T he R aab C ollection November 2011
A crucial document in Cold War history and U.S. relations with Europe
T he R aab C ollection ,
llc N ovember 2011
P.O. Box 471 Ardmore, PA 19003 (800) 977-8333 www.raabcollection.com
All material is guaranteed to be genuine, without time limit, to the original purchaser. We want you to be satisfied, so any item not purchased on layaway may be returned (in the same condition as received) for a full refund within 5 days of receipt. We accept Mastercard, Visa, American Express, check or money order. A layaway plan is also available and can be customized to fit your needs.
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First Ever Thanksgiving Proclamation 1 The Issued by a Man Holding the Title President
of the United States - John Hanson - Obtained Directly From the Hanson Descendants With the government under the Articles of Confederation formed and the Revolution nearing Its end, the nation pauses to give thanks “When the lust of dominion or lawless ambition excites arbitrary power to invade the rights or endeavor to wrest from a people their sacred and inalienable privileges, and compels them, in defense of the same, to encounter all the horrors and calamities of a bloody and vindictive war, then is that people loudly called upon to fly unto that God for protection who hears the cries of the distressed and will not turn a deaf ear to the supplications of the oppressed.”
Beginning in 1775, the Second Continental Congress acted as the Provisional Government and ran the operations of the war. It wielded great political and diplomatic power but had no written foundation document. But this was an era of constitution writing, and even as the war waged, most states were busy at that task, and leaders felt the new nation must have a written constitution. On June 12, 1776, a day after appointing a committee to prepare a draft of the Declaration of Independence, Congress resolved to appoint a committee of 13 to prepare a draft of a constitution for a national union. The result was the Articles of Confederation, America’s first Constitution, which was drafted in the summer of 1777.
John Hanson was among the delegates from Maryland to support the ratification of the Articles. He had been a leading opponent of the 1765 Stamp Act, chairing the committee that drafted the instructions for Maryland’s delegates to the Stamp Act Congress. In protest of the Townshend Acts, in 1769 Hanson was one of the signers of a nonimportation resolution that boycotted British imports until the acts were repealed. He lost a son in the war but was active in recruiting soldiers to join Washington’s army. And in 1779, Maryland sent him to represent the state at the 2nd Continental Congress. There he pushed for adoption of the Articles and helped convince the Maryland legislature of its necessity. This led the adoption of the Articles by his state, the final state to do so. The Articles called for the election of a President to serve a one year term, the first national leader elected under an American Constitution. He was to be called “President of the United States in Congress Assembled.” The first person to be elected and serve the one year term, and to hold the title “President of the United States,” was John Hanson. Hanson presided over the new nation during momentous times. He took office just a month after the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. On February 21, 1782, Hanson signed a resolution creating the US Mint. The next day, his administration formed a newly reorganized Department of Foreign Affairs, which would be integral to the negotiating of peace with Great Britain. It was at this crucial moment that Hanson and Congress stopped to reflect on the successful progress of the war, with Hanson issuing a proclamation of Thanksgiving, the first under his government and the first issued by a “President of the United States.” To formally notify the states, one fully executed original was sent to each of the 13 states in the Union. Document Signed, March 19, 1782, Philadelphia, being that very proclamation, also signed by Charles Thomson in his role as Secretary of Congress. “Proclamation. The goodness of the Supreme Being to all his rational creatures demands their acknowledgments of gratitude and love; his absolute government of this world dictates that it is the interest of every nation and people ardently to supplicate his favor and implore his protection. “When the lust of dominion or lawless ambition excites arbitrary power to invade the rights or endeavor to wrest from a people their
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sacred and inalienable privileges, and compels them, in defense of the same, to encounter all the horrors and calamities of a bloody and vindictive war, then is that people loudly called upon to fly unto that God for protection who hears the cries of the distressed and will not turn a deaf ear to the supplications of the oppressed. “Great Britain, hitherto left to infatuated councils and to pursue measures repugnant to her own interest and distressing to this country, still persists in the design of subjugating these United States; which will compel us into another active and perhaps bloody campaign. “The United States in Congress assembled, therefore, taking into consideration our present situation, our multiplied transgressions of the holy laws of our God, and his past acts of kindness and goodness towards us, which we ought to record with the liveliest gratitude, think it their indispensable duty to call upon the several States to set apart the last Thursday in April next as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, that our joint supplications may then ascend to the throne of the Ruler of the universe, beseeching him to diffuse a spirit of universal reformation among all ranks and degrees of our citizens, and make us a holy so that we may be a happy, people; that it would please him to impart wisdom, integrity, and unanimity to our counselors; to bless and prosper the reign of our illustrious ally, and give success to his arms employed in the defense of the rights of human nature; that he would smile upon our military arrangements by land and sea, administer comfort and consolation to our prisoners in a cruel captivity, protect the health and life of our commander-in-chief, grant us victory over our enemies, establish peace in all our borders, and give happiness to all our inhabitants; that he would prosper the labor of the husbandman, making the earth yield its increase in abundance, and give a proper season for the ingathering of the fruits thereof; that he would grant success to all engaged in lawful trade and commerce, and take under his guardianship all schools and Seminaries of learning, and make them nurseries of virtue and piety; that he would incline the hearts of all men to peace, and fill them with universal charity and benevolence, and that the religion of our Devine Redeemer, with all its benign influences, may cover the earth as the waters cover the seas.
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“Done by the United States in Congress assembled this nineteenth day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand sevent hundred & eighty two and in the sixth year of our independence. John Hanson President. Also Signed by the Secretary of Congress Charles Thomson.”
This document, acquired from the descendants of John Hanson, was the one sent to Rhode Island; it was re-acquired by the Hanson family in the 19th century. We could find record of only one other copy of this proclamation, which sold more than a decade ago to a major national institution. Thus, this may well be the only original of this proclamation in private hands. Hanson would leave office with the signing of the preliminary Articles of Peace. During his one year in office, he approved the Great Seal of the United States that is still used today and helped establish the first U.S. Treasury Department. He led the flight to guarantee the statehood of the Western Territories beyond the Appalachian Mountains that had been controlled by some of the original thirteen colonies. Hanson’s statue sits today in Statuary Hall in the U.S. Capitol. Rituals of Presidents declaring Thanksgiving days for fasting, prayer and thanks began before independence was declared. However, this is the first Proclamation of Thanksgiving given by a duly elected “President of the United States” and the immediate predecessor to the Proclamation of later that year that established November as the time in which the nation would thereafter formally celebrate the holiday. $33,000
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Bottle of Wine From the Cellar of a Founding 2 AFather, the First Man Who Held the Title “President of the United States” - John Hanson Obtained directly from the Hanson descendants, it still has a small piece of his red seal attached
The history of wine in America is irrevocably tied to the history of port and other fortified wines, which are created by adding harder liquor to red wine. Portugal and the island of Madeira, leading makers of these wines, served as wellknown ports for various shipping routes going to and from the New World. Prior to the Revolution, England had specific legislation in place that prevented the export of wine to British colonies in the New World unless it came on a British vessel and originated from a British port of call. However, the island of Madeira was exempt from this law. After the outbreak of hostilities, wine and other goods from Portugal were more prevalent as goods from Great Britain and France became harder to get. Lastly, fortified wines lasted longer and were more durable during the long voyage from Europe across the Atlantic, where they would be bottled. Ports and other fortified wines are well known for being the dominate toasting wines for our nation’s Founding Fathers. They drank madeira to celebrate the signing the of the Declaration of Independence. Washington so liked fortified wine that he used this to toast at his inauguration. On one occasion, John Adams wrote to his wife Abigail of the great quantities he consumed while a Massachusetts delegate to the Continental Congress. Chief Justice John Marshall was also known to appreciate it. A bottle was used to christen the USS Constitution in 1797. It was a favorite of Thomas Jefferson, who recalled in 1817, “The taste of this country (was) artificially created by our long restraint under the English government to the strong wines of Portugal and Spain.”
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John Hanson was a member of the Continental Congress from Maryland and a strong advocate of the Articles of Confederation. He was instrumental in convincing the Maryland legislature to ratify the Articles; it was the final state to do so. The Articles called for the election of a President to serve a one year term, and the man selected would be the first national
leader elected under an American Constitution. He was to be called “The President of the United States in Congress Assembled,” and would thus become the first person to hold the title “President of the United States.” Hanson was unanimously elected as the first President under the terms of the Articles. A Great Rarity; An Original Bottle of Fortified Wine, Port, from Hanson’s Wine Cellar, acquired from the direct descendants of John Hanson, giving a continuous provenance to date. The bottle was created by the glass blowing process, and has approximately 1/4 ullage, the process by which shrinking corks allowed the evaporation of wine in old bottles. Affixed is an early American manuscript label, reading, “Very fine old port, impression on sealing wax, age unknown, belonged to John Hanson, president Continental Congress, who died in 1783.” The bottle is still corked, and though most of Hanson’s own original red sealing wax is gone, there is a small amount remaining, and the impression from Hanson’s seal has been offset onto the label itself. Our research has failed to discover a single bottle of wine of any kind belonging to a Founding Father with the provenance of having been acquired directly from the descendants.$10,000
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A Christmas Card, From Mary and Ernest Hemingway, From the Year he Wrote Old Man and the Sea With a photograph of Hemingway’s Boat, “Pilar,” reproduced on the cover, and a reference to a work of Alfred Jarry
Alfred Jarry, best known for his play Ubu Roi, or King Ubu, is often cited as a forerunner to the surrealist theatre of the 1920s and 1930s. Ubu Roi famously begins with the main character exclaiming “merdre,” mispronouncing “merde,” a new word roughly translated as “Shite.” This word threw the audience at the Theatre de l’Oeuvre into a frenzy on opening night in 1896. Parisians did not take well to the affront from a 23 yearold playwright. This broadside of “Shite!” successfully shot Jarry to stardom. In August 1952, under a new posthumous translation, the work was revived. A performance was scheduled in New York City, where the lead actor, improvising, added Hemingway’s name. “Oh Merdre! All the important personages, into the trap... Winston Churchill, into the trap.
Ernest Hemingway, into the trap.” On September 1, Hemingway published the the novella The Old Man and the Sea, and the story of Santiago the fisherman brought Hemingway critical and critical success. At the time, he was living with his wife Mary in Cuba and writing. With a successful year behind him and a Nobel Prize to greet him the next year, he wrote an unidentified friend this Christmas Card, sending an image of his boat and quoting Jarry’s madeup word. Document signed by Mary and Ernest Hemingway, a printed Christmas card with the inscription “Merry Christmas – Happy New Year/Mary and Ernest Hemingway / Fincia Vigia / San Francisco de Paul / Cuba” on the inside. It is inscribed first by Mary: “Meilleurs souhaites” and below that by Hemingway, who has drawn an arrow to the “Merry Christmas” line, and written, “This isn’t sarcasm. Probably this year we ought to just say ‘Merdre’ EH.” $2,500 Page 7
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The End of Camelot: The Kennedys Come Together to Follow the Fallen President’s Final Instructions and Set Up His Estate By now the numbness had been replaced with astonishment. The funeral of President Kennedy took place on Monday the 25th, and the country was in deep mourning. As the funeral cortege stopped at the White House, the Naval Academy choir sang “The Navy Hymn” - “Eternal Father, Strong to save, Whose arm hath bound the restless wave, Who bid’st the mighty Ocean deep its own appointed limits keep; O hear us when we cry to thee, for those in peril on the sea.” Then to the cathedral for the funeral mass, and about 1:30 the funeral procession to Arlington National Cemetery began, led by the Kennedy family all in black and followed by a collection of the world’s greatest leaders. The scene at the cemetery was very emotional and ended with the folded flag that covered the coffin being presented to Mrs. Kennedy, who immediately felt the weight of widowhood and raising two children without their father fall on her shoulders. At nightfall, an eternal light was lit. Thus ended Camelot. Likely the Only Documents From President John F. Kennedy’s Estate Ever to Come Onto the Market They are also the sole documents signed by Jacqueline, Robert and Edward Kennedy that we can recall ever seeing
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Friday, November 22, 1963 was a day that everyone old enough to remember can tell you exactly what they were doing when they heard the news. John F. Kennedy, the young and popular president, had been shot. Not an hour later came the word that he had died. The nation was in shock. The next day Kennedy’s body lay in state in the White House and the country found itself staring at the television watching the event. That day notables began arriving in Washington from around the country and the world to attend the funeral, among them France’s Charles De Gaulle. By this time the solemn images had made the reality sink in, and people were numb. On Sunday the 24th the President’s body lay in state in the rotunda of the U.S. Capitol, And while it was there, the alleged lone assassin of the President was murdered on live television before the nation’s eyes within the precincts of the Dallas police station. So now there were two murders, and with the latter went any hope Oswald’s giving his account of what had transpired.
These four days were deeply traumatic for the nation, and etched deeply into the mind a warm image of President Kennedy, an idealized vision of his brief administration, and a horror at his end. Robert Kennedy served as attorney general from January 21, 1961, until his resignation on September 3, 1964. The months after his brother ’s death were a desperate grief-striken time for him, and he spent long hours staring out windows or walking in the Virginia woods, Meanwhile, he continued his brother ’s policies by supporting civil rights and leading a tough campaign against organized crime. RFK ran for president in 1968, but during that campaign he was himsel assassinated. Ted was the youngest of the Kennedy brothers and the longest lived. In 1962, he was elected to fill the Senate seat vacated by his brother, and his Senate career spanned more than 30 years, making him the third longest sitting Senator in history. His influence among fellow Democrats and senior position earned him the nickname “Lion of the Senate.” After his assassination, and once the dust had cleared, the grieving widow and the remaining Kennedy brothers came
together to settle his estate and ensure his lasting legacy. President Kennedy’s will set up trusts in favor of his wife and children, and it also named as a charity he supported the Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr. Foundation, “which was established in honor of my late beloved brother.” For the benefit of the beneficiaries, who were mainly Mrs. Kennedy and any children they might have, the trustees would invest and manage the assets of the estate, and take such actions as purchase securities and buy and sell real estate. The will further stated, “I hereby nominate, constitute and appoint my wife, JACQUELINE B. KENNEDY, and my brothers, ROBERT F. KENNEDY and EDWARD M. KENNEDY, as Executors of, and Trustees under, this my Last Will and Testament.” Thus, three executors and trustees were Mrs. Kennedy and the President’s two brothers. The will would have been admitted for probate, and the executors and trustees given legal authority to act on the estate’s behalf, in 1964. Based on the terms of the will, the likelihood is that the trusts set up then are still in existence today. Each of the following two documents is a fully executed copy retained by the estate’s accountant for his file, and it is from his family that they have recently been obtained.
todian account would be used to make and manage investments, to increase its assets, etc. The original of this document would have been filed filed with Bankers Trust. $27,500
The Three Kennedy’s Authorize the Estate’s Bank to Manage the Account Moving Forward Document Signed for the estate by its executors and trustees: Jacqueline Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, and Edward (Ted) Kennedy, New York, August 25, 1964. This is the Custodian Agreement that authorizes Bankers Trust Company to collect the estate’s “interest, dividends, proceeds of sales, and other monies due and collectible...,” and to direct them into the estate’s deposit account. Two great and extraordinary rarities at a time when the Kennedys came together to follow the fallen president’s final instructions. $18,000
The John F. Kennedy Library has no materials relating to the Kennedy estate, nor is it aware of a place where such records can be found. We have searched extensively in records going back decades and cannot find another document from the estate ever having been offered for sale. This is perhaps not surprising, as records of active trusts and estates are seldom available to the general public. Moreover, we do not recall previously having seen any document signed by Jacqueline, Robert and Edward Kennedy.
RFK, Ted, and Jacqueline Set up the Bank Account For the President’s Estate Any estate with assets must have a bank account. Document Signed by all the estate’s executors and trustees: Jacqueline Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, and Edward (Ted) Kennedy, in their capacities as executors and executrix of John F. Kennedy’s estate, New York, August 25, 1964, setting up bank accounts for the President’s estate. In it, they establish separate estate and custodian checking accounts with Bankers Trust Company, both “in the name of John F. Kennedy, Deceased.” The estate account would have been used to make disbursements from the estate and receive monies due to the estate; the cus-
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Abraham Lincoln and the Confederate Bribery Incident General De Ahna alleged that the rebels were sending money to pay Union officers to betray their commands and surrender
Henry C. De Ahna was a German officer who was given a colonelcy of an Indiana regiment at the start of the Civil War. His superior was General John C. Fremont, and when the imperious De Ahna tried to enter his even more imperious commander ’s headquarters, he was stopped by the sentinal and told he was not on the approved entry list. He indignantly forced his way past anyway, and for this rather minor infraction was court marshaled for conduct unbecoming a gentleman. He was convicted, but that verdict was overturned on appeal by the Judge Advocate and the overturning concurred in by Gen. Winfield Scott. President Lincoln pardoned him, the reason being, as noted by John Hay in his journal, that De Ahna had “suffered sufficiently for having lifted his recalcitrant heel against the dignity of the General’s [Fremont’s] Body Guard.” Then De Ahna, through his friendship with the Blair family, somehow got the President to nominate him for brigadier general. The Senate refused to confirm, one senator calling De Ahna a foreign adventurer. Gen. Frank Blair again intervened, asking Lincoln to make De Ahna a member of
member of General McClellan’s staff. That never happened, and Lincoln, initially in sympathy with De Ahna, may have ended up seeing him as tiresome. On August 10, 1863, Lincoln was a busy man, metting with General Hooker and with abolitionist Frederick Douglass. John Hay recorded, “[Douglass] intends to go south and help the recruiting among his people.” The President acknowledged that “Douglass is...a loyal, free, man, and is, hence, entitled to travel, unmolested. We trust he will be recognized everywhere, as a free man, and a gentleman.” Lincoln also found time for a brief visit from De Ahna that day. But this time De Ahna did not olny come pleading for a job, but to tell the President a tale involving a Confederate attempt to bribe Union generals to betray their commands and surrender. He came with $2000, the supposed down payment of bribe money. This promised to be a long meeting, Lincoln apparently thought as De Ahna began, and the President had neither time nor inclination to hear him out. Since there was money in-
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volved, Lincoln pawned De Ahna off on Secretary of the Treasury Chase. Autograph Note Signed, Washington, August 10, 1863, to Secretary Chase. “Hon. Sec. of the Treasury, Please see & hear Gen. De Ahna.”
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So as not to step on toes, Chase contacted Secretaray of War Stanton, who agreed Chase should see De Ahna, which he did. Chase recorded the details of his meeting with De Ahna in his diary in the entry for Thursday, October 1, 1863. “General called with strange story. He says a letter came from Richmond with $3000 from [Judah] Benjamin. The money was to be used by Charles d’Arnaud, formerly of Fremont’s staff, to corrupt Percy Wyndham, an officer of one of our cavalry regiments & induce him to betray his command to the enemy. This letter came to a Mrs. Van Camp, wife of Mr Van Camp, said to have the confidence of the President...and through some mistake in identity this letter of Benjamin came to De Ahna.” Chase continued, “He showed me Benjamin’s note
which promised compensation for ‘articles’ meaning I suppose ‘horses.’ He also paid over to Hogan [a Treasury detective] $2000 of the money sent by Benjamin which I directed Hogan to deposit with Jay Cooke & Co. De Ahan was told to discover, if he could, what was being done in complicity with the rebels & advise me or the Secretary of War.” In December 1864 Congress ordered the money given over by De Ahna be confiscated by the United States. Om January 31 1864, De Ahna wrote Lincoln a lengthy letter in which he refered to his meeting with Chase. The letter complained that Chase had not believed him despite evidence, and that nothing had been done to follow up on this serious matter. If Lincoln ever replied, it is not recorded. Although clearly Lincoln, Chase and Seward were not worried, there was a real letter from Benjamin and $2000 in cash with more promised. The real truth behind the matter was never determined. As for De Ahna, he ended up as Collector of Customs at Sitka, Alaska. $9,200
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The Original Signed Fair Copy of a Published Sonnet of James Russell Lowell Written to the daughter of the First President of Johns Hopkins University
James Russell Lowell was an American Romantic poet, as well as a critic, editor and even American diplomat, best known for his association with the “Fireside Poets.� These were a group of New England poets whose popularity made them the first American poets to rival the popularity of British poets of their day. The Fireside Poets are generally accepted to consist of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, William Cullen Bryant, James Russell Lowell, John Greenleaf Whittier, and Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr. These poets earned their nickname through their strict adherence to poetic convention such as meter and rhyme scheme which made their works particularly easy to memorize and recite. This made them perfect for entertaining families around the fire. Lowell and Longfellow were actually lifelong friends. Lowell went to Harvard College and also earned a degree from Harvard Law School. He returned to teach literature
ZOOM there in 1856, a position he held for 20 years. He also went on to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Spain and also to England and eventually died on the same estate where he was born. He believed that the poet served an important role in society - that of both critic and prophet. Lowell used his poetry for reform, most notably for the abolitionist movement, in which he and his first wife Maria White were avid believers. However, as he got older and after the death of Maria, his activity with the movement seemed to wane. In February of 1877 Lowell traveled to Baltimore where he gave a series of 20 lectures on literature of the Romance languages at Johns Hopkins University. The University’s 10thanniversary was held during his stay there and he was the recipient of much hospitality, engratiating himself in the society and making himself a most welcome guest. Later in life Lowell referred to his time at Hopkins as one of the most
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pleasant months of his life. The Mr. Child he refers to in the letter was his companion and friend during his teaching days at Harvard, Professor Francis J. Child, who had been named Harvard’s first English Professor in 1876. As an expression of his fondness for his time in Baltimore, Lowell penned a sonnet to a young daughter of the first President of Johns Hopkins University, Daniel Coit Gilman, in response to flowers she had sent him. He enclosed it with this Autograph Letter Signed from his home in Elmwood, Cambridge, Mass., 7 April, 1877. This was just 4 months before he left for Spain as Ambassador. “Dear Miss Alice, I shall assume for my own convenience that there just fourteen roses in the lovely sheaf I found in my room when I came in for shelter from the ill humor of that February day, so unlike the temperature both outward and inward to which Baltimore had accustomed us. I repay them in fourteen verses and I wish it were as easy to match the sweetness of your sonnet as its numbers. However, I promised you that I would send it and I have not forgotten, but have had so many things to do that I had delayed paying my debt till you had half forgotten your debtor. The two quatrains with which my sonnet gets well underway were written on the spot with your roses comforting two of my benumbed senses. Luckily I wrote them on the back of an invitation which certifies to the date – “Saturday, 24th feby”. The concluding triplets I had partly written down when I was interrupted , and I finished them this morning. I wish it was better, but at least the gratitude will last if not the sonnet. I suppose by this time you speak Latin as readily as Sir Hudibras to whom it , “was no more difficult than to a blackbird tis to whistle,” and that you read your New Testament in the original for ease in understanding. Pray give my kindest remembrances to your father and aunts, who may be sure of them so long as I last, and don’t leave out Lizzie. If Mr. Child knew of my writing, he would send his love. Indeed he would have sent it himself for this but that he has so occupied . Hoping one of these days to welcome you here. I remain heartily yours, J.R. Lowell” Autograph Sonnet Signed, an actual “Fair Copy” of this published work, attached to the letter previously mentioned. “To Miss Alice Gilman Who sent me roses, 24th February 1877 A handful of ripe rosebuds in my room / I found when all heaven’s mercy seemed shut out / By clouds morose that dallied with a doubt / ‘tween rain and snow: meanwhile mine eyes with bloom / were Page 14
comforted, and over summer’s tomb, / Out of your gift rose nightingales to flout / with easter prophecies the chill without / And sing the mind clear of the season’s gloom / So may your innocent fancy be carest / Ever with impulses to timely deeds / Generous of sunshine, and your life be blest / with flower and fruit immortal , sprung of seeds / Sown by those singing birds that make their rest / In natures thoughtful of another’s needs! / J.R. Lowell” A great rarity, a search of public records going back almost four decades failed to show any fair copy of a Lowell work. $1,000
F. Kennedy’s Original Order to Continue Aid to America’s Chief Allies in the Cold War: 7 John For the Year in Which the Cuban Missile Crisis and Berlin Confrontation Occurred “I hereby direct the continuance of United States assistance to the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Turkey, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Japan.”
A crucial document in Cold War history and U.S. relations with Europe, it included the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Turkey, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Japan
Foreign aid first arose as an American policy during and in the wake of World War I, and much of it was food and disaster aid. In the Lend-lease program, which began in 1941, the United States sent large amounts of war materials and other supplies to nations whose defense was considered vital to the defense of the United States. This aid went mainly to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. It was only after the war that U.S. aid became a major instrument of policy, with the American people making large financial contributions to European and other nations for their reconstruction, and with the Cold War, for their defense against the threat of Communism. The Marshall Plan, the Truman Doctrine, and other programs giving aide to Europe, Turkey and Japan were an integral part of the U.S. plan to hem in the Soviets, while also building up and defending allies who were helping it to accomplish its goals. The Mutual Defense Assistance Act was passed by Congress and signed by President Harry S. Truman on October 6, 1949. It was the first U.S. military foreign aid legislation of the Cold War era, and provided aid to Europe to help fight the Soviet threat to that continent. It was reauthorized in 1950. The
next year it was succeeded by the Mutual Security Act, and a newly created independent agency, the Mutual Security Administration, to supervise all foreign aid programs, including both military assistance programs and non-military, economic assistance programs that bolstered the defense capability of U.S. allies. Along with that act came the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951, which was an integral part of the American policy of containment of Communism. This required foreign nations receiving U.S. aid to place restrictions on the export of strategic and military items to the Soviet bloc or to other countries which it felt would be detrimental to the foreign policy program of the U.S. The idea was that this would hinder Soviet production and armaments programs, draw American allies into cooperating with the containment policy effort, and preclude funds being sent to those assisting our foes. The act gave a broad definition of items to be embargoed (they included such categories as transportation materials and petroleum) as well as nations to be embargoed (not just the Soviet Union but a good portion of Eastern Europe, including Poland and Czechoslovakia). It provided that “All military, economic, or financial assistance to any nation shall...be terminated forthwith if such nation...knowingly permits the shipment of such items” to the embargoed nations. Most if not all of America’s allies engaged in some trade with the Soviet bloc that might fall under the law, so this act in effect could have made the continuation of foreign aid to American allies next to impossible. To avoid this unintended consequence, the law provided that in cases not involving actual implements of war, the President could, after consulting with the State Department, Defense Department, and other agencies, on his own authority, continue foreign aid to a nation after taking “into account the contribution of such country to the mutual security of the free world, the importance of such assistance to the security of the United States....and the adequacy of such country’s control over the exports to the Soviet bloc of items of strategic importance,” as well as whether “the cession of
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aid would clearly be detrimental to the security of the United States.” The President was required to report foreign aid continuance determinations to Congress to make them lawful. Thus, monies authorized in foreign aid appropriations bills and earmarked to be sent to specific allies could not be sent without the President’s signed order to Congress that he was continuing the aid, and doing so pursuant to the act. Memorandum Signed as President, on White House letterhead, Washington, April 18, 1962, addressed to the Secretary of State, but for the Under Secretary of State George Ball, being President Kennedy’s original order to dispense foreign aid to all of the United States’ chief allies in the Cold War. “Determination under section 103 (b) of the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951 and in accordance with the recommendation contained in your letter of April 12, 1962, concurred in by the Department of State, the Department of Defense, the Department of Commerce, and the Agency For International Development, I hereby direct the continuance of United States assistance to the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Turkey, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Japan. You are hereby directed to inform the Chairmen of the six Congressional Committees of this determination pursuant to the reporting requirements of section 103 (b) of the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act of 1951.” Back then the government fiscal year ended June 30, so this order would have been for aid for the July 1, 1962-June 30, 1963 fiscal year, a time period in which the confrontation with the Soviets in Berlin made this very aid crucial and the Cuban Missile Crisis occurred. We have never seen, nor did our search of records for the past 35 years turn up, a more important post-World War II presidential order offered for sale, let alone one by Kennedy, of whom very few historical documents of sweeping import reach the market at all. $38,500
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and uniforms to men in need. Known as the soldiers’ friend, Lafayette shared the hardships with his men, even when his rank entitled him to special privileges. Lafayette was hailed as “the Hero of Two Worlds,” and on returning to France in 1782 he was promoted maréchal de camp (brigadier general). He became a citizen of several states on a visit to the United States in 1784.
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Paris, and Its Military Commander Lafayette, Officially Thank the Men Who Took the Bastille Just a Few Weeks Earlier Lafayette, who aided the freedom struggles of people on two continents, praises one of the stormers of the Bastille for his “service to the nation and the justice of a liberated city...”
The storming of the Bastille started the French Revolution, which was one of the most important events in world history. It is commemorated every year on July 14, Bastille Day, and with our 4th of July, celebrates the two events that set off a democratic revolution whose reverberations are still felt. Lafayette was a member of the highest rank of French nobility, but when he learned of the struggle of the Americans to secure their liberty and independence he set aside wealth and comfort to serve with the colonies and under General Washington, with whom he developed a historic friendship. He was also instrumental in helping to bring the government of France into the War. The image of the independence of the American colonists is interwoven into this relationship and inseparable from the winter encampment he shared with Washington at Valley Forge. As commander of a new division there, with enlistments decreasing and desertions increasing, Lafayette took it upon himself to make sure his troops were living to the best possible standards. He donated muskets
As a key figure in securing American liberty, Lafayette was a French national hero, and also a voice for the 3rd estate in France (those not represented by the clergy or nobility). He became a leader of the liberal aristocrats and an outspoken advocate of religious toleration and the abolition of the slave trade. He called for the re-instatement of the States General, where the people would have a say in elected government. He was elected as a representative of the nobility to the States General that convened in May 1789, and Lafayette supported the manoeuvres by which the bourgeois deputies of the Third Estate gained control of the States General and converted it into a revolutionary National Assembly. On July 11 he presented to the Assembly his draft of a Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. Meanwhile, France faced a looming financial crisis, one which tested the French political system and angered the under class. When Louis XVI dismissed Necker, the finance minister sympathetic to the people, the city erupted. On July 14, to deal with the unrest, the Paris Militia (also known as the National Guard, or “Garde Nationale,” a phrase Lafayette coined), was mobilized; Lafayette was then presiding over the National Assembly. In Versailles, Jean Sylvain Bailly, President of the 3rd Estate, lobbied the King to pull his royal troops out of Paris, and thereby avoid a clash between them and the Garde Nationale. The Bastille was a notorious prison holding weapons and gunpowder, and the people gathered below it. The Bastille’s cannons were aimed at the people, and when the defenders of the Bastille shot a cannon into the crowd that killed three people, the population erupted in fury. It was at that crucial moment that members of the Garde Nationale made their famous decisive intervention, leading the successful storming of the Bastille. This brought Lafayette’s life full circle. Once again he was in charge of soldiers of freedom, who in the wake of the great event he now sought to reward. On August 5, with Bailly now serving as Mayor of Paris, and
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just weeks after the storming of the Bastille, Lafayette demanded that the National Assembly give special commendation to members of the Garde Nationale who had participated in the storming of the Bastille. Previously, the Assembly had decreed that all who had served could be given leave of further military service, a decree known as the “Cartouche de Conge Absolu.” Lafayette felt that they should go farther, and wanted each heroic participant to be given a formal document testifying to the gratitude of the nation. These had the same thought behind them as the documents that George Washington handed out at the end of the Revolution, releasing troops from further service and thanking them for their role in winning the war. This is one of those original documents, given by Lafayette and a grateful Paris to one of the men whose actions made possible the storming the Bastille, and whose name is listed on a monument standing where the Bastille once stood. Document signed, August 30, 1789, to a member of the Garde Nationale (and one-time farmer from Dammarie-Sur-Saulx), Charles Giraudot, who was 33 at the time, countersigned by Paris Mayor Jean-Sylvain Bailly. “We, the Mayor of Paris, & we the commander-general of the Paris National Guard, having presented the Cartouche given by the Commander of the French Guard to Charles Giraudot, grenadier of the company A of St. Blancard, but beyond that desiring to give him, in the name of the city of Paris, a testimony of esteem and gratitude for his good conduct in the Revolution, have delivered the present certificate bearing our signatures and the arms of the city. This Certificate should stand as a Monument of the services that he has rendered to the Nation, as well as of the justice of a free city towards a patriotic soldier.” Is signed by both Bailly and Lafayette.
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Lafayette popularized the term “National Guard” in America during a return visit in 1824 by applying it to all organized militia units in America. New York, by state statute, adopted the term National Guard for its militia during the Civil War. Many states followed New York’s lead after the Civil War by renaming their militias “National Guard.” The term was not recognized as the militia’s formal title by federal legislation until the 1916 National Defense Act. $4,500
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A Large, Colorful Print Commemorating Naval Aviation, Signed by Astronauts Whose Feats Marked the Greatest Landmarks in America’s Manned Space Program Included are Alan Shepard, John Glenn, Neil Armstrong and others
In 1989, artist and Naval aviator Robert L. Rasmussen painted a watercolor entitled “Naval Aviation in Space,” depicting scenes from America’s four great manned spaceflight programs - projects Mercury, Gemini, Apollo and the Shuttle. It was made into a limited edition print, and the prints were signed at the Naval Aviation Museum in pencil by famous 9 Naval astronauts, including: the first American in space, Alan Shepard; the first American to orbit the Earth, John Glenn; one of the first men to orbit the Moon, Jim Lovell; the first man on the Moon, Neil Armstrong; Eugene Cernan from Gemini 9 and Apollo 10/17; Charles Conrad from Gemini 5/11 and Apollo 12; Wally Schirra from Mercury 8, Gemini 6 and Apollo 7; Jack Lousma from SkyLab 3 and STS-3; and Rick Hauck from STS7, STS-26 and STS-51A. The print, measuring 20 by 24 inches, is the first one of these we have carried. $4,000 Page 19
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Ernest Hemingway Approves of the Study of the Original Manuscripts of His Two Great Works, For Whom the Bell Tolls and A Farewell to Arms A rare letter referencing both these monumental stories which are so tied to his legacy
For Whom the Bell Tolls and A Farewell to Arms, two of the great works of 20th century literary giant Ernest Hemingway, are classics in American literature. The first, published in 1940 after Hemingway had witnessed firsthand the developments in Europe, tells the story of a younger American attached to a guerrilla unit during the Spanish Civil War. The second, published in 1929, is a semi-autobiographical work centered on a lieutenant in the Italian army. This mirrors Hemingway’s own experience as a war-time ambulance driver. A Farewell to Arms cemented the writer ’s place in the American literary scene.
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Novelist Glendon Swarthout had a huge literary range, more than most American authors of his generation, writing 16 novels, which ranged from dramas to comedies to romances and mysteries, and another 6 novellas. Many of Glendon’s novels became international bestsellers. In 1950, he was working at the University of Maryland, early in his career, and studying toward his doctorate. Hemingway was among the principle great writers that Swarthout studied. It was in this capacity
that he wrote Hemingway, asking for copies of the manuscript portions of these works to apply to his studies, perhaps to see the writer ’s work in progress. In 1926, Hemingway had married Pauline Pfeiffer, neice of Gus Pfeiffer, in Paris. Uncle Gus developed a close relationship with Hemingway (they traveled together in Europe and Hemingway’s car was a gift from him) that evidently postdated his relationship with Pauline, from whom he divorced in 1940. Pfeiffer held an interest in the Pharmaceutical Company Richard Hudnut Co. He was holding the original drafts in 1950 and would die just 3 years later in 1953. In 1950 Hemingway lived in Cuba with his then-wife Mary. He was on the cusp of writing the Old Man and the Sea when he received Swarthout’s letter.
Typed Letter Signed, on his Finca Vigi, San Francisco de Paula, Cuba letterhead, December 4, 1950, to Glendon Swarthout, University of Maryland. “Dear Mr. Swarthout, Thank you very much for your letter which I am ashamed to have delayed in answering. I think your idea is an excellent one. Mr. G.A. Pfeiffer of the Richard Hudnut Co., 113 West 18th Street, New York City, NY has the original drafts of A Farewell to Arms and For Whom the Bell Tolls. I am sure he would consent to having you photostate any pages that you wish. Would suggest that you take an entire incident or the beginning chapter from each manuscript. I have the manuscript of the last book here and could get any pages photostated from it that you wanted. With all the best wishes, Yours very truly, Ernest Hemingway.� This is our first Hemingway letter in some time referencing his great works. $7,500
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February 1941, Winston Churchill 11 InOptimistically Finalizes Arrangements For His
War Aims Committee, Set Up to Determine Great Britain’s Vision For a Post-Victory World
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On May 10, 1940 Churchill became Prime Minister, a post he received in large part because the opposition Labour Party refused to form a coalition governement under Neville Chamberlain and insisted instead on him. This was a time of almost unprecedented national crisis, and Churchill saw very clearly that to defend the country a coalition was the only choice. On May 13 he unveiled the new war cabinet, a coalition of those he regarded as the most energetic and talented available to him, regardless of party. These included the Labour Party’s two leaders, future Prime Minister Clement Atllee and Arthur Greenwood, and from his own Conservative Party a mix of his loyalists such as Lord Beaverbrook and Anthony Eden, and those like Kingsley Wood who were adherents of the sizable Chamberlain wing of the party. As he faced Parliament that day with his new cabinet, he famously orated, “I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this government: I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.” Page 22
Despite the desperate situation in which Britain found herself in 1940, and even as other nations wrote her off, inside the
country and government there was a spirit forward-looking to a future victory. Atlee led a party whose members were mainly workers, and his constituents wanted to know that they would have a share in the fruits of victory. He demanded that the government demonstrate its commitment to positive war aims. But Labourites were not alone in this feeling. Atlee’s call was supported by the Ministry of Information, led by Conservative Duff Cooper, which argued that a vision of a new post-war Britain had to be offered to the country in order to maintain morale. Churchill concurred and agreed to the establishment of a War Aims Committee in August 1940. But this was the height of the Blitz, with bombs raining on London and many other cities, and it was not until the following February that Churchill set about putting the committee into place. He made the gesture to Labour of offering Arthur Greenwood the chairmanship. Greenwood was known as being particularly interested in reconstruction questions, which was in keeping with what many saw as a main focus for the committee: perpetuating national unity through a social and economic structure designed to secure equality of opportu-
nity among all portions of the community. The noted historian, Professor Arnold Toynbee, proposed that “social services ought to be made available to all that needed them; the voluntary hospital system might have to be superseded, health insurance would be extended, and there would greater equality...in the quality of medical services and treatment...There must be equality of opportunity in education.” Churchill wrote Greenwood on February 4, 1941, setting up the committee and providing details of its composition and emphasis. He started by saying that ministers concerned with the daily conduct of the war were fully engaged and would not be members. He gave some thoughts and suggestions, such as hoping the committee would “give rather greater prominence to the domestic side of the work.” He continued, stating there would be 11 members, and Churchill listed them: there were to be three Labour members (included Greenwood and Attlee), six Conservative members, and two Liberal Party members. The Labour Party felt under-represented, and there were smaller parties (like the Scottish National Party) that were not represented at all and thought they should be. Greenwood approached Churchill about increasing the size of the com-
mittee, and Churchill responded. Typed Letter Signed, on his 10 Downing Street letterhead embossed “Prime Minister,” London, February 17, 1941, to Greenwood. “Thank you for your letter of February 7. I am glad that you are in general agreement with the proposals made in my letter of February 4. You propose in your letter to add four additional members to the Committee. My own feeling is that the Committee as set out in my letter of the 4th is sufficienty large. I think it would be a mistake to add four other permanent members; but there would, of course, be no objection to either of the two Ministers or Parliamentary Secretaries mentioned in the second paragraph of your letter being summoned to any meetings of the Committee at which matters in which they were particularly concerned were to be dealt with.” He adds in holograph “I hope this will meet your wishes.“ This is the first letter we have had showing Churchill actually managing his wartime government, and illustrates his adroitness in handling delicate political matters and skill in assigning personnel to important positions in government. It also shows the astonishing optimism of Churchill, his ministers, and the British people in planning for victory and a post-war new world even while they stood alone against the Nazis and most everyone elsewhere considered their prospects bleak. $8,500
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The Only Presidential Letter of John F. Kennedy We Have Seen Concerning His Controversial Father
