Illuminate: Spring 2022 by S4SUofT

STUDENTS FOR SHELTERS UTSG

ILLUMINATE

SECOND EDITION SPRING 2022

Community | HEALTH | ACTIVISM

We acknowledge the traditional territory upon which the second edition of the Illuminate Magazine was created. This land has a long and tangled (hi)story that carries the footprints of the HuronWendat, Seneca, and the Mississaugas of the Credit River nations who have sought to walk gently on this land. They offered assistance to the first European travellers to this territory and shared their knowledge for survival. Toronto has a treaty with the Mississaugas of the New Credit First Nation, and is part of the Dish With One Spoon agreement to share the land between the Anishinaabek and the Hodenosaunee nations. In moving toward reconciliation we seek to polish the Silver Covenant Chain and to restore the relationship with the original peoples of this land, one based on honour and deep respect. We would like to thank and express our deepest gratitude to Dr. Tara Goldstein and Dr. Sandra Styre for sharing and inspiring this land acknowledgement.

Illuminate The Students for Shelters UTSG Magazine

Sponsored by Hart House Good Ideas Fund Second Edition Spring 2022

Sponsorship Note The Illuminate Magazine Team would first like to thank all of our contributors, the Editorial Board, and the Students for Shelters UTSG Executives for their hard work. We are grateful for all the effort everyone has put into the second edition of our magazine! Second, we would like to thank Hannah Benyamin and Breanna Lakhan, our club founders and copresidents of the NGO Students for Shelters, for their support this academic year. Thank you for being such amazing leaders! We appreciate all your assistance with the Illuminate Magazine. Third, we would like to thank the wonderful Professor Vikki Visvis for overseeing the Students for Shelters UTSG team this academic year. Your guidance and encouragement are incredibly helpful to us and we greatly appreciate your continued support! Finally, we would like to thank the Hart House Good Ideas Fund for sponsoring the Illuminate Magazine. We would not be able to achieve the second edition of our magazine without your kindness and generosity. Thank you all for giving us the opportunity to channel our passions into Illuminate!

illuminate editorial board Spring 2022 Editors-in-Chief Sara Durante Frances Argento Editors Hannah Benyamin Breanna Lakhan Frances Argento Sara Durante Bea Kraljii Lisa Toi Talha Anwar Chaudhry Adrianna Fruci Graphic Design Naomi Huang Sara Durante Frances Argento Cover Art Naomi Huang Copy Editor Frances Argento Sara Durante Bea Kraljii Lisa Toi

author and artist biographies Hannah Benyamin (she/her) Hannah Benyamin is an Assyrian-Iranian first generation Canadian. She completed her studies at the University of Toronto in 2021 with a major in Critical Studies in Equity and Solidarity and a double minor in English and History. Hannah is the Co-Founder of Students for Shelters and the former Co-President of the St. George Chapter. Hannah is a Research and Development Assistant at Earth to Tables Legacies, a project focused on food justice and food sovereignty. She is enthusiastic about the growth of Students for Shelters and the accomplishments of the Executive Team.

Ashley Billar (she/her) Ashley Billar is in her fourth year at the University of Toronto and working towards completing her Bachelor of Science with a double major in Human Biology and Health Studies. Her areas of interest include the health and well-being of children and older adults with a focus on the rehabilitation sciences. Ashley’s goal is to work with children and to help them have an improved quality of life while also building their confidence. She hopes to one day work in a field where she can make a change in the lives of many and contribute to therapy and treatment plans.

Sara Durante (she/her) Sara Durante is a recent University of Toronto graduate with an Honours Bachelor of Arts degree in Environmental Studies and Women and Gender Studies. Currently, Sara is exploring what she will pursue in her Graduate Studies. She is passionate about the interconnections between the environment, food and nutrition, and human health. In her free time, Sara enjoys reading, playing tennis, and hiking along the waterfront trails in Toronto.

Bea Kraljii (she/her) Bea Kraljii is a recent University of Toronto graduate who double-majored in Physiology and Global Health. Throughout her four years at UofT, she has sought involvement in campus groups that encourage her to explore how inequities in access to resources, housing, and healthcare manifest in Toronto’s local community. She joined Students for Shelters two years ago as a general member and has served as one of the Vice Presidents over the last year. Bea’s fascination with the biological and social determinants of human health and involvement in organizations that address such phenomena has inspired her to pursue a Master of Science in Global Health at the University of Copenhagen, which she will attend starting Fall 2022. She hopes that readers enjoy the magazine and that it inspires them to start contributing to positive change in their community in any way, shape or form!

Breanna Lakhan (she/ber) Breanna Lakhan is a proud woman of Indo-Caribbean descent. She is the Co-Founder of Students for Shelters and the former Co-President of the St. George Chapter. She is passionate about educating the community through panels and magazines. She believes they serve as a contemporary reflection of societal issues. Breanna is part of the University of Toronto’s graduating Class of 2021. She completed her degree with a double major in Political Science and International Relations along with a minor in English. She is thrilled to read the second publication of “Illuminate: The Magazine” this summer and is very proud of the executive team’s dedication to Students for Shelters.

Anthony Lenti (he/him) Anthony Lenti is an artist and educator based in Toronto, Ontario. He is currently completing his Master of Teaching degree at the University of Toronto where his research is centred on 2SLGBTQIA+ inclusion in the curriculum. Anthony holds an Honours Bachelor of Arts in Art History, Visual Studies and Sociology. He explores the barriers of heteronormativity and intersectionality through drawing, painting and writing. By utilizing his specialization in portraits and other bodily lines, Anthony blurs distinctions of identity in his visual forms.

Megha Manoj (she/her) Megha Manoj is a fourth-year student who is completing her Honours Bachelor of Science in Psychology and Biology at the University of Toronto. Through her work, she has strived to improve conversations surrounding accessibility and mental health. She is planning to go to graduate school to pursue social psychology research and eventually get involved in social work. She is currently a research assistant at the Academic Interventions Lab and is investigating the relationship between parenting styles and substance abuse in youth with learning disabilities.

Erica Pietrangelo (she/her) Erica Pietrangelo is a current 2T5 student with the Leslie Dan Faculty of Pharmacy at the University of Toronto and a recent graduate from Wilfrid Laurier University. She is passionate about advocating for equitable access to healthcare and hopes to use her degree to better serve underprivileged communities.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Letter from the Editors

Community An Honest Letter to All People Experiencing Homelessness Hana Abbasian

What Is A Stranger Ashley Billar

Physical and Mental Health Part A: Sexuality, Gender, and Health The Male Gayze Anthony Lenti

The Mental and Physical Health Consequences of Childhood Obesity Ashley Billar

Understanding the Prevalent Gender Biases Within the Mental Health Care Industry and its Implications on Diagnosis and Treatment Megha Manoj

Mutual Witnessing in Shani Mootoo’s Cereus Blooms at Night Sara Durante

Masc4Masc Is A Mask Anthony Lenti

Part B: Environment and Health Risk Assessment of Lead Exposure via Inhalation and its Link to Alzheimer's Ashley Billar

Policy and Activism Enacting Environmental Justice: The Anthropocene Exhibition Sara Durante

Pseudoscience and COVID-19: Are Pharmacists the New MythBusters? Erica Pietrangelo

Review of HIV/AIDS Blood Donation Regulations for MSM Bea Kraljii

The Use of Criminalization in Bill C-36 Sara Durante

A Critical Analysis of Colonialism, Capitalism, and Nationalism Religious Colonial Violence: Christian Mission Trips Hannah Benyamin

Indentured Labour in British Guiana Breanna Lakhan

Refugees and Nationalism: The Impact of Newspapers and Societal Values Breanna Lakhan

Letter from the Editors Dear Reader, The second edition of Illuminate Magazine has been put together by the 2021-2022 Students for Shelters University of Toronto St. George (UTSG) Executive Council. Students for Shelters was founded in August 2019 by University of Toronto (UofT) alumni Hannah Benyamin and Breanna Lakhan. The purpose of Students for Shelters is to connect with our local community by collecting under-donated items for shelters. Students for Shelters UTSG is thrilled to be the first official chapter of the NGO Students for Shelters. The Illuminate Project is a reflection of society and its struggles, as well as its hope for coming together as a community. The title Illuminate was coined by Dhilini Hapuhennedige, an Executive Social Media Manager, to communicate our desire to shed light on important topics to create a brighter tomorrow. At the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, many shelters stopped collecting donations from the general public. To continue our mission we decided to educate the UofT community about local issues through Illuminate: The Panel Series. The mission of the panel series is to create a space for the UofT community and organizations around the Greater Toronto Area to discuss a range of ongoing social (in)justice issues. We hope to have educated and created a space for reflection. Themes included Mental Health and Housing Insecurity, Access to Education and Literacy, Housing Insecurity and Poverty Alleviation, Food Insecurity, and the COVID-19 Pandemic. After each panel, Students for Shelters UTSG made donations to participating organizations with the goal of serving our community. The other half of Illuminate lives through this magazine, which was created in pursuit of highlighting the perspectives of the UofT community. In Spring 2021, Students for Shelters published the first edition of Illuminate, and we are proud to have published a second edition in 2022. This magazine provides a more intimate take on social injustice and Students for Shelters UTSG is proud to take part in such advocacy. We encourage everyone to reflect on the perspectives of the student body highlighted in the wonderful pieces. Illuminate reveals that there are folks all around us who are writing, designing, and reflecting on inequalities on a regular basis. We hope you find the second edition of Illuminate thought-provoking and enjoy reading it as much as we enjoyed putting it together! Yours Truly, Sara Durante and Frances Argento Illuminate Magazine Editors-in-Chief, Spring 2022

ILLUMINATE MAGAZINE

COMMUNITY

An Honest Letter to All People Experiencing Homelessness, Especially Those in Ontario Hana Abbasian

I am an immigrant, which means a different culture, a different language, a different background and a story to share, but our mutual language is love. My motivation for living is spreading love to everybody, embracing any difference we have. Maybe I am not that financially strong myself, but I have an open heart for hearing your stories. I have a message and desire to share. I have never been a homeless person, but this doesn’t mean I feel happy about it. I will be happy only if I know nobody is struggling with homelessness. Homelessness is not merely about a lack of food, home, or financial needs, but sometimes about a lack of love and empathy. Many homeless people are struggling with mental health problems, depression, or loneliness. I can’t promise you that you will never feel alone, because in the end, being alone is all humans’ fate. But I can promise you that in any situation, I am thinking of you, and trying to heal your pain as well as I can. Are you struggling with substance abuse? Do you have a criminal record? Are you far away from your family? Are you a refugee? Are you bankrupt? These questions don’t make any difference to the amount of love I have for you. I think we all go through situations where we feel worthless, and you may experience it sometimes but let me tell you something. You are so precious; your life and emotions are so precious. I wish for all your pain to go away, Your friend, Hana Abbasian

What Is A Stranger Ashley Billar In “Recognizing Strangers,” Sarah Ahmed highlights that “the knowing again of strangers as the danger of the unknown is the means by which the ‘we’ of the community is established, enforced and legitimated” (Ahmed, 2000). In order for there to be a ‘we’ of the community, there must be a ‘them’ who do not belong. This raises the question “How do you recognize a stranger?” (Ahmed, 2000). She states that by asking such a question, we challenge the assumption that a stranger is merely someone we do not know. It instead identifies the stranger as someone whom we have recognized as a “stranger”- someone who has been “recognized as not belonging” (Ahmed, 2000). By recognizing someone as a stranger instead of failing to recognize them, we do more than disregard them, we identify them as a potential source of danger and someone who fails to belong. This in turn calls into question how one would determine who belongs. If there is a set identity of those who belong, it can lead to xenophobic behavior towards new immigrants entering a community. Ahmed’s argument is built upon a premise of three principal ideas: by recognizing someone as a stranger we associate them with danger, there must be a method in which ‘we’ and the ‘stranger' are differentiated, and how are boundaries enforced to keep strangers out. With this underlying knowledge, the philosophically appealing aspects of Ahmed’s claim and how it applies to the marginalization and inequalities faced by immigrants can be examined.

To give someone the title of ‘belonging,’ we simultaneously set the criteria for who does not belong, and there are many ways in which individuals who seemingly do not belong are recognized. To recognize a stranger, we must begin with an analysis of the functions of encounters in public life. Particularly the method of “Hailing,” which is a form of recognition a police officer may use to call to an individual on the street (Ahmed, 2000). Hailing does two primary things: it builds identities on the inner subjectivity of the one Hailing, and it immediately differentiates between the one Hailing and the one being Hailed at the moment they are constituted as such (the hailer and the hail-ee). This form of recognition produces traits and identities that are entirely based on the intersubjectivity of the hailer at the moment of recognition. Here, Ahmed successfully argues that the identity of the community is based on the recognition of who does and does not belong within them. Ahmed then argues her point that often by recognizing strangers, communities form an identity based on what it is not. In regards to police Hailing, when calling out to the other as “hey you,” there is a misrecognition in which ’you’ is produced as a subject, and someone who is now being subjected to the law simply because of this recognition (Ahmed, 2000). This allows for the recognition of the individual as someone who does not belong. This labels them as a ‘stranger’ and not as one who belongs. When

addressed as ‘hey you,’ all those around the individual being referred to as ‘you’ automatically see them as different from themselves, as they are not the ‘you’ being hailed. Ahmed suggests that in recognizing a stranger, we identify the lawful subject and the stranger at the same time (Ahmed, 2000). If we identify the one who hails as the lawful subject, then in turn the one who is being hailed is aligned with danger and suspicion. The roles within a neighbourhood greatly contribute to the maintenance of a healthy community. In terms of Hailing there are two key roles: The Shadowy Stranger and The Good Citizen, the dynamic being that the Good Citizen is suspicious of the Shadowy Stranger. The Good Citizen is one that watches out for crime and maintains the value of their neighborhood. Neighborhood Watch is a program in which individuals work to prevent crime in their neighborhood. Ahmed mentions that the motto for this program is “Crime cannot survive in a neighborhood that cares” (50). Neighborhood Watch forms a cohesive unit of people that work to protect their neighborhood, and in turn further solidifies the identity of the community as they share a common goal. The Good Citizens, who form the Neighborhood Watch, look out for and report suspicious activity. However, Ahmed also mentions that there is no definition of what ‘suspicious’ behavior is, which leaves it up to interpretation by members of the Neighborhood Watch. As a result, anything outside the norm of the community can be regarded as suspicious, and the community identity is further solidified as it is coherently the same. In addition, when looking at the parallel between the healthy neighborhood and the healthy body, Ahmed suggests that by looking at the ‘healthy’ neighborhood as ‘good,’ it indicates that it can still fail - just like a healthy body can still deteriorate. One of Ahmed’s key points is that the Good Citizen is always on the lookout for strangers and is always “watching out on behalf of” their community and always “patrolling with a purpose” (Ahmed, 2000). This indicates that anyone who is walking aimlessly is not a Good Citizen, and therefore, can be considered a Shadowy Stranger. The Good Citizen is one who is watching out for the community and seen walking with a purpose, the opposite of this is the Shadowy Stranger. This figure is one who is walking aimlessly with no purpose. If not ‘patrolling with a purpose,’ any type of loitering or aimless behavior could be indicative of a lack of purpose meant to conceal the purpose of crime (Ahmed, 2000). The safety of the community is ensured by the purposeful behavior of the Good Citizen, who are constantly on the lookout for the purposeless behaviors of the Shadowy Stranger. The dynamic between The Good Citizen and The Shadowy Stranger forms a Hero/Villain relationship. This allows for the assumption that if The Good Citizen is the ‘hero,’ then The Shadowy Stranger must be the ‘villan’ and can be nothing else. The issue arises when it is up to The Good Citizen to identify the Shadowy Stranger, as anyone outside the norm of the community could be seen as The Shadowy Stranger regardless of their intentions. In regards to hailing, The Good Citizen would be the lawful subject doing the hailing, and The Shadowy Stranger would be the one being Hailed. The Good Citizen is looked at as a heroic figure meant to protect the community and those most vulnerable. In being ‘heroic,’ The Good Citizen is able to identify the Shadowy Stranger and reveal

their intention for crime. Here, Ahmed introduces a figure of vulnerability: The Child, who is innocent, pure and endangered by strangers (Ahmed, 2000). The role of the Good Citizen is further legitimized, as their role is now one of protection. The figure The Child needs protection from has changed in recent times. The Pedophile is now seen as a severe threat to children and their innocence. The Pedophile is one who preys on children and is one form of The Shadowy Stranger. The Pedophile always has the intention of crime, whereas The Shadowy Stranger may appear different from the norm of the community, but they do not always have the intent of crime. The Good Citizen must differentiate strangers from ‘well-meaning’ adults in order to protect The Child, whose innocence and purity becomes a social responsibility (Ahmed, 2000). This is a key component in terms of enforcing boundaries, as individuals feel is their right to know, and to prevent pedophiles from entering their communities as a means which their children and their innocence are protected (Ahmed, 2000). The problem with this line of thinking is that it does not consider that the threat may come from within the community. By having such a fear of strangers, it indicates that one must feel safe at home. By having the perception that the danger is always a stranger, it conceals the facts that most sexual attacks are committed by friends or family (Ahmed, 2000). Since the home is a designated safe space, one would not expect to find danger there. By projecting danger onto the figure of a stranger, it allows violence to be seen as external. This makes it appear that danger and violence are things that occur outisde of the community and its members. In doing so, it allows members of the community and the community itself to be seen as a ‘safe place’ and everything outside of it to be containing ‘danger.’ As a result, the idea of stranger danger entirely ignores how violence can be “instituted through social relations within the home," including patriarchal influences (Ahmed, 2000). An analogy is then formed between a healthy neighborhood and a healthy body. This analogy is meant to define the “ideal neighborhood as fully integrated, homogenous and sealed; it is like a body that is fully contained by the skin” (Ahmed, 2000). With this, it is suggested that the ideal neighborhood would not leak outside itself, nor would it let in any outsiders; the ideal body does not leak outside itself or let anything in. In looking at the neighborhood as an organic space, a sense of community is maintained due to shared residence. This “social homogeneity” defines the norm of the neighborhood and allows for anything that does not fit to be identified as different. Such as in a body, where anything that is not supposed to be there is recognized and expelled. The social health of the community is maintained through the maintenance of an organic and pure space, in which there is a cohesive identity and the expulsion of differences (Ahmed, 2000). The most philosophically appealing aspect of Ahmed’s idea is that it can be applied to sociopolitical conditions. Through Ahmed’s analysis of how communities interact, it highlights how sociopolitical injustices and disadvantages are validated. These disadvantages are noted in Ahmed’s work when she examines immigrant communities and their cultural differences. Based on her earlier presented evidence, Ahmed (2000) claims that “the ultimate violent strangers are immigrants: they are outsiders in the nation space....”

By entering a community that already has set norms and a solidified identity, immigrants that settle in such communities can be seen as strangers since they bring with them different traditions and values. The introduction of practices that are different from the norms of a community may introduce fear into its members. As such, it is up to The Good Citizen to protect the community and address these cultural changes. Cultural differences can cause feelings of uncertainty or anxiety, which “inhibits social interaction and reinforces social boundaries” (Ahmed, 2000). Since immigrants are the strangers and have been identified as the threat, they should be expelled from the community as they threaten the neighborhood identity with change. The Good Citizen takes steps to ensure protection for their community, as it is their responsibility to protect their community from strangers (immigrants), which can result in violence directed at immigrant communities (a form of ‘protection’ from The Good Citizen). The impacts of migration on communities is further examined in Ahmed’s work “Home and Away: Narratives of Migration and Estrangement.” In this, Ahmed interweaves and critiques many texts about migration and settling into new communities, she draws the conclusion that “the uncommon estrangement of migration that allows migrant subjects to remake what it is they might yet have in common” (Ahmed, 1999, p. 2). Ahmed is attempting to prove that migrating to a new country is a unique experience - one that can unify individuals that have immigrated. This common ground allows immigrants to bring aspects of their country of origin to their new neighborhoods. This is an example of the threat immigrants bring mentioned in “Recognizing Strangers,” by introducing new values and ideas to a community is a way of threatening its identity. Since these new values are not the norm of the community, they are seen as different and therefore a threat from the stranger. Cultural differences can hinder social interaction and reinforce social boundaries, which further separates immigrants from individuals previously living in the community. This separation is not good for a community striving for a cohesive identity, which may threaten failure of the community through the destabilization of established norms. Ahmed’s piece is built upon the understanding that community identities are enforced and established by their individuals and norms. Within the general community identity, there are roles given to enforce the boundaries and ensure a cohesive identity. The role of The Good Citizen is noted to be the norm of the community, and anyone they identify as different is automatically The Shadowy Stranger. These identities are threatened by the arrival of immigrants, which can result in xenophobic behavior towards immigrant communities. These communities shift away from the pre-set norm and are different than the typical Good Citizen. Overall, it is important to have an understanding of the community dynamics and identity in order to successfully tackle the marginalization and inequalities faced by immigrant communities.

References Ahmed, S. (2000). Strange encounters: Embodied others in post-coloniality. London: Routledge. Ahmed, S. (1999). Home and away. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 2(3), 329–347. doi: 10.1177/136787799900200303.

Part a: sexuality, gender, and health

ILLUMINATE MAGAZINE

PHYSICAL AND MENTAL HEALTH

The Male Gayze Anthony Lenti

Artist Statement

The Male Gayze is a diptych that examines the idea of body image disturbance among homosexual men. This 9 x 12-inch artwork showcases how gay males experience body dissatisfaction due to higher levels of gender non-conformity. This piece largely responds to the article “The Gay Male Gaze: Body Image Disturbance and Gender Oppression Among Gay Men,” by Mitchell J. Wood (2004). In this article, the author argues and concludes that the body has become a crucial site of social struggle, where dominant masculinities and subordinate male gender styles are largely marginalized and stigmatized. In feminist theory, the male gaze is widely known as the heterosexual perspective where a man views women as sexual objects for his own pleasure. Wood argues that this heterosexual perspective can be applied to gay culture where gender oppression is actively reconstructed as positions of power are deployed throughout gay cultural life, where a social actor may be more dominant and others more subordinate. Furthermore, body aesthetics constitute a pivotal dimension in the construction of gay subcultural identities, where gay males are more likely to binge, purge and diet compared to their heterosexual counterparts. Given this, I wanted to create a piece that would touch upon this issue in a diptych format. On the left hand panel, I drew two males viewing one another. Their eyes are left blank as they succumb to the pressures of socialization and cultural unification. Equidistant from the portraits is a pupil that represents the male gaze itself and how it occupies space in a homosexual social space. On the righthand panel, I made a scanograph of my original drawing to distort the gaze and give emphasis to how prevalent of an issue body image is in gay culture. The two panels collectively juxtapose the idea of surface reality with disorderly reality, where the right hand panel triumphs over the left hand panel. As a queer artist, I feel as though it is important for me to use my voice to speak about sociological issues that impact those with the same identity as myself. With this artwork, my hope is that I can inform other groups in society of internal issues that directly affect the gay community.

