding pro-forma elections that generally garnered astronomical percentages, which proved that fraud was practiced with a vengeance.

Finally, Iraq and Iran were fully militarized for much of the 20th century that stifled sorely needed financial resources from development needs.

Iraqis opened a new chapter in their political lives after 2003, and while the final outcome is still a work in progress, there is a great temptation to conclude that its dictatorial days are more or less permanently over. The same may not be declared about Iran, where a genuine power struggle at the

the more than ten seats needed to publicly question government officials for unscrupulous behavior and activities. The opposition also is likely to challenge the two dominant parties by initiating debates and making demands for accountability and transparency of public funds, as well as decentralized government, a free-market economy, and the reduction of an overlybloated pubic sector and the inefficiencies and corruption linked to it.

Even with the presence of a political opposition challenges to establishing a democratic, parliamentary system remain. Real

parliamentary rule requires the differentiation of political parties from the government and the commitment to parliamentary rules and behavior. It means that law-making processes should be conducted inside the parliament and not outside it. In the Kurdistan Region, however, key political decisions are still made by antiquated Sovietstyle politburos which are sent to the parliament via KDP and PUK representatives, who in turn, assure that their respective members and smaller party affiliates will support their decisions. This is why the IKP has become nothing more than a rubber stamp for the parties and not a forum in which independent legislation or financial oversight can be conducted. Members of parliament may prefer to vote independently, however, they know they cannot challenge the politburos or the clan-like environment in which they fester.

Democracy also needs democrats to thrive. Despite the strong efforts of the opposition movement to encourage political

highest levels of government is now under way, whose upshot remains a mystery.

This is a somewhat hasty conclusion because many governments—including among Western democracies—routinely resort to raw repression to protect regimes.

Still, Iraq must be careful of spillover effects from its neighbor, aware that its own nation-building experiment is vulnerable to foreign upheavals.

Iraqis can draw lessons, including caution that repression to save a particular administration will require popular support because those who only rely on nationalism to buttress shaky authority may confront a conundrum. While Tehran’s fate may ultimately hinge on the loyalty of its security services, the matter is more complex than many realize. Baghdad is also eager to entrust its stability to its military and security arms, but in this case as well, these will never ensure full stability without popular support. Caution is recommended, especially in the Internet century when individuals throughout the globe can have an impact on indigenous uprisings.

It is understandable that to a certain extent, specific elements in a society will stand behind one leader or another. Yet, it behooves officials to understand that those who buttress a particular leader could easily alter allegiances, especially if interests change.

In the case of Iraq, two critical events bode well, while a third phenomenon calls for additional vigilance.

First, and as anticipated, American military forces are gradually redeploying and drawing down overall troop numbers throughout Iraq. To be sure, American soldiers will still train and equip their Iraqi counterparts for years to come, but the large numbers will fall dramatically. There will be new negotiations to introduce an updated SOFA [Status of Forces Agreement between Iraq and the United States], even if Prime Minister Nouri Kamal Al Maliki may not cherish the next round.

Second, Baghdad can proudly boast various local and regional elections, as well as critical parliamentary votes that ushered in relative transparency. Whereas ongoing disputes over autonomy, oil contracts, and several other concerns, permeate the political scene, Iraqis are slowly learning to be accountable. This is largely because of the painstaking work of large minority populations like the Kurds, who are full partners of the government in Baghdad, without rolling over to every Al-Maliki program.

The cautionary phenomenon must be over Iraq’s excessive militarization. Reliance on raw power, especially starting on 1 July 2009, should be resisted as much as possible. It goes without saying that those who wish to spread more havoc in Iraq will

change institutions in the Kurdistan Region are deeply rooted in clientelism. Political elites and leading families have amassed such fortunes and established such extensive patronage networks that the system itself obstructs the noblest efforts to combat corruption. While many individuals seek accountability and transparency others remain committed to the existing system and the financial benefits linked to it. Instead of a more open political arena, what is likely to emerge are new tensions between the reformers and anti-reformers and crackdowns against those challenging powerful authority structures.

These ongoing challenges require a longterm and ongoing commitment to change not only by opposition groups but from within the two main political parties. If the KRG is truly interested in democratic governance and assuring its international credibility and recognition then it will have to use its massive resources and influence to check party cronyism. One of the most necessary changes to reinforcing parliamentary rule and good governance is to disband the party politburos. The power of the president must also be checked so that it does not interfere with or obstruct the role of the parliament or the prime minister. Without these basic reforms even the most active parliament with a large opposition will remain weak and illegitimate.

Dr Natali is an honorary fellow at the Institute for Arab and Islamic Studies, Exeter University, and teaches at the University of Kurdistan-Hawler.

certainly attempt to goad Baghdad into disproportionate reactions, but in the longterm, Iraqi democratization must step away from military extremism. In fact, Baghdad would do well to create an institution that is akin to “Iraqi Defense Forces,” rather than an “Iraqi Army” that will espouse dictatorial prerogatives.

After American troops are gone, their current presence will no longer have a domestic impact, which means that an inevitable power vacuum is likely to emerge.

Iran may wish to fill that void in Iraq but, as recent events in Tehran as in so many other major cities amply demonstrated, the revolutionary regime is in the midst of a long-term legitimization challenge. Baghdad must certainly watch for putative Iranian interferences just as much as it watches for “Al Qaida” and even a resurgent Ba`ath but, above all, it must look inward to retain its legitimacy by earning public backing for its stabilization and democratization efforts.

In the end, Iraqi democratization ought to avoid Iranian mistakes, and adopt working institutional mechanisms that will encourage the creation of wealth in the hands of a stable middle class. That, ultimately, will allow the country to gain strength, and for all of its inhabitants to prosper. Only such an outcome will gradually replace uprisings with normalcy and freedom.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

IN THE THROES OF ELECTIONS Elections might nudge Iraqis to stop thinking only of their past and start drawing the roadmap for their future.

DR HARRY HAGOPIAN s I write this piece from the comfort of my desk in London, Iraqi Kurds are in all likelihood getting ready to go to the ballot boxes on 25 July - in nine short days - to cast their votes in the regional parliamentary and presidential elections.

But I am not unduly concerned about writing this piece before the elections rather than after them. After all, barring any huge surprises, it is evident to me that the outcome of both those elections is almost a foregone conclusion - not in the sense that they are necessarily rigged, but because the two Kurdish major ruling parties will definitely be the clear winners. Indeed, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) that have come together under the Kurdistan List to give themselves an even stronger impetus with the voters, will inevitably continue their winning streak since 1992 by garnering a majority of seats in parliament and also re-electing Massoud Barzani as president for another term.

However, underneath those nostrums, some perceptible changes have nonetheless become palpable and realities are slowly but inexorably shifting in Iraqi Kurdistan. 2009 is no more 1991, and we are neither in the Saddam years with horrific bloodbaths the likes of the Anfal campaign in 1988 nor even in the phase immediately following the 2005 elections.

