March 9 11, 2017 issue

Page 6

Richmond Free Press

Blooming saucer magnolias

Editorial Page

A6

March 9-11, 2017

Dollars and sense Mayor Levar M. Stoney and the Richmond City Council may find themselves trying to make bricks without straw this year. The $681 million budget plan the new mayor announced for 2017-18 tries to do the best it can to address an overwhelming score of needs with few new resources. We are pleased that Mayor Stoney is putting his money where his mouth is. He campaigned on a platform to improve education in the city. His budget plan dedicates $6.1 million in increased funding for the city’s public schools. Although he and the Richmond School Board members understand that is not enough, it marks a start in boosting teacher salaries, one of the many issues the school system has been grappling with as it works to retain professionals in a system marred by aging and worn-out facilities. The mayor’s capital budget proposal includes only $1.6 million for school maintenance, a paltry amount given that school building needs are more in the hundreds of millions of dollars for replacement of leaky roofs and old heating and air conditioning systems, among other necessities. With public safety a critical need in the city, Mayor Stoney has proposed $1.3 million for salary increases for police and firefighters. We cannot argue with any of these planned expenditures, and we hope that all parties will continue on a harmonious path to approving a spending plan for the city. While transparency is paramount to ensuring that harmony, we remind Mayor Stoney, members of City Council and the School Board and schools Superintendent Dana T. Bedden that accountability is just as important. We want to make sure the dollars are going where they are supposed to be — even the small amounts. We again call on City Council to strike the allowance for severance pay for nonclassified employees. The city paid more than $243,000 in severance to four people who served on the staff of former Mayor Dwight C. Jones and three others who were aides to former City Council members. The city should see some savings if that is eliminated. And we urge the mayor to continue with his forensic analysis of city spending by department to eliminate what is unnecessary. Such an analysis is sorely needed for Richmond Public Schools, and we urge School Board members to incorporate that into their 2017-18 spending plan. Already, Mayor Stoney has gotten rid of the executive protection team former Mayor Dwight C. Jones used that took Richmond police officers away from their regular duties in the city to accompany him. Smart move, Mr. Mayor. You are leading by example. The people need to see that. Where the head goes, the body will follow.

Grave parity We were heartened by Free Press staff writer Jeremy M. Lazarus’ front page report published in the Feb. 23-25 edition on the Virginia General Assembly approving funds to maintain gravesites in East End and Evergreen cemeteries. The historic African-American cemeteries in Richmond are the final resting place of people who were instrumental in the causes of racial equality, education, economic progress, civil rights, voting rights and overall advancement of not just people of color, but all citizens of Richmond and across the nation. Many of them were pioneers in their fields and role models we can turn to today for blueprints for success. Others, whose names are not known, have their own history as leaders in their families and neighborhoods who helped bolster the forward movement of our race. We highly commend Delegate Delores McQuinn for spearheading the successful legislative effort to secure state funds to help preserve our history for generations to come. We also are shocked to learn that, for 100 years, our tax dollars have been going toward the upkeep of the graves of Confederates. AfricanAmericans have been helping to pay to spruce up the cemetery plots of people who fought to keep us in chains. There is something very macabre and twisted about that. And it speaks volumes about what has remained important to those in positions of power in this commonwealth. If we believe in the humanity of all, then we must show that through how and where we place our funds. The state budget is a window into the hearts of our legislators that allows us to see what they hold dear and important. For generations, we have paid to maintain monuments to traitors, to those who would want us enslaved, perhaps even to this day. It is hard to reconcile such cruel and grim notions. But if we believe in the full humanity of all, we should open the door further so that the full scope of history is preserved. This includes the graves of our ancestors as well. Dr. Michael Blakey, director of the Institute for Historical Biology at the College of William & Mary, is an anthropologist perhaps best known for his work with the African Burial Ground in New York City, now a national historic site run by the National Park Service. Here in Virginia, he co-directed the “Remembering: Slavery, Resistance and Freedom Project” leading up to the sesquicentennial of the Emancipation Proclamation. As part of the project, community conversations were held across the state to identify sites that are important to the history of slavery, resistance efforts and freedom. More than 300 African-American cemeteries, including family plots, church graveyards and other places, were identified and are in a database at William & Mary. According to Dr. Blakey, the payment of state dollars for the upkeep of Confederate cemeteries shows a “disregard for the full humanity of African-Americans that goes back into slavery.” He noted that a law in the late 17th century in Virginia denied AfricanAmericans the right to burial, in part because of fears that rebellion could be hatched or plotted during funeral gatherings. “It was the same concern the Union had” following the Civil War, when efforts were taken to clamp down on Southerners for fear of uprisings after the South lost. What is important now, Dr. Blakey says, is to think about what has changed and to use the law as a good, fair and accessible means to petition for funding for maintenance of other African-American graveyards across the state. Dr. Blakey’s work has given us a starting point for identifying some of the hundreds of cemeteries around the commonwealth that hold our ancestors and our history. What is important now, as he notes, is to “involve people who care and who can carry things into the future.” He says the forces that caused our graveyards to be neglected — bureaucracy, the notion of white superiority, the loss of our own institutions, such as the fraternal burial orders and beneficial societies, are still out there ready to drag down our efforts. If we want to ensure that our history and our markers to those who carried African-American progress forward are there for the future, then it is up to us to work to do it. Delegate McQuinn and the volunteers doing the back-breaking work of clearing the undergrowth from East End and Evergreen cemeteries have started. Let’s roll up our sleeves and help.

‘Kremlingate’ President Trump proved once again that he suffers from delusions. This time, he believes that former President Obama wiretapped Trump Tower during the presidential campaign. President Trump issued that allegation last Saturday in an outpouring of mentally jumbled tweets, although he offered no evidence to back up his claim. Even Jim Comey, the wishy-washy FBI director, asked the Justice Department to publicly shut him down. Alas, we are stuck now with congressional committees tacking this look-see onto the real investigation — President Trump’s dealings with the Russians, along with those of his campaign staff, prior to the November election. Did the Russians hack the election? Did Mr. Trump promise the Russians anything if he won the election? Is President Trump financially in the pocket of the Russians? Is he politically in the pocket of Russian President Vladimir Putin? Who’s really running the United States of America? Enough of President Trump’s delusions. We need to get to the bottom of “Kremlingate.”

Sandra Sellars/Richmond Free Press

For-profit prisons trample basic human rights Tuesday, March 7, marked the 52nd anniversary of Bloody Sunday, the historic march and shocking police riot in Selma, Ala., that helped build public support for passage of the federal Voting Rights Act. Now, a halfcentury later, an avowed critic of that law — former Alabama Sen. Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, who was born in Selma — has been confirmed as attorney general of the United States. In one of his first acts in office — reversing former President Obama’s order to phase out the federal government’s use of private prisons — he has begun to weaken civil rights protections. The decision on private prisons reflects President Trump’s desire to repeal all things Obama. It expresses the ideological bias of reactionaries like Mr. Sessions toward privatizing public functions. It also reveals the pervasive corruption already apparent in the Trump administration. According to Reason magazine, the two largest for-profit prison companies in the United States — GEO Group and CoreCivic, formerly Corrections Corporation of America — and their

associates have contributed “more than $10 million to candidates since 1989 and have spent nearly $25 million on lobbying efforts.” When President Trump stoked public fears of violent crime in our cities, called our prison system a “disaster” and endorsed “privatizations and private prisons,” the industry ponied up hundreds of

Jesse L. Jackson Sr. thousands of dollars to support his candidacy. Since November when President Trump won the election, share prices of GEO Group and CoreCivic have soared more than 100 percent. In our corrupted politics, Mr. Sessions’ act helps consolidate their return on investment. Reviving private prisons, however, represents far more than mere anti-Obama venom, ideological preference or even political corruption. It tramples basic civil and human rights. And AfricanAmericans and Latinos who disproportionately populate our prisons will suffer the most. Incarcerating people in forprofit prisons is morally indefensible. Locking people up and turning them over to companies whose primary concerns are profits and return to investors is a recipe for abuse. The record of private prisons demonstrates repeatedly that abuse

is pervasive. In Mr. Sessions’ home state of Alabama, for example, white people constitute two-thirds of the total population but only 42 percent of the prison population. African-Americans represent only one-fourth of the total population, but more than half — 54 percent — of the incarcerated. This is the cause of repeated upheaval and scandal. Private prisons suffer more violence. Underpaid guards too often punish prisoners without accountability. Private prisons, President Obama’s Justice Department found, aren’t as safe for prisoners or for guards as public prisons. They lack the services that might revive hope rather than crush it, such as educational programs and job training. Despite their companies’ claims, private prisons don’t save government much money either. Worse, the thirst for profit overrides the needs of the incarcerated. Private prisons are notorious for skimping on food, facilities and health care. They gouge prisoners even for using the telephone to stay in contact with loved ones. Nearly two-thirds of private prison contracts mandate that state and local governments sustain an occupancy rate — usually 90 percent — or taxpayers pay for the empty beds. At the federal level, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, budget is mandated by the Congress to