Content Warning The following academic piece includes topics related to body image, weight gain, and mental health challenges children may experience in relation to their weight, which some readers may find troubling.

The Mental and Physical Health Consequences of Childhood Obesity Ashley Billar Childhood obesity is a problem in all parts of the world, and the number of obese children in Canada is rapidly growing. Childhood obesity can be defined as having an excess amount of body fat at a young age. In Canadian youth aged 5-17, one third were either overweight or obese (CBC, 2012). There has been a significant amount of research done on the mental and physical consequences of childhood obesity. Childhood obesity is becoming increasingly common and there are many areas of interest for researchers. Despite this, there are still many research gaps which lead to some potential consequences for topics not being explored thoroughly. This paper will examine some of the mental and physical consequences of childhood obesity and aim to answer the following question: what are the mental and physical consequences of childhood obesity and their effects on the individual? Methods When choosing articles for this paper it was important to have a strict inclusion and exclusion criterion. Only papers in English were included and searches were limited to papers that focused only on the mental and physical consequences of childhood obesity. Papers that focused on consequences of adulthood obesity and rapidly gaining weight in adulthood were excluded. Additionally, review articles were excluded as they generally did not have a relevant methods section. The databases used were Web of Science, PubMed, ProQuest and OVID. Broad search terms were ‘childhood obesity’, ‘mental consequences’ and ‘physical consequences’. Specific search terms and keywords included ‘psychological implications’, ‘sleep apnea’, ‘asthma’, ‘glucose intolerance’ and ‘diabetes’. These terms were joined together in groups of 2-4 using Boolean operators and used to filter articles. A total of 24 articles were screened for this review and 10 were included.

Fig 1: PRISMA Flow diagram for the process of article selection

Author (Year) (Country)

Esposito et al. (2014) (Italy)

Einsberg et al. (2003) (USA)

Franklin et al. (2006) (Australia)

Study Design

Cohort study

Secondary analysis of survey and anthropom -etric data

Cohort study

Time

<6 months

2 weeks

1 day

Participants

Case: 148 obese children with the average age of 9. There were 69 males and 79 females. Control: 273 healthy children with the average age of 9. There were 129 males and 144 females

Results

Researchers used surveys to assess levels of anxiety, depressive symptoms and low self-esteem. Researchers found that there were higher levels of depressive symptoms, anxiety and low self-esteem in obese children. Researchers also found a positive relationship between the BMI z-score and the CDI and SAFA scores.

4746 students. There were 2367 girls and 2377 boys

30% and 24.7% of girls and boys respectively were teased by peers. Researchers also found that teasing about body weight was associated with low self-esteem, highdepressive symptoms and low body satisfaction.

2813 children with the mean age of 11.3. 48.4% were boys and 51.6% were girls.

Obese children had lower perceived self-worth, athletic competence, and physical appearance. Researchers also found that 2 of 3 obese girls and 1 of 3 obese boys had low appearance competence.

Author (Year) (Country)

Gilliland et al. (2003) (USA)

Study Design

Retrospect -ive cohort study

Fedele et al.(2013) (USA)

Cohort Study

Kohler et al.(2008) (Australia)

Retrospect -ive case study

Xu et al. (2008) (China)

CaseControl study

Time

4 years

<6 months

4 years

1-2 years

Participants

3792 (1993 girls and 1799 boys) between the ages of 7 and 18

248 children between the ages of 7 and 12 (112 male and 136 females)

190 children with snoring habits (40 male and 150 female)

99 obese children and 99 healthy weight children

Results

The risk of asthma was higher in children who were overweight. It was also found that asthma diagnoses increased in the upper BMI percentiles

Children with asthma and obesity had higher BMI’s. In addition to this, they also had increased sleep duration. Researchers found that children with both asthma and obesity were at greater risk for all health consequences. As BMI increased, so did snoring habits and OSAS. Body mass index was shown to be a good indicator of sleep apnea. Obese patients had higher apnea-hypopnea index score and BMI. Researchers concluded that there was a link between BMI and sleep apnea.

Author (Year) (Country)

Sinha et al. (2002) (USA)

Invitti et al. (2003) (Italy)

Young et al. (1999) (Canada)

Study Design

CaseControl study

Time

< 1 year

6 years

1 year

Participants

Results

55 children between the ages of 4 and 10, and 112 adolescents between the ages of 11 and 18

Glucose intolerance and obesity were linked. 25% of obese children and 21% of obese adolescents had impaired glucose tolerance.

710 obese children between the ages of 6 and 18. There were 345 males and 365 females

There was a glucose intolerance in 4.5% of the study cohort. Impaired insulin secretion and blood pressure were also noted.

719 children (354 girls and 365 boys) between the ages of 4 and 19

There was a high prevalence of obesity in the study cohort. These children were shown to be at higher risk for diabetes and glucose intolerance.

Table 1: Evidence chart highlighting the main facts and results of each reviewed article

Results Theme 1: Psychological problems Being obese during the formative childhood years can leave children feeling anxious, depressed, and isolated. In a study by Esposito et al. (2014) the relationship between psychological troubles and obesity were examined in children. Researchers gathered a study population of 148 obese subjects with the average age of 9. There were 69 males and 79 females, whose body mass index's (BMI’s) were in the 95th percentile. To assess the levels of anxiety and depressive symptoms, the Children Depressive Inventory (CDI) and the Italian Self-Administered Psychiatric Scales for Children and Adolescents (SAFA) were done. Both are self-administered surveys meant to assess the child’s selfreported symptoms of depression and low self-esteem. Results showed that there were higher levels of depressive symptoms, anxiety, and low self-esteem in obese children. In addition, researchers found a positive relationship between the BMI z-score and the CDI and SAFA scores. From this, researchers concluded that obesity could lead to the presence of internalizing problems such as anxiety and depression. Additional research on the topic is consistent with the aforementioned finding. A potential reason for low self-esteem in obese children is the teasing that may come with being overweight. In a study by Eisenberg et al. (2003) the associations between weight-based teasing and emotional well-being were examined in adolescents. Researchers obtained data from the Project EAT (Eating Among Teens). This study examined eating patterns and weight concerns in adolescents and students answered a 221-item survey. The main question was: Have you ever been teased or made fun of by other kids because of your weight? Measures of well-being included body satisfaction, selfesteem, and depressive mood. The research sample consisted of 4746 students, and it was found that weight-based teasing was common in those who were overweight. 30% of adolescent girls and 24.7% of adolescent boys reported being teased by their peers about their weight. When looking at the measures of health, students who reported teasing about their weight were more likely to have lower body satisfaction, self-esteem, and high depressive symptoms. When compared to the Esposito article, both studies highlight that obesity can lead to lower self-esteem and reduced self-worth. However, the Esposito article focuses on the relationship between obesity and depressive symptoms and low self-esteem is mentioned as a depressive symptom. The Eisenberg article looks at low selfesteem as an independent consequence. This leads to the question of whether low self-esteem can be present in obese children if no other depressive symptoms are. Weight-based teasing can lead to a severe reduction in self-esteem, as mentioned by Eisenberg (2003). This psychological distress was further examined by Franklin et al (2006). In this study researchers gathered a cohort of 2813 children who then completed the Self-perception Profile for Children. This is a survey that measures the child's perception of their own body, researchers also took height and weight measurements as a reference. Researchers found that obese children had a significantly lower perceived physical appearance and global self-worth than their normal-weight

peers. They also had a reduced perceived social acceptance. Researchers concluded that obese children viewed themselves more negatively than their healthy peers and this could lead to an increased risk of psychological distress. Unfortunately, this forms a cycle wherein psychological distress leads to psychological problems which causes more psychological distress. A research gap in this study is that it does not acknowledge the obese children who have high-perceived physical appearance. This leads to the question of how a child's self-confidence is impacted by obesity and whether there is a consistant influence. Theme 2: Breathing Problems in Childhood Asthma is the most common chronic childhood disease in the United States and its prevalence has been rising steadily in the US. In a study by Gilliland et al. (2003) researchers examined the relationship between obesity and new-onset asthma in school-age children. Researchers examined longitudinal data from 2791 children in the Children’s Health Study. Participants were determined to be asthma-free at enrollment and examined for new-onset asthma. Height, lung function, and other asthma risk factors were assessed annually for four years. BMI was categorized into age and sexspecific percentiles because the relationship between BMI and obesity changes with age. Over the four-year follow-up period, there were 288 cases of asthma diagnosed. Results showed that rates of new-onset asthma were higher in overweight and obese children. In addition, it was found that obese boys had a 2.2 times increased risk of asthma than normal-weight boys, and obese girls had a 1.1 times greater risk of asthma than normal-weight girls. Given this, it was concluded that the risk of asthma is increased in obese children. Asthma can make daily tasks a lot harder, as well as make physical activity difficult. Additionally, it prevents many obese children from participating in physical activity and this worsens their health. There is a very complex relationship between asthma, physical inactivity, and obesity that was not thoroughly examined in the above study. In a study by Fedele et al. (2013) children with comorbid asthma and obesity were compared to children with just obesity, and differences in physical activity were examined. Researchers highlighted that comorbid asthma and obesity is becoming increasingly common and are linked in many children. Researchers conducted a secondary analysis of the Extension Family Lifestyle Intervention Project and the 248 were between the ages of 7 and 12. Additionally, all participants had a BMI at or above the 85th percentile. Families had both phone and in-person screenings after which eligible subjects' weights, heights, sleep patterns, health information, and physical functioning were examined. Dietary intake and physical activity were monitored. Results showed that those who suffered from comorbid asthma and obesity had a significantly higher BMI than those with just obesity. Additionally, those in the comorbid group had significantly lower levels of physical activity than children who were just obese. The reduced physical activity could be a potential cause as to why there was an elevated BMI in the comorbid group, as reduced physical activity is associated with higher BMI. This study highlights that there is a significant relationship between asthma, obesity, and physical activity. There are many research gaps when looking at this relationship and it needs to be studied further. When compared to the Gilliland study, this study goes 27

beyond just looking at the prevalence of asthma in those with obesity. It also looks at the combined effect of asthma, obesity and the joint consequences. Another breathing problem associated with obesity is sleep apnea. Obstructive sleep apnea syndrome (OSAS) has been shown to be a consequence of obesity and as levels of childhood obesity increase, there will also be increases in sleep apnea in children. In a study by Kohler et al. (2008) the relationship between obesity and obstructive sleep apnea was examined. Researchers conducted a retrospective case study wherein 190 children aged 4 to 12 were evaluated for snoring and OSAS. Parents filled out a survey about their children's sleep habits and children were broken up into three groups: intermittent snorers, habitual snorers and OSAS. To record behavior when sleeping, polysomnography (PSG) was done overnight and electrodes were placed in various areas of the child's body. Results showed that OSAS was more likely to occur in heavier children, and it was also more frequent in obese children. 33% of obese children presented with OSAS, whereas only 16% of normal-weight children did. Additionally, children with OSAS had a significantly higher BMI than children in the intermittent or habitual snoring cohorts. This study highlights that there is a significant relationship between BMI and sleep apnea; however, a limitation of this study is that it focuses only on Caucasian children. Marginalized children may have different relationships with sleep apnea and body weight, and this is something that should be examined further. Additionally, there are many negative consequences of obstructive sleep apnea that should be examined. Obstructive sleep apnea can have many different effects on obese children. In a study by Xu et al. (2008) researchers conducted a case-control study of sleep apnea-hypopnea syndrome (OSAHS) in obese and nonobese Chinese children. Participants included 99 obese children and 99 control children. Researchers conducted questionnaires and physical examinations that allowed researchers to determine which participants could be included in the study (only those with a BMI z-score of more than 1.96 were considered obese). Participants were then age and sex-matched to provide a control group. Similarly to the above study, PSG was done to record sleep behavior in both obese and healthy-weight children. Results showed that the risk of having OSAHS was significantly higher in obese children than in those with a normal weight. Additionally, obese children had a higher risk of adenoid hypertrophy and tonsillar hypertrophy, both of which are consequences of sleep apnea. These results are consistent with the Kohler study, as they both indicate a significant relationship between increasing BMI and sleep apnea in children. The Xu study also focuses on the negative consequences of sleep apnea, which provides additional information on the many consequences of childhood obesity. Theme 3: Impaired Glucose Tolerance In a study by Sinha et al. (2002) researchers aimed to determine the prevalence of impaired glucose tolerance in a cohort of 167 obese children and adolescents in the United States. All participants had been referred to the Yale Pediatric Obesity Clinic between 1999 and 2001. Participants followed a strict diet that consisted of 250 grams of carbohydrates for a week before

the study. Participants fasted for 12 hours prior to the study time and a catheter was inserted for blood sampling. To measure impaired glucose tolerance, participants were given glucose orally every 30 minutes for 120 minutes and insulin response was examined. Results showed that 25% of children and 21% of adolescents had impaired glucose tolerance. Additionally, BMI was higher in those with impaired glucose tolerance. This indicates that glucose intolerance is a consequence of obesity. The effects of obesity on glucose intolerance are further exemplified by the Invitti et al. (2003) study wherein the prevalence of glucose intolerance in obese children and adolescents was examined. In this study, a cohort of 710 obese 6 to 18-year-old European children and adolescents were admitted for metabolic evaluation and clinical management for two weeks. After a 12-hour overnight fast, participants partook in an oral glucose tolerance test. In addition, plasma samples were drawn at this time and after 30 and 120 minutes to determine plasma glucose and insulin concentrations. Results showed that of the obese children, 34 had issues surrounding glucose intolerance and a 4.5% prevalence in the study population. Researchers concluded that impaired glucose tolerance was a consequence of childhood obesity. The results of this study are slightly different from those in the Sinha study. A potential reason for this is that the Sinha study was done in the United States, while the Invitti study was done in Italy. There are many cultural and environmental factors that influence childhood obesity and glucose tolerance. To further understand this, additional research would need to be done on the social causes of childhood obesity and glucose intolerance. Another form of glucose intolerance caused by childhood obesity is Type 2 Diabetes. In a study by Young et al. (1999) researchers aimed to determine the prevalence of obesity and its relationship with fasting insulin and glucose in children at high risk for type 2 diabetes. The study population consisted of a Canadian Indigenous community in Manitoba. Fasting blood samples were taken 4 mornings a week from 5 to 10 children. Samples were then examined for glucose and insulin levels. 719 children between the ages of 4 and 19 were screened. Results showed that children with a BMI higher than the 85th percentile were at an increased risk for having diabetes. There was also shown the be a relationship between high fasting glucose and fasting insulin levels, both of which are common in obese individuals. Researchers concluded that obesity in early childhood can lead to type 2 diabetes and diabetes precursors. Implications The results of this literature review have the possibility to inform policy, practice, and research. This review highlights that childhood obesity can lead to many mental and physical health consequences including depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, asthma, sleep apnea, glucose intolerance, and diabetes. All the reviewed articles highlight that childhood obesity leads to increased levels of the health outcomes mentioned above. There are policies that can be put in place in regard to the psychological consequences of childhood obesity. Examples include policies surrounding how bullying in school is handled, such as taking away privileges if a student gets caught bullying/teasing another child. If there were stricter consequences then there would be less bullying and, as a result,

children with obesity would not experience the lowered self-esteem mentioned by Esposito and Eisenberg. Additionally, making mental health care services easier to access would increase the rates at which children use these services and counselors could work to help them with any anxiety or depressive symptoms. By further studying the consequences of sleep apnea, researchers can work to determine which factors play a role and work to address these. Further research could be done to examine the combined effects of additional factors and obesity. This would allow researchers to provide beneficial treatment that may be easier to do if factors beyond obesity are known. Social and environmental causes play a significant role in childhood obesity. Factors such as culture, access to healthy food, and access to safe exercise areas play a big role in obesity and its health consequences. Understanding these allows researchers to tackle childhood obesity before it is even present and reduce overall rates. Conclusion In conclusion, there are many negative mental and physical consequences of childhood obesity. This review highlights that psychological problems, breathing problems, and impaired glucose tolerance are all consequences of childhood obesity. These mental and physical consequences were examined and their effects on the child were highlighted. Additionally, this review provides insight that could lead to improved policy, practice, and research. Childhood obesity is a growing problem all over the world and it needs to be addressed. Doing so will allow for the reduction of the mentioned mental and physical health consequences and better the overall health of the population.

References CBC/Radio Canada. (2012, September 20). 31% of Canadian kids are overweight or obese | CBC news. CBCnews. Retrieved March 29, 2022, from https://www.cbc.ca/news/health/31-ofcanadian-kids-are-overweight-or-obese1.1154456#:~:text=Almost%20a%20third%20of%20 Canadians,obese%2C%20Statistics%20Canada%20has%20found. Eisenberg, M. E., Neumark-Sztainer, D., & Story, M. (2003). Associations of weight-based teasing and emotional well-being among adolescents. Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 157(8), 733. https://doi.org/10.1001/archpedi.157.8.733.

Fedele, D. A., Janicke, D. M., Lim, C. S., & Abu-Hasan, M. (2014). An examination of comorbid asthma and obesity: Assessing differences in physical activity, sleep duration, health-related quality of life and parental distress. Journal of Asthma, 51(3), 275–281. https://doi.org/10.3109/02770903.2013.873807. Franklin, J., Denyer, G., Steinbeck, K. S., Caterson, I. D., & Hill, A. J. (2006). Obesity and risk of low self-esteem: A statewide survey of Australian children. Pediatrics, 118(6), 2481–2487. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2006-0511. Gallai, B., Esposito, M., Roccella, M., Marotta, R., Lavano, F., Lavano, S. M., Mazzotta, G., Bove, D., Sorrentino, M., Precenzano, F., & Carotenuto, M. (2014). Anxiety and depression levels in prepubertal obese children: A case-control study. Neuropsychiatric Disease and Treatment, 1897. https://doi.org/10.2147/ndt.s69795. Gilliland, F. D. (2003). Obesity and the risk of newly diagnosed asthma in school-age children. American Journal of Epidemiology, 158(5), 406–415. https://doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwg175. Invitti, C., Guzzaloni, G., Gilardini, L., Morabito, F., & Viberti, G. (2003). Prevalence and concomitants of glucose intolerance in European obese children and adolescents. Diabetes Care, 26(1), 118–124. https://doi.org/10.2337/diacare.26.1.118 Kohler, M., Lushington, K., Couper, R., Martin, J., van den Heuvel, C., Pamula, Y., & Kennedy, D. (2008). Obesity and risk of sleep related upper airway obstruction in Caucasian children. Journal of Clinical Sleep Medicine, 04(02), 129–136. https://doi.org/10.5664/jcsm.27129. Sinha, R., Fisch, G., Teague, B., Tamborlane, W. V., Banyas, B., Allen, K., Savoye, M., Rieger, V., Taksali, S., Barbetta, G., Sherwin, R. S., & Caprio, S. (2002). Prevalence of impaired glucose tolerance among children and adolescents with marked obesity. New England Journal of Medicine, 346(11), 802–810. https://doi.org/10.1056/nejmoa012578. Xu, Z., Jiaqing, A., Yuchuan, L., & Shen, K. (2008). A case-control study of obstructive sleep apneahypopnea syndrome in obese and Nonobese Chinese children. Chest, 133(3), 684–689. https://doi.org/10.1378/chest.07-1611. Young, T. K., Dean, H. J., Flett, B., & Wood-Steiman, P. (2000). Childhood obesity in a population at high risk for type 2 diabetes. The Journal of Pediatrics, 136(3), 365–369. https://doi.org/10.1067/mpd.2000.103504

Content Warning The following academic piece includes topics related to mental health disorders and mental illness which some readers may find troubling.

Understanding the Prevalent Gender Biases Within the Mental Health Care Industry and its Implications on Diagnosis and Treatment Megha Manoj Mental health care is an important sector that pertains to the diagnosis, treatment, and management of mental health disorders. Such disorders are described as syndromes that cause clinically significant impairments within a person’s cognition, behaviour, or emotional regulation (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Mental health disorders often lead to dysfunction in occupational, social, and personal areas of life and can be extremely stressful and damaging (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Thus, it is important that a person suffering from such disorders receive proper care and support. However, there may be inherent biases within the mental healthcare practitioners (MHP) community or the patients themselves that may hinder this process and lead to poor mental health care. The prevalent bias that has been documented in literature is gender bias. Gender bias is a form of implicit bias that causes differential treatment of one gender over others (Bosson et al., 2022). For this review, gender is defined as the person’s psychological experience and how they choose to identify. Most individuals have preconceived notions about what it means to belong to a certain gender, and this can lead to gender biases. There are more than two genders present and nonbinary and genderqueer individuals face vast amounts of biases while accessing mental health care. Unfortunately, limited research exists on the gender biases faced by genders apart from men and women. Therefore, for the scope of this paper, gender biases are mainly focused on men and women. There are three main themes that are prevalent when looking at gender biases in mental health care. The first is the effect of gender biases in the diagnosis stage. Research showed that clinicians' gender perceptions influence the timing and kind of diagnosis assigned. The next theme is the

impairment of the treatment stage due to gender biases. Clients have been shown to receive differential care solely due to their gender. The third theme is the effect of internalized gender biases and willingness to seek out help from a mental health care professional. The aim of this review is to understand how gender biases can affect fair access to mental health care and understand the influence of these biases in the three stages of mental health care: diagnosis, treatment, and referrals. Gender Biases in Diagnosis Giving patients the correct diagnosis is critical for them to receive proper treatment and setting up the steps that follow. Receiving a proper diagnosis also allows patients to become aware of their condition, reducing any shame or distress they may have. Gender biases have been shown to influence the kind of diagnosis clinicians might assign to patients and also affect the timing of diagnosis. Different disorders have differing prevalence between men and women. In some cases, these differences exist due to inherent biological differences. But for some disorders, this is due to gender biases during diagnosis. For example, paraphilias are considered disorders that are dominated by men for a multitude of reasons (Boysen et al., 2014). Men are more susceptible to prenatal stressors and can develop paraphilic disorders due to this (Dawson et al., 2016). Also, men have a higher sex drive and mating effort which might motivate them to seek novelty and variety in their partners (Dawson et al., 2016). However, research shows that the overdiagnosis of paraphilias in men can be due to gender preconceptions. Fuss et al. (2018) examined whether these gender differences can be attributed to the clinician’s gender bias in diagnosing sexual behaviour. They found that women subjects were less likely to be pathologized and faced lower stigmatization regarding exhibitionism, frotteurism, sadism, and pedophilia (Fuss et al., 2018). They noted that diagnostically irrelevant factors, such as sexual norms, influenced the clinician’s decision to assign atypicality to sexual behaviour. Sexual behaviour of women is viewed as more passive while men are viewed as more dangerous and aggressive with their sexual desires (Fuss et al., 2018). Another study found similar results, where clinicians’ decisions regarding atypicality were influenced by their personal beliefs about the causation of sexual behaviour (Klein et al., 2019). They found gender influenced rating of mental health status and stigmatization, and that gay women and men were less pathologized. This was due to the false assumption that gay people engage in higher sexual behaviour in general and are often underdiagnosed with compulsive sexual behaviour (Geiger et al., 2016). The above studies highlight how implicit gender bias in clinicians might lead to differential diagnoses. However, there are also gender biases present within the research and the diagnosis criteria of certain disorders that may influence how different genders are diagnosed. Gesi et al. (2021) found that women are often underdiagnosed with autism spectrum disorders (ASD), as women have a more complex presentation of ASD that is often missed by diagnostic criteria. The age of first contact with any mental health services and of diagnosis is also significantly higher in women (Gesi et al., 2021). Women have lower presentation of repetitive behaviours and decreased social and communicative behaviours (Gesi et al., 2021). The diagnostic criteria is biased towards the display of these externalising behaviours (repetitive behaviours, social, and communicative impairments) that are 33

mainly present in men (Szalavitz, 2016) and, therefore, women’s symptoms are seen as neurotypical which causes increased misdiagnosis. Moreover, most research conducted on ASD is on men which further limits our understanding of clinical presentation and atypical ASD behaviours observed in women (Young et al., 2022). The above research highlights how gender biases within mental health practitioners might have an influence over how they might pathologize and diagnose disorders. Instead of symptom presentation alone predicting atypicality of behaviour, the sexual and gender norms associated with men and women strongly predicted if the behaviour was seen as atypical. It is important to recognize and correct biases to avoid harmful stereotypes and lack of proper treatment. Gender Biases in Treatment A lot of research focuses on how treatment options for the same diagnosis might differ for certain genders due to the clinician’s bias. Perceptions of traditional masculinity and the strength and bravery associated with it often predicted poor and delayed treatment for men. This is evident in the underestimation of depression amongst men (Stiawa et al., 2020). A study examined how gendered understanding of depression predicted professionals’ decisions about treatment (Oute et al., 2018). They found that as masculinised patients were viewed as stubborn and unwilling, professionals were more likely to blame masculinised patients for their condition (Oute et al., 2018). Despite these patients expressing that they felt depressed and needed help, they were often referred to substance abuse treatment centers rather than psychiatric care facilities. Stiawa et al. (2020) found similar results where traditionally masculine men received delayed inpatient treatment. Men who were open to therapy faced more stigmatization and were viewed as weak and “soft” by mental health practitioners (Stiawa et al., 2020). This study highlighted the importance of adjusting the therapy process to account for differences in the psychoeducation of men and women. Similarly, it was observed that transphobia was a significant predictor of treatment decisions (Powell & Cochran, 2020). The higher the transphobia scores, the higher the discrepancy was in assigning treatment options between transgender and cisgender clients. These studies pointed out how prevalent gender bias is in the mental health industry and its impact on treatment. Traditional ideas associated with masculinity and femininity can impact the timing of treatment and beliefs about the kind of treatment required. Research pointed to traditional masculinity views leading to lower psychiatric care and higher expectations for the treatment outcomes. These studies pave the way for newer research on how to combat these gender biases and ensure that the clinician’s personal beliefs do not interfere with the treatment process. Gender Biases in Help-Seeking Behaviour The above two themes addressed gender bias within the mental health care industry, but internalized gender biases within patients themselves might affect their willingness to seek help.

Mental disorders are often stigmatised, and help-seeking behaviour is seen as being “weak.” This is often associated with stereotypes about women (eg. they are highly emotional and not as strong as men). It is predicted that women would have higher help-seeking behaviour, and since traditionally masculine gender roles are viewed as authoritative and strong, men would be less likely to engage in this behaviour. Research has supported this prediction, finding that gender influenced intentions of seeking psychological help, with men being less likely to (Mackenzie et al., 2006). Women reported more positive attitudes about seeking help and faced less stigma in acknowledging their problems (Mackenzie et al., 2006). However, Pattyn et al. (2014) found that gender attitudes were not a strong predictor of psychological help-seeking behaviour, but the internalization of negative attitudes about healthcare and perceptions of public stigma predicted willingness to seek help. This study noted that it was negative stereotypes of help-seeking behaviour that deterred people from seeking help. Another important finding in my literature search was that teacher perceptions of gender can influence referral to mental health services. Green et al. (1996) found that teachers were less likely to refer female children to mental health services. Female children had a pattern of internalizing problems and higher academic performance which caused them to not be referred to mental health services (Green et al., 1996). Teachers also thought that girls would mature and resolve these problems. These preconceived notions about gender influenced the mental health care that female students received. Overall, these studies depicted how internalized societal gender norms can pose a barrier to mental health care equality. Men are traditionally viewed as strong and independent and, therefore, were associated with lower help-seeking attitudes. Differences in externalizing behaviour and maturity predictions affected the perceptions of teachers in identifying the need for help in female and male students. The studies have strong implications on the need for gender-focused interventions and programs to improve psychological help-seeking perceptions. Conclusion This literature review addressed the implicit gender biases present in the mental health industry and how this might pose a barrier to equitable mental health care for all. The three main themes that emerged in this literature review were: gender biases in diagnosis, treatment, and in help-seeking behavior. For diagnosis, it was found that clinicians’ own beliefs about gender stereotypes affected whether they viewed behaviors as atypical. Additionally, research highlighted how characterising diagnosis based only on one gender can lead to underdiagnosis or delayed diagnosis. Treatment options also differed due to the gender attitudes of clinicians, and more masculine clients suffered from receiving lower psychiatric care and higher stigma. Finally, it was important to look at internalized gender biases of patients that might hinder the therapy process. Due to the tougher societal standards for men, they are less likely to seek psychological help. But on the other hand, due to women being seen as more mature, their mental health problems might be taken less seriously by teachers. A limitation in this review is that it focuses mainly on Western cultures and does not account for the intersectionality between race, culture, and gender.

Future research should address this gap. Overall, this research points to the need for interventions and programmes to reduce gender bias in clinicians and improve awareness of the differential challenges faced by men and women when accessing mental health care.

References American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed.). Bosson, J. K., Buckner, C. E., & Vandello, J. A. (2022). The psychology of sex and gender. SAGE. Boysen, G., Ebersole, A., Casner, R., & Coston, N. (2014). Gendered mental disorders: Masculine and feminine stereotypes about mental disorders and their relation to stigma. The Journal of Social Psychology, 154(6), 546–565. Dawson, S. J., Bannerman, B. A., & Lalumière, M. L. (2016). Paraphilic Interests: An Examination of Sex Differences in a Nonclinical Sample. Sexual Abuse, 28(1), 20–45. Fuss, J., Briken, P., & Klein, V. (2018). Gender bias in clinicians’ pathologization of atypical sexuality: A randomized controlled trial with mental health professionals. Scientific Reports, 8(1), 3715. Geiger, W., Harwood, J., & Hummert, M. L. (2006). College students’ multiple stereotypes of lesbians: A cognitive perspective. Journal of Homosexuality, 51(3), 165–182. Gesi, C., Migliarese, G., Torriero, S., Capellazzi, M., Omboni, A. C., Cerveri, G., & Mencacci, C. (2021). Gender Differences in Misdiagnosis and Delayed Diagnosis among Adults with Autism Spectrum Disorder with No Language or Intellectual Disability. Brain Sciences, 11(7), 912. Green, M. T., Clopton, J. R., & Pope, A. W. (1996). Understanding Gender Differences in Referral of Children to Mental Health Services. Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Disorders, 4(3), 182– 190. Klein, V., Briken, P., Schröder, J., & Fuss, J. (2019). Mental health professionals’ pathologization of compulsive sexual behavior: Does clients’ gender and sexual orientation matter? Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 128(5), 465–472.

Mackenzie, C. S., Gekoski, W. L., & Knox, V. J. (2006). Age, gender, and the underutilization of mental health services: The influence of help-seeking attitudes. Aging & Mental Health, 10(6), 574–582. Oute, J., Tondora, J., & Glasdam, S. (2018). ‘Men just drink more than women. Women have friends to talk to’—Gendered understandings of depression among healthcare professionals and their implications. Nursing Inquiry, 25(3), e12241. Pattyn, E., Verhaeghe, M., Sercu, C., & Bracke, P. (2014). Public Stigma and Self-Stigma: Differential Association With Attitudes Toward Formal and Informal Help Seeking. Psychiatric Services, 65(2), 232–238. Powell, H. A., & Cochran, B. N. (2020). Mental health providers’ biases, knowledge, and treatment decision making with gender-minority clients. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, No Pagination Specified-No Pagination Specified. Stiawa, M., Müller-Stierlin, A., Staiger, T., Kilian, R., Becker, T., Gündel, H., Beschoner, P., Grinschgl, A., Frasch, K., Schmauß, M., Panzirsch, M., Mayer, L., Sittenberger, E., & Krumm, S. (2020). Mental health professionals view about the impact of male gender for the treatment of men with depression—A qualitative study. BMC Psychiatry, 20(1), 276. Szalavitz, M. (2022). Autism -- It’s Different in Girls. Scientific American. Young, H., Oreve, M.-J., & Speranza, M. (2018). Clinical characteristics and problems diagnosing autism spectrum disorder in girls. Archives de Pédiatrie, 25(6), 399–403.

Content Warning The following academic piece includes an analysis of the troubling themes of sexual abuse, colonial violence, and intergenerational trauma in Shani Mooto’s novel Cereus Blooms at Night, which some readers may find disturbing.

Mutual Witnessing in Shani Mootoo’s Cereus Blooms at Night Sara Durante This paper analyzes Shani Mootoo’s (1998) novel Cereus Blooms at Night by bringing it into conversation with the psychoanalytic concept of witnessing proposed by Kelly Oliver (2001) in The Necessity and Impossibility of Witnessing. It examines how the trauma of objectification attempts to destroy the inner witness of the novel’s protagonists Tyler and Mala Ramchandin, which can result in their loss of subjectivity. However, I argue that the ability of Tyler and Mala to bear witness to the other’s objectification redevelops their inner witness, which restores their subjectivity and supports their creative transformation of identity. Cereus Blooms at Night is a multi-generational novel that explores themes of transgenerational trauma, colonialism, and witnessing. It tells the story of Mala Ramchandin, an elderly Indian woman rumored to have murdered her father, Chandin Ramchandin, and thus court-ordered to live in the Paradise Alms House on the Caribbean island, Lantanacamara. This story is narrated by Tyler (they/them), Mala’s caregiver at the Paradise Alms House, who hopes to reconnect Mala with her long-lost sister Asha Ramchandin. Throughout the novel, Mootoo (1998) leaps through time to reveal the circumstances that have traumatized Mala and left her in the care of Tyler in the Paradise Alms House. The past takes place in the town of Paradise and explores the colonial upbringing of Chandin, where he was forced to assimilate to Christianity and help convert the Indian population of Lantanacamara. This history sheds light on how Mala experiences the transgenerational trauma and colonial violence imposed on her father, as she is sexually assaulted by him throughout her childhood and adulthood. The present setting explores the evolving relationship between Mala and Tyler, as they learn about the past events that have marred Mala’s psychic life with traumas of objectification and sexual violence.

The psychoanalytic concept of witnessing can be used to analyze the relationship between Tyler and Mala showcased in Cereus Blooms at Night. In The Necessity and Impossibility of Witnessing, Oliver (2001) examines how the act of witnessing can restore an individual’s subjectivity and help them work through traumatic experiences of objectification, which supports the creative transformation of identity. The restoration of one’s subjectivity requires that another person bear witness to their testimony of objectification, whereby the testifier is listened to and interpreted by their witness (Oliver, 2001). In witnessing testimony, Oliver (2001) argues that it is impossible for the witness to truly recognize and understand the traumatic experiences of another person. However, when an individual is objectified, it can destroy their inner witness as objectification prevents that individual from seeing themselves as anything other than an object (Oliver, 2001). Consequently, the individual is silenced and cannot bear witness to their oppression, and thus unable to work through such oppression by testifying and communicating with others (Oliver, 2001). The destruction of the inner witness can obliterate subjectivity and prevent the creative transformation of identity (Oliver, 2001). In Cereus Blooms at Night, both Tyler and Mala experience the destruction of their inner witness and loss of subjectivity, which prevents them from working through their traumatic experience of objectification. This can be seen when the nurses at the Paradise Alms House judge Tyler for how they express their sexuality and gender identity; Tyler is mocked for wearing a neckerchief. The nurses compliment its colour and sarcastically conduct Tyler for fashion advice. Tyler notes that their tone is condescending and malicious, as they have repeatedly encountered these subtle hostilities and have learned to identify them out of survival. However, Tyler decides not to confront the nurses for their behaviour – rather, they internalize their frustration and pain out of professionalism. This experience illustrates the destruction of Tyler’s inner witness and loss of subjectivity, as the nurses render Tyler as an object for their amusement. Throughout the novel, the reader learns that Tyler has difficulty expressing their sexuality and gender identity in the public sphere as they explicitly state their desire for "freedom" and to be treated as "ordinary" (Bravim, 2021; Mootoo, 1998, pp. 23-24). Tyler’s objectification in this experience prevents them from confronting the nurses, as objects are rendered silent, and thus cannot act for themselves (Oliver, 2001). Consequently, Tyler cannot bear witness to their objectification, which inhibits them from providing testimony of their oppression to another person. Moreover, Tyler may feel ashamed to bear witness to their objectification, as it would require them to acknowledge that they have become an object for another person, which can be too difficult to bear (Oliver, 2001). Hence, Tyler’s inner witness is destroyed, along with their subjectivity and ability to work through their objectification. In addition, Mala is sexually assaulted by her father throughout her childhood and adulthood, which destroys her inner witness and subjectivity. Chandin begins to sexually assault Asha and Mala – whose childhood nickname was Pohpoh – after his wife Sarah leaves him with her lover and his non-biological sister Lavinia. The scene in which Pohpoh sacrifices herself to sleep with Chandin – despite her father’s call for Asha – signifies the destruction of her inner witness. For example,

Mootoo (1998) describes Pohpoh’s demeanour as she leaves Asha for Chandin’s bedroom, “[a]s if it were nothing at all” (p. 72). This phrase showcases Pohpoh being objectified by Chandin as an object of his sexual desire and an outlet to express his anger after being abandoned by Sarah and Lavinia. Pohpoh’s objectification in this experience, and throughout her childhood, prevents her from cognitively processing her actions and obedience to her father, as objects cannot think for themselves (Oliver, 2001). Moreover, since Pohpoh is stripped of her subjectivity as a child, it prevents the development of subjectivity in her adulthood as Mala. Hence, the objectification of Pohpoh by Chandin destroys her inner witness and renders her incapable of working through her trauma as a child and adult (Oliver, 2001). However, in their time spent together at the Paradise Alms House, Tyler and Mala act as ethical witnesses to the other’s experience of objectification by witnessing the other’s testimony beyond recognition. Recognition perpetuates the notion of a “fixed and knowable other” which can destroy subjectivity and inhibit personal transformation (Georgis, 2021). Yet, Mala witnesses Tyler beyond recognition when she gives them a nurse’s uniform to wear – which she stole from a clothesline during Tyler’s conversation with Mr. John Hector, the gardener at the Paradise Alms House. During their conversation, Mr. Hector recalls how Tyler reminds him of his brother Randy, who was sent away from home by his mother after repeatedly being threatened for being queer. The act of stealing the nurse’s uniform showcases that Mala witnesses Tyler beyond recognition, as it demonstrates that she is listening to and interpreting their conversation with Mr. Hector (Oliver, 2001). It showcases that Mala may interpret Tyler’s silence during the conversation as a hidden layer of suffering that they experience as an individual who struggles to freely express their identity (Georgis, 2013). Moreover, it depicts Mala as an ethical witness, as she is considering how Tyler “comes to relate” to Randy’s identity and the prejudice against him as a queer individual (Georgis, 2013, p. 18). While in the privacy of Mala’s bungalow at the Paradise Alms House, Tyler presents themself to Mala in the nurse’s uniform, and her reaction is to merely glance back at them. Initially, Tyler describes this lack of attention as humiliating for themself, feeling as though they have been “suspended nameless in the limbo state between existence and nonexistence” (Mootoo, 1998, p. 83). However, Tyler comes to the realization that from Mala’s perspective, the outfit did not need to be celebrated or judged – rather, “it simply was” (Mootoo, 1998, p. 83). This experience demonstrates that Mala witnesses Tyler beyond recognition as her glance shows that Tyler is being seen by an external witness, affirming their humanity and generating a feeling of freedom and ordinariness that Tyler yearns for (Oliver, 2001). Hence, Mala redevelops Tyler’s inner witness, which is needed to restore their subjectivity and support their creative transformation of identity (Oliver, 2001). In doing so, Tyler no longer internalizes their objectification by the nurses at the Paradise Alms House. Instead, Mala helps Tyler work through their objectification by creating a space where they can freely express themself (Georgis, 2021). In addition, Tyler witnesses Mala beyond recognition when he begins to write down the elements of her traumatic upbringing that she begins to mutter while in their company. When Mala notices that

Tyler is doing so, she moves closer to them and begins muttering in their direction, giving Tyler the impression that they have “become her witness” (Mootoo, 1998, p. 107). This example showcases that Tyler witnesses Mala beyond recognition, as their writing communicates to Mala that her testimony is being listened to and interpreted by them (Oliver, 2001). In doing so, Tyler affirms Mala’s humanity, which helps to restore her subjectivity that is needed for personal transformation (Oliver, 2001). Moreover, this example depicts Tyler as an ethical witness, as they realize that there is a “purpose” behind Mala’s muttering – rather than assuming it is solely “idle rambling” (Mootoo, 1998, p. 107). This realization signifies that Tyler is not only listening to Mala relate aspects of her unprocessed trauma, but also seeing the hidden layer of suffering she has experienced in her past (Georgis, 2013). Transcribing Mala’s testimony represents a form of ethical witnessing, as Tyler showcases that they are allowing themself to be affected by Mala’s testimony and creating space for her to testify to an external witness (Georgis, 2013, 2021). In doing so, Mala can begin to work through her trauma of sexual violence and other forms of oppression she experienced throughout her childhood and adulthood. Finally, both Tyler and Mala undergo the creative transformation of identity as a result of being ethical witnesses to the other’s traumatic experience of objectification. According to Oliver (2001), the act of witnessing is “transformative” in that it reaffirms an individual’s humanity after it was nearly destroyed in a traumatic experience (p. 93). The act of testifying and bearing witness to one’s traumatic experience reestablishes “self-respect” which acts as a form of “resistance” to their objectification (Oliver, 2001, p. 103). Tyler’s creative transformation of identity can be seen at the end of the novel, wherein they begin to wear makeup (i.e. powdering their nose and wearing lipstick) while in the presence of Mala and the nurses at the Paradise Alms House. This action demonstrates that Mala’s witnessing has transformed Tyler, granting them the freedom to express their sexuality and gender identity in the public sphere. Although Tyler notices that the nurses begin to gossip while in their presence, they remain confident, and resist being objectified for the nurses’ amusement. Additionally, Mala’s creative transformation of identity can be seen at the end of the novel as her demeanor around Tyler, her childhood admirer Mr. Ambrose E. Mohanty, and his son Otoh Mohanty begins to shift. For example, when the Mohanty’s are expected to visit Mala at the Paradise Alms House, she explicitly displays her excitement by giggling with Tyler and allowing them to dress up her appearance. This illustrates a clear transformation from Mala’s fearful moaning and quiet sobbing when she first arrived at the Paradise Alms House. Mala’s shift in demeanor around Ambrose signifies that she exonerates herself for their romantic relationship, as her involvement with Ambrose in the past caused her to feel ashamed for betraying her father. Thus, Mala’s transformation demonstrates that Tyler’s witnessing reaffirms her agency to foster relationships with other people, when doing so had previously destroyed her humanity and inflicted shame upon her (Oliver, 2001).

The ability of Tyler and Mala to bear witness to the other’s experience of objectification redevelops their inner witness, and in doing so, restores their subjectivity and supports their creative transformation of identity. While the traumatic experience of objectification can destroy subjectivity, the act of witnessing and responding to the testimony of another person is crucial to fostering interpersonal relationships and ensuring one’s psychic well-being.

References Bravim, K. (2021). Narrating Trauma Part 1 [PDF document]. Retrieved from https://q.utoronto.ca/courses/205494/files/13164335?module_item_id=2378941. Georgis, D. (2013). Introduction. In The Better Story: Queer Affects from the Middle East (pp. vii-26). SUNY Press. Georgis, D. (2021). Abjection and Race and the Role of Witnessing [PowerPoint slides]. Retrieved from https://q.utoronto.ca/courses/205494/files/12275391?module_item_id=2286236. Mootoo, S. (1998). Cereus Blooms at Night. McClelland & Stewart Ltd. Oliver, K. (2001). The Necessity and Impossibility of Witnessing. In Witnessing: Beyond Recognition (pp. 85-106). University of Minnesota Press.

Masc4Masc Is A Mask Anthony Lenti

Artist Statement

Masc4Masc is a Mask is an interdisciplinary artwork that examines how gay dating and hookup applications assisted in unleashing self-hatred and sexual gatekeeping in queer digital spaces. This 16 x 20-inch artwork showcases how boundaries are set by masculine men to express a sort of antieffeminacy. On the infamous gay dating and hookup application, Grindr, there is the phenomenon known as Masc4Masc. This expression simply means that a masculine man is seeking another masculine man in a sexual, romantic or platonic relationship. However, this expression is deeply rooted within internalized homophobia as these hyper-masculine or straight-passing men forge hegemonic and heterosexual ideals of masculinity. Those that do not conform to the standard masculine heteronormative gender biases are dismissed by these men for being too feminine. Given this, I wanted to create a piece that would speak upon this issue. At the forefront of the work, I chose to draw a masculine man with a paper bag over his head as he is limiting his sexual identity. Using a pointillism technique I wanted to instill an unfinished quality onto the work. I cut out the drawing and placed it on a cradled wood panel that was painted grey. I wanted to express the idea that these men are confined to the limits of masculinity and commonly feel as though they have to please other masculine men in the gay community. Once these members do come out their body becomes part of a new space for interaction. I kept the colour palette neutral as these men are not fully expressing their sexual identity and not embracing the rainbow, a symbol of gay pride. As someone that identifies as gay and queer, I felt that I needed to change my body to fit this standard or boundary put in place by these hyper-masculine men. Once I started to fully embrace my sexuality and identity, I broke free of this boundary.

PART B: ENVIRONMENT AND HEALTH

ILLUMINATE MAGAZINE

PHYSICAL AND MENTAL HEALTH

Risk Assessment of Lead Exposure via Inhalation and its Link to Alzheimer's Ashley Billar Lead is one of the most abundant heavy metals found in the earth’s crust and now, as it is widely distributed and has many uses, it can be found in many aspects of the environment. Over time, lead exposure has increased in the human population in both developing and developed countries. However, rates of exposure are only dropping in developed countries. There are a range of both environmental exposures that can result in lead inhalation. Additionally, different amounts of lead have different effects on bodily systems, however, one significant health outcome of lead exposure is Alzheimer's. There are many routes of exposure in which lead can enter the body and impact ones’ health. This paper will focus primarily on inhalation as the route of exposure and Alzheimers as the health outcome. Lead is found naturally in the earth’s crust; it is also anthropogenic, meaning it can come from human activities like mining, burning of fossil fuels and manufacturing. Mining produces dust that is contaminated with metals, including lead, and these particles are spread throughout the air. Exposure also varies based on the source the lead is coming from. In a study by Csavina (2014) it was found that smelting plants had the greatest area of impact as they produced the finest contaminated particles, meaning they were the lightest and the easiest to be carried by the wind. These particles would be the most motile, so they would be able to travel the furthest and have an effect on more people (Chen, 2012). Additionally, these fine particles are able to travel deep into the lungs where they can enter the bloodstream (Chen, 2012). Once inhaled, lead containing particles travel through the body and the smallest particles end up in the bloodstream. The larger contaminated particles may be too big to pass through the bronchi, bronchus or bronchioles, but the smallest ones enter the alveoli. If an individual is closer to the source of exposure, then they would have a higher risk of exposure than someone who lives further away; however, particle size also influences this. Exposure is, thus, dependent on both proximity to the source of exposure and what the actual source of exposure is. Lead has many neurotoxic effects, and in a piece by Bakulski (2012) the relationship between exposure to lead and Alzheimer's was examined. Lead is known to cause cognitive dysfunction, and in a cross-sectional analysis it was found that high blood lead levels were associated with reduced pattern memory and reduced ability to identify objects. Additionally, longitudinal studies have shown that lead is associated with declines in cognitive function (Bakulski, 2012). Lead can take over the role of calcium in the brain which plays an essential role in neuron communication. When calcium enters a neuron, it stimulates the release of neurotransmitters and this allows signals to be passed

through cells until it reaches its target (Gearing, 2016). When lead enters the neuron instead of calcium, it changes how neurons pass the signals. Lead forces less calcium to enter the cell and as a result the neuron releases less neurotransmitter which causes a weaker signal to be sent (Gearing, 2016). Neurotransmitter signaling is a vital part of memory and if this is impaired it can lead to Alzheimer's. Another cause of Alzheimer's is the shrinkage of the posterior part of the brain (Chisolm, 1971). Lead exposure influences the walls of blood vessels and makes the capillaries more permeable. The capillaries leak and cause the swelling of the brain tissue; this forces the brain to push against the skull and this damages brain tissue and cells. This swelling could contribute to the shrinkage of the posterior part of the brain in that it destroys the tissue. There is still an ongoing effort to lower the acceptable amount of lead in both children and adults. Different quantities of lead have different effects on the body, and as of 2015, the blood lead level in a healthy adult with no exposure to high quantities of lead is 20 μg/dL or lower, and for children it is lower than 5 μg/dL (Kim,2015). Anything above these levels can cause negative health effects like cognitive and kidney dysfunction. If an adult's blood lead level is above 20 μg/dL then heme synthesis, which is the formation of the iron containing part of hemoglobin, is interrupted. After 20 μg/dL, lead can block the action of delta-aminolaevulinic acid (ALAD) and reduces ALAD action to 50% (Kim, 2015). ALAD is a key component in hemoglobin synthesis and if ALAD action is impaired, this will not occur. When lead blocks ALAD it blocks porphobilinogen, which is a key factor in forming the heme ring structure. From this it can be concluded that anything above 20 μg/dL in adults can cause negative health effects. Despite the acceptable 5 μg/dL in children, the American Academy of Pediatrics found that levels as low as 2.5 μg/dL resulted in cognitive defects in short term memory and visual construction skills (N/A, 2002). There are many things that can be done to control exposure to lead via inhalation. Firstly, proximity to the source of exposure could be reduced. Rules could be put in place requiring that people have to live a certain distance from sources that cause lead particles to be expelled into the air. This would take people out of the area of highest concentration and reduce exposure. Additionally, where the lead is coming from also needs to be considered. For example, the distance needed between housing and smelting plants would need to be greater than the distance between housing and mining factories, as smelting plants produce more and finer lead particles that can go further into the body systems. Further research needs to be done on the acceptable blood lead level in children and adults as there are quite a few acceptable ranges in literature on the topic. The effects of lead on Alzheimer's and other cognitive disorders needs to be studied further, as there are a lot of unanswered questions. In conclusion, lead inhalation has many effects on the body including an increased risk of Alzheimer's, additional rules could be put in place as a preventative measure and further research needs to be done. Policies need to be put in place to ensure safe distancing from facilities producing lead, and a safe blood lead level needs to be determined. Overall, lead leads to many detrimental effects on the body and these concerns need to be addressed.

References Chen, L., Xu, Z., Liu, M., Huang, Y., Fan, R., Su, Y., Hu, G., Peng, X., & Peng, X. (2012). Lead exposure assessment from study near a lead-acid battery factory in China. Science of The Total Environment, 429, 191–198. Chisolm, J. (1971). Lead Poisoning . Scientific American, 224(2). Csavina, J., Taylor, M. P., Félix, O., Rine, K. P., Eduardo Sáez, A., & Betterton, E. A. (2014). Sizeresolved dust and aerosol contaminants associated with copper and lead smelting emissions: Implications for Emission Management and Human Health. Science of The Total Environment, 493, 750–756. Gearing, M. (2016, June 27). The Deadly Biology of Lead Exposure [web log]. Retrieved October 23, 2021. Kim, H.-C., Jang, T.-W., Chae, H.-J., Choi, W.-J., Ha, M.-N., Ye, B.-J., Kim, B.-G., Jeon, M.-J., Kim, S.-Y., & Hong, Y.-S. (2015). Evaluation and management of lead exposure. Annals of Occupational and Environmental Medicine, 27(1). M. Bakulski, K., S. Rozek, L., C. Dolinoy, D., L. Paulson, H., & Hu, H. (2012). Alzheimer’s disease and environmental exposure to lead: The epidemiologic evidence and potential role of epigenetics. Current Alzheimer Research, 9(5), 563–573. N/A. (2002). The Lead Effect (Vol. 110). Focus.

ILLUMINATE MAGAZINE

POLICY AND ACTIVISM

Enacting Environmental Justice: The Anthropocene Exhibition Sara Durante In September 2018, the Art Gallery of Ontario launched the Anthropocene exhibition to illustrate how human activities are altering the Earth’s natural systems. On November 11, 2018, I attended the exhibition in order to familiarize myself with environmental justice practices and activities in my local community. The exhibition is divided into four rooms, consisting of large-scale photographs, high-resolution murals, short films and augmented reality installations (Art Gallery of Ontario, 2018). The final room contains no artwork; however, it addresses the “most critical issue of our time” – carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions (“Anthropocene,” 2018). It highlights how current atmospheric concentrations of CO2 are rapidly increasing due to human activities (e.g., agriculture, deforestation and fossil fuel extraction), which causes an increase in extreme weather events that impact vulnerable communities (“Anthropocene,” 2018). The exhibition’s final room showcases ways to reduce our carbon footprint, such as consuming less meat and using public transportation. Nonetheless, this particular section of the exhibition fails to equitably distribute accountability for the Anthropocene. For instance, responsibility is placed on audience members to mitigate the impacts of climate change by reducing one’s carbon footprint. The exhibition highlights the key markers of the Anthropocene, such as anthro-turbation, species extinction and the agricultural and coal mining industries (“Anthropocene,” 2018). However, the exhibition does not challenge these proAnthropocene companies to limit extraction processes or reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Instead, it is the audience member that is asked to act, allowing these companies to continue to exploit the Earth’s natural resources and disrupt climate systems. On that basis, this paper aims to examine the question of who is responsible for the Anthropocene. The exhibition recognizes that “a shift in consciousness is the beginning of change” (“Anthropocene,” 2018). However, it does not demonstrate the means of achieving an alternate state of mind, nor does it specify who requires this shift. The paper further analyzes how adopting an Indigenous environmental knowledge framework can promote environmental and human well-being. It highlights key concepts, such as white supremacy, settler colonialism and Indigenous knowledge to demonstrate the importance of history when allocating responsibility for the Anthropocene. To better understand the creation of the Anthropocene, it is important to recognize the historical context that has led to this human-environmental crisis. The Carbon Majors Database highlights that 100 fossil fuel companies represent 71 percent of greenhouse gas emissions (Murphy, 2018). However, a deeper analysis is required to determine who should be held accountable for this geological epoch. If history is ignored, ongoing ideas of settler colonialism, imperialism and white

supremacy – which created the Anthropocene – will be lost (Todd, 2015). The geological time scale reveals that the Anthropocene began in 1610 (“Whose Earth Is It Anyway?,” 2018). The time scale records the movement of fauna and flora during settler colonialism and imperialism in North America. Settler colonialism focuses on the elimination and replacement of Indigenous people with settlers as if they were the rightful claimants of the land (Murphy, 2018). European settlers came to stay; they marginalize existing populations while taking advantage of the land and its bodies without prior informed consent (Women’s Earth Alliance & Native Youth Sexual Health Network, 2018). This movement of species is represented by the nineteenth-century buffalo genocide within the Great Plains (Hubbard, 2014). During this period, European settlers were the perpetrators of colonialism, imperialism, and white supremacy (Hubbard, 2014). Indigenous people and the buffalo were viewed as obstacles to building a civilization (Hubbard, 2014). Hence, buffalo herds were killed and eliminated from the land. As a result, the Indigenous people were forced to flee their homes as their food source was threatened and shelters were destroyed (Hubbard, 2014). Indigenous peoples view the buffalo as their “protector” from colonial violence, and their loss is characterized as colonial genocide and cultural imperialism toward Indigenous people (Hubbard, 2014, p. 301). Indigenous peoples’ means of survival were destroyed and their spiritual connection to the land and its nonhuman inhabitants was severed (Hubbard, 2014). The genocidal war against Indigenous culture is a pillar of white supremacy. With the removal of Indigenous people, non-Indigenous communities could exist freely on newly claimed land (Hubbard, 2014). White supremacy operates on the “degree to which whites assume ownership of a nation and its opportunities” (Pulido, 2000, p. 16). For instance, European settlers perceived themselves as the rightful claimants of the land based on their whiteness. Consequently, Indigenous people were violently displaced onto reserves (Hubbard, 2014). The Anthropocene exhibition fails to fully recognize that white privilege and the marginalization of Indigenous people are ongoing. For example, no photographs of Indigenous settlements were displayed throughout the exhibition. Although the exhibition reveals key markers of the Anthropocene, it makes no reference to the fact that the dominant structures of white supremacy and settler colonialism – which society operates upon – have contributed to the formation of this geological epoch (Todd, 2015). The Anthropocene is not a recent phenomenon initiated by the Industrial Revolution. The current human-environmental crisis is linked to hundreds of years of violence, extraction and exploitation of Indigenous people, all of which operate within the structures of white supremacy and settler colonialism (“Whose Earth Is It Anyway?,” 2018). The history of Native oppression should not be ignored when attempting to understand the Anthropocene. This phenomenon represents the “end of the world” (“Whose Earth Is It Anyway?,” 2018); however, Indigenous people have already faced the “end of the world” through violence against their bodies and their land (“Whose Earth Is It Anyway?,” 2018) It is important to observe which stories are being told and suppressed when allocating responsibility to perpetrators of the

Anthropocene (Todd, 2015) The exhibition tells the story that all humans are equally connected to the formation of the Anthropocene, therefore audience members must work collectively to save the planet. However, history reveals that the world has operated on discriminatory structures wherein humanity was not all one (“Whose Earth Is It Anyway?,” 2018). Remembering and acknowledging this history is critical to our understanding that these long-standing dominant structures are responsible for the Anthropocene. While the Anthropocene exhibition recognizes that human beings require “a shift in consciousness” (“Anthropocene,” 2018) to support environmental sustainability and regeneration, not all audience members require this change of mind as not all humans are equally “implicated in the forces” (Todd, 2015, p. 244) that have formed this geological epoch. Instead, it is the current dominant structures of settler colonialism and white supremacy that require a shift towards an Indigenous environmental knowledge framework. Indigenous knowledge requires individuals to understand their relationship with Creation and fulfill responsibilities given to them by the Creator to ensure sustainability (McGregor, 2009). The transition to Indigenous knowledge requires the acknowledgement that Mother Earth forms our “beliefs, attitudes, insights, outlooks, values and institutions” (McGregor, 2009, p. 33). In doing so, humans can promote healthy relationships not only amongst each other, but with all sentient and non-sentient beings, as threats to Creation impact all life forms (McGregor, 2009). The exhibition does not demonstrate the means by which society can work towards achieving this alternate future. However, there are various ways an Indigenous environmental knowledge framework can be acknowledged and implemented into the dominant structures that society operates upon. For example, in 1616, the Great Lakes Basin established the Dish with One Spoon Treaty, a peace agreement among communities of the Great Lakes region to share hunting grounds and ensure there are enough resources available to promote sustainable livelihoods (Murphy, 2018). As a result, the Dish with One Spoon Treaty aims to put an end to the exploitation and extraction of the land and its bodies. Although this treaty currently only operates within the Great Lakes Basin, nations around the world could implement a similar peace agreement that aligns with an Indigenous environmental knowledge framework to promote environmental and human well-being, as individuals, communities, and nations begin to recognize the earth as a gift (Kimmerer, 2014). Mother Earth provides gifts for humans such as plants, soil and water. Consuming these gifts establishes a relationship wherein humans feel an obligation to reciprocate the love, kindness and generosity displayed by Mother Earth (Kimmerer, 2014). Viewing Mother Earth as a provider of gifts, and as a gift herself, can promote feelings of self-constraint that manifest as individuals not wanting to take more from nature than needed (Kimmerer, 2014) In Braiding Sweetgrass, Robin Kimmerer (2014) highlights how humanity must choose to appreciate the richness and generosity of Mother Earth. In doing so, humans can become “people of corn” (Kimmerer, 2014, p. 341) – having compassion for Creation and in this compassion, lessen their human footprint that has created this human-environmental crisis.

It was a privilege to attend the Anthropocene exhibition to witness first-hand the artist’s interpretation of the Anthropocene and its impact. Although the exhibition succeeds in identifying the key markers of the Anthropocene, it failed to reveal in full the main driving forces that have contributed to its creation. it did not fully reveal the main driving forces that have led to the Anthropocene. Historical consciousness allows for the recognition of dominant societal structures of white supremacy and settler colonialism as major contributors to the formation of this humanenvironmental crisis, rather than placing the blame on common humanity (Todd, 2015). Additionally, the respect and implementation of an Indigenous environmental knowledge framework carries the potential to shift consciousness in a way that provokes change. Humans can learn from the past and adopt a way of life that prioritizes the formation of peaceful and meaningful connections between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people (“Idle No More,” 2014). In doing so, humans can recognize their relationship with Creation and promote human, environmental and spiritual well-being.

References Art Gallery of Ontario. (2018). Anthropocene. Retrieved from https://ago.ca/exhibitions/anthropocene#anthropocene-artworks. Fox, S. (Host). (2018, October). Whose Earth Is It Anyway? Decolonizing the Anthropocene (No. 3) [Audio podcast episode] In Art Gallery of Ontario. https://soundcloud.com/agotoronto/episode03-whose-earth-is-it-anyway-decolonizing-the-anthropocene. Hubbard, Tasha (Nehiyaw/Nakawe/Metis). (2014). Buffalo Genocide in Nineteenth-Century North America: Kill, Skin and Sell. In A. Woolford, J. Benvenuto, & A. L. Hinton (Eds.), Colonial Genocide in Indigenous North America (pp. 292-305). Duke University Press. Kimmerer, R. W. (2015). Braiding Sweetgrass: Indigenous Wisdom, Scientific Knowledge and the Teachings of Plants. Milkweed Editions. McGregor, D. (2009). Honouring All Relations: An Anishinaabe Perspective on Environmental Justice. In J. Agyeman, P. Cole, R. Haluza-Delay, & P. O. Riley (Eds.), Speaking for Ourselves: Environmental Justice in Canada (pp. 27-41). UBC Press. Murphy, M. (2018, September 17). Environmental Justice and Settler Colonialism [Lecture]. Pulido, L. (2000). Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 90(1), 12-40.

The Kino-nda-niimi Collective. (2014). Idle No More: The Winter We Danced. In The Winter We Danced: Voices From the Past, the Future, and the Idle No More Movement (pp. 21-27). ARP Books (Arbeiter Ring Publishing). Todd, Z. (2015). Indigenizing the Anthropocene. In H. Davis & E. Turpin (Eds.), Art in the Anthropocene: Encounters Among Aesthetics, Politics, Environments and Epistemologies (pp. 241-254). Open Humanities Press. Women’s Earth Alliance & Native Youth Sexual Health Network and Women’s Earth Alliance. (2016). Violence on the Land is Violence on Our Bodies: Building an Indigenous Response to Environmental Justice. Retrieved from http://landbodydefense.org/uploads/files/VLVBReportToolkit2016.pdf. Wall Text, Anthropocene, Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto, ON.

Pseudoscience and COVID-19: Are Pharmacists the New MythBusters? Erica Pietrangelo To the Editor in Chief of Nature, As if the COVID-19 pandemic was not already tearing families apart, detrimentally impacting the physical and mental well-being of our society, and destroying small businesses, we now must prove to COVID-19 conspiracists why one of the greatest advancements in modern medicine is beneficial to society. In Mr. Caulfield’s article, he directly addresses these conspiracists and how fake COVID19 therapies promoted by health centres, in conjunction with the lack of researcher presence in fighting public misinformation, facilitate an environment in which these scientifically implausible practices can thrive. The author uses the term “scienceploitation,” defined as the use of scientific language when proving unproven ideas, in his argument against pseudoscience, an insightful take on the nature of these so called “therapies”. In this letter, I will argue in support of Mr. Caulfield’s claims surrounding COVID-19 misinformation and the public responsibility of health care practitioners (HCPs) to minimize the damage caused by pseudoscience. I, as a future pharmacist, must embody the values of the ethical principle’s fidelity and beneficence, while encouraging my colleagues to follow, as part of our HPC due diligence, in diminishing the impact of COVID-19 pseudoscientific claims. The author emphasizes the importance of empowering individuals to be involved in science communication; sharing information that is valuable for public interest. Arguably the most accessible HCP, pharmacists, play a crucial role in acting as reliable custodians of public trust. In doing so, pharmacists can recognize their patients’ best interests, irrespective of their own beliefs, playing a vital role in the fight against pseudoscientific claims. As outlined in the Ontario College of Pharmacy (OCP) Code of Ethics, the principle of fidelity indicates that pharmacists must be conscientious when responding to or identifying situations of concern in their practice. In Mr. Caulfield’s argument, he describes the public deception of portraying placebo treatments as legitimate. One role of a pharmacist is to act as a liaison between scientific findings and public understanding and in doing so, we can identify potential disturbances to this bridge of information in our patients. These concerning beliefs, such as prophylactic COVID-19 placebo homeopathic remedies in lieu of vaccination, can be addressed by early pharmacist intervention in sharing vaccination efficacy knowledge and the importance of public health measures. Thus, risks to the public from misinformation are minimized because of the accessibility of pharmacists within communities and their information sharing, therefore, employing values of fidelity in pharmacy practice.