Today, young Kurds have become politically much savvier and they are no longer fixated on past struggles but are trying to change the conventional two-party duopoly that has been the configuration of Kurdistan for decades. No wonder those elections witness the participation of twenty political groupings and might well augur the germination of a potential multiparty system and even of power-sharing in the regional government - if not in 2009, then in the next electoral round.

I believe that this unmistakable track in democratic development is healthy for Iraqi Kurdish politics. After all, by winning even a minority number of seats - say, anything near 20 percent - in the regional parliament, opposition parties such as ‘Goran’ [Chnage] and ‘Khizmet u Chaksazi’ [Services and Reform] might create a new opposition voice that could begin to challenge the monopolization of power held for 17 years by the KDP and PUK. This would introduce new blood into Kurdish politics, strengthen Iraqi Kurdish institutions, help imbed a sense of good governance that goes hand-in-hand with real democracy and the rule of law and introduce a gradual movement for change synonymous with progression - in the region.

However, despite those encouraging changes, I believe they are still below par

by Eurocentric standards and there is quite a long snaking road ahead. For instance, I

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wonder why expatriate Kurds have been specifically debarred from the elections. Is it a fear by the joint Kurdistan List that young and expatriate Kurds allowed to vote would do so in favor of the opposition parties - and in the process weaken further the hold on power by established politicians? My sense of wonderment augments further when I also realize that those same expatriate Iraqis who are being disallowed from voting in this region will still do so in the forthcoming Iraqi national elections. Is the central government in Baghdad now more proactive than Kurdistan in the democracy stakes despite Kurdish claims to openness? I would sit up and take notice if I were a Kurdish politician today!

Those elections are central for reasons transcending abstract principles or sheer aspirations: they affect a number of concrete and practical issues since developments in post-25 July Kurdistan will have national repercussions. I would suggest that Iraq faces pressing existential challenges ahead of it, and those can only be dealt with if all Iraqi communities work together. But even then, Iraqis cannot solve their problems alone. US mediation along the lines of the Dayton Proximity Talks for Bosnia could essentially help cajole the different Iraqi parties together so they broker the framework for a peace agreement.

In the midst of numerous ‘hot issues’, let me quickly highlight two critical issues that impact Iraqi lives nationwide.

The first highly-contentious issue focuses on disputed territories - particularly Kirkuk with its Sunnis Arabs, Kurds,

Turkmen and Christians - and how to apportion power, territory and resources (such as oil and gas) along the trigger line that divides de facto Iraqi Kurdish and Arab territories. Any electoral results will not only affect the overall unity of the country and its levels of tension but also the prospects for violence once the US troops complete their withdrawal in 2010 and 2011.

The second issue is the welfare of the smaller Iraqi communities that sometimes bear the bloody brunt of violence. The authorities have a duty of protection toward them, and some readers might have heard of the deadly attacks on Christian churches three days ago. According to an ICG report, violence occurs in the Kurdish areas too, such as in the Nineveh plain that is home to the Shabak people who have at times suffered at the hands of groups like the Kurdish ‘ASAISH’ secret police. We should be vigilant of endemic discrimination against powerless people who are part of the Iraqi mosaic too.

Two elections, two results, two political maps but only one future: the weeks and months ahead will prove whether Iraqis can shuffle their electoral cards wisely enough and whether they succeed in turning away from the yellowed pages of their history toward an irenic consensus over their future. Elections help clarify choices, just as they might also nudge Iraqis to stop thinking only of their all-toofamiliar past and start drawing the roadmap for their future. © hbv-H @ 16 July 2009

Elections can play an integral part in helping war torn societies to progress and develop and draw the roadmap to their future. (photo by Aram Eissa)

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

‘WHAT IS A KURD?’ The new KRG must strengthen Kurdish scholarship both within the region and abroad in order to dispel global ignorance over Kurdish issues.

LARA FATAH n the last 18 years, Iraqi Kurds have come a long way from being victims of a brutal regime to being an internationally recognized federal region of Iraq via a safe haven, civil war and a unity pact. As a new government is elected in Erbil, there is much to reflect upon. Despite the momentous change in status and the focus of the world’s press on Iraq, not infrequently, many Kurds still face the question: ‘What is a Kurd?’

It is a question I find myself answering on a regular basis. I normally start by outlining the geographical location of ‘Kurdistan’ and agree that the Kurds do have similarities to other Middle Eastern nationalities; however, with a language and history of their own they are different to their neighbors and indeed their hosts.

It is an ignorance that sadly persists even after all the changes of the last 18 years; I recently attended two events in London that were related to the Middle East and was surprised that even those who are familiar with the Middle East, through business or scholarship, are still quite ignorant on all things Kurdish. I found myself explaining that the area of Iraqi Kurdistan controlled by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is not a volatile hotbed of violence, that thankfully during the year I lived there that there were no bombs, and that in the six years since liberation there have been very few, which is in sharp contrast to the rest of Iraq.

One person then asked me how I had coped with wearing a ‘burka’. I explained that I was in Iraqi Kurdistan, not Iran or Afghanistan, and they asked me what the difference was.

In situations like this, it is often quicker and easier to define what Kurds are not rather than go into the complex politics of being Kurdish. So here goes, Kurds are not Arabs, Iranians or Turks; yet just like any of the aforementioned nationalities, a Kurd will claim dolma (yaprakh) and paklava as their own. Yet stereotypes and jokes aside, while the commonalities that Kurds share

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with other Middle Easterners are undeniable, they are not a reason for denying or ignoring the separate existence of the Kurds.

The geopolitical realities of the Middle East may mean that, for now, a Kurdish state is the impossible dream, yet a lack of independence does not confer with the lack of a nation - no-one denies the existence of England, Scotland and Wales which constitute the state of Great Britain.

It is sad that the international press usually cover only the shortfalls of the Kurdistan Region, such as corruption, they often

The challenges facing the new administration are very different from those faced by the outgoing one. The new KRG will have to maintain and strengthen the institutions of the KRG, promote the development of Kurdish studies while allowing it to be self reflective.

fail to mention or gloss over any successes though sometimes concede that it is significantly more secure than the rest of Iraq.

With respected institutions such as the BBC persisting in using the term ‘Northern Iraq’

instead of the Kurdistan Region or Iraqi Kurdistan, they continue to breed ignorance concerning the Kurds.

What I have written so far is from an Iraqi-Kurdish centric viewpoint, to be more precise from within the area that is under the control of the KRG. Unfortunately Kurds that live outside the security of this territory still face struggles for their human rights and safety.

Despite the ignorance that I have outlined and my frustration at still having to explain and sometimes justify my right to say I am Kurdish or explain that I was neither brave or cavalier in living in Slemani for a year; the positive changes must be followed up and consolidated.

It is now much easier to buy books on the Kurds, or should I say their politics because non-political cultural and historical books are still thin on the ground.

One thing that I hope changes is the lack of linguistic resources - particularly for learning Kurdish as a second language. In many definitions of nationalism and indeed nations, language is a key requirement. The newly elected KRG will face the challenge of the delicate balancing act of protecting all dialects while promoting a standardized and accessible form of one of the dialects, most likely Sorani.

