Philippine Collegian Tomo 100 June Issue by Philippine Collegian

THE OFFICIAL STUDENT PUBLICATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES DILIMAN

JUNE 2022 VOLUME 100 ISSUE 02 40 PAGES

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EDITORS' NOTE

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

editor-in-chief polynne dira associate editor sam del castillo news editor daniel sebastianne daiz features editor isaac ramos graphics editor kim yutuc staff keian florino contributing members christian chua gretle mago probationary members news ysabel vidor features yuji santos adam torres kultura levei bigcas jericho igdanes graphics dustin francisco maria laya andrea medina christene necesario gie rodenas kaxandra salonga venus samonte joey santos auxiliary staff gina bakukanag amy daga ma. trinidad gabales address Sampaguita Residence Hall Quirino Avenue UP Diliman Quezon City Philippines website www.phkule.org e-mail phkule.upd@up.edu.ph member College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad)

Sa ika-sandaang taon ng kritikal na pamamahayag, makikipagtuos ang Kulê sa mga isinuka na ng taumbayan ngunit muling nanunumbalik, sa mga pinunong dahas ang tugon sa ating mga hinaing, at sa mga maykapangyarihang nandudusta sa taumbayan para sa sariling ganansya. Ang taong ito ay magmamarka ng pagbabago sa midyum ng pahayagan, upang masigurong lapat ang bawat isyu sa pangangailangan ng mambabasang malaman at maunawaan ang mga pangyayari, at ang pangmatagalan nitong implikasyon sa mas malawak na iskema ng mga bagay.

Illustration by Kaxandra Salonga

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02 04

Sino at ano ang Kulê EDITORYAL

Ang Tunay na Pagkakaisa NEWS

12 15 18

Christian Chua

UP’s Proposed 2023 Budget Set to Fund DaniCon’s Infra Splurge in His Last Year in Office FEATURES

Adam Torres

FEATURES

Yuji Santos

OPINYON

Keian Florino

Taking Radical Strides Into Halls of Exclusion A Lifelong Call for Justice Kinakailangang Paglisan EDITORYAL

Kung Hindi Kikibo ang Pamunuan ng UP, ang Estudyante ang Mag-aaklas KULTURA

Gretle C. Mago

KULTURA

Jericho Igdanes

Sa Kampuhan, Hawak ng Publiko Ang Espasyo Para Tumindig How DIY Archiving Disrupts Information Disorder BALITA

35 37

Keian Florino

Ang Mukha ng Anim na Taong Paglabag ni Duterte sa Karapatang Pantao OPINION

Daniel Sebastianne Daiz

OPINION

Gie Rodenas

Democratic Institutions Barely Survived Duterte. Marcos Might Finally Shatter Them. Why I Want To Quit Public Administration ABSTRACT

Kim Yutuc

Neophobia: A Deconstruction of Filipino Horror

MGA NILALAMAN

Tapos na ang eleksyon. Sa pagsulong mula sa resulta ng halalan, pangangailