indigenous medical practice and knowledge. It is through the use of selected ethnographic interviews, where descriptive and structural questions were asked (Appendix E), that I focus on shamanic specialists‟ discourses and explanations about Kariri-Shoco shamanism. Language is considered the primary tool in order to discover how the reality is constructed as well as to investigate cultural meanings (Spradley 1979). It is through ethnographic descriptions that I often utilize parts of ethnographic interviews, using quotation marks for interviewees‟ speech throughout the text to explain information gathered and to emphasize interviewees‟ perceptions. Whenever considered, relevant words, terms, and expressions, are explained to elicit cultural meanings. All translations are mine and I made efforts to provide appropriate meanings of words considering cultural context. Thus, the ethnographic descriptions concern Kariri-Shoco medical practices. Cultural symbols about the domain of cure-healing rituals and sicknesses relate to shamanistic medical knowledge as a cultural theme. The ethnographic interviews were selected to explain domain analysis, searching for cultural knowledge associated to those domains, which has provided my understanding of Kariri-Shoco shamanism as a medical cultural theme. I consider that the use of DRS method helped to guide my research for in-depth data collection about those domains providing a basis for my understandings of the field of Kariri-Shoco cure-healing and knowledge of the body. Tracking a sequence of tasks using this method in fieldwork, I followed procedures for data collection, which involved mainly the elaboration and use of descriptive and verification questions about what I was observing in Kariri-Shoco indigenous cure-
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