In addition, pharmacists have an obligation to prioritize the prevention and removal of harm and promote patient well-being, thus abiding by the ethical principle of beneficence. As Mr. Caulfield mentions, legitimate science-informed messages are clouded by the volume of pseudoscience propaganda on social media. The complete removal of the sources of harm that are false social media claims are next to impossible. However, we as a profession are obligated to promote patient safety when navigating such harms by incorporating skills and knowledge in our patient interactions on how to decide fact from fiction when filtering misinformation. In turn, we abide by the OCP ethical principle of beneficence by providing patients with ample information needed to make informed decisions about their healthcare. A suitable example of this is the role of the pharmacy profession in the fight against public vaccine hesitancy. Pharmacies participating as vaccination clinics create an environment in which community members have easy access to an HCP to answer any questions or doubts fueling their vaccine hesitancy, while simultaneously enabling them to take control of their own health. In turn, Mr. Caulfield’s point about “[filling] the landscape with accurate information that is easy to digest [and] engaging” is exercised by pharmacists when using our expertise to undertake vaccine skepticism; by providing credible information from a knowledgeable source: ourselves. The connections made between the ethical principles of fidelity and beneficence, and the role of pharmacists in addressing COVID-19 pseudoscientific claims, are nothing short of the ideas presented by Mr. Caulfield in his article. It is especially important for myself as a pharmacy student and my peers to take action during this everchanging pandemic by using our ethical training and effective communication skills to address public misinformation. Given the state of the world, it is no longer an option for us to be involved, it is now mandatory for HCPs to be at the forefront of the movement fighting against pseudoscientific claims. Sincerely, Erica Pietrangelo PharmD Candidate Leslie Dan Faculty of Pharmacy, University of Toronto

Review of HIV/AIDS Blood Donation Regulations for MSM Bea Kraljii Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) is a disease caused by the HIV retrovirus that weakens the body’s immune response and can be fatal when untreated. The spread of HIV/AIDS marked one of the world’s most devastating global health challenges, in part because the mode of transmission (blood/bodily fluids) was unknown until the 1980s (Brailsford et al., 2015). In response to this discovery, national policies were developed that restricted “high-risk” populations from donating blood, which at the time was IV-drug users, people who visited Haiti, and men who have sex with men (MSM), to reduce its spread (Brailsford et al., 2015, p. 235). In the United States (US), this was a response to a mass contamination of the blood supply that gave rise to 20,000 HIV infections throughout the 1970s and 80s (Pemberton, 1999). Blood screening technology has since become more efficient, with sensitivity increasing from 97.3% to near 100% between 1985 and 2016, and the reduction in HIV transmission risk to 1 in 1.5 million (Pemberton, 1999). However, deferral policies – restrictions on the ability to donate blood either indefinitely or for a specific period of time depending on the context – are outdated for MSM and remain inconsistent across nations. This reveals the lasting stigma surrounding the LGBTQ+ community and lack of evidencebased decisions informing policies. Despite the status of HIV/AIDS as a global crisis, there was and is still no worldwide consensus on MSM blood donation. In the US, MSM sexually active after 1977 were banned from donation permanently, until policies in 2015 announced a year-long deferral (Sacks & Walensky, 2017). Blood shortages in the COVID-19 pandemic initiated another change, this time to three months (Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, 2020). Canada switched from a five to one year ban in 2016, and to three months in 2019 (Canadian Blood Services, 2017). Australia’s current deferral is three months, while MSM postponements in Greece and Singapore remain lifelong (Lifeblood, 2021). Italy and Spain are among the first countries to switch from sexual orientation-based to riskbased deferrals evaluated through interviews about individual behaviour (Tiberghien, 2017). France has policies identical for all donors regarding apheresis-quarantined plasma donations, as samples are retested after the 12-day window of undetectable infection passes (Tiberghien, 2017). In sub– Saharan Africa, there is a drastically higher need for blood donations and a much higher infection rate, calling for more aggressive deferral policies. These involve permanent bans on any high-risk behaviour groups, as seen in Ivory Coast (Dhingra, 2006; Kouao et al., 2012). Further comparison between deferral policies can be found in Table 1 and Figure 1.

Table 1: Deferral periods by country for MSM and other high risk groups in 2011 (Benjamin et al., 2013)

Figure 1: Deferral policies by country as of 2021 (The Economist, 2021)

These current policies do not reflect the adequacy of today’s HIV screening technology. HIV RNA is detectable in a blood sample within 9-14 days, yet the US deferral period remains at three months (Sacks & Walensky, 2017). Data on policy changes in Italy and Spain reveal no difference in the frequency of donation-associated HIV infections, meaning MSM donations do not truly “endanger the blood supply” (Suligoi et al., 2013). Perhaps the failure to reflect data in policies indicates the lasting perception of HIV/AIDS as the “gay-related immunodeficiency disease,” or sensitivities towards open discussions of sexual habits, especially those among homosexuals (Danziger, 1997). Past literature suggests that deferral decisions include “thoughtful analysis of […] sensitivity and window periods” for infection tests rather than inferring individual behaviour based on sexual preference (HIV Medicine Association, 2004, p. 1). The availability of accurate testing technology varies across countries and inevitably influences deferral policies, yet facilities with upto-date equipment should adjust policies to reflect the 9–14-day window.

References Benjamin, Bianco, C., Goldman, M., Seed, C. R., Yang, H., Lee, J., Keller, A. J., Wendel, S., Biagini, S., Murray, J., Devine, D. V., Zhu, Y., Turek, P., Moftah, F. M., Kullaste, R., Pillonel, J., Danic, B., Bigey, F., Folléa, G., … Reesink, H. W. (2011). Deferral of males who had sex with other males. Vox Sanguinis, 101(4), 339–367. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1423-0410.2011.01489.x. Brailsford, S. R., Kelly, D., Kohli, H., Slowther, A., & Watkins, N. A. (2015). Who should donate blood? policy decisions on donor deferral criteria should protect recipients and be fair to donors. Transfusion Medicine, 25(4), 234–238. https://doi.org/10.1111/tme.12225. Canadian Blood Services. (2017). Eligibility criteria for trans individuals. Canadian Blood Services. Retrieved March 28, 2022, from https://www.blood.ca/en/blood/am-i-eligible/trans-individuals. Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research. (2020, April). Reducing the risk of HIVT by blood and blood products – Q & A. U.S. Food and Drug Administration. Retrieved March 28, 2022, from https://www.fda.gov/vaccines-blood-biologics/blood-blood-products/revised-recommendationsreducing-risk-human-immunodeficiency-virus-transmission-blood-and-blood. Danziger. (1997). HIV and the blood supply: An analysis of crisis decisionmaking: Edited by Lauren B. Leveton, Harold C. Sox Jr, and Michael A. Stoto. Institute of Medicine, National Academy Press, Washington, DC, 1995. 352 pp., $47.95 (cloth) [Review of HIV and the blood supply: An analysis of crisis decisionmaking: Edited by Lauren B. Leveton, Harold C. Sox Jr, and Michael A. Stoto. Institute of Medicine, National Academy Press, Washington, DC, 1995. 352 pp., $47.95 (cloth)]. Social Science & Medicine, 45(12), 1904–1905. Elsevier Ltd. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0277-9536(97)90039-3. 60

Dhingra N. (2006). Making safe Blood available in Africa - WHO. World Health Organization. [PDF file]. https://www.who.int/bloodsafety/makingsafebloodavailableinafricastatement.pdf. HIV Medicine Association. (2004). Policy statement on donor screening guidelines for blood donation. Arlington, VA. Kouao, Dembelé, B., N’Goran, L. K., Konaté, S., Bloch, E., Murphy, E. L., & Lefrère, J.-J. (2012). Reasons for blood donation deferral in sub-Saharan Africa: experience in Ivory Coast: BLOOD DONATION DEFERRAL IN IVORY COAST. Transfusion (Philadelphia, Pa.), 52(7pt2), 1602– 1606. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1537-2995.2012.03756.x. Lifeblood. (2021). Sexual activity. Lifeblood. Retrieved March 28, 2022, from https://www.lifeblood.com.au/blood/eligibility/sexual-activity. Pemberton. (1999). Douglas Starr. “Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce” (Book Review) [Review of Douglas Starr. “Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce” (Book Review)]. Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 54(4), 608–. Oxford University Press. Sacks, Goldstein, R. H., & Walensky, R. P. (2017). Rethinking the Ban — The U.S. Blood Supply and Men Who Have Sex with Men. The New England Journal of Medicine, 376(2), 174–177. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMms1613425. Suligoi, Pupella, S., Regine, V., Raimondo, M., Velati, C., & Grazzini, G. (2013). Changing blood donor screening criteria from permanent deferral for men who have sex with men to individual sexual risk assessment: No evidence of a significant impact on the human immunodeficiency virus epidemic in Italy. Blood Transfusion = Trasfusione Del Sangue, 11(3), 441–448. https://doi.org/10.2450/2013.0162-12. The Economist Newspaper. (2021, June 14). Which countries prohibit gay or bisexual men from donating blood? The Economist. Retrieved September 30, 2021, from https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2021/06/14/which-countries-prohibit-gay-or-bisexualmen-from-donating-blood. Tiberghien, Pillonel, J., Toujas, F., & Vallet, B. (2017). Changes in France’s Deferral of Blood Donation by Men Who Have Sex with Men. The New England Journal of Medicine, 376(15), 1485–1486. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMc1700740.

The Use of Criminalization in Bill C-36 Sara Durante Prostitution laws in Canada, such as Bill C-36, the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act, use criminalization as a tool to protect street-based sex workers from individual and state-sanctioned violence. In this paper, I will argue that the use of criminalization in Bill C-36 exacerbates violence against street-based sex workers as it undermines female agency and the socioeconomic conditions that may compel women to enter the sex industry. Furthermore, I will argue that decriminalization of the sex industry requires acknowledging and implementing the input of streetbased sex workers into legislation to guarantee their rights and protection in Canadian society. Background of Bill C-36, the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act In December 2014, Canada’s federal government passed into force Bill C-36 in response to an order from the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) to develop new legislation in response to the challenges presented in Bedford v. Canada (Department of Justice, 2017). In Bedford, the SCC ruled that prohibitions on prostitution in Canada’s Criminal Code were unconstitutional and granted Parliament one year to respond to this issue, whereby Bill C-36 was developed and passed into law (Department of Justice, 2017). Similar to the Nordic Model on prostitution-related law, Bill C-36 criminalizes the purchase of sexual services (i.e. prostitution) — as opposed to the selling of sex — to protect sex workers from criminal charges (Valverde, 2019; Department of Justice, 2018). However, Bill C-36 goes further than the Nordic Model by implementing four additional restrictions that criminalize the sex industry, as a whole. The offences include (1) advertising offence, which criminalizes the advertisement of sexual services of other sex workers; (2) material benefit offence, which criminalizes living off the financial benefits of sexual services of other sex workers; (3) procuring offence, which criminalizes direct involvement in selling sexual services of others; and (4) communicating offence, which criminalizes communication for offering sexual services in areas predominantly occupied by children (i.e. schools) (Department of Justice, 2018). Historically, as well as in recent years, Canada’s federal government approached prostitution law from a paternalistic point of view that seeks to protect sex workers from the inherent exploitation of prostitution (Valverde, 2019). In doing so, Parliament criminalizes those who purchase sexual services, as well as those involved in the institutionalization of sex workers. This can be seen in the Preamble of Bill C-36, as its objective is the protection of all Canadians — specifically, street-based sex workers — from the exploitative nature of prostitution (Department of Justice, 2018). It attempts to destroy the sex industry and the demand for sex by clients to combat the risk of violence it poses to sex workers (Maynard, 2015).

The objective of Bill C-36 illustrates an underlying assumption upheld by mainstream feminists and Western governments that prostitution is the epitome of patriarchal oppression of women (Brock, 2000). In this assumption, sex-working women are viewed as victims of male dominance and coerced by masculine powers to work in the sex industry (Brock, 2000; Kempadoo, 2005). Consequently, Bill C-36 emerges as a tool to ‘rescue’ sex-working women from patriarchal forces that seek to control their bodies, presenting itself as the paternal protector of women. Using Criminalization to Protect Sex Workers The use of criminalization in Bill C-36 drives the sex industry further underground, which can further endanger street-based sex-working women. According to Bill C-36, dismantling the sex industry requires the use of criminalization that targets the purchasers of sexual services; however, this can increase violence against sex working women. For example, the purchasing offence in Bill C-36 aggressively polices clients who purchase sex, forcing them to hide out in isolated areas to avoid criminal charges (Maynard, 2015). This can increase the vulnerability of sex-working women, as they are forced into precarious situations where they lose their ability to negotiate services or assess their risk of violence by their clients (Maynard, 2015). In addition, Bill C-36 criminalizes sex-working women themselves under the communicating offence as a means to destroy the sex industry. For instance, sex workers are criminalized if they are offering sexual services near an area predominately occupied by children, such as schools (Department of Justice, 2018). This offence can increase the vulnerability of sex workers to violence and exploitation, as it pushes the sex industry further underground. For example, street-based sex workers are forced to sell sexual services to clients in isolated areas to avoid criminality (Maynard, 2015). This deprives sex workers of their right to work in a safe and healthy environment and increases their risk of violence. This analysis illustrates how the sex industry is not inherently exploitative to women as reflected in Bill C-36. Rather, it is legislation on prostitution that controls the working conditions of sex workers that renders them vulnerable to violence and exploitation by their clients (Maynard, 2015). Furthermore, the use of criminalization in Bill C-36 can exacerbate state carceral violence against historically marginalized sex workers (i.e. Black and Indigenous women) by failing to address the systemic issues that construct their vulnerability in the first place. The criminalization of these women in prostitution is rooted in historical stereotypes that link Black and Indigenous women to sexual deviance (Maynard, 2017). This linkage criminalizes their presence in public and justifies state carceral violence against them (Maynard, 2017). For example, Black cis- and trans-gender sex working women experience high levels of police harassment and violence (Maynard, 2017). The criminal stigmatization of their profession and their race contributes to the increased vulnerability of Black and Indigenous sex working women to police violence (Maynard, 2017).

Moreover, street-based sex workers may join the sex industry as a survival strategy to generate income as structural barriers (i.e. racism and patriarchy) have restricted their access to education and other forms of employment (Kempadoo, 2005; Maynard, 2017). Acknowledging the socio-economic conditions that compel women to enter the sex industry emphasizes the systemic issues that construct their vulnerability. However, it is important to note that street-based sex working women possess agency and willingly enter into the sex industry, where they are capable of negotiating and contesting client demands (Kempadoo, 2005). Rather than addressing structural barriers and recognizing female agency, prostitution is criminalized in Canada, as seen in Bill C-36. Thus, the use of criminalization does not protect sex workers from exploitation and violence. Instead, it exacerbates violence committed against these women — not only by clients who purchase sex — but by state institutions that stigmatize their profession. Consequently, Bill C-36 fails to protect the women it has vowed to support. Decriminalization of Sex Work The federal government of Canada must take into account the experiences of street-based sex workers to decriminalize the sex industry and guarantee their rights and protection in Canadian society. The process of decriminalization necessitates the recognition of sex-working women’s agency as it challenges dominant conceptions upheld by Bill C-36 that all sex workers are victims of patriarchal oppression and sexual exploitation (Brock, 2000). Sex workers identify themselves as workers and view the sex industry as a legitimate form of work where exploitation can occur due to intersections of patriarchy, capitalism, and socio-economic inequalities (Brock, 2000). To decriminalize the sex industry, it is important to establish a national organization for street-based sex workers to ensure that their experiences are acknowledged and help to inform prostitution-related legislation (Valverde, 2019). In doing so, Parliament can develop legislation that takes into account the demands of sex workers — such as health benefits and improved working conditions — to guarantee their basic human rights (Van der Meulen & Durisin, 2008). Furthermore, decriminalizing the sex industry can eliminate state surveillance of street-based sex workers and significantly reduce police violence committed against them. Therefore, I recommend that Canada’s federal government abolish Bill C-36 and use New Zealand’s Prostitution Reform Act (PRA) as a model to inform the development of new legislation that decriminalizes sex work. The PRA decriminalizes (1) adult sex work, (2) living off the financial benefits of other sex workers, and (3) the operation of brothels (Van der Meulen & Durisin, 2008). Moreover, the PRA requires that the sex industry adopt health and safety standards equivalent to other businesses in New Zealand (Van der Meulen & Durisin, 2008). Canada’s federal government should follow in New Zealand’s footsteps and develop legislation that treats street-based sex workers as workers, protecting them from exploitation and ensuring their health and safety. In the process of decriminalization, other fields of knowledge (i.e. medical professions and popular culture) that shape public conceptions about sex work require a cultural shift (Brock, 2000).

Failure to do so can result in personal prejudices inflicting violence against street-based sex workers, despite the legal decriminalization of sex work. This issue necessitates the need for ideological decriminalization of sex work that extends beyond the legal system and into other disciplines that shape dominant conceptions of the sex industry. Conclusion The use of criminalization in Bill C-36 is ineffective in protecting street-based sex workers as it exacerbates violence against sex-working women of all backgrounds and socio-economic statuses in Canada. To protect street-based sex workers, Canada’s federal government must shift its understanding of the sex industry as inherently exploitative against women to a legitimate form of work. In doing so, Parliament can develop legislation that takes into account the experiences of street-based street workers and create an environment that promotes their health and safety.

References Brock, D. (2000). Victim, Nuisance, Fallen Woman, Outlaw, Worker? Making the Identity ‘Prostitute’ in Canadian Criminal Law. In D. Chunn & D. Lacombe (Eds.), Law as Gendering Practice (pp. 79-99). Oxford University Press. Department of Justice. (2017). Technical Paper: Bill C-36, Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act. Retrieved from https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/other-autre/protect/p1.html#sec2. Department of Justice. (2018). Prostitution Criminal Law Reform: Bill C-36, the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act. Retrieved from https://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rppr/other-autre/c36fs_fi/. Kempadoo, K. (2005). Victims and Agents of Crime: the New Crusade Against Trafficking. In J. Sudbury (Eds.), Global Lockdown: Race, Gender, and the Prison-Industrial Complex (pp. 35-55). Routledge. Maynard, R. (2015). Fighting Wrongs with Wrongs? How Canadian Anti-Trafficking Crusades Have Failed Sex Workers, Migrants and Indigenous Communities. Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Cultural & Social Justice, 37(2), 40-56. Maynard, R. (2017). Misogynoir in Canada: Punitive State Practices and the Devaluation of Black Women and Gender-Oppressed People. In Policing Black Lives: State Violence in Canada from Slavery to the Present (pp. 128-157). Fernwood Press.

Valverde, M. (2019). From Bad to Worse via a Successful Constitutional Challenge: The Tragedy of Feminist Engagement with Prostitution Law Reform in Canada. In J. Halley, P. Kotiswaran, H. Shamir & R. Rebouché (Eds.), Governance Feminism: Notes from the Field (pp. 263-286). University of Minnesota Press. Van der Meulen, E., & Durisin, E.M. (2008). Why Decriminalize? How Canada’s Municipal and Federal Regulations Increase Sex Workers’ Vulnerability. Canadian Journal of Women and the Law 20(2), 289-311.

ILLUMINATE MAGAZINE

A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF COLONIALISM, CAPITALISM, AND NATIONALISM

Religious Colonial Violence: Christian Mission Trips Hannah Benyamin Christian missionaries have been spreading the word of their faith for generations, beginning with missionary movements as early as the fall of the Roman Empire in 476 (Steffen, 2013). Christianity has become one of the most popularly practiced religions globally, the Western world being home to the majority of the world’s Christians with an approximate population of 63% (Pew Research Center, 2011). These statistics indicate Western majority of Christianity, while also serving as a cannon for Western cultural practices (Meylahn, 2017). The Christian Text, a socio-political cultural fabric, has influenced the practices of the Western world by creating a monolingualism system which is rooted in colonial language (Meylahn, 2017). This monolingualism, which is the adherence to certain Eurocentric Christian ways of life, dominates the West. Additionally, the West’s colonial history contributes to the powers of the spread of Christianity (Meylahn, 2017). Thus, Christian mission work is an “extension of colonial power” which used imperial ambitions to seek converts (Steffen, 2013, p. 116). However, colonization has been reliant on violent tactics, specifically wars fought in the name of expanding the Christian empire. The Christian “just-war” methods use “church related justification[s] for using coercive force” to convert people (Steffen, 2013, p. 112). During contemporary times the state has become more secular, however, religious frameworks continue to occupy and control politics and imperial work of the West. The “just-war” approach, one that is reliant on a spiritual justification of violence, guides the settler-state’s “political and military incursions that require the patina of moral justification to garner public support” (Steffen, 2013, p. 110-111). Although history has displayed acts of physical violence as a greater colonial practice, there is a shift over time which acknowledges violence need not be physical. Ideological violence has been a part of the strategy of “just-wars” throughout history but has been most prevalent in contemporary times. Ideological violence is an attack on pre-existing religious practices and beliefs enforcing an avant-garde imposition of a new religion. In contemporary times, this approach is deeply rooted in colonial methods of vocation where missionaries travel to developing countries to seek conversion. This leads to the questions: Although mission trips seem more like humanitarian projects than religious attacks, to what extent do they contribute to colonial violence? How might the ideological form of violence, which is less visible, take effect and contribute to reinforcing the settler-state? In this essay, I will argue that modern day mission trips are a method of colonization, while accordingly, colonization is an act of religious violence. Mission trips can continue operating as they keep the ideological violence hidden through a top-down humanitarian approach. The top-down approach is an imperial strategy of victory that devalues the individuals and groups that the colonial actors claim to help (Bulhan, 2015). This approach replicates situations of oppression through the work of the actors,

which “claim superior authority and knowledge” (Bulhan, 2015, p. 252). Ultimately, missions utilizing the top-down approach are unable to achieve peace. Unlike bottom-up approaches, where traditions are kept and change is reciprocal, the top-down approach commits to exercising threats and violence that reinforce systemic hierarchical structures between the colonial actor, the Global North, and the victim, the Global South (Bulhan, 2015, p. 252). Thus, mission trips are a present-day force of settler colonialism - gaining territory and wealth by assimilating other cultures to practice Christian religion and adopt Western ways of everyday lifestyle. I will begin to evaluate my argument by defining settler colonialism and proving that it still exists today. I will use settler colonial frameworks to parallel modern mission trips while illuminating the hidden forms of ideological violence within their practice. Throughout, I plan to use examples of explicit colonial violence and assimilation to expound the resemblance between settler-colonial missionary initiatives and the preservation of philanthropy in their practice. Doing so will require me to evaluate relationships and practices between the Global North, being developed societies such as North America and Europe, and the Global South, being the under-developed societies such as Africa, Asia and Pacific, and Latin America. Settler Colonialism: Colonial Violence and Christianity Colonial violence is not limited to certain practices of original settlers in the West, but has taken form in many ways during contemporary times. The practice is rooted in settler colonialism, which is an invasive “land-centered project that coordinates a comprehensive range of agencies with a view to destroy Indigenous societies” (Wolfe, 2006, p. 393). Colonial violence relies on these structures to target marginalized and vulnerable communities (Wolfe, 2006). As settlers forcefully enter an area the Indigenous or original inhabitants’ resources are expropriated, usually by aggravated measures such as killing or imprisoning. This violence is an act of settler colonial dispossession which identifies dispossession as a means of eliminating unwanted populations and accumulating their land with efforts that push boundaries violently (Coulthard, 2014). These motivations not only demand for agriculture or land, but a structure which destroys to replace (Wolfe, 2006). Although the terms ‘destroy to replace’ can be interpreted as a physical destruction, much of their value is entrenched in spiritual and cultural destruction. This destruction takes form of cultural genocide and assimilation which are biocultural strategies of elimination (Wolfe, 2006). Structural genocide is a contemporary hierarchy which avoids questions of degree, but also acknowledges the establishment of violent, assimilative practices and empirical relationships while “retaining settler colonialism’s structural induration” (Wolfe, 2006, p. 403). It is through the structure of colonial genocide where missionaries have, and continue to, contrivance the destruction of other societies. A historic example of structural genocide is European colonization of North America, comprehensively dismantling Indigenous societies of their spirituality, their cultures which stem from their spirituality, and their ways of life which are also reliant on their spirituality. The doctrine of discovery, also known as terra nullius, is responsible for a large amount of Western colonization (Wolfe, 2006). The term terra nullius dates back to the 17th century and was

