This is the cover sheet to the 28-page novella composed by legislative staff to refuse release of records on legislators.
Graham to speak Evangelist Franklin Graham will be holding a March 30 event in Carson City, the next-to-last stop on a 13-city tour designed to halt the country from “racing toward moral decline.” The gathering will be held at noon on the mall north of the Legislative Building. Graham is noted as a leading Christian critic of Islam. Following the September 11 tragedies, he described Islam as “a very evil and wicked religion,” prompting criticism from the Military Religious Freedom Foundation and Graham’s exclusion from National Day of Prayer ceremonies at the Pentagon. Last weekend he urged his supporters to vote in November, even if they must choose between two “heathen” candidates. “You may have to hold your nose,” he said. “You may have to decide which is the least heathen of the two heathen.”
Musk stays out of GOP mess Nevada welfare recipient Elon Musk last week denied being an anti-Trump plotter. Huffington Post, in a report recycled on dozens of websites, said the Tesla exec had attended “secretive” meetings held in Georgia at which a stop-Trump effort was discussed. Musk tweeted, “The AEI meeting wasn’t secret and I was only there for a few hours to talk about Mars and sustainable energy. Nothing to do with Trump.” Which is not to say he’s supporting Trump. Another twit asked him and Musk replied, “No.”
Limitless legislative power?
Mustang myth There’s a story about Nevada that pops up on the internet regularly. Here is an example, from www.usmessageboard.com: “Our government can’t even run a whore house. Back in 1990, the government seized the Mustang Ranch brothel in Nevada for tax evasion and, as required by law, tried to run it. They failed, and it closed. Now we are trusting the economy of our country to a pack of nit-wits who couldn’t make money running a whore house and selling booze?” There are variants on this tale, including one in which a federal bailout is claimed. Last week, the Jacksonville Times Union became the latest outlet to try to correct the record with a fact-checking article. The myth-busting Snopes.com has long since had a page devoted to this fakelore. So does About.com. But with at least 229,000 other sites carrying the fairy tale as gospel, it will probably be around for a while. For the record, here’s what actually happened: On Sept. 21, 1990, the Internal Revenue Service seized the Mustang Ranch for back taxes estimated at $13 million, and the bankruptcy court here in Reno ordered it be liquidated. Bankruptcy trustee Jerri Coppa intended to run the brothel until it could be sold but, when she arrived to take possession, it had already been shut down. There was talk about someone else being hired to run the business for the government, but in October the Storey County Commission revoked the license and, in November, the ranch and its furnishings were auctioned off. The federal government never operated it and there was no bailout. However, according to historian Guy Louis Rocha, there was an occasion when the federal government operated a prostitution house in Nevada. It doesn’t fit the anti-government template as well, however—the operation was well managed. On Aug. 20, 1913, a federal judge in Carson City appointed Frank Bonneau a receiver for the financially troubled Big Casino Co. in Tonopah, which owned the Big Casino Saloon & Restaurant, which openly offered prostitution. Bonneau kept the operation going, but in November the Nye County Commission revoked the liquor license on grounds the owners had conducted illegal gambling. It survived as the Big Casino Hotel and still offered prostitution.
—Dennis Myers
8 | RN&R |
MARCH 24, 2016
Private records Last month, as part of a nationwide Associated Press test of transparency in state governments, Nevada AP reporter by Michelle Rindels requested copies of Dennis Myers emails and schedules of Gov. Brian Sandoval and several legislative leaders from the first week of last year’s Nevada Legislature. Sandoval’s office provided the calendar information required—one flight information number was redacted—and promised the emails were forthcoming.
The word privilege is used 106 times. The legislature, however, declined to provide any of the requested information and explained why in a remarkable letter. Not counting extraneous matter like signatures, it was 12,578 words long. The U.S. Constitution is 4,609 words long—counting extraneous matter like signatures. The letter invokes “exclusive and paramount powers” in the Nevada Constitution for legislators to determine the rules of their own houses. It further argues that the Nevada public records law “does not apply to the requested materials because the materials are ‘otherwise declared by law to be confidential’ under the common-law balancing of private and
public interests given that the interests in privacy and nondisclosure outweigh any countervailing interests in public access.” The word privilege is used in some form 106 times in the letter. This unusual response raised suspicions. “The extent of the reaction makes you wonder, ‘What do they have to hide?’” Nevada Press Association director Barry Smith told Rindels. The letter was created by legislative litigator Kevin Powers and legislative counsel Brenda Erdoes. A preface to the bill says that it is a re-statement of existing law. Among other things, it relies for authority on Assembly Bill 496, which was slid through the legislative process in the closing hours of last year’s legislature by legislative staff. This is paradoxical, because the letter argues that the legislature’s constitutional shelter from statutes cannot be overridden even by statutes enacted by the legislators. The public was not given notice of the bill, and it was heard in the Assembly Legislative Operations and Elections Committee the day after it was introduced, on the last day of the legislature. Powers gave the only testimony, and the committee gave it a “do pass” recommendation to the full Assembly. In the course of that committee hearing, a question from Democratic Assemblymember James Ohrenschall to Powers reads in part, “Using another hypothetical example, someone put in a public records request wanting to know all the travel
that Senator X took, that would be granted.” Powers replied in part, “That is correct. Section 2, subsection 6 of this bill says the records of the travel expenses of legislators and employees of LCB [the Legislative Counsel Bureau] are available for public inspection.” That was as close as legislators came to addressing the issues in the current dispute. No legislator asked why, if the concept was already in the law, it was necessary to enact a new measure saying the same thing. During the Senate hearing, no questions were asked by senators. During the Assembly hearing, there were several questions, but not one legislator asked why the bill had not been introduced early in the session. Waiting for the closing days until now has generally been a technique employed by lobbyists. Since the letter was sent, commentary has focused on whether there is any limit to legislative authority under the scenario outlined in that letter. We sent queries to 62 legislators or former legislators who voted for this measure. Eight responded. Most of those eight seemed not to remember the bill, and responded by quoting the staff-written preface. Republican Assm. Randy Kirner wrote, “As to AB496, again it wasn’t new legislation, just clarification of already existing law and … intended to clarify rather than change existing law. I think the criticism is stretching and I agree with the prohibition as explained by LCB. It is easy to criticize RINDELS when sitting in the bleachers. Being on the field is a different experience.” Democratic Assemblymember Elliott Anderson: “I voted for it because our legislative counsel advised it codified existing legislative privilege law, as developed by the courts, which is discussed in the legislative digest of Assembly Bill 496. Due to the late introduction of the bill from the Assembly Legislative Operations and Elections Committee, I heavily relied on this advice, along with reading the material myself. In light of the recent attention to the bill, I am both taking a second look at the bill and the case law in order to ensure that we balance transparency with the need for us to get candid advice in order to properly serve our constituents.” Republican Assemblymember Philip “PK” O’Neill: “It received