Photo/Dennis Myers
Members of the Land Management Task Force met on January—in the offices of the Nevada Association of Counties.
Not so open Nevada does a poor job of disclosing the corporate welfare it hands out, according to a state-by-state comparison. Good Jobs First (GJF), a D.C. organization that tracks subsidies given to business in various forms (tax credits, exemptions, incentives, etc.), released a study of their transparency on Jan. 29. It ranked Nevada in a tie for 45th place in the nation (Hawaii shared the slot). “While Nevada readily responds to open records requests for subsidy recipient information and has scored well in our previous research on job quality standards and enforcement, the state’s online disclosure barely qualifies for our study,” the GJR report said. “There exists a legislative report with company-specific disclosure information for some of the below-listed programs, but as this is not a regularly issued report it does not qualify for scoring.” As if to make GJF’s point, the Nevada report—“Report on tax abatements, tax exemptions, tax incentives for economic development and tax increment financing in Nevada” by the fiscal division of the Nevada Legislature—is stale. It was released in February 2009 and has not been updated since. So information on the past five years is unavailable in a single location. The GJF is at www.goodjobsfirst.org/showusthesubsidizedjobs. And Nevada’s 2009 list of handouts can be found at http://tinyurl. com/mo64ylu.
Wagner steps out Former Nevada lieutenant governor Sue Wagner last week ended a lifetime as a Republican, saying the party has become too extreme. Born in Portland, Maine, in a traditional Republican family—her father was active in the Maine GOP—she was raised in Arizona and moved to Reno when her scientist husband Pete Wagner took a position with the Desert Research Institute. He was killed on a cloud seeding research flight in 1980. Wagner was elected first to the Nevada Assembly, then the Senate, then to the lieutenant governorship. During her 1990 campaign for lieutenant governor she was seriously injured in a plane crash in Churchill County but was elected and took office on schedule. Her productive legislative record and moderate votes made her one of the most popular Republicans in the state. In 1994 she declined to run for reelection as lieutenant governor but made it clear she was not leaving elective office for good, just taking a hiatus. “I’ll be back,” she said flatly. She was subsequently appointed a state gambling regulator and ran the legislative intern program in Carson City. After U.S. Rep. Barbara Vucanovich announced her retirement from the northern U.S. House seat, Wagner was widely expected to run. But after exploring the race, Wagner said Congress had become too extreme and uncivilized and she chose not to run. So her decision last week to leave the party was not entirely a surprise.
Taber steps down Washoe County Republican chair Tom Taber lasted 205 days in his job before resigning. The county party has been roiled by the same divisions as other county GOPs and the state party, but Taber said his departure is for personal reasons unrelated to those problems. The GOP in Nevada has experienced stresses since Ron Paul supporters became a strong force in 2008. Their influence became even greater in 2012 when they gained full control of the state party machinery. Their support for presidential nominee was considered by longstanding party leaders to be so lukewarm that a sort of party government in exile called Team Nevada to maintain a traditional party role and support Romney. Shortly afterward, the Washoe County Republican Party declared its independence from the Paulists running the state organization and filed with the Federal Elections Commission as a free-standing entity. Taber became Washoe county chair last July after defeating a candidate supported by some Republican officials in elective office. His photo remains the first thing seen on the Washoe GOP website.
--Dennis Myers
8 | RN&R |
FEBRUARY 6, 2014
Asking the barber State panels formed around agendas Some political figures are pointing at two state panels as examples of the way the political process can be worked to by screen out unwelcome viewpoints. Dennis Myers A state task force drafting regulations to deal with fracking appears to be, with one exception, composed of current or former mining executives. And a study committee on land issues has been turned lock, stock and barrel over to a lobby organization and is composed only of members with a predilection for some policy positions.
“Counties have been empire building since 1864.” Fred Lokken Political scientist The memberships of the panels are written into statutes, and those memberships virtually guarantee the outcome of their deliberations. So all of what follows is entirely legal.
Landing a big one The Nevada Land Management Task Force is a temporary body, created by the 2013 Nevada Legislature “to conduct a study addressing the transfer of public lands in Nevada from the Federal Government to the State of Nevada.” It is the latest manifestation of efforts that in the 1970s and ’80s were called the Sagebrush Rebellion and in the 1990s were called the County Supremacy Movement.
The Sagebrush Rebellion was launched in 1979 with passage by the Nevada Legislature of Assembly Bill 413, sponsored by Sen. Dean Rhodes, who then represented most of Elko County. The bill was an effort to wrest control of federally managed lands in the state from the federal government. Other states joined the effort in subsequent months. The Rebellion ended up a victim of its publicity—it was on the cover of Newsweek—plus the election of Ronald Reagan as president. As more Nevadans became aware of the implications of the state controlling vast swaths of range and forest land, the urban character of the state came into play politically. While the rural counties were anxious to get their hands on the land, reaction to the notion was more tepid where the population was, in Clark and Washoe counties. Reagan’s election and his appointment of Interior Department officials more in sympathy with Rebellion leaders helped satisfy some of their demands, but made urbanites more concerned than ever. It became clear that additional legislation from later sessions of a Nevada Legislature dominated by urban legislators would be hard to come by. In the end, the expected lawsuits against the feds never came. Supporters of the movement had to be content with whatever gains they made administratively. The County Supremacy Movement had less support from state governments and was shorter lived than the Rebellion but more militant. (Rhodes
resisted the use of the term Sagebrush Rebellion by the new group.) In a climate of discontent with the Clinton administration and the impact of drought, Nye County Commissioner Dick Carver inspired advocates by winning passage of a local ordinance claiming ownership of public land and illegally built a road on Forest Service land with a bulldozer. The illegality was expanded on by others as a Forest Service office in Carson City and the home of a Forest Service official were bombed. That effort dwindled out. Then last year lawmakers created the Land Management Task Force. It was done more quietly, to avoid arousing opposition, and the panel is structured so only county officials serve. The Legislature created a body appointed by county commissions, most of which chose their own members. This deft maneuver virtually guarantees the recommendations— asking a county commissioner if he wants land from the federal government is like a customer asking a barber if he needs a haircut. It also makes the panel look like the legislature before One Person/One Vote became the law. The two counties where 85.8 percent of the residents live have two members and the remaining 14.2 percent have 15 members. Unlike some such panels, members of the public are not invited to apply for seats. The Committee on Industrial Programs, for example, has four legislative members and five public members. More remarkable is a clause in the legislation saying the task force will be administered not by the legislative staff but by counties and the Nevada Association of Counties (NACO), a private group that represents the interests of counties. Last year NACO had four lobbyists at the Legislature. Assemblymember David Bobzien said it was done that way because the bill creating the panel would not have passed otherwise. “It was pretty well decided that the fiscal cost of this was not something worth undertaking.” So a lobbying organization was given control of the panel—which, Bobzien argues, distorts the process. “But the fact that the organization that staffed the study has a bias skews its deliberations,” he said. Assemblymember John Ellison, sponsor of the bill creating the task force, said the county orientation is because that “is closest to the people—city councils and county commissioners. That’s the only reason we did it that way, that and who can pay for the study.” Task force chair Demar Dahl more or less confirmed that the county orientation tilts in favor of one viewpoint: “That may be the case, all right,