coined by Chief Justice Edward Coke (Borch, 2001). The doctrine is rooted in Christian philosophies of expansion and conquest and was used to conquer non-Christian lands that were “against God” (Borch, 2001, p. 225). Terra nullius became a colonial law around the 18th century that allowed for ‘unoccupied’ land to become dominated. However, the law has been corrupted by Christian order when allowing colonists to seize land that was occupied by non-Christians, establishing other societies as uncivilized (Borch, 2001). Westerners operate using terra nullius specifically where cultures do not align, automatically hierarchizing Christianity and their ways of practice as related to spirituality on top. When Europeans began to settle in North America in the 16th century and onwards, “the rights accorded to [the Indigenous] tended to reflect the balance between European powers” which effectively “accorded no rights to their territory” (Wolfe, 2006, p. 390-391). Even when Indigenous divinity was recognized, the sovereign rights to sacred lands remained in the hands of Western settlers where Indigenous practices were overthrown, and new ways of life were enforced (Wolfe, 2006). In opposition to the images of piety and humbleness sought after by missionaries, colonists changed the image of the martyrs into monolithic, aggressive imperialists levied on Indigenous populations in aims of expanding the uniformity of the Western settler-state (Andrews, 2010). This form of colonialism is rooted in Christianity as the ideological and performative aspects of the mission capitalize on “productivization” of Indigenous communities; making them selfsufficient in the new urbanized or Westernized setting which they were to homogenize (Wolfe, 2006, p. 389). The settler-state has since been subservient to processes of elimination targeting spirituality and associated cultural practices to systematize territories. Self-sufficiency of conquered land and colonized peoples allows for the settlers to impose dominative governance structures which reflect the intent of European sovereigns, gaining capital. Thus, transforming new accumulated territories into places which provide raw materials, and workers which are expected to follow these new ideological systems is a form of assimilation which dominated the early settler-times in North America. To expand, dispossession and the relationship between settlers and the Indigenous people are defined through some key acts and treaties which have played a vital role in facilitating the ongoing dispossession which exploits and dominates communities through religious and state lines (Coulthard, 2014). For example, state power geared around genocidal practices which forced exclusion and elimination were accounted for through residential school violence centered around eliminating Indigenous spiritual and cultural practices on sacred lands (Coulthard, 2014). In Canada, residential schools are a powerful construct of European settlers which were created by the church to assimilate Indigenous children into a more acceptable “noble savage”. Residential schools are an obvious example of colonial violence as there are cases of rape and physical aggression (Haig-Brown et al., 2012, p. 224). Physical trauma was enacted by priests and nuns who were meant to teach God’s word, but instead demonstrated the violence capable of the Christian colonizers (Fournier & Grey, 1997). Residential schools emphasize the genocide of the traditional practices of Indigenous spirituality and related culture. Children were taken from their homes until the late 1990’s which challenges the skeptical illusion that these invasive practices are historic. Residential schools are a war on Indigenous culture and practice whereas the settlers are looking to take-over and even provide a better way of life, but they are doing more harm than good. Although

there is an in-depth idealization of productivization, the settlers also act simultaneously with what their authority tells them, their authority being their faith. It can be argued that settlers sought out to improve the quality of life of Indigenous people beginning with religion. However, there is nothing wrong or to be fixed with Indigenous practices as they are pertinent to their ways of being. Correspondingly, this scenario is the same in developing societies in the Global South where there is no need to go there to “fix” their ways of life but doing so is a colonial practice of spiritual and cultural genocide, and also assimilating them in accordance with Western practice. Mission trips provide the construction of Western education systems for children in the Global South just as residential schools did in Canada. Residential schools mirror mission trips through their effort at assimilation. They are a form of attack on Indigenous spirituality and sacred lands. Similarly, mission trips perform the same act under the guise of helping developing societies. Residential schools and mission trips share a similar top-down approach - keeping these practices working by controlling the public’s perception of what the authentic goals of the mission are. While residential schools presented themselves as a civilizing force, mission trips present themselves as a humanitarian performance. Missionary Trips: Parallel to Settler Colonial Violence Subsequently, the beginnings of missionary movements were a “service to Empire and imperial ambitions” (Steffen, 2013, p. 116). Missionary movements “brought warfare deaths and such European-based diseases…decimating the populations subjected against their will to colonial rule” (Steffen, 2013, p. 116). However, conditions of missionary movements have prevailed from pronounced physical attacks to ideological methods of violence. Since the roots of these missions are predominant with colonial practice, their continuation in contemporary times depends on the concealment of the Eurocentric colonial violent methods which serve to be a fundamental aspect of their pursuit in spreading inconspicuous Christian practice. Mission trips are defined as “journeys to distant, often international, locations by religious groups that range in duration from a few days up to a few months” (Beyerlein et al., 2011, p. 781). Today, these trips are categorized as “civic action” and have “become an increasingly common part of the American adolescent religious experience” (Beyerlein et al., 2011, p. 780). Statistics demonstrate that mission trip attendees are most likely to be actively involved in church, however, since the institutionalization of mission trips they have become more popular to a broader audience (Beyerlein et al., 2011, p. 782). Even though the experience of these trips will open many volunteers' eyes to poverty, heighten their compassion, and emotions of guilt, contributions such as individual and church-based donations were overreported (Beyerlein et al., 2011, pp. 792, 783). The Western guilt complex, felt by many volunteers, “prevails in liberal counsels” where the feelings of guilt for those helped is a triumphant feeling in the “encounter between Western missionaries and non-Christian peoples” (Sanneh, 1987). Rhetorically, this analysis aligns with the same methods of productivization used in residential schools since the ambitions of the project are incentivized in one way, yet clandestinely act differently. The idea of monolingualism mentioned before, parallels the translation

project in Christian perspective, being a “divinized, absolutized culture [that] precludes the possibility of change” (Sanneh, 1987). This absolutized understanding of culture is explicit to the ways in which missionary trips are centred around providing developing countries Westernized institutions such as schools, churches, and places of work. The implementation of schools in developing countries changes the ways in which cultural teaching is translated to future generations, while also sanctioning Western practices that were once built on Christian examples such as in residential schools. Although frontally these institutions seem to be beneficial, their implementation challenges ways of growth and learning that are not rooted in Christianity. Since expansion and assimilation are attributed with settler colonial practices, there makes no difference in creating a residential school for Indigenous children and creating a school for children Indigenous to developing nations. The efforts mirror one another as the intent of these systems is to create reliable citizens that can work and produce under colonial rule. Different societies practice learning in different ways, meaning that implementing new systems indicates one society has more authority and knowledge than another. These patterns begin to create problems by reinforcing Western culture where it cannot flourish without the constant direction or guidance from an imperial force. Moreover, the volunteers who build these institutions might not be knowledgeable about their systemically imperialist roots. Since the introduction of civic action has been socialized as a bonus on one's resume, the leading factors of missionary work are often coded to resemble a charity-like involvement. To explain, international development is a profit driven project which is similar to settler colonial methods of land accumulation (McGlain & Georgeou, 2016). These methods seem empowering to students as the initiative is “presented as a normative, worthwhile” project which is “packaged with the slogan of making a difference” (McGlain & Georgeou, 2016, p. 404). Companies who send volunteers from the Global North actually profit from developments in these countries (McGlain & Georgeou, 2016). This type of volunteering can be categorized as “development volunteering” which involves long-term commitment (McGlain & Georgeou, 2016, p. 405-406). The issue with such programmes is that in post-secondary institutions these opportunities would conflict with the academic year, thus organizations must plan for travel to fit into semester breaks or summer vacation. The problem with this is that it no longer requires people to take time away from their own lives to passionately give back to communities. This now changes the subjects into “voluntours” who are unskilled and are not willing to commit to long-term projects (McGlain & Georgeou, 2016, p. 406). Therefore, frontally, these types of trips are very intriguing for people who wish to ‘enhance’ their resume. However, what is not considered is what going to these locations does for residents and their ability to maintain their spirituality and cultural lives as they have known. Mission trips have a facade which illuminates their innocence; however, the ideological aspects of these trips stand on the spectrum of violence. Christian values are rooted in compassion and giving, however, the way these values have been carried out by settlers in the Western world has left a lasting impact on what is believed to be moral by organizations that host mission trips. Social control is a leading aspect of Christian justifications of violence, such as that which is present in mission trips to this day. Christian missionaries use their faith to equate to moral reasoning, even though they are not equivalent notions (Steffen, 2013). Christians have appealed to modes of thinking that resources a “higher authority to

justify actions involving violence that are not only morally questionable… but at odds endorsed in the tradition” (Steffen, 2013, p. 120). In essence, the violence perpetrated by Christian mission trips is an institutionally-intrusive driven project which seeks to convert communities in order to obtain their participation in economic efforts. These methods are also consistent with neoliberal practices. Neoliberalism is an economic policy about capital privatization with the production of individualization using increased spending on surveillance (Desai, 2020). Coincidingly, neoliberalism and settler colonialism work together to systematically eradicate communities in the Global South that are non-Christian. Voluntourism and the evangelical missions of churches are neocolonial, regardless that their direct practice not be the exact context of colonial practice invoking a homogeneity pinned by militarism (Kim, 2010). Additionally, similar to imperialism operations through institutional power, missionary trips which are often thought of as volunteer tourism opportunities, “exert power and exploit the [other] as the West’s pleasure periphery” (Bandyopadhyay, 2019, p. 327). Since the opportunities have a humanitarian front, scholars have neglected to focus on the religious origins and prevailing efforts of missionary work. Volunteer tourism is a “contemporary issue where religion and white supremacy exploit the Global South” (Bandyopadhyay, 2019, p. 328). The fact of the matter is, building infrastructure and changing the traditional methods of Indigenous people around the world does not solve problems for them. These facilities will need maintenance and people to run them. Much like the creation of Westernized schools, the ability to run such institutions is cyclical with the assimilative process of implementing them. The positive socio-political point of view assumes that these infrastructures will create job opportunities and other benefits, however, fails to recognize the ideological violence that accompanies said opportunities. Hidden behind the publicized opportunities to work, learn, and practice a new spirituality, comes low non-livable wages, religious ideological genocide, cultural assimilation and genocide, reinforcization of hierarchal narratives, new ways of order, and a dehumanization technique which expands settler colonies and directs profits to the colonial actor. In order to provide Global South societies with plausible opportunities to prosper, systems which are familiar to those of their own society should be developed - opposed to enforcing foreign systems which are contingent on Christian and colonial practice. The creation of Christianrooted Western facilities reinforces the same presence that was once in residential schools. This presence is a contributing factor to the on-going exploitations of people and their land. However, the practice is philanthropic due to its Westernized ideals and Christian roots which come across as genuine and inclined towards charity. Conclusion Throughout this paper I have focused on defining mission trips, today modified as overseas volunteer trips, as a means of colonization. The origin of these trips, and the systems and institutions they produce is rooted in historic settler colonial methods of disposition which took place while colonizing the Western world. I have identified that the relationship between mission trips and colonizing practices are hidden by a top-down approach which reinforces charity work and

philanthropic activities which are promoted in post-secondary institutions as an enhancement to one’s resume and experiences. However, these Chritian missions are ignoring issues of poverty and lack of adequate resources, or necessities. Instead of acknowledging and targeting these problems, companies and organizations of the Global North profit from the volunteers who go build churches and schools. These institutions systematically eradicate Indigenous communities of the Global South of their own religious practices and ways of being. These actions are not only justified through humanitarian approach, but also through the word of God. For example, Serving in Mission Canada’s (SIMC) slogans are “witness Christ's love where he is least known” and “transforming the world through church” (SIMC, 2019). SIMC’s slogans represent the “romantic ideals of development of the Global South by the Global North'' (Bandyopadhyay, 2019, p. 328). Therefore, the ideological violence within these missions is deeply rooted in colonial capitalistic endeavours and reinforces the legacy of the settler-state by continuing to operate missions subjectively. Ultimately, this goes to say that modern day mission trips are a method of colonization, while accordingly, colonization is an act of religious violence that preserves philanthropic ideals influencing society that they are a humanitarian act rather than an imposition of violence and an elimination of religion and tradition.

References Andrews, E. (2010). Christian Missions and Colonial Empires Reconsidered: A Black Evangelist in West Africa, 1766-1816. Journal of Church and State, 51(4), pp. 663-691. Bandyopadhyay, R. (2019). Volunteer Tourism and The White Man’s Burden: Globalization of Suffering, White Saviour Complex, Religion, and Modernity. Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 27(3), pp. 327-343. Beyerlein, K., Adler, G., & Trinitapoli, J. (2011). The Effects of Religious Short-term Mission Trips on Youth Civic Engagement. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 50(4), pp. 780-795. Borch, M. “Rethinking the origins of terra nullius”, Australian Historical Studies, 32, 117, pp. 222239. Bulhan, H. (2015). Stages of Colonialism in Africa: From Occupation of Land to Occupation of Being. Journal of Social and Political Psychology, 3(1), pp. 239-256. Desai, C. “Week 4 Lecture: Settler Colonialism in the Global Context”, University of Toronto, January 28, 2020. Coulthard, G. (2014). Indigenous Americas. Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition, pp. 1-24.

Fournier, S., & Grey, E. (1997). Killing the Indian in the Child: Four Centuries of Church-run Schools. Stolen from our Embrace: The Abduction of First Nations Children & the Restoration of Aboriginal Communities, pp. 47-80. Haig-Brown, C., Fontaine, L., & Ross, R. (2012). Residential Schools. Aboriginal History: A Reader, pp. 220-251. Kim, N. (2010). A Mission to the “Graveyard of Empires”? Neocolonialism and the Contemporary Evangelical Missions of the Global South. Mission Studies, 27, pp. 3-23. McGloin, C., & Georgeou, N. (2016). Looks good on your CV: The sociology of voluntourism recruitment in higher education. Journal of Sociology, 52(3), pp. 403-417. Meylahn, J. (2017). The Universal Imperial Power of the Christian Text and yet the Vulnerability of its message. HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies, 73(4), pp. 1-5. Pew Research Center. (2011). Pew Research Center. The Pew Charitable Trusts, 19 December 2011. https://www.pewforum.org/2011/12/19/global-christianity-exec/ Sanneh, L. (1987, April 8). Christian Missions and the Western Guilt Complex. The Christian Century, https://www.christiancentury.org/article/critical-essay/christian-missions-and-westernguilt-complex. Serving in Mission. (2019). SIM Canada: About - Our Purpose. https://www.sim.ca/about/ gclid=CjwKCAjwsan5BRAOEiwALzomX9yfYMDtvHGrlfosf4XD0MKhB3AXphLmlngCSzK4l-JpBQlpaeh7xoChXkQAvD_BwE. Steffen, L. (2013). Religion and Violence in Christian Traditions. The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Violence, pp. 100-125. Wolfe, P. (2006). Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native. Journal of Genocide Research, 8(4), pp. 387-409.

Indentured Labour in British Guiana Breanna Lakhan From the early 1830s until 1917 several Indian migrant labourers arrived in British Guiana to work on sugar plantations. During this period there were increased discussions of rights, as British emancipation recently occurred, yet the implementation of indentured labour became a big exception to fair working conditions and individual rights. This leads me to ask: How was the indentured labour system upheld despite its unethical working conditions and treatment of workers? To answer this, I will be discussing the effects of colonialism and capitalism, allowing for indentured labourers to be exploited by colonial officials, meanwhile neglecting working conditions for the sake of producing sugar. A desire to maintain a system where workers' personal needs are not met and the production of sugar is emphasized leads to the indentured labour system. Ultimately, colonialism allows for confinement and abusive conditions, while capitalism’s need and easy access to cheap labour upholds the indentured labour system allowing for the exploitation of workers on sugar plantations in British Guiana. Roadmap To begin, the ability of the colonial system to uphold indentured labour will be analyzed, beginning with rules allowing for confinement, indicating a lack of interest in the well-being of workers will be analyzed, including rules regarding workers who run away and the inability to travel intra-Caribbean. Then, the structural system allowing for female abuse will be looked at, which includes managers of plantations raping women, the physical abuse women experience in their homes as a result of men on plantations and the racism faced as women’s race comes to be understood as a reason for their abuse. Finally, the transition from slavery to indentured labour as a result of capitalism will be analyzed. Additionally, the discussion will shift to the incentives of capitalism to uphold the indentured servitude system. First, the trade dependence of the British economy will be discussed, which created an incentive to implement the indentured labour system, then a desire for the British to maintain profits will be looked at and then the ease of recruiting workers from India. Overall, together it will be seen how colonialism and capitalism have allowed for the indentured labour system to be upheld over time, despite the recent emancipation of slaves. Terms and Definitions In this essay, indentured labour refers to the British desire to continue the slavery system so its businessmen transfer workers from their colonies of India to British Guiana and have them work on plantations to maintain the world economic system. Additionally, British Guiana is located in South America, however, due to its colonial history it has become associated with the Caribbean and it has

greater cultural similarities with Caribbean nations than South American ones. Today many Guyanese consider Guyana as a part of the west-Indies, so when referring to British Guiana it will be assumed it is located within the Caribbean. The main point of this essay is the indentured labour system allows for the exploitation of its workers. Here exploitation refers to the lack of interest in the personal well-being of workers, such as living conditions and the excess amount of work they are forced to do. This exploitation will be used to highlight the greater goal of producing sugar. Additionally, comparisons are made referring to the ability of colonists to maintain the indentured system as it is similar to slavery. Here, this means the ability to control workers as they are confined to plantations and abused on and away from plantations with no say in individual rights. Finally, there are many references to “the British” meaning the owners of the plantation system in British Guiana. Colonialism Upholding the Indentured Labour System Colonial Confinement by Law Indentured servitude labourers found themselves trapped on plantation systems with difficulty successfully escaping. The British used laws confining workers to plantations as escapees were “required to produce or carry a certificate of exemption from labour or a free certificate between labourers and deserters” (Roopnarine, 2011). Workers find themselves forced to work in unfavourable conditions and attempt to leave. This, however, fails as workers are required to present a certificate upon request to the police. Even if a worker successfully escapes, they still must prove their freedom to those outside the plantation, otherwise, they would face heavy fines. The British used certificates of freedom to regulate indentured workers, although they may successfully escape, without a certificate they will face punishment for leaving. This demonstrates a lack of concern for the well-being of workers; the law is compelling them to deal with it or risk punishment, confining them to the plantation. Confinement allowed colonialism to work because it provided many workers from India to work on plantations and by confining them to the plantation, it ensured there would be an increasing amount of sugar produced on the plantations. The ability of colonialism to set up laws, disregarding the well-being of their workers by preventing them from leaving plantations, allows for indentured servitude to occur legally after emancipation. Additionally, many workers are unable to travel within the Caribbean. Rules are set up such that “…Indians who obtained passports but had not yet completed their 10-year continuous residence in the colony forfeited all claims to a return passage…” (Roopnarine, 2011). The implication is, Indians are expected to live in the colony for 10 years working on plantations, otherwise, they will not be allowed to return, another way of forcing workers to stay on plantations. Colonialism perpetuates conditions of confinement for an increasing amount of sugar production, as workers are continuously arriving and forced to work for a minimum of 10 years. It is an attempt to uphold the colonial system by trapping workers on plantations by confining them for the time being, to be able to leave later. Colonialism confines workers to plantations through laws of the minimum time that must be served, exploiting workers. 77