Indeed the challenges facing the new administration are in some ways very different from those faced by the outgoing one. The new KRG will have to maintain and strengthen the institutions of the KRG, promote the development, both internally and externally, of Kurdish studies - while allowing it to be self-reflective and questioning of all things Kurdish. This will improve the knowledge of Middle East scholars and in turn the wider ‘educated’ public on Kurdish issues, which in turn will help all Kurds.

Hopefully this will alleviate the difficulties that most people face in knowing and understanding what a Kurd is and also enable them to point to where Kurdistan should be on a map.

L E T T E R S Alternative voices Thank you for the enlightening piece on minorities residing in the Kurdistan Region featured in your previous issue (‘House rules’ page 3 no.59).

Much is heard about the Arabs and Kurds, the Sunnis and the Shiites, but hardly anything is ever reported on the minority ethnic and religious groups that have resided in Iraq for just as long a period.

Moreover, it is a pity that Iraqi Kurdistan only makes mainstream headlines in the context of oil or gas, but rarely - if ever - on positive internal political developments, such as according quotas to minority groups in its parliament.

As a regular reader of your publication, I would like to see more coverage of minority group related issues.

After all, are the Kurds not showing the world and particularly other countries in the region, how minority groups ought to be treated?

Jeremiah Sykes DOHUK

Europe’s cross to bear I read with interest the interview with Shanaz Ibrahim Ahmed, representative of the PUK in UK, on the deportation of asylum seeking Kurds (‘Neither here nor there’ page 4 no.59). While I do concur

with the argument that one cannot pretend to claim asylum abroad when one’s country of origin is being marketed as stable and prosperous, I do take issue with forcibly returning individuals who, once upon a time, had just cause to flee, and now have nothing to go home to. Sending such people back to a country where they have neither house nor income is inhuman and cruel and goes against the ‘principles’ that led the US-led coalition forces to invade Iraq! Better measures must be in place to ensure that these individuals are able to land on their feet, otherwise, the UK has a moral responsibility to grant them residency.

Hama Gharib LONDON

C O N TA C T U S LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Want to be published in SOMA? We’d really like to know what you’re thinking.

If you’ve got a comment on one of our stories, or about an important issue, simply email it to: editor@soma-digest.com Letters may be edited for purposes of space, clarity and decency.

Rebeen Ahmed 1985 - 2009 SOMA Digest joins the Ahmed family in mourning the loss of their son, Rebeen, who died in the Kirkuk bombings on Friday, 31 July. Rebeen Ahmed was a dedicated member of the SOMA team, distributing the paper in the conflict-ridden city and tragically fell victim to the ongoing violence.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

BUSINESS|&

INVESTMENTS MARKET NEWS

The KRG initiative to buy the harvest from local farmers could soon see the region become self sufficient.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

Wheat kings. KRG initiative to buy local farmers’ harvest each year yields promising results.

Brwa Ab. Mahmud ERBIL he Kurdistan Region’s fertile agricultural land bodes the promise of self-sufficiency, as a vast number of villages - if encouraged - can yield local produce. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has planned various methods to improve this vital sector but the devastation wreaked upon the rural areas by previous Iraqi regimes has hampered these efforts.

The KRG through various projects by ministries and departments including the Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Tourism and Gardens’ Directorate to name a few have been able to make significant progress.

One noteworthy government initiative is the purchase of the farmers’ harvest each year. This has served to encourage people to go back to their villages and assist in reviving the stagnant agricultural sector. The government has bought the harvest and reused it in a number of ways. The grain harvest has been made into wheat powder and distributed among the population every month along with the Oil-for-

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Food Program. It has also been used to make fodder, which goes back to the farmers who use it for their animals.

The General Company for Grain Trade, which belongs to the region’s Ministry of Trade, is the special directorate set up for the purpose of buying the harvest from the local farmers.

“Most of the directives are from the Ministry of Trade of the central government but we also have some technical and administrative directives coming from the region’s Ministry of Trade,” said Khalid Hamid Mahmud, an agricultural engineer and general manager of the General Company for Grains Trade in Slemani which is an administrative office for receiving, storing and providing grain.

He explained that each year the administration receives new directives from the central government on how to receive the harvest from the farmers in their area.

“We must break down the grain into three grades according to their quality of use. Grade one and two are good wheat but three is bad and dirty wheat or barley which is used as animal food. We also import wheat which goes through the same laboratory pro-

cedures as the local grain. Up to now, we have had no poor quality wheat from the international shipments,” said Mahmud.

He explained that every vehicle that brings in the stock has to be checked for quality before a price tag is set. Samples are taken from each vehicle for tests, some of which are by machine and some by sight.

“Every vehicle is given a secret number so that the owner remains undisclosed until the final results are known,” he explained.

Classification as per international standards of quality The laboratory tests ascertain the degree of the grain and set the limits for the percentages of elements that are allowed to exist in the grain such as the specific typical weight and moisture. There should be no percentages of carbonization, scion, decayed grains, insects or feces, otherwise it will not be classified as grade one quality grain as per international standards.

The tests can be contested by the farmers as the administration has set up a special board for complaints. Tests can be redone under the supervision of the complaints board so that farmers can be assured

that their stock was rejected on quality basis only.

The General Company provides the seven mills in Slemani with 6,000 tons of grade one wheat, 3,000 tons of grade two and 1,500 tons of grade three that is used for making animal food. This is all distributed among the public. The city requires 18,000 tons of the international and local wheat in addition to 5,000 tons of barley.

The different grades of wheat are also combined before it is made into powder. Wheat from Australia, Canada and the US, which are renowned for their quality, are mixed with 30 percent of grade one local wheat and 10 percent of grade two.

“One ton of first class international wheat costs the Iraqi government US$460, while the wheat from other countries costs US$360. We buy different kinds of local grain according to the directives of the central government. For the current year, we have bought one ton of grade one wheat for 850,000 Iraq Dinars (ID), grade two for 750,000 ID, grade three for 450,000 ID and one ton of barely for 725,000 ID,” said Mahmud.

The administration has bought the largest amount for the current year but face problems in storage of the large quantities as they receive 80-100 vehicles daily which lead to large crowds in front of the administration.

“Our administration is a silo granary but we do not have a suitable place for storing so we put all the grains outside to bear any weather which is not right scientifically. The government promised us to reconstruct the granary to use it properly,” said Mahmud.

He explained that there are 53 silos in Iraq and that their one is the only one not working. He explains that storage is a big problem as they must receive grains from the farmers in these three months of harvest, from the silos of the other provinces and from the imported vehicles. Despite these problems Mahmud explains that there is reason to rejoice nonetheless.

“The range of our harvest has increased. In 2007 we bought 29,000 tons from the farmers in the three months of harvest but in 2008 owing to the severe drought we only bought 17,000 tons but the current year which we are in the middle of, we have already reached nearly 43,000 tons,” he said.

According to Mahmud, the regional demand for wheat is greater than can be provided for at present but he expressed the hope that in the years to come the Kurdistan Region will be able to fully provide for its own needs.

“This year we may come close to providing for half of our region’s needs.”

Khalid Hamid Mahmud, General Company for Grains Trade in Slemani.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Gas mileage. Firms reach US$8billion accord to export Kurdish gas.

Zheno Abdulla SLEMANI he companies Dana Gas, Oil Helal, OMV and MOL have declared an agreement they have reached with regard gas export from the Kurdistan Region to Europe in the project of the line transporter of NABOKO. The financial prize of this agreement is said to reach US$8 billion dollars and by 2014 the shape of exporting natural gas on a daily basis will have reached three billion cubic feet.

During the last two years, Dana Gas and Oil Helal together have put US$605 million dollars worth of investment in gas in the Kurdistan Region.

After ‘Operation Iraqi Freedom’, Norwegian Company DNO started its investment in the Tawke field. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) decided from

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‘Water coming to Iraq from its neighbors has been cut by more than half... The quality of the water coming into Iraq is bad, due to the high saline levels.’

HUSSEIN AL SHAALAN, Member of Parliament, warning of the reduction of agricultural land in Iraq by more than 60 percent.

‘[Our] share of gasoline is 600,000 liters per day.

This share does not fit Kirkuk’s population.’

RAKAN SAEED, Kirkuk deputy governor, on re-issue of gasoline cards in Kirkuk.

1 June of this year that the company will export 60,000 barrels of oil from that field on a daily basis. In addition, Adax Petroleum Company will begin exporting 40,000 barrels of oil from the Taq Taq field to global markets via Turkey. The latest news for the Kurdistan Region is the agreement made by these four companies to export natural gas.

The federal government of Baghdad initially banned the export of natural gas from the Kurdistan Region without the permission of Iraq. This stance by the central government was also taken with regard oil exports from the Kurdistan Region but as experts state, Iraq is experiencing great economic difficulty due to the global economic crisis that has shattered other economies.

Largely for this reason, the central government eventually agreed to the export of 100,000 barrels of oil. The decrease in Iraq’s national budget also seems to be a factor in

‘The Iraqi government has managed to impose security and stability after the US forces withdrew...

Everything in Iraq needs re-building and rehabilitation, which prompted us to launch a series of steps to ease the red-tape in the country.’

NOURI AL MALIKI, Iraq’s Prime Minister, inviting members of the American Chamber of Commerce to move their investments to Iraq.

the change of heart.

After Operation Iraqi Freedom, the federal government could not increase its production and was lagging behind in comparison to the Kurdistan Region.

According to Iraqi statistics, the country produced 2.5 million barrels of oil daily in 2007 but this decreased to 1.9 million in 2008 and although this was increased to 2.2 million barrels a day this year, it is still less than 2007. These numbers come at a time when Iraq is in desperate need of an increase in its oil production to seven million bpd.

There is huge importance attached to the export of oil and gas from the Kurdistan Region for the Kurds. Exporting 100,000 barrels oil daily shows Kurds not only to be participating in the political process but that they are also protecting the nation’s economy. The KRG has declared that at the beginning of next year, the region can export 250,000 barrels of oil daily and if the budget of Iraq remains at US$62 billion then it would mean that the Kurds have provided two percent of the budget.

In the Kurdistan Region at the end of last year and at the beginning of the current year, gas was used for producing energy for electricity for Chamchamal and Perdawd substations, both approximately 500 mega watt. Representatives from Dana Gas have said that the gas will first and foremost be used for the purposes of the people in the Kurdistan Region and then exported to Europe.

Russia is currently providing 25 percent of Europe’s gas but owing to clashes between Russia and Ukraine, the exports are sometimes delayed. This has affected many European factories that work using gas. Exporting natural gas from the Kurdistan Region will be an alternative source for these companies, and reduce Europe’s reliance on Russia for gas.

Apart from the security that the Kurdistan Region offers in comparison to other parts of Iraq, the investment law is attractive to investors. The absence of such a law in areas under the control of the central government has held back investment prospects, while the Kurdistan Region has signed contracts with 35 companies up to now.

‘The government has published the documents regarding oil contracts so that everyone can see and examine them.’

MOHAMMED AL QARADAGHI, Secretary of KRG cabinet, on allegations of corruption against the KRG involving oil contracts signed with foreign firms.

‘I call for benefiting from the European experience after World War II with respect to the IraqiKuwaiti relations.’

IYAD AL SAMARRAIE, Iraqi House Speaker, proposing to establish an Iraqi-Kuwaiti financial institution.

COMMENT

A vibrant Kurdish economy can become reality he economy of the Kurdistan Region has slowly started moving in a positive direction. The government has initiated a number of measures to infuse momentum into the sagging economy. The Kurds have always displayed their ardent devotion to their motherland.

And now that they are able to breathe freely under the canopy of the blue sky as the fervor to contribute to their motherland has once again resurfaced. Everyone appears to be impatient about accomplishing high economic growth in a very short span of time.

The pre-requisites of a sustained and sound economic growth are based on strong infrastructural avenues, political stability, comprehensive growth oriented economic policies, increases in public investment in the social sector and a spur in industrial growth through fiscal sops.

The government should strategize its initiatives in terms of priority such as employment generation, infrastructure development, formal and technical education, medical and health services and above all adequate food production to meet its own needs. Special impetus should be placed on reviving agriculture and food production. This will reduce the import food bill and generate jobs.

Agriculture has been Iraq's largest employer, the second largest contributor to GDP and an engine for promoting stability through private sector development, poverty reduction, and food security. The revival of a dynamic market-driven agricultural sector will strengthen private business, increase income and employment opportunities, and help meet the food requirements of the Iraqi people.

The huge fund support for boosting the agriculture sector may not be forthcom-

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‘The small farmers’ fund received ID 4 billion... developing livestock wealth fund received ID 2 billion, the fund for developing big projects got ID 2,687 billion and ID 260 million for developing palms trees fund.’

AKRAM AL HAKIM, Iraq’s Agriculture Minister, on approving US$13 million in loans to 1,299 beneficiaries within the Iraqi government’s initiative to develop the country’s agricultural situation.

ing and cannot be expected from a cash crunch government. The farmers have little to offer except for their farmland.

Hence, a different model of agriculture may by envisaged. Contract farming is a concept which has been highly successful in countries like Thailand and India.

The process of contract farming involves cultivating and harvesting for and on behalf of big business establishments or government agencies and forwarding the produce at a pre-determined price. In return, the contracted farmers are offered high price against their farm produce. The various models of contract farming may involve two to five partners.

The farmer shall be the principal partner along with a financer which may be a bank or a financial institution, a buyer suitably a cash rich multinational company who would buy all the farm produce at a pre-contracted price at the farm land itself and redistribute it locally.

In order to shore up domestic market requirements and reduce the import food bill, an agency would provide all kinds of farm implements and technical knowhow for modern farming. There should also be an insurance company in case of any eventuality and above all, government or regulatory bodies.

A certain percentage of profit in terms of tax should come into the government’s coffer and used for developing infrastructures like irrigation facilities. The role of contract farming in rural economy in developing countries is becoming more and more important, since organized farming practice has become the need of the hour in the world of rapid industrialization.

— BY DEVANJAN BOSE IN NEW DELHI

‘Investment opportunities in Iraq are promising...

It would not be to the benefit of a company to delay its presence in Iraq.’

TAREQ AL HASHEMI, Iraqi Vice President, urging foreign firms not to put off too long their plans to invest in Iraq at the risk of losing out.

‘Priority will be given to Iraqi investors to set up partnerships with the government or with other investors.’

RAFIE AL ISSAWI, Iraq’s Deputy Prime Minister, on government’s plan for private sector.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Culture FILMS

MUSIC

LITERATURE

INSIDE

Historic homes in Diyarbakir tell tales of olden days KAMARAN NAJM IN DIYARBAKIR

HERITAGE

The sweet taste of success he sweetest taste of success comes in the form of Kurdish pastry better known as ‘paqlawa’. A small family business established well over 40 years ago is still going strong in the city of Slemani, where its founder, Haji Amina Jola, has left her mark.

Initially starting with simple tools nothing more than her hands and basic ingredients, such as flour, sugar and oil plus walnuts - the creator of the region’s favorite sweet dessert passed on her trade to her family members so they could carry on the legacy.

“Our business goes back to my aunt, Haji Amina Jola. In the 1950s, she was in the Qazaz area when she began this work. She slowly learned the trade at home until people bec a m e familiar with it.

Once it developed she called on her sisters to help her out,” recounts Mohammad Ahmed Mahmood, a nephew of Haji Amina Jola.

In a bid to keep it in the family, the female members all pitched in to help out their elder. Haji Amina’s sister talked of her experience when she began making paqlawa.

“I learned this from my sister Haji Amina. Let’s not brag and say we learned it ourselves. She was my eldest sister and I learned it from her. There were times that I would knead 80 kilos of dough with my own hands, the dough that is used for this paqlawa. But I am not able anymore so I have hired others,” said Maliha Ahmed Ismael.

Although they were initially renowned for making paqlawa, other pastry creations were soon in the making. ‘Nawki book’ or ‘gla’, ‘birmae shelayee’ or ‘weshk’, ‘swara’ and ‘kolicha’ were all introduced as people slowly became aware of the family treasure.

Each pastry piece requires individual attention. The paqlawa takes 25 to 30 minutes of work before it is put into the oven

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for two to three hours. ‘Nawki book’ which requires more detail in its design can take up to an hour to make after which it is fried in vegetable oil for 20 minutes.

“For ‘paqlawa’ you get the pastry ready, then you lay 11 layers and on the 12th one you sprinkle a layer of walnuts and then you cover this with five more layers of pastry and then on the sixth one you put more walnuts and then you finish off by putting on 10 more layers of pastry before it is cut,” said Shereen Omar Hama, one of the female workers at the shop.

The ‘birma’, which is similar to the ‘paqlawa’ in terms of ingredients, requires less layers of pastry and it takes 25 minutes for a tray to be completed.

This is also fried in oil for a further 20 minutes.

‘Swara’, is similar to the ‘birma’ and is shaped into a circle. It requires 45 minutes preparation and an hour baking in the oven. Once it comes out, nuts are placed in the center and a sugary syrup is spread onto it.

Now with modern equipment more can be made but back in the time of Haji Amina, manual labor was a must and the effort that went into making a single tray required a great deal more time.

“In the beginning, of course, Haji Amina didn’t have an oven; they used to take the paqlawa on a tray into the bazaar and baked it there before bringing it home to sell. Once it became apparent that people were acquiring a taste for it, she started buying ovens and machines to knead the dough because before that it was all done by hand,” said Mahmood It is said that ‘paqlawa’ was first made in Kirkuk. Subsequently, the Kurds from Slemani took the idea and developed it.

Regardless of where it came from, the pastry creations continue to be a big hit with the residents of Slemani.

— BY JEN A. SAGERMA IN SLEMANI

The Kurdistan Region’s love for traditional bread has been preserved. No meal is ever complete without bread at the table and even those who do not have time to bake themselves pay for others to do so for them. (photo by Dastan Nouri)

Better than sliced bread A staple part of the Kurdish diet, several varieties have traditionally been prepared.

Roshna Rasool SLEMANI iri, hawrami, bar tanoor and bazaar are among the many different types of Kurdish bread. The names stem from the place or the way the bread is made. In previous years, bread was often made using a tanoor, a mudbrick oven usually found in the villages.

Wood was placed inside and this became the heat source for baking the bread.

The dough after it has been rolled out is placed on the hot tanoor walls. The making of the bread requires team effort, each member assigned a specific role. One person makes the dough, another makes small dough balls which is flattened by yet another and then put in the tanoor. Another member and sometimes even an extra person are used to remove the bread. This allows for more efficiency in the process.

In the city, however, there were mini portable tanoor ovens available for small numbers of bread. This can be used in many family homes and differs in that gas is used to generate heat rather than wood.

‘Tiri’ and ‘Hawrami’ bread are commonly made at home and are traditional in that the flattened dough is placed on something called a 'saj', which resem-

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bles an upside down wok. This is placed on the fire on the cooker and the bread is made in this fashion. This saj can be heated over the cooker or a different gas supply or even a wood fire. The hawrami bread dough is flatted by hand and is characterized by being very thin.

The outcome is that it is bendable. It is often put in a sealed plastic bag to keep it from hardening but even though it is a rather limp bread it is also very chewy.

Tiri bread is flattened using a rolling pin and once baked, it becomes a hard, thin bread that can crack and to soften it, one sprinkles water over it before eating it with a meal.

Due to the fact that many women in the city are now employed, their lifestyle is no longer conducive to preparing homemade bread. These days, bread is purchased from the bazaars. However, available to the community are groups of women who work together and have a small business whereby they make traditional ‘tiri’ bread, but this is becoming increasingly rare as the economic state of people improves and as such they tend to stop making it for others. For this reason, tiri bread may soon become a forgotten tradition.

It is common for Kurdish Muslims to have a stock of tiri bread made before the Holy Month of Ramadan, as it is

preferable during Ramadan to eat with traditional bread rather than bazaar bread.

Ahmed Khidir, who owns a traditional bakery in Slemani, describes his daily routine: “We wake up every morning at 3am to make and knead the dough and have it ready for those who want fresh warm bread for breakfast.”

His wife Amina Bakir explained that in the 1980s the effort that went into making bread was a great deal harder.

“Back then, my husband and I owned a traditional bakery and during those days we worked together as there was no kneading machine available at the time so I used to knead the dough for him. It was a family effort for the community,” she recalls.

The traditional bakeries in the bazaars do not make tiri bread nor do they make hawrami bread commonly, but they are renowned for making the well known bazaar bread.