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Joseph P. Kennedy became a multi-millionaire during the bull stock market of the 1920s, but became even richer as a result of selling “short” during the Depression. This means he made money when stocks went down, and so he profited as others lost everything. Some people were resentful and he made enemies. Also during the Twenties Kennedy made huge profits reorganizing and refinancing several Hollywood studios. By this time he had strong political connections, particularly in the Irish-American community, and in 1934 Franklin D. Roosevelt named him the first Chairman of the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Kennedy was U.S. Ambassador to Britain from 1938-1940. Many considered him a Nazi sympathizer, and he argued against American providing aid to Britain. In 1940, speaking of both Britain and the U.S., he stated, “Democracy is finished in England. It may be here.” Kennedy once sought a personal meeting with Hitler, without the approval of the State Department, “to bring about a better understanding between the United States and Germany.” This stand made him even more enemies. And in the 1950’s, he threw his support behind the witch-hunting Joseph Mc-
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Carthy. Kennedy was a fiercely ambitious man who thrived on competition and winning. In his eyes, the ultimate prize was being the American presidency. He wanted his first son, Joe Jr. to become president, but after his death in WWII, the senior Kennedy became determined to make his eldest surviving son, John, president. Joe Kennedy was an intensely controversial figure, and as a result his presence in John F. Kennedy’s presidential campaign had to be downplayed. Having him in the spotlight would hurt John, making it look as if it were his father who was running for president. However, Joe still drove the campaign behind the scenes, playing a central role in planning strategy, fundraising, and building coalitions and alliances. Joe supervised the spending and to some degree the overall campaign strategy, helped select advertising agencies, and was endlessly on the phone with local and state party leaders, newsmen, and business leaders. He had met thousands of powerful people in his career, and often called in his chips to help his sons. In the 1960 campaign, John was confronted about whether he agreed with his father ’s positions, and he stated that he was his own man and he had his own opinions. Then in December 1961, Joe Kennedy suffered from a major stroke. His survival was at first uncertain, but he survived, though he lost all power of speech, and was left paralyzed on his right side. Typed Letter Signed, on White House letterhead, January 5, 1962, to Mr. and Mrs. Robert C. Larsh, whose names he fills in himself in the salutation, indicating a personal acquaintence. “My sincerest thanks for your thoughtful message. Your good wishes for the recovery of my father’s health are very much appreciated.” This is the only presidential letter of JFK we have seen mentioning his father. $4,500
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President John F. Kennedy Mends Political Fences and Expresses His Desire to Maintain a Close Liaison With Congress Vance Hartke of Indiana was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1958, becoming the first Democrat from Indiana to do represent the state in 20 years. He was a strong supporter of the Kennedy administration, voting for its school aid, minimum wage, taxation, housing and Medicare bills, and more. He served on the influential Commerce and Finance Committees. Rising in power quickly, in 1962 he became chairman of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, and was responsible for helping Democratic candidates that year get elected. The Democrats picked up four seats (one of those was Ted Kennedy in Massachusetts), which for a mid-term election is a very good showing for an incumbant party. Hartke would also have introduced the new members to the Senate in January 1963.
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Coming from a strong steel manufacturing state, Hartke intended to introduce legislation designed to discourage imports of foreign steel (and thereby encourage purchase of domestic steel). He discussed it with the Kennedy administration, and there seems to have been some miscommunication
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about its potential support of the measure, initially leading Hartke to feel he had the administration’s support when ultimately he would not. He nonetheless introduced the bill in April 1963, but Congress took no action it. Typed Letter Signed, on White House letterhead, Washington, February 19, 1963, to Senator Hartke, mending fences and expressing the President’s desire to maintain a close relationship with Congress. “I have had an opportunity to review carefully your recent letter about the necessity for a close relationship with the administration’s supporters in the Congress. Larry O’Brien and I have discussed this, and I understand that he has been in touch with you to assure you of our interest in working out the problem. I have also looked over the memoranda prepared for the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, and appreciate your making them available. I know I need not reassure you of our appreciation for your support. We shall continue to rely on it, and to make every effort to arrive at a satisfactory means of establishing a closer liaison.” $3,500
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The Original Orders With Which Gen. William T. Sherman Opened Communications With the Sea, After Marching North From Savannah Out of contact with the North, he is also hungry for news and wants some New York newspapers sent to him right away We can find just three other letters from the period of his March through Georgia and the Carolinas reaching the market over the last three decades
Sherman’s Atlanta Campaign concluded successfully on September 2, 1864, with the capture of the city. Capturing Atlanta was an accomplishment that made Sherman a household name in the North and helped ensure Lincoln’s presidential re-election in November. In the wake of this successful campaign, he began making plans for a march through Georgia to Savannah, with the intention of eliminating any resources that could be used by Confederate forces and also, significantly, destroying the region’s economic and psychological will to resist. Presenting his plan to General Ulysses S. Grant, Sherman received approval, and he departed Atlanta on November 15, 1864. During the march, Sherman’s army cut loose from its supply and communication lines and lived off the land. As they pushed southeast, Sherman’s men systematically destroyed all manufacturing plants, agricultural infrastructure, and railroads they encountered. A common technique for wrecking the latter was heating railroad rails over fires and twisting them around trees. Known as “Sherman’s Neckties,” they became a common sight along the route of march. On December 21, 1864, Sherman completed his March to the Sea by capturing Savannah, Georgia. That mission had been accomplished. For the next step, Grant initially wanted Sherman to embark
his army on steamers to join the Union forces confronting Lee in Virginia. Instead, Sherman persuaded Grant to allow him to march north through the Carolinas, destroying everything of military value along the way. Then he would proceed to Goldsboro, North Carolina, unite with a Union force commanded by Gen. John M. Schofield, and their combined army would march to Richmond, Virginia, the capital of the Confederacy, where Sherman’s would combine with Grant’s forces. This massive Union juggernaut would place Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s army in an untenable position and likely result in the end of the war. On February 1, 1865, Sherman commenced his march into South Carolina. Progress was rapid, and on February 17 his forces captured Columbia, the capital of the Palmetto State. Upon hearing that Sherman’s men were advancing on corduroy roads through the South Carolina swamps at a rate of a dozen miles per day, Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston made up his mind that “there had been no such army in existence since the days of Julius Caesar.” All through South Carolina his army continued its destructive ways, openly retaliating for the part that state had played in starting the war. During the first week of March, to try and stop Sherman, Johnston concentrated his scattered forces in central North Carolina, while Sherman advanced into the Tar Heel State. Wilmington, North Carolina, was a major port for the Confederacy. Long a target, it finally fell to Union forces on February 22, 1865. Just 17 days later, on March 11, Sherman occupied Fayetteville which is in the interior of that state. The Cape Fear River runs between the two cities, and it is navigable by steamship, so until then the Wilmington-Fayetteville run was used by the Confederacy to move supplies received from Europe into the interior of the country. Communications had been a huge problem for Sherman since he left Atlanta, as except for his time in Savannah, he always had the enemy between him and those with whom he needed to communicate (Lincoln and Stanton in Washington, Grant outside Richmond, other generals in the field who might assist him, naval commanders who might provide supplies and relay messages, etc.). He sent couriers, but mainly he was on his own, while absent reliable word from him the North often just had to hope things were going well. However, with Fayetteville in his hands and an artery running to the port of Wilmington, Sherman could now try to establish a much needed communications link. He stayed in Fayetteville until March 15, doing
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just that and plotting the final stage of his march to Goldsboro. The USS Eolus and USS Maratanza were steamers that participated in the attacks that captured Fort Fisher, which closed the port of Wilmington. The Eolus was under the command of Capatin E.S. Keyser, and the Maratanza was under the command of Lt. Commander George W. Young. Sherman chose those vessels to establish contact with the North; as one history states, “In March, General William Tecumseh Sherman was at Fayetteville, North Carolina, where boat crews from Maratanza, two other gunboats, and Eolus rendezvoused with him, opening communications between Sherman’s position and the coast.” To do this he issued orders to both Young and Keyser. These are the very orders Keyser received.