Colonial Structural System Perpetuates Female Abuse Moreover, the institute of colonialism allows for female abuse. For instance, women did not have any individual rights when working on plantations. Many were unable to seek help from those above them when raped thus, “…some women might have kept themselves in a poor state to appear unattractive to male predators, and consequently, might have prevented sexual advances” (Roopnarine, 2015). The lack of rights the women had when working on plantations, lead them to use personal defence methods to repel sexual predators. Sexual abuse is perpetuated on plantations when women cannot turn to managers or anyone else in a position of power to seek help, leaving them venerable to predators. The rules confining workers to plantations, as previously discussed, along with the lack of individual rights women experience creates an environment solely focusing on the output of sugar produced. The little consideration for the experiences of women while working along with a lack of assistance protecting their well-being, allows for an opportunity for exploitation. Women continue to work on plantations, with little consideration for their personal well-being. Additionally, women have little legal rights protecting them when at home. For instance, British Guiana experienced an increasing rate of domestic violence at home when there were "36 cases of 'wife murder' between 1884 and 1895. Also, this report cited 35 cases of ‘cutting and wounding of Indian wives with the hoe and cutlass’ between 1886 and 1890” (Faruqee, 1995). The British are bringing more women on plantations, leading to increased instances of adultery, leading several to be murdered or seriously injured at home by their husbands. Women faced increased rates of murder at home, after being accused of cheating on their husbands while at work. Due to the lack of response by the colonial government, the rates of women murdered at home continues to increase as men were able to get away without facing any consequences. Despite the high rates of murder, the colonial officials chose initially not to respond as the majority believe murder occurs by the fact they are Indian. When female abuse occurs as a result of interactions on plantations the colonial government does not step in. Murder here is a direct result of interactions occurring on plantations, the colonial government sets out few laws around the rights of women, or the consequences men will face for murdering their wives. By only looking out for the production of food on plantations, the workers are put at risk of abuse, as the system requires workers to be present and do their job without considering domestic abuse linked to working on plantations. The colonial system of working to produce sugar is upheld as women are provided with little individual rights and nowhere to seek help, allowing for the system to focus on food production to continue as women are forced to comply and cannot speak up for their rights. Furthermore, there is an authoritative nature of the plantation system. This can be seen when the high rates of abuse were discovered “sets of explanations were offered by the officials as causes of these crimes. First, the inherited ‘cultural’ characteristics of migrant labour were emphasized…” (Mohapatra, 1995). Many people of power associate the conditions workers face with the fact that they are Indian, suggesting being murdered is a part of Indian culture. It turns authoritative when personal biases factor into whether laws should be made to punish those who commit murder. As

opposed to addressing the structural system, many of the British point to the ethnicity of the workers as the root of the problem, leaving it unaddressed for a long time, allowing for abuse to continue. The British saw the conditions occurring as a part of life, and it took the persistence of a few before a change was enacted, enabling men to murder their wives without facing any sort of punishment. The personal biases of the colonial administration factored into decisions made regarding domestic abuse, allowing the murder of women to occur. Capitalist Incentive for Indentured Servitude Trade Dependence Furthermore, there is a desire to maintain the former plantation system, after emancipation as a result of trade dependence. The slavery system established a production zone in British colonies for sugar production, leading to a capitalist incentive to maintain control over plantations after slavery is abolished. This can be seen when the World Systems Theory explains “…the capitalist era began when countries and states became related in a world market through colonial expansion…” (Koc et al., 2017, "Changing Food Systems from Top to Bottom"). As a result of European dependence on sugar from British Guiana, there is an incentive to continue production as demand for sugar continues after slavery ends. Here, colonialism sets up a relation between the production system and demand in Great Britain. If slavery becomes abolished, then the exporting zone set up in British Guiana falls apart as nobody is forced to produce sugar. This leads to a desire to create another system which can operate legally, to continue production as a result of the dependence of countries on the sugar trade. Thus the incentive to set up indentured labour systems in the British colonies came about allowing Indian workers to be exploited and paid very little, as a way of carrying out the former system. World Systems Theory allows the interconnectedness of nations for the British to be able to exploit workers by sending them to a new country and paying them little, to continue the system of mass-producing sugar. Interconnectedness fuels a desire for capitalism to continue by exploiting workers for cheap labour, creating a need to exploit workers abroad in plantations to meet the British demand for sugar imports. This can also be seen when the importing of sugar from the colonies leads to specializations in the production of sugar, leaving Great Britain with no choice but to depend on trade from British Guiana. For instance, after importing foods from the colonies for many decades the economy came to have a trade and export orientation where “highly specialized industrial agriculture and export orientation have reinforced each other, leading to specialized production zones” (IPES-Food, 2016). As a result of these new export zones, the economy of Great Britain depends on the specialization of British Guiana for sugar, therefore it would not be easy to abandon production after slavery. This creates an incentive to continue producing even after the slavery system ends as a result of British Guiana's specialization in sugar production and the establishment of plantations. Otherwise, it would be costly to attempt to set up production zones in Great Britain as they do not have an appropriate climate. Capitalism's effects can be seen when there is a desire to have mass production of food continue,

simply for the pleasure of consuming it, allowing the owners of plantations to continue exploiting workers to meet the demand of consumers. A Desire to Maintain Control for Profits Additionally, there is an incentive for the colonial government to maintain control of sugar plantations to continue earning a profit. This can be seen when emancipation provides an opportunity for freed slaves to control plantations. After emancipation, the colonial government “feared that the former slaves would begin growing subsistence crops - even cash crops - on their own lands. They might then develop, through their own labour, an alternate source of sustenance. And if they were able to work collectively and to acquire their own mills, freed workers might even - God forbid become producers of sugar cane” (Rodney, 1982). There is growing concern over the left behind plantation system, now that slavery is illegal and the potential for the former slaves to take over the plantation system and reap the benefits of producing and exporting sugar. The idea of having them take over the government’s former system and have profits for themselves was intolerable, motivating them to create a new system allowing for the former owners of the plantation system to maintain control. To legally have workers on a plantation now, they must be paid, creating an incentive for cheap labour by using Indian workers. Therefore, the workers will continue to work in a system controlled by the British as the former slaves did, however now they will be paid – very little. Here the system is being slightly modified so profits can continue to be made legally, while the British maintain legal control of the sugar plantation system, as they have modified the former slavery system to legally allow them to continue to recruit workers from abroad. Furthermore, there is a cheap labour incentive when a high demand for sugar occurs in Europe. A materialistic desire emerges where everyone focuses on the quantity of goods they have, thus everyone wants to purchase sugar as the demand for physical items increases as "in western culture, we place the association of wealth with material possession…” (Koc, 2017, "What Constitutes Good Food?"). Material desires are fulfilled when cheap labour is discovered in the colonies and sugar production was increasing significantly in the years before abolishment (Draper, 2012). Through indentured labour, the British can produce sugar in large quantities for very low prices without significant costs. Being able to mass-produce items depends on having cheap labour so more can be produced and distributed to customers in Europe. Therefore, capitalism can exploit the material desire of Europeans by producing sugar in British Guiana. Indentured servitude provides the perfect opportunity, through the exploitation of workers, for sugar to be mass-produced at a low cost. This gives rise to the neglect of workers who are paid little, as the plantation owners intend to produce as much as possible and earn large profits so the system can be upheld to support the demand for sugar. The well-being of the workers does not factor into any decisions being made because owners are primarily focused on meeting the demands of their customers, rather than the point of view of the workers.

Easy Labour Recruitment Finally, a lack of transparency with Indians is necessary to get workers to travel to British Guiana. This can be seen when the British government can work around the Indian government's attempt to protect its citizens from abuses of working for cheap labour. When recruiting cheap labour problems such as “kidnapping, substitution, misrepresentation, secret embarkation and illegal confinement became prevalent. The active competition generated by the establishment of several emigration agencies in the late 1850s produced other abuses…” (Mangru, 1992). By successfully bringing citizens away from India, the owners of the plantation system can gain access to cheap labour as they are now in a territory where the Indian government does not have a say. Exploiting the newly acquired labour force allows capitalism once again to mass-produce items for low costs and maintain the system set out by slavery. Therefore by successfully dismissing the Indian government, the British can uphold the indentured labour system to mass-produce sugar and earn profits, as the Indian government continues to worry about India becoming a slave port similar to Africa (Connolly, 2018). Overcoming the obstacles set about by the Indian government when the workers are brought to British Guiana allows the British to successfully exploit the workers when the Indian government does not have a say in the well-being of Indians who live abroad. Moreover, capitalism can easily establish the indentured servitude system when citizens of India have low education. For instance, “As abolitionist orator and East India reformer George Thompson put it: ‘Look at his ignorance; he was ignorant of the character of those by whom he was first engaged; he was ignorant of the geography, and knew not the position nor the relation of the country to which he would be sent…’” (Major, 2017). Indian citizens do not know much about the place they are headed, or the history of slavery in British Guiana which indentured labour is intended to replace. This makes it easy for colonial leaders to lie and manipulate the situation to bring as many workers to British Guiana as possible. Therefore, it was easy for colonists to recruit several workers to plantations and earn a large profit from the increasing number of workers arriving in British Guiana. This is for the indentured system to be upheld as an increasing number of uneducated workers arrive with little idea where they are headed. Overall, the confinement and abusive aspects of colonialism along with capitalism’s need and easy access to cheap labour, upholds the system of indentured labour, exploiting workers’ well-being on plantations for the sake of producing sugar. Through both colonialism and capitalism the desire to uphold a system where abusive conditions are occurring for the sake of producing a profit, yet it is legal despite slavery being abolished. It is always necessary to consider the intentions of the government by looking at their actions, while slavery is banned, a system no different – indentured labour – comes into play reproducing similar conditions – yet here it is legal, allowing for indentured servitude to continue for decades.

References Connolly, J. (2018). Indentured Labour Migration and the Meaning of Emancipation: Free Trade, Race, and Labour in British Public Debate, 1838–1860. Past & Present, 238(1), 85–119. doi: 10.1093/pastj/gtx060. Draper, N. (2012). The Rise of a New Planter Class? Some Countercurrents from British Guiana and Trinidad, 1807–33. Atlantic Studies, 9(1), 65–83. doi: 10.1080/14788810.2012.636996. Faruqee, A. (1996). Conceiving the Coolie Woman: Indentured Labour, Indian Women and Colonial Discourse. South Asia Research, 16(1), 61–76. doi: 10.1177/026272809601600104. IPES-Food. (2016). From Uniformity to Diversity: A Paradigm Shift from Industrial Agriculture to Diversified Agroecological Systems. International Panel of Experts on Sustainable Food Systems. Koc, M., Sumner, J., Winson, A., Martin, D., & Amos, M. (2017). Changing Food Systems from Top to Bottom: Political Economy and Social Movements Perspectives. In Critical Perspectives in Food Studies (2nd ed., Vol. 1, pp. 205–220). Don Mills, Ontario: Oxford University Press. Koc, M., Sumner, J., Winson, A., Martin, D., & Amos, M. (2017). What Constitutes Good Food? Toward a Critical Indigenous Perspective on Food and Health. In Critical Perspectives in Food Studies (2nd ed., Vol. 1, pp. 205–220). Don Mills, Ontario: Oxford University Press. Major, A. (2017). ‘Hill Coolies’: Indian Indentured Labour and the Colonial Imagination, 1836–38. South Asian Studies, 33(1), 23–36. doi: 10.1080/02666030.2017.1300374. Mangru, B. (1992). Indian Government Policy Towards Labour Recruitment for The Sugar Colonies, 1838 - 1883. Journal of Third World Studies, 9(1), 118–138. Retrieved from https://searchproquestcom.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/docview/1303271714/fulltextPDF/953234696CE94247PQ/1? accountid=14771. Mohapatra, P. P. (1995). Restoring the Family: Wife Murders and the Making of a Sexual Contract for Indian Immigrant Labour in the British Caribbean Colonies, 1860-1920. Studies in History, 11(2), 227–260. doi: 10.1177/025764309501100203. Rodney, W. (1982). Sugar and Slavery (review). New York Times. Retrieved from https://searchproquest-com.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/docview/424272071/CB2CA4766B554A16PQ/2? accountid=14771.

Roopnarine, L. (2011). Indian Migration During Indentured Servitude in British Guiana and Trinidad, 1850–1920. Labor History, 52(2), 173–191. doi: 10.1080/0023656x.2011.571473. Roopnarine, L. (2015). East Indian Women and Leadership Roles During Indentured Servitude in British Guiana 1838-1920. Journal of International Women's Studies, 16(3), 174–185. Retrieved from https://search-proquest-com.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/docview/1702279531 accountid=14771.

Refugees and Nationalism: The Impact of Newspapers and Societal Values Breanna Lakhan Climate change is an emerging problem that is currently set to become increasingly severe over time. According to the United Nations Refugee Agency, in 2019 there were 26 million refugees (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees). This number can be expected to increase in the coming years as problems such as climate change become exacerbated. This will significantly impact those living in the global south, particularly those living on islands can expect higher rates of flooding and shore erosion making significant portions if not the entire land uninhabitable. Additionally, droughts are expected to occur more frequently and to a greater extent. Those living in the affected areas will be forced to leave their homes and will likely head north where they can achieve a higher living standard and where the severity of climate change is relatively less intense. Climate refugees pose a problem, as the number of refugees is expected to drastically increase as climate change ramps up, placing pressure on governments to accommodate larger influxes of people than they are used to. This increases the likelihood of problems such as nations closing their doors to refugees, putting up barriers to keep them out and calling on other countries to accommodate more refugees. To ensure refugees can achieve a smooth transition into their new homes, more research needs to be done to understand the challenges they currently face so appropriate policies can be implemented to allow for an easier migration process. Here, the lack of hospitality refugees face can be interpreted to represent increased nationalism when nations limit the number which can enter and set up barriers to turn refugees away and many do not feel accepted after settling. This paper thus sets to analyze the relationship between refugees and nationalism for a better picture of the root causes of the challenges refugees face such as closing borders and not feeling welcomed by society. The first section of this paper sets out to analyze the relationship between stereotypes and increased nationalism. The goal is to see if prior ideas influence a refugee's ability to adapt and feel welcomed in society. The second half will examine structural barriers such as language differences or a lack of education affecting their ability to adapt, however, finds a new variable, the majority ethnic group's values, that influence the refugee's ability to adapt. Together these two studies reveal there are underlying values that affect the treatment a minority ethnic group receives. The hospitality of the majority ethnic group depends on the attitude of the host society to make the refugees feel accepted by accommodating them such that they feel they belong. Through analysis of the Arab Spring's refugee crisis from 2010 through 2014, this paper seeks to understand the experiences of both refugees as they left their home country and upon arrival. It builds upon previous literature by providing a theoretical framework for understanding the influences of

negative or biased treatment towards refugees. This adds to the international relations subfield of nationalism as it reveals certain aspects of nationalism such as identity, common beliefs and values that can influence who feels accepted while rejecting other groups. There are consequences of increased nationalism that affect the experiences of in-transit migrants as they are perceived differently from the majority ethnic group. Literature Review Understanding Climate Refugees Most articles written about climate refugees focus on understanding their perspective and argue for the way we should view them. For instance, Farbotko and Lazrus (2012) suggest that climate change should have a broad definition to accurately represent everyone who falls within the group of climate refugees. Meanwhile, Hingley (2017) argues it is wrong to classify Pacific Peoples as refugees because it suggests they are vulnerable. These suggest there is a lot of current work trying to identify who belongs in the group as a “climate refugee” and when is it inappropriate to put someone in this group. Most researchers are trying to figure out the definition of climate refugees and the limits to classifying people in this group. Moreover, Passcucci (2016) looks at where most research is conducted regarding refugee crises, reminding researchers barriers such as "closed research settings" with limited access to the international sphere make it difficult to conduct research. This limits the amount of research conducted on refugee crises in areas such as the Middle East and North Africa. Overall, research focuses on understanding climate refugees, how to define them, and the limits to this field of research. This tends to focus on the more theoretical limits of this group and trying to better understand them. I expand on this field by looking at their experiences such as aggressiveness and hostility and seeking to see if there are international consequences for this, such as the rise of nationalism. Policy/Accommodation Additionally, most literature also emphasizes designing policy and figuring out the appropriate tools needed to accommodate the growing number of refugees. For instance, Cullen (2020) focuses on creating policies to protect and assist the increasing number of refugees as that number is expected to rise. Furthermore, Fornale (2020) takes an anticipatory approach as she describes what has been done in Italy and what should be done in Europe to handle the influx of climate refugees before the problem becomes exacerbated. My research contributes to this field by identifying a possible problem in advance - ethnic tensions between climate refugees and the majority ethnicity – and attempting to provide a mechanism for predicting possible tensions and their implications for the future. This adds to the existing literature by providing a basis for understanding why tensions arise. Policies aimed at assisting climate refugees cannot be made out of thin air; to achieve the goal of predicting and eliminating racial tensions climate refugees face, there must be an understanding of how and why it arises to formulate an appropriate policy.

Alleviating Early Tensions Current literature discussing climate refugees in Europe focuses on what is currently being done to prevent the number of refugees from accelerating. For instance, some articles such as “Effects of Future Climate Change on Cross-Border Migration in North Africa and India” (2010) look at investments the Obama administration made in Northern Africa to prevent an increase in migration to Europe. Right now the current literature seems to be focused on what is currently occurring and ways to prevent it from accelerating. My research contributes to this field by looking at case studies to figure out the political consequences as a result of influxes of refugees and this can be used to create policies to protect these refugees. Additionally, existing literature focusing on climate refugees indicates that there are increasing numbers of tensions occurring presently in Europe as a result of nationalism and current refugees who are immigrating for reasons other than climate change and this is expected to increase as climate change picks up. It focuses on alleviating tensions as opposed to understanding the cause of it. For instance, Postelnicescu (2016) pinpoints religious extremism as the reason for tensions and indicates that religious extremism occurs due to a lack of identity among second-generation refugee immigrants. This seems to be flawed as it pinpoints one variable – religious extremism – as the cause of racial tensions and calls on the need to end religious extremism to alleviate racial tensions. My research builds on this field by seeking to explain how to predict areas of tension between refugees and majority ethnic groups, as there is an assumption in the literature that tensions arise from one specific source of religious extremism. Theory and Hypothesis I have decided to ask: How does the migration of climate refugees impact nationalism? My theory is that as we see an increasing number of climate change refugees, there will also be increasing nationalism. Here, climate refugees are the independent variable and nationalism among the majority ethnic group is the dependent variable. My causal mechanism is, when there is a surge in migration, there is greater interaction between majority and minority ethnic groups as they encounter each other in public spaces, such as grocery stores, libraries, parks and beaches. As the majority ethnic group begins to see increasing numbers of the minority ethnic group, there is resistance as a result of unfamiliarity which can lead to instances of hostility and aggressiveness on the national level as the majority ethnic group attempts to oppress the minority ethnic groups through nationalism. When a majority ethnic group encounters those of a different race, skin colour or religion entering their country it perpetuates fears of the unknown. These fears are illustrated through stereotyping. Increased immigration results in increased nationalism when the majority ethnic group has preconceived notions of who belongs to their population and excludes others. Notions of those who do not belong may result in increasing difficulty for refugees to settle and feel welcomed in their new

home country. This can also be seen as increasing far-right, populist governments elected with an anti-immigration policy, as the government elected represents the views of the people. My first hypothesis is that the newspaper helps perpetuate the fear of immigrants, as the majority ethnic group will initially not have many (if any) acquaintances or friends of the minority ethnic group. This makes them more likely to believe stereotypes or lies encountered through news platforms increasing fears of the unknown who are the minority ethnic group. Additionally, the more they read articles about the minority ethnicity, the more suggestions and related articles appear on their Facebook Timeline and in Google Searches, leading them down a rabbit hole and perpetuating their fears. This relies on the assumption that there are people who are intentionally spreading false information on the internet intended to be read by the majority ethnic group. Interactions on social media can lead to resentment when the majority ethnic group has a fear of the unknown and what could potentially occur after refugees arrive. This fear can be perpetuated through articles and stories shared in newspapers when they see articles portraying refugees in a negative light, for instance as troublemakers, unhygienic or living in poverty. After reading newspaper articles of this nature, the reader’s fear of refugees is heightened, especially when they encounter several newspaper articles that do not present refugees in a positive light. Additionally, when viewing shared newspaper articles via social media, the algorithm will begin to show you similar posts, which can lead the user down a rabbit hole. As they continue to find more newspaper articles portraying refugees in a negative light, they will also encounter other users who have also fallen down a rabbit hole with a fear of refugees. Here, there is an assumption that the stereotyping occurs after the refugees arrive and these articles portray them in a negative light. However, these articles could be exaggerations or in some cases, refugees are living in poor conditions because that is all that is provided by the government. My second hypothesis is that refugees tend to be in a lower income/working class as a result of a lack of job experience, language barriers, or education within their new home country. Lower wages may result in refugees living in poorer neighbourhoods/in poor conditions while trying to make ends meet. This can lead to stereotypes that the refugees are not hardworking, and depend on the government for financial aid/welfare (if any is offered). This creates a distaste among the majority ethnic group for the refugees because they cannot see the structural barriers the minority ethnicity faces. As a result, the majority group sticks together and hopes to limit the number of minority ethnicities entering and oppress them, resulting in nationalism and further exacerbating the problem. Here, when refugees arrive, there may be cultural differences resulting in a different first language and difficulty communicating with those in the new country. Additionally, they may not be qualified for jobs as a result of their education outside of the country. Barriers can put them at a disadvantage resulting in a lower income and living in poor conditions. When those of the majority ethnic group observe them living in poor conditions but are unable to recognize the barriers they face, it results in

stereotyping as they assume refugees are not hardworking. This creates resentment when the majority ethnic group does not want to see those living in poor conditions in their country and feel refugees will result in the creation of "slums" or poor areas making the country look bad. Research Design My research method will be using case studies. This is an appropriate method as comparative case studies involve looking at the experiences of refugees over time and using these examples to make inferences about the needs of climate refugees in the future. For instance, I intend to look at case studies of refugees from North Africa and the Middle East migrating to Europe during the acceleration of the number of climate refugees. This method is effective because it allows me to gauge the emotions and personal experiences of refugees which cannot be quantified. The experiences of refugees entail qualitative analysis as I need to look for indicators of the majority ethnic group's emotions towards the minority group. Additionally, process tracing will not work because this research is intended to see if there are any changes to the treatment of climate refugees when they migrate. If it is established to be true, then process tracing will be necessary to understand the root of the change in behaviour towards minority ethnic groups. Limitations to using a case study are conditions surrounding the migration of climate refugees now and in the future may be different as more policies are created. Right now the number of refugees is relatively smaller than what it is expected to be in the future. While this case study can be used to predict what types of policies need to be designed to help refugees adjust to their new homes, it is impossible to tell how effective a policy is until it is ultimately implemented. Level of Analysis I will be looking at the immigration of refugees from North Africa to the European Union between 2010 to 2012. This case study can be representative of the consequences as more people of colour migrate to the European Union as climate change accelerates in the future and can help develop policies necessary to accommodate and protect an influx of refugees. The case study will be aggregated by looking at refugees who migrated to the European Union from 2010 to 2015 and will include data from the European Union's website regarding migration at that time. It will be aggregated in space by looking at migration to the European Union because this is a point of migration for many refugees from North Africa will allow me to compare how the experiences of climate refugees vary across the European Union (such as in Italy and the UK) based on the number of newspaper articles perpetuating hate towards refugees and the feelings of the majority ethnic group towards refugees a few years after settling down.

Hypothesis #1 Operationalization The independent variable here is the number of climate refugees who arrive in a given year, and this will be operationalized by looking at statistics on the United Nations website regarding the number of refugees who arrived between 2010 to 2012. The dependent variable will be the hostility of the majority ethnic group towards the minority ethnic group. Here the majority ethnic group can be seen as people who are generally native to the land and whose family has been living in the country for multiple generations. The minority ethnic group will be defined as climate refugees and the children of climate refugees born in the new country, who are of non-European ethnicity. The dependent variable will be tensions between minority and majority ethnic groups. To test this, I will be looking for articles that present refugees in a negative light in the given years. Additionally, I will browse social media to see what the population is saying about the refugees; for instance, if there are any links to newspaper articles portraying them in a negative light which have been shared many times and by scanning for hateful language suggesting a distaste towards them. Testing and Evaluation To test my theory of whether newspapers help perpetuate the hatred of refugees or tensions between minority and majority ethnic groups, I will be looking at migration to the European Union. Particularly, the United Nations has released statistics related to migration from 2010 to 2012 and it includes reasons for migration such as disaster displacement from North Africa. This is significant as I can look back to the history and climate patterns that occurred in these countries from 2010 to 2012 and find significant disasters that would have prompted several people into Europe. Following this, I can use the University of Toronto’s digital library to look up news stories related to these natural disasters and see what those in Europe were saying about refugees at the time. Hateful language indicating resistance to refugees or keeping them out will help me gauge tensions. Hypothesis #2 Operationalization Here, the dependent variable is structural barriers which consist of differences in education, ability to speak the host nation’s language and religious beliefs. The independent variable is resistance in the population towards differences in culture and language. This will be measured through the hateful language used towards the refugee's culture, indicating nationalism. For instance, the less accepting a member of the majority ethnic group is of a refugee's cultural differences, there is likely to be increased nationalism among the majority ethnic group. This means increased cohesiveness and viewing the refugee as not an accepted or tolerated part of society.

Testing and Evaluation To test my second hypothesis, I will be looking up primary sources that look at the social networks of climate refugees in the European Union. I will be searching for articles that articulate the experience and struggles these refugees face including structural barriers such as language barriers, lack of education, and training preventing them from getting a job. Additionally, I will use primary sources such as newspapers to see how the local community feels about refugees and differences in culture a few years after settling down in their new home country. The more accepting the majority ethnic group is of refugees’ culture, the more accepted and integrated into society they will feel. Analysis Hypothesis #1 The following case study illustrates the main stories of the 2010 to 2012 period and major themes which are covered in newspaper articles. These themes represent the major topics being discussed including local opinions and refugees’ feelings. In 2011, as a result of the Arab Spring, many refugees from North Africa left nations including Tunisia and Libya, heading to Europe for better human rights protection. For many they dreamed of the promise and potential Europe had to offer. Europe, on the other hand, takes a different approach as they struggle to "share the burden". Here, the hostility of the majority ethnic group is represented by the government of a given nation, which consists of the majority ethnic group. The government can be seen to represent increasing nationalism as the more aggressive the government becomes towards refugees such as preventing entry to the country, it can be seen as a representation of the people who elected them into power. E.U. Politics After looking at the wave of refugees approaching Europe in 2011 as a result of the Arab Spring, many refugees took to Europe as a source of human rights protection. However, this resulted in tensions within the European Union (EU) as a result of the particular countries, such as Italy, bearing the highest number of refugees while others such as the UK refused to accept any refugees (Europe’s Future may Depend on How it Handles the Refugee Crisis 2016). Europe developed the Schengen regime which was signed by all EU members in 1985 except for the UK. Allowing for those residing in a nation that is a part of the EU to travel freely within it ("Europe’s Future may Depend on How it Handles the Refugee Crisis," 2016). However, this became problematic for nations such as Italy and France. Italy was the destination country for most of the refugees whose goal was to get to Italy’s port before travelling within Europe. France was the ideal destination for many Tunisians as a result of their common native tongue - French.

In 2010, the EU received about 50 asylum seekers from Tunisia per month, however, after the Arab Spring, 1,100 arrived in February 2011 followed by 1,200 in March. Europe on the whole experienced a 6% rise and saw 66,000 refugees arrive via Italy ("Arab Asylum Seekers pour into Europe," 2011). Italy’s Frustration In April 2011, many migrants arrived via boat on the Italian island of Lampedusa, Italy. This created worry and frustration as Italy became the main port for refugees seeking a better life in Europe. By early 2011 waves of migrants were on their way to Italy as a port of entry into Europe. As a result of the high influx of refugees, France and Italy called for tighter measures for travel within the Schengen Regime. The main issues regarding refugees consisted of "jobs, ghettos, uninsured cars, human trafficking and housing" (Cavendish, 2011) despite many passing through Italy. Refugees were made to wait in poor conditions which included sleeping on the streets of Lampedusa while waiting for a ferry to take them to the main island. After days of waiting, migrants began to protest, shortly after the government started helping them to the mainland ("Tide of Human Misery Swollen by Arab Spring," 2011). Others were soon made to wait in what was called the "Africa House" before being moved off to the mainland. This left many migrants feeling frustrated as they saw Europe as a place of freedom where they can achieve desirable human rights, however, that was not the case when they arrived. Despite Italy's hopes of tightening measures regarding the Schengen regime, there is worry other nations such as Denmark and Germany, which have accepted more immigrants and do not have antiimmigrant policies, will block legislation. Regional Politics: Sharing the Burden Shortly, a call to "Share the Burden" was sent to Theresa May. Great Britain did not sign the Schengen Regime treaty from 1985, preventing anyone within Europe from freely travelling to Great Britain. The nation has "been criticized for intervening in Libya but refusing to take refugees from the conflict there" (Peck, 2011). Despite this for many refugees, Great Britain was deemed to be an ideal destination. One man, named Mohammed, described "England is a great country where I can have my human rights" (Jamieson, 2011). This creates a desire to get there despite the legal obstacles which make it difficult to be given legal permission to enter Great Britain. He "arrived in Nice, snuck onto a train to Paris, then begged enough money for a train to Calais" (Jamieson 2011). Despite the boundaries, refugees are determined to head to Great Britain, which continues to refuse them.

Fitting In Many refugees felt unwelcomed, crushing their dreams of experiencing equality within Europe. They found themselves within the nicknamed "Africa House" (Taylor, 2011) of Italy with “broken concrete walls and no running water” (Taylor, 2011). Their goal is to travel across Europe and make their way to Calais, France which is situated across from the UK. Despite Great Britain refusing to accept any Arab Spring refugees, they hope to live there illegally, amongst "already sizable communities of compatriots waiting for them" (Taylor, 2011). In 2012, the UNRWA held the "Engaging Youth: Palestine Refugees in a Changing Middle East" in Brussels. This conference included 24 refugee speakers from Jordan, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine to share struggles “they face as youth and as refugees” in Europe. One of the main topics discussed was aimed at “youth confronting marginalization” (Shahabi, 2012). This included raising awareness of the difficulties refugees experienced in Palestine and calling on governments within Europe to act on the difficulties they have experienced through economic investments, over stigmatization to allow Palestinian refugees to experience better treatment. Individual Point of View While searching social media for shared articles consisting of hatred or language indicating refugees are unwanted, nothing was found. There are many pro-refugee pages on Facebook and Twitter, many of which were most active around 2012 when refugees started migrating en-mass to Europe but did not have any articles. However, they have become inactive. Possibly, these pages or stories inciting hatred may have been removed from Facebook or Twitter leaving newspapers as the best primary sources for feelings during this period. Discussion Where the government represents the majority ethnic group here, there are increasing tensions as the number of refugees rose 6% in 2012 indicating there is a certain limit to the number of people they want to see arriving at their borders. However, it is evident the newspaper seeks to present issues objectively and covers the perspectives of the government, citizens and refugees. This allows newspaper readers to not only learn about the stereotyping and fears of refugees but to also learn about the refugee's experience, creating sympathy. For instance, this fear is exacerbated by ideas that refugees will be living in poverty, involved in trafficking and living in “ghettos”. This can raise support for the British government’s stance, which is to prevent refugees from entering the country. It also increases pressure for many European countries to open their borders to accommodate refugees when the “share the burden” phrase is used often in several articles when referring to the overflow of refugees. This phrase suggests that refugees are a nuisance, unwanted and one country should not have to deal with an overflow while others like the UK accept none. At the same time, however, this fear and desire to keep them out is countered when stories such as Mohammad’s are

presented and readers learn of the struggle he goes through after leaving the "Africa House" to travel across Europe for the sake of achieving human rights. While newspaper articles are focusing on both perspectives, there appear to be more stories focusing on the number of refugees and deterring them from entering, indicating they are problematic, as opposed to stories highlighting the experience of refugees. Using language such as “sharing the burden” objectifies refugees and makes it appear they are something unwanted that must be shared by each nation to allow each nation to have as few as possible. Additionally, naming the temporary shelter the “Africa House” implies it is a shelter isolated from the rest of Europe. The struggle for refugees to gain access to suitable living conditions and to work with the government to leave for mainland Europe indicates resistance within the Italian government and a desire to keep large quantities of refugees out of Europe. This is significant because newspaper stories shape the way stories are interpreted and a large number of articles mentioning "share the burden" will teach readers they should not be entering the country because they are annoying, a nuisance or unwanted, rather they should be going elsewhere. This disproportionately negative language used to address refugees does indicate nationalism throughout Europe when, first the language used suggests they are unwanted, and second there is a call for other nations to open their borders to refugees. It indicates the nation has reached its limit as to the number of refugees they are willing to tolerate and wish for them to go to another place. This suggests there is nationalism as limiting the number of refugees reflects the power of the majority ethnic group to say who is and is not allowed into their country, creating exclusivity as not everyone is welcomed. This begs the question: Did newspapers cause increased nationalism by reporting “share the burden”, or was there already increasing cohesiveness and newspapers simply reflected this? Newspapers did play a role in increasing nationalism by consistently using the “share the burden” phrase and by using the name “Africa House” without acknowledging the name’s implications. However, it remains unclear if newspapers were directly involved in the distaste towards refugees, or simply reflecting society’s opinions. This poses a problem when the number of climate refugees is expected to accelerate in the future, creating problems for Europe which may not want to share the burden. To overcome this, resources must be set aside either to prevent climate change from ruining living conditions, causing minimal impact. Or these nations need to set up strategies for accommodation within various cities and provide opportunities for economic development to prevent refugees from ending up in poverty, allowing them to become more integrated with society and boost their socioeconomic status. The current refugees who desire to go to the UK will not be stopped despite the UK refusing them. This creates a need to prevent illegal migrants from living within the UK, one strategy is to allow them to live there, but limit the number which can enter. However, to first provide them with a smooth transition into society, more research needs to be done to understand where this fear comes from and how it is perpetuated. Perhaps there is another variable at play, such as the rise of right-wing populist parties.

Hypothesis #2 Religious Differences After arriving in Europe hoping to spend the rest of their lives and enjoying their newfound rights, many refugees found themselves struggling to adjust to society. After arriving cultural symbols were erected to help refugees adjust to their new life in Europe. For instance, the Merkez Mosque, the largest mosque in Germany was built (Fisher, 2016). Despite this, many refugees continue to feel as though they will never be fully accepted by society. As a result of differences between their new and old home, they feel "[s]traddling two societies with vastly different religions, cultures and codes of behaviour may not become easier" (Fisher, 2016). Many living in Europe are generally Christian and despite the government building accommodations, society does not accept them to the extent that they would like. In the face of a new religion, new ideas and the unknown, many Europeans appear uncertain. Finland and Refugees Finland is the most ethnically homogenous place in Europe and makes for an interesting case of what happens when people of a different racial background enter the country. However, since the end of World War II, many Muslim immigrants have arrived, increasing tensions. When refugees started arriving as a result of the Arab Spring, heightened tensions such as "questions of integration, identity and, increasingly, security" ("Europe's 70-year Crisis," 2016) have arisen. Here, the religious differences between the majority and minority ethnic groups seem to have created tensions between the two groups. When one population appears to be homogeneous, there is likely to be less acceptance of the minority group having different beliefs, raising questions about how they will impact the majority ethnic group in Finland. These questions of the security threat they pose for instance, in turn, make the refugees feel uncomfortable as they do not feel like they fit in with society and wonder how they will manage to ever fit in. Tensions within the Government In 2016, tensions between European governments arose when the Turkish government spoke out over Europe’s treatment of the refugee crisis. Turkish Parliament Speaker Ismail Kahraman argued that the crisis does not represent Europe's values, and more needs to be done to overcome the racism and xenophobia experienced by refugees. These comments were made earlier in the year after many countries began putting up barriers to prevent refugees from entering their countries. For instance, "Norway has been erecting a steel fence along its border with Russia to control the flow of refugees despite none have crossed the remote Arctic frontier so far this year” ("Top Turkish Official Slams Europe over Refugee Crisis," 2016). Despite no known cases of refugees crossing through the Arctic, barriers were put up to prevent them from doing so. There was little threat before the barriers were put up, and after they were put up the threat was not minimized because it never existed. This

suggests there is a fear of refugees crossing into Norway as they did not have any refugees crossing over to begin with. The main differences between the refugees and Europeans are cultural differences, such as religion, indicating there are some fears of those they do not know despite few refugees crossing through the Arctic into Norway. Additionally, Hungary hopes to keep refugees on their way to northern and western Europe from passing through. This can be seen when, "Hungary is planning a second fence on its frontier with Serbia, adding to a razor-wire fence that was put up last year after around 400,000 migrants crossed…” ("Top Turkish Official Slams Europe over Refugee Crisis," 2016). Many refugees are not settling in Hungary, rather they are using it as a point to cross over to northern and western European countries. Despite few refugees settling in the area, Hungary hopes to keep them out, with a razorsharp fence. While the first fence appeared to prevent refugees in excessive numbers from crossing, the government decided to create a second fence to further prevent more refugees from entering Hungary (Europe’s Future may Depend on How it Handles the Refugee Crisis 2016). This is not a question of finding permanent homes or jobs for the refugees, and resources used by them are temporary as they are passing through the nation, yet the government hopes to completely keep them out and have cut through another country to get to their destination. Since resources are not an issue as most of them are being temporarily used or if they are being overloaded, the government can establish a system to let a certain number through at a given time. Keeping them out altogether begs the question of why they are not allowed to enter or pass through in smaller quantities. Here, the main barrier the refugees face is a need for temporary shelter, which the government may be able to provide in small quantities, suggesting again tensions as the government hopes to put up barriers to keep them out. The “Other” Moreover, feelings of being the Other arose after arriving in Europe and hoping to assimilate into their newfound home. The Other can be described to be "as ’different’, ‘not us’, ‘a foreigner’, ‘an outcast’, a ‘bad one’, perhaps the ‘enemy’” (Buccus, 2012). Here the Other is associated with not being homogenous and conforming to the norms of Europe. As a result of refugees moving from “From Iraq to Iran, from Afghanistan to Somalia, from Nigeria to South Africa, the hysteria over the Islamic "expansion" has filled the pages of the popular press and social networks” (Buccus, 2012). Differences between the two groups again result in Europeans worrying about the Other taking over and changing society as they know it. The worry about the spread of Islam within Europe and what it means for European culture results in Islamophobia. Nationalism can be seen when, despite allowing refugees to enter Europe, their way of life is questioned and never fully accepted, resulting in increasing cohesiveness amongst Europeans as the overarching culture does not allow refugees to be fully accepted.

Discussion In this section, the refugees appear to have a difficult time moving across Europe, even before settling and continue to feel like they are not a part of society mainly as a result of religious differences. As opposed to finding a lack of education, or job barriers creating tensions, it appears the unknown evokes fears resulting in stereotyping and refugees do not feel welcomed. Throughout these case studies, there is a repeating pattern of Europeans worrying mainly about the entrance of refugees into the country even in some cases where refugees are not arriving, barriers are created to keep them out. Other times when they may not be settling or depending significantly on the country's resources for a long period they continue to create barriers to keep them out. All of this results in refugees feeling "othered", suggesting increased cohesiveness and nationalism amongst the majority ethnic group, not when there is a lack of access to resources, but rather when the minority group holds different cultural values than the ones of the majority. This research suggests it is not structural barriers that prevent refugees from assimilating into society or feeling fully accepted, rather it depends on the host society to accommodate for and make the refugee feel welcomed and included. The host society’s values play a larger role in integrating refugees into society than do differences. Here, the host society is the new country the refugees hope to live in or where they take temporary shelter as they move from one country to the next. Here, the values of the major ethnic group contrast with that of the refugees. For instance, many are not entirely familiar with Islam, creating a fear of the refugees and what that means for society in the future and its potential to alter European culture. These differences between values result in nationalism when the majority ethnic group feels threatened by the unknown and ends up "othering" the minority group such that they do not feel accepted. Values appear to play a stronger role in the integration of society, as the values of the host country are reflected in their actions, which makes it difficult for refugees to make it through different countries to get to the desired country. For instance, although there is a mosque in Germany allowing refugees to practice their faith and help them feel at home, if society does not agree with the cultural values of the refugees, they will not be able to comfortably live in the community. These differences in turn are reflected in increased nationalism as governments work to establish fences in places where there is a lack of refugees. While this does not defeat the hypothesis that structural barriers result in increased nationalism, it suggests contrasting values can result in barriers for refugees as they attempt to settle in a new country. For instance, barriers are being erected in Norway, where the population is relatively more homogenous, yet few refugees are crossing through the Arctic. Perhaps values play a greater role when adapting to society than structural barriers as the main concern among Arab Spring refugees is Islamophobia.

Conclusion This paper analyses the impacts refugees have on nationalism by looking at a case study of Arab Spring climate refugees. This is appropriate as climate change is expected to ramp up in coming years, significantly increasing the number of refugees migrating from the Global South to the North. The research conducted suggests newspapers may play a role in the perpetuation of nationalism when there is selective bias. However, it remains unclear to what extent this occurred in Europe when writing about Arab Spring refugees. Notwithstanding, the study does indicate that the language newspapers use may affect the way a story is interpreted. For instance, the "share the burden" phrase indicates to society that refugees are unwanted and should be sent elsewhere. Additionally, this study also reveals the implications of societal values and their impact on the treatment refugees experience before they settle in their chosen country, suggesting societal values supersedes the role of barriers. Here, refugees have little to no control over how they will be received by their new home country, and the values of the home nations influence the level of acceptance they receive. The greater the difference between values, such as a difference in religion can create tensions between majority and minority ethnic groups. The role nationalism plays in forming a cohesive group within the nation creates tensions between refugees and the nation they hope to live in, as they have difficulties finding a home and experiencing acceptance from the governments who put up barriers to keep them out and make it difficult for them to travel throughout Europe. While this research indicates the role nationalism plays in exacerbating tensions between different ethnic groups with different cultural values, more research is needed to further explore this topic and provide support for this theory. Limitation to this paper includes the lack of research in this field. More is needed to understand the implications of increased nationalism on individuals. Additionally, more research is needed to identify other potential variables which influence nationalism. For instance, right-wing parties with anti-immigration policies were elected around the same time Arab Spring refugees were migrating to Europe. Research should be done to see the extent to which the population agrees with their policies towards immigrants during this period and whether a party’s policies can boost nationalism. Furthermore, to better understand the implications of increased refugees as the climate crisis accelerates, research should be conducted on second and thirdgeneration children of refugees to understand generational implications. Are there refugees who can assimilate into society and feel accepted? Under what conditions are they able to successfully assimilate? Additionally, it would be appropriate to create an understanding between, for instance, the NATO alliance to be able to handle future influxes of refugees and a plan as to the percentage of any large body of refugees a nation should be able to accommodate. This gives each nation a plan as to how to allocate resources and provide housing and assistance to help refugees adapt. This should help

overcome some problems and experiences such as waiting at ports to make it to the mainland, overcoming barriers that make the journey throughout Europe difficult, and preventing tensions when one country does not want refugees but they are determined to settle there.

References Arab Asylum Seekers pour into Europe. (2011, Sep 27). Daily Mail, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Farab-asylum-seekers-pour-intoeurope%2Fdocview%2F894155381%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771. Buccus, I. (2012, Apr 04). When the 'Other' is my Brother. The Pretoria News, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Fwhen-other-is-mybrother%2Fdocview%2F967161956%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771. Cavendish, C. (2011, April 28). Wishful thinking won't stem the human flow. Times, Retrieved from https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/IF0504217408/TTDA? u=utoronto_main&sid=TTDA&xid=728dcf2c. Cullen, M. (2020). Disaster, Displacement and International Law: Legal Protections in the Context of a Changing Climate. Politics and Governance, 8(4), 270-280. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3311. Effects of Future Climate Change on Cross-Border Migration in North Africa and India. (2010). Population and Development Review, 36(2), 408-412. Retrieved February 24, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25699076. Europe's 70-year crisis; Terror in Paris. Alleged Sex Assaults in Cologne. The Refugee Crisis that has Gripped the EU for more than a Year is Morphing into Something else. (2016, Jan 23). Edmonton Journal, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Feuropes-70-year-crisis-terrorparis-alleged-sex%2Fdocview%2F1759220664%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771 Europe's Future may Depend on How it Handles the Refugee Crisis. (2016, Jan 23). AlArabiya, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Feuropes-future-may-depend-onhow-handles-refugee%2Fdocview%2F1759192955%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771.

Farbotko, C., & Lazrus, H. (2012). The first Climate refugees? Contesting Global Narratives of Climate Change in Tuvalu. Global Environmental Change, 22(2), 382-390. doi:10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2011.11.014. Fisher, M. (2016, Jan 23). Europe's 70-year crisis: How can the EU Absorb Hundreds of Thousands of New Refugees when Failures of the Past are Everywhere? Matthew fisher investigates. National Post, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Feuropes-70-year-crisis-how-caneu-absorb-hundreds%2Fdocview%2F1759220390%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771. Fornalé, E. (2020). A l’envers: Setting the Stage for a Protective Environment to Deal with ‘Climate Refugees’ in Europe. European Journal of Migration and Law, 22(4), 518-540. doi: https://doiorg.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/10.1163/15718166-12340088. Hingley, R. (2017). ‘Climate Refugees’: An Oceanic Perspective. Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies, 4(1), 158-165. doi:10.1002/app5.163. Jamieson, A. (2011, May 22). Wave of Arab spring refugees bound for UK. The Sunday Telegraph, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Fwave-arab-spring-refugeesbound-uk%2Fdocview%2F867930406%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771. Pascucci, E. (2016). The Humanitarian Infrastructure and the Question of Over Research: Reflections on Fieldwork in the Refugee Crises in the Middle East and North Africa. Area, 49(2), 249-255. doi:10.1111/area.12312. Peck, T. (2011, May 23). Arab spring refugees not welcome here, says Hague. The Independent, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Farab-spring-refugees-notwelcome-here-says-hague%2Fdocview%2F867983534%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771. Postelnicescu, C. (2016). Europe's New Identity: The Refugee Crisis and the Rise of Nationalism. Europe's Journal of Psychology, 12(2), 203–209. https://doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v12i2.1191. Taylor, J. (2011, May 18). Unsafe in Libya, unwanted in Europe: Exiles of the Arab spring. The Independent, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fnewspapers%2Funsafe-libya-unwanted-europeexiles-arab-spring%2Fdocview%2F867338889%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771.

Tide of Human Misery Swollen by Arab Spring. The Independent [London] 2 Apr. 2011. The Independent. Factiva, 2 Apr. 2011, Retrieved from https://global-factivacom.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/ga/default.aspx. Top Turkish official slams Europe over refugee crisis. (2016, Sep 15). Anadolu Agency: AA, Retrieved from http://myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/login? qurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.proquest.com%2Fwire-feeds%2Ftop-turkish-official-slams-europeover-refugee%2Fdocview%2F1819565984%2Fse-2%3Faccountid%3D14771. Shahabi, A. (2012, April 4). Palestine Refugee Youth Tell Their Stories In Europe. States News Service, Retrieved from https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A285216891/BIC? u=utoronto_main&sid=BIC&xid=d151459d. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. (2019). Figures at a Glance, Retrieved April 12, 2021, from https://www.unhcr.org/figures-at-a-glance.html.

100

Illuminate SECOND EDITION SPRING 2022