Bread was and is a very important part of every meal in Kurdish tradition and sometimes even the meal itself.

“During my days as a shepherd walking through the fields I couldn’t carry much but I would always have some bread folded and some cheese or vegetables to eat with it. It is and was a necessity,” explains Abdul Rahman Osman.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Old historic homes of affluent figures tell a tale in Diyarbakir and are well preserved.

This old house Historic homes in Diyarbakir tell tales of romantic days of old.

Kamaran Najm DIYARBAKIR ust northwest of Ulu Cami in Ziya Gokalp Sok, Cami-I Kebir quarter is a classic Diyarbakir house where the poet Cahit Sitki Taranci was born in 1910 and spent his childhood.

The building was constructed in 1733, and 240 years later it was converted into a museum commemorating the poet, whose personal belongings, correspondence, family photos, books and other paraphernalia attributed to him are displayed here.

Built of basalt contrasted with a white material called cis, the house has 14 rooms with separate sections for men and women; areas facing south were used in the winter months and north-facing ones were used in the summer months.

Like most houses in Diyarbakir, this building has a basement called a ‘zerzemen’. Being a much cooler section of the house, food for the winter would be kept here either in earthen jugs or the cupboards. The kitchen is actually a verandah with a single arch to the northeastern corner of the courtyard. In the kitchen, there is an oven with three parts covered by a rounded arch. Since the building is presently used as a museum, the kitchen is closed off by a wooden cage in order to protect items in the building.

It is said that the basement of the house has one particular room which is divided up. According to the legend, this served as a matchmaking salon, where single men and women from his family could meet and form potential marriages. The woman could evaluate the man from behind the dividing screen but

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the man could not see the woman.

Opposite the Sourp Giragos Armenian Church is an old traditionally styled house [Gocmen Sokak no.17, Savas quarter] which originally belonged to an Armenian named Yemenici Babos, who made hand-printed headscarves.

The researcher and writer Esma Ocak Koshu, who has written several books about Diyarbakir, bought and restored the house before handing it over to officials so that the place could become a

(photo by Kamaran Najm)

and north of the courtyard, around which are communal areas such as the kitchen, as well as some bedrooms for guests.

Stone stairs lead to the upstairs rooms, which are more private. Rooms upstairs tend to have high ceilings covered with wooden roofs which are protected by roofing tiles. A sloping roof prevents the snow from accumulating during the harsh winters; the blocks of basalt are edged with a white plaster called cis that contrasts with the dark stone.

Windows have decorative niches where lamps or framed pictures can be placed, and railings (‘gezemek’) that prevent children from falling accidentally. Upstairs there are small balconies called cumba usually adorned with flowerpots.

Behind the Dicle Firaat Arts Centre is the Ziya Gokalp Museum, another traditional house built in 1806 of basalt.

Traditional houses in Diyarbakir are two-storey structures built of black basalt and boast a courtyard.

Stone stairs lead to the private quarters upstairs.

tourist attraction.Fully furnished, the house is built of black basalt and boasts a courtyard with a pool with common areas and guest rooms on the ground floor, a large store-room in the basement, which also has a bedroom used for naps on hot summer days and many rooms on the upper floor. There are also four verandahs, one of which is upstairs.

Traditional houses in Diyarbakir are two-story structures built of black basalt and with a courtyard. Lawns with columns are mostly placed to the south

The two-storey building is where the sociologist and writer Ziya Gokalp was born in 1876. The makeshift museum houses a collection of the writer's personal belongings and documents.

Access is through a wooden gate into the courtyard surrounded by verandahs and with a pool and a black statue of Ziya Gokalp himself. Labels in Arabic and old Ottoman Turkish above the doors provide some of the history behind the house.

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Lifestyle DINING

FASHION

INTERIORS

COMPILED BY SAZAN MANDALAWI IN ERBIL SAZ KAMAL IN SLEMANI JEN A. SAGERMA IN SLEMANI

LEISURE

As modernity seeps into everyday life in Kurdistan, affluent young Kurds find ways to reconcile global trends with tradition.

Following ‘Operation Iraqi Freedom’, the Kurdistan Region has been experiencing unprecendented growth and development, moving steadily closer to the level of Western countries. Kurdish repatriates have also aided this journey by introducing local society to novel concepts and approaches. Lifestyle, a vista to an emerging society, offers a glimpse.

A shop below the Citadel caters to repatriate girls’ demand for traditional Kurdish bags.

Back to basics

The Italian job

Home seems to be where the heart is as hordes of Kurdish families are returning to the Kurdistan Region after spending many years abroad. Repatriate girls in the Kurdish capital are increasingly dressing in a way that fuses modern fashions with Kurdish folklore. One popular item is the handmade shoulder bag. Very few shops cater to this niche market, but there is one located right under the Erbil Citadel doing pretty good business. The bags are personalized with initials or colors of choice. The shop’s regular customers claim they even prefer it to designer bags.

Along with the ‘harem’ pants, Kurdish bags have emerged as the must-have fashion item among the chic Kurdish set.

Castello, the popular Italian restaurant on Salim Street, keeps drawing in crowds. The three floored building hosts two balconies, one for families and one exclusivey for men.

Tables in the garden make it an ideal venue for evenings. There is a variety of European dishes on offer, all of which will set you back a pretty penny. The menu has three pages for drinks, alcoholic and non-alcoholic. Some claim the food isn’t that great and the service is slow but the location remains unmatched.

One oddity is that the menu is entirely in English and the staff are barely familiar with the language or the content! They don't always understand what you ordered, which means you may not get what you asked for.

But hey, location!

Castello on Salim Street is a popular destination for lovers of Italian food.

IN FOCUS

How much is that doggy in the window? eeping cats and dogs as household pets is not common practice in the Middle East, nor has it been in Kurdish custom. But times, they’re a changin’. The Pet Shop in Slemani has introduced a love of pets to a society that normally relegates cuddly, furry creatures to a miserable life on the streets.

Dogs, which are frowned upon in Islam and not to be taken as pets, have increasingly been acquired for young girls of the elite a la Paris Hilton. Families who have returned from abroad are also among those who take in a pet dog.

To cater to this demand, the Pet Shop has brought in a range of puppies including Ms Hilton’s favorite, the Chihuahua. But in contrast to her ‘Tinkerbell’, the ones at this pet shop sell for a steal at only US$600. But again this is only a bargain by international standards, for the majority of Kurds, this is an absurd sum to pay for a dog - simply inconceivable!

The rest of the puppies include

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The puppy eyes are hard to resist and as such the Pet Shop in the city of Slemani is offering all types of canines to the public.

Maltese, Pomeranian and Labrador receivers and have price tags that range between US$400 and US$550.

They are all brought in from Lebanon via plane and each hold a passport and health certificates that guarantee their physical condition.

To ensure that there are no problems in this regard, a vet comes on a daily basis and inspects the animals and they are supervised for 21 days after they have arrived before they are allowed to be sold.