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On the morning of the March 15, in leaving Fayetteville, Sherman decided that his left wing would feint north toward Raleigh, the state capital, while his right wing would march northeast toward Goldsboro. On the road he wrote Keyser. Autograph Letter Signed, on his letterhead reading “Headquarters, Military Division of the Mississippi,” three pages, in pencil, “12 miles out on the Raleigh Road,” March 15, 1865, to Keyser (whom he addresses as “Captain Keiser”)] / U.S. Steamer Eolus / Fayetteville.” “Lest I may not have been sufficiently minute in my request of Captain Young, I will now repeat that I am moving toward Raleigh, but will swing over to Goldsboro. Tonight I will be at Kyle’s Landing [near Godwin, NC]. Tomorrow near the Bridge across North River... after near Bentonville. It may be that the Enemy will attempt to oppose me, in which case it might become of some importance that I should send orders to Wilmington and Weldon [on the Roanoke River]. I therefore ask that the Eolus remain as near Fayetteville as possible according to the stage of water, and I think it would be well to have a tug messenger boat. If Capt. Young has none to spare, I wish you would write to General Dodge at Wilmington saying that I want the army tug to keep moving up & down till it is known that I am at Goldsboro or in communication with Schofield. I have no doubt also that a good many of our sick & footsore men will hang about the landing and must not be allowed to suffer, though their officers should have attended to them. If you find any such clustering about the landing have them camp near your boat on this bank and send word to Genl. Dodge Chief Quartermaster to send a boat for them. I ordered him yesterday to keep boats coming up as long as their seemed a chance of their being needed. If Colonel Garber my Chief Quartermaster is there, show him this letter and he will attend to the details referred
to in the last part of this letter, but if Colonel Garber is not there, I have no alternative but to ask your kind assistance. I send two couriers with this. Please take care of them and send them back to me in the morning with any news, letters, or papers you may have. My last New York papers are to the 6th.” Still present is the envelope in Sherman’s hand addressed to Keyser, which is quite a novelty in itself. We can find just three other letters from this period reaching the market over the last three decades. Also included are two retained copies of letters written by Keyser, both in response to Sherman’s directions. The first is dated March 15, 1865, at 8 p.m. to Lt. Commander George W. Young, commander of the U.S.S. Maratanza, conveying Sherman’s wish that Keyser “remain near this place until he [Sherman] opens communication with Schofield,” as well as other information from Sherman’s letter. He tells Young that the reason he is sending this summary rather than Sherman’s original letter is that there “is said to be skirmishing with Wheeler ’s Cavalry outside the town; therefore I do not think it is safe to send General Sherman’s despatch to you, as it reveals his ultimate destimation.” The second copy is also dated March 15, at 5 a.m., though it was clearly written on the early hours of March 16. Keyser replies to General Sherman and informs him that he has received Sherman’s “communication of the 15th” and that he has written Captain Young “making known your wishes.” Among other details, Keyser tells Sherman that he will “remain as near Fayetteville as possible until ordered down or until I hear from you.” Sherman’s communications were established. And he was right to expect Johnston to try and prevent his juncture with Schofield, as Johnston directed his army to concentrate at Bentonville to attack Sherman with exactly that purpose. The Battle of Bentonville, fought March 19-21, 1865, was the last full-scale action of the Civil War in which a Confederate army was able to mount a tactical offensive. In the end the Confederate attacks failed and Johnston barely escaped to Smithfield, Sherman reached Goldsboro on March 23 and formed a junction with Schofield. On April 10, 1865, both Union and Confederate commanders received word of Lee’s surrender, convincing Johnston that further resistance was futile. On April 13, the Sherman occupied Raleigh, and four days later, Sherman and Johnston began surrender negotiations. The war was over. $13,000
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Extraordinarily Rare Autograph of Dr. 15 An Nathaniel Scudder, the Only Member of the
Continental Congress to Die in Battle During the Revolutionary War We have never seen one before
Nathaniel Scudder was a physician and patriot leader during the Revolutionary War. He served as a delegate from New Jersey to the Continental Congress, and was a strong supporter of the Articles of Confederation. He wrote a series of impassioned letters to New Jersey leaders urging the adoption of the Articles, and when New Jersey’s legislature approved them in November 1777, he signed them for the state at Congress. Scudder dropped his medical practice to serve in the milirary, and he led a regiment in the Battle of Monmouth in June 1778.
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On October 17, 1781, just two days before Cornwallis surrendered to Washington at Yorktown, Scudder led a part of his regiment to offer resistance to a British Army foraging party,
and was killed in a skirmish near Shrewsbury. Dr. Scudder was the only member of the Continental Congress to die in battle during the Revolutionary War. Autograph Document Signed, Freehold, N.J., January 24, 1777, being a military pay order on Col. Francis Gurney for transportation expenses. Col. Gurney commanded the 11th Pennsylvania Regiment during the Revolution and was a Philadelphia business and civic leader afterwards. “Please to pay the within bills of wagon fare to the bearer Mr. Jacob Wikoff & oblige your humble servant.” On the verso is a listing of the service suppliers such as Wikoff, and how long they served the army. Scudder ’s autograph is an extraordinary rarity. We have never before seen one, and a search of records going back almost 40 years fails to turn up even one. This document came to us when we acquired Colonel Gurney’s papers, and it has never before been offered for sale. $3,500
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