Charter schools: Don’t believe hype Last week, Antione Green, former president of the Richmond Crusade for Voters, shared his support of and endorsement for more charter schools in Virginia. I wish to share that any support for charter schools should be tempered and all endorsements should be accompanied with longterm specifics regarding accountability and oversight. I’m relatively new to the Richmond area, but I am an experienced charter school administrator from Detroit. With experiences within charter schools and my extensive research comparing Detroit charter schools with Detroit Public Schools, one thing comes to mind regarding the enthusiasm for more charter schools. It is most eloquently stated by the iconic rap group, Public Enemy: “Don’t Believe the Hype.” Last June, The New York Times ran a story, “A Sea of Charter Schools in Detroit Leaves Students Adrift,” which details the state of public education in Detroit after 20 years of charter schools. To be succinct, Virginians should be leery of charter schools. Charter schools are public schools because they are funded by public dollars. The most remarkable difference is oversight — oversight being an elected school board for traditional public schools compared to appointed charter school boards by the charter schools’ authorizers and management companies. When comparing actual dollars that go toward instruction — teacher salaries and classroom supplies and materials — charter schools in Michigan lag behind public schools there. Most public schoolteachers are more experienced and are more

likely to hold advanced degrees, which means their salaries and benefit packages are higher, compared to charter schoolteachers who tend to have less experience and may only hold a bachelor’s degree. In no way does that diminish the effort and skill of charter

Dr. Sabin P. Duncan schoolteachers. But it distinguishes that despite their lower budgetary costs, with lower salaries and benefits, charter schools in Michigan continue to invest less money on instruction than traditional public schools. To be fair, not all charter schools are the same. In fact, my doctoral research showed that the closer the decision makers are to instruction, the more likely the quality of instruction will be higher. By that, I mean the worse performing charter schools in Michigan are led by national conglomerates — National Heritage Academies, The Leona Group, etc. By comparison, the higher performing charters are independently run and their decision makers have a vested stake in the outcomes of the school. In a data sample from my research on charters and public schools, I ranked each elementary school — charter and public — based on its proficiency on the statewide standardized assessment. The top 19 schools were Detroit Public Schools. The 20th school was a charter school authorized by Detroit Public Schools. Below 20, charter schools were interspersed in the rankings between 21 and 70. The data also showed the 30 poor performing schools were public schools. When averaging the proficiency of the 70-plus public schools and comparing it to the average of the fewer than 30 charter schools, the

charter school proficiency average was higher, less schools along with a less pronounced distribution of scores. Closer investigation revealed that the top performing charters were independent and locally run and the lesser performing charters belonged to national conglomerates, with people far removed from Detroit making decisions about the education for Detroit children. But back to Virginia. Are charters the panacea for public education? Empathically, no. Can some charters — particularly those with dedicated local leadership that spends more money on instruction and less money on administrative oversight — benefit children, particularly those who have limited educational options? Occasionally, yes. In Michigan, although the legal language expressed the option of closing the charter school if the school underperforms academically, that never happens. The charter schools that did close in Michigan closed for financial reasons. Which brings us back to the long-term specifics about accountability and oversight. What I would hate to see for Virginia is private corporations swoop in with upfront cash to start charter schools, recoup their investment and additional profits by shortchanging spending on instruction and leaving families who bought into the hope and hype for something better with more pronounced disappointment because of the lack of foresight of their community leaders. I may be new to Virginia, but the pot-of-gold-at-the-end-ofrainbow myth of charter schools being the remedy for public education is old news. The writer is director of the Freddye T. Davy Honors College at Hampton University.

The Free Press welcomes letters The Richmond Free Press respects the opinions of its readers. We want to hear from you. We invite you to write the editor. All letters will be considered for publication. Concise, typewritten letters related to public matters are preferred. Also include your telephone number(s). Letters should be addressed to: Letters to the Editor, Richmond Free Press, P.O. Box 27709, 422 East Franklin Street, Richmond, VA 23261, or faxed to: (804) 643-7519 or e-mail: letters@richmondfreepress.com.

maintain detention beds for at least 34,000 immigrants daily. Mr. Sessions’ order impacts some 14,000 federal prisoners, a number that has been trending down in recent years. Most of the 2 million prisoners in America are sentenced and held at the state and local level. To them, Mr. Sessions is sending a strong signal — the federal government will be ramping up detentions, particularly of immigrants. It signals to states and localities, many of which have been souring on private prisons, that the federal government is all in for privatization. President Trump has promised a new day for what he calls America’s “inner cities.” But what we’ve seen so far is a return to the failed policies of the past — law and order rhetoric combined with calls for tougher police tactics, harsher sentences and now a corrupt and indefensible embrace of privatized prisons. With Mr. Sessions heading the Department of Justice, President Trump’s divisive racial rhetoric is about to turn into policy. The writer is founder and president of the national Rainbow/ PUSH Coalition.

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