The Pet Shop, which is the first of its kind in the whole of Iraq, is the only one with a license to bring in animals by plane.

The Pet Shop also works with personal requests and customers are able to order whatever they want (within reason of course!)

There are currently plans to bring in deer to the Kurdistan Region among other larger animals but they are waiting for the completion of paperwork.

If the canine is not your best friend then you can take your pick of birds. Beautiful vibrant colored

Brazilian Macaw Parrots brought in from Lebanon fetch between US$1,300-1,400. These birds can live as long as 160 years and learn up to 10 words in their lifetime.

There are also some with slightly lower price tags at US$1,000. But one man from Suly has dug much deeper into his pocket and bought a rare species of Anodorhynchus or Spix, which is a genus of large macaws Spix for a staggering US$11,000!

If that is an off-putting price then there are pigeons and adorable colorful budgies for around US$200.

Even if you can’t find anything in the store, their request orders ensure that you will be able to find the pet of your choice. There are only three other pet shops of this kind in the whole of the Middle East and as such there is no compromise on quality and as the owner explained, their dogs are all pure bred.

— BY JEN A. SAGERMA IN SLEMANI

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

HISTORY Great expectations: Kurdistan Parliament elections

The Anabasis Maureen McLuckie LONDON Anabasis (Greek for "Uphill") is the most famous work of the Greek professional soldier and writer Xenophon who accompanied the Ten Thousand, a large army of Greek mercenaries hired by Cyrus the Younger, who intended to seize the throne of Persia from his brother, Artaxerxes II. Though Cyrus's mixed army fought to a tactical victory at Cunaxa in Babylon (401 BC), Cyrus himself was killed in the battle, rendering the actions of the Greeks irrelevant.

Stranded deep in enemy territory, the Spartan general Clearchus and the other Greek senior officers were subsequently killed or captured by treachery on the part of the Persian satrap (Governor) Tissaphernes. Xenophon, one of three remaining leaders elected by the soldiers, played an instrumental role in encouraging the Greek army of 10,000 to march north across foodless deserts and snow-filled mountain passes towards the Black Sea and the comparative security of its Greek shoreline cities. Now abandoned in northern Mesopotamia, without supplies other than what they could obtain by force or diplomacy, the 10,000 had to fight their way northwards through Corduene and Armenia, making ad hoc decisions about their leadership, tactics, provender and destiny, while the King's army and hostile natives constantly barred their way and attacked their flanks.

A people called the Carduchoi are mentioned in Xenophon's Anabasis. They inhabited the mountains north of the Tigris in 401 BCE, living in well-provisioned villages. They were enemies to the king (of Persia), as were the Greek mercenaries with Xenophon, but their response to thousands of armed and desperate strangers was hostile. They had no heavy troops who could face the battle-hardened hoplites (Armoured man), but they used long bows and slings effectively, (As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly three cubits long, and arrows above two cubits, and they drew the string, whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot against the lower extremity of the bow.

Their arrows penetrated through shields and corselets) and for the Greeks the "seven days spent in traversing the country of the Carduchians had been one long continuous battle, which had cost them more suffering than the whole of their troubles at the hands of the king and Tissaphernes put together.

19th-century scholars, such as George Rawlinson, identified Corduene and Carduchi with the modern Kurds, considering that Carduchi was the ancient equivalent of "Kurdistan". There are many versions and translations of the Anabasis, this is from a translation by Rev J S Watson, and published by George Routledge & Co, London in 1863. Copies are readily available through the Internet from as little as £5.00 Sterling.

he pass across the river, toward the west, led to Lydia and Ionia; and that the other over the mountains, toward the north, led to the Carduchi. This people, they said, lived among the mountains, were very warlike, and did not obey the king; and that on one occasion, a royal army of a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into their country, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not one of them returned; but that, whenever they made a treaty with the satrap of the plain, some of them had communication with the Carduci, and some of the Carduchi with them.

When they had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassable from its depth and width, and where there was no passage along its banks, as the Carduchian mountains hung steep over the stream, it appeared to the generals that they must march over those mountains, for they had heard from the prisoners that if they could but cross the Carduchian mountains, they would be able to ford, if they wished, the sources of the Tigris in Armenia.

Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduchi they made in the following manner, endeavouring at once to escape observation, and to anticipate the enemy in getting possession of the heights. When it was about the last watch, and enough of the night was left to allow them to cross the plain under cover of the darkness they arose at a given signal, and marching onward, reached the hills by break of day.

Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having with him both his own men and all the light-armed; while Xenophon brought up the rear with the heavy-armed troops, having not a single light-armed soldier. For there seems to be no danger that any of the enemy would attack them in the rear as they were marching up the mountains and each portion of the army, as it passed the summit in succession, followed him to the villages which lay in the windings and recess of the mountains. The Carduchi, in consequence, quitting their dwellings and taking with them their wives and children, fled to the hills. There was plenty of provision left for the Greeks to take; and the houses were furnished with great numbers of brazen utensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor did they pursue the people, being inclined to spare them, if perchance the Carduchi, since they were enemies to the king, might consent to allow them to pass through their country as that of friends; the provisions, however, as many as fell in their way, they carried off; for it was a matter of necessity to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they would neither listen when they called, nor did they give any other sign of friendly feeling.

But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from the hills into the villages, being now overtaken by darkness (for, as the way was narrow, their ascent of the

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heights, and descent to the villages, had lasted the entire day), some of the Carduchi, collecting together, attacked the hindmost, and killed and wounded some of them with stones and arrows. They were but few; for the Greek troops had come on them unawares; but had they assembled in greater numbers, a great part of the army would have been in danger of being destroyed. For this night, accordingly, they took up their abode in the villages; and the Carduchi lit a number of fires around them on the hills, and observed the positions of one another. As soon as it was day, the generals and captains of the Greeks, meeting together, resolved, when they should march, to reserve only such of the baggagecattle as were most necessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and to dismiss all the slaves in the army that had been recently captured; for the cattle and the slaves, being numerous, rendered their progress slow, and the number of men in charge of them were unable to take part in any encounter.

When they had breakfasted, they were on the march, and thus they proceeded during this day, sometimes having to fight a little, and sometimes resting themselves.

On the next day a great storm arose; but they were obliged to pursue their march, for they had not a sufficient supply of provisions. Cheirsophus continued to lead and Xenophon had charge of the rear. The enemy pressed steadily upon them and where the passes were narrow, came close up, and used their bows and their slings so that the Greeks, sometimes pursuing and sometimes retreating, were compelled to march but slowly and Xenophon, when the enemy attacked them violently, had frequently to pass the word for a halt.

Cheirisophus, at other times, when the order was passed, halted, but on one occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, and passed the word to follow so that if was manifest that there was something extraordinary, but there was no time to go forward and ascertain the cause of the haste; and the march of the rear-guard became like a flight. On this occasion a brave soldier, Cleonymus a Lacedaemonian, met his death, being shot with an arrow in the side through his shield and corselet and also Basas, an Arcadian, shot through the head.

When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xenophon immediately proceeded, just as he was, to Cheirisophus, and blamed him for not having halted, as the men had been compelled to flee and fight at the same time. To this remark Cheirisophus answered, “Cast your eyes upon those mountains, and observe how impassable they all are. The only road which you see is steep and close upon it you may perceive a great multitude of men, who, having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. For these reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, to try if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was seized; and the guides say that there is no other road”.

ANWAR M. QARADAGHI

FLASHBACKS oday is Saturday, 27 June, 2009.

Campaigning for the forthcoming elections of 25 July formally began a couple of days ago. From the look of things, people seem to expect interesting results. The differing sides do not appear to have very differing agendas. They all pledge welcome offerings. Judging by the hustle and bustle of what is shown by the media, the common people wish that elections are held much more frequently than the current four year periods.

This takes me back to the London of 1960s and its not too dissimilar aspects of the British general elections.

Hugh Gaitskell, the Labor Party Leader died in 1963 and the parliamentary Labor Party elected Harold Wilson, rather than their then deputy George Brown, as their leader. Then there soon were general elections in which premier Harold Macmillan (1894-1986) and his Conservative Party, were defeated by the Labor Party, and Harold Wilson formed the Labor government in 1964.

For young foreign students, like us, the whole process of canvassing and political campaigning was stimulating. We had had no experience of such liberty and freedom of expression in our own countries. They were full of delightful bits and pieces of what democracy is all about.

Despite our youth, we were convinced that not just the two main parties of Tories and Labor, but also the Liberal and other much smaller entities and independent candidates, claimed and were seen to maintain very good intentions.

Party parliamentary candidates were doing their own electioneering in their assigned constituencies. It was intriguing to stand in the crowds and listen to their statements. One could soon tell whether the individual was standing for re-election or s/he was campaigning for the first time.

In their informal talks, they were attempting to show that they were familiar with their constituency areas and their communities' needs and demands. They also pronounced what they would do about them if they were elected. For us, the process was fun, culture and education.

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In these very early days of the commencement of the electioneering campaign here, one expects and hopes to see the period through to 25 July and beyond, in a spirit of love, peaceful civil competition and exercise of conscientious regard for the general good of the people at large.

The objective of politics, as of all else, is the good life. The most a politician can do is to assist in ensuring that some conditions in which the good life can exist are present. Indeed history records no example of a fixed political theory, however successful, which does not appear wrong, and even ridiculous, in the eyes of succeeding generations.

The existence of parliament is the opening to political freedom and harmony is its ruling political objective.

The health, security and prosperity of Kurdistan and of all its people are its first guiding political principle.

It is clear that politicians need to be concerned with the politics of serving the good of the country, including democratizing its economy.

Based on alleged evidence, observers feel that electing legislators, anywhere, is in general no guarantee of competence, let alone other qualities. However, democratic elements are probably vital for government, primarily so as you have the option to replace the not so knowledgeable and effective members among them in the next time round. While this procedure is not a political panacea, it is better than other forms of government.

Assuming that the whole process of the forthcoming parliamentary elections here, will, through the good offices of the High Independent Commission and the parties concerned, be accomplised democratically and peacefully, the various rival sides should not be much put out with any unexpected results, as their total aim is the attainment of the public service.

Consequently, in a democratic society the role of opposition is no less honourable, and hardly any less influential, than that of power, as among other duties, they can contribute to the creation of suitable policy and legislation through constructive criticism.

Therefore, regardless of the outcome, let us trust that the elections of 25 July will be implemented in a transparent manner and that the Kurdistan Regional Government will, with the support and counsel of the Kurdistan Parliament, work effectively towards realizing the many requirements of the people of the region, their economic development, priority needs and future aspirations – including reobtaining confidence that the alleged wide spread corruption is being seriously dealt with. anwarqaradaghi2003@yahoo.co.uk

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

SOCIETY| &

LIFE TIMES

Kurdistan’s String Orchestra perform at Tawar Hall.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

Dalya Murad’s exhibition at Slemani Museum.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

A mixed group performing halparke come to the city of Slemani from Sweden. (photos by Aram Eissa)

The election period in Iraqi Kurdistan may have reignited people’s interest in politics, but there was no shortage of fare for those keen on feeding their passion for culture and the arts.

An exhibition by the Youth Center at Amna Suraka.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

The National Iraqi Symphony Orchestra performs at the Art Palace in Slemani in front of a huge crowd.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

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Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

The teahouse is a popular Kurdish institution, where wisemen (or, wiseguys) gather every evening to discuss life, politics and the future. Dr Sherko Abdullah lends an ear to the talk, and reports what Bayiz and Jwamer had to say...

BAYIZ Please Kaka Jwamer, don’t look at me like that. I know you’re angry but believe me I just forgot it.

JWAMER This is the third time you’ve promised to bring it.

BAYIZ I’m sorry but you’ll definitely get it tomorrow.

BAYIZ Perhaps, but for Kurdish history, she is the motherin-law.

JWAMER Yeah you’re right. Our geography is crude, but don’t jump to politics. I’m speaking about science.

JWAMER Sure?

BAYIZ Which is?

BAYIZ It is a house fly.

JWAMER The place and its magic effect on everything. Why don’t you read it with me?

At the chaikhana

BAYIZ Tomorrow you’ll get that book. What was it called?

Geography is the mother of history!

JWAMER No, most probably a tattoo. The place is the clue to everything. Another example; If they told you that there’s a recent picture from Kirkuk, you can bet it will be of a new explosion.

BAYIZ What else, philosopher?

But for Kurdish history, she is the mother-in-law!

JWAMER Kurdish grammar. Write it down.

JWAMER So, bring me that book. I want to read it now.

BAYIZ No need. Tomorrow you will get it. OK?

BAYIZ Be patient, I told you tomorrow.

JWAMER Thanks, but please bring me the oldest edition.

JWAMER Don’t say tomorrow, I hate that word. I hate time and the adverb of time also.

BAYIZ The oldest edition? They say books never get old.

BAYIZ But time is as important as place, probably more.

JWAMER Such nonsense. Bring me the oldest edition.

JWAMER Where did you hear that?

BAYIZ The one with a special section on adverbs?

BAYIZ Look at those venomous newspapers... Look at our brothers and see how they are divided.

JWAMER You cannot imagine how much I like that section especially the first 20 pages on adverb of place.

BAYIZ Adverb of place? Why? JWAMER Place means geography and as you may know, geography is the mother of history.

BAYIZ And politics is not a science?

JWAMER It is but not a pure one. Forget about politics. Let us revert to our subject.

JWAMER So what does it mean?

BAYIZ Read a book on Kurdish grammar? Are you mad?

It’s the time to study money not that useless book.

JWAMER Hush, Bayiz. Adverb of place is useful. It tells you that if you see a black spot on a nice lady’s lip....

BAYIZ It means that we are in the era of the election campaign.

Dr Sherko Abdullah is editor of Sekhurma Cartoon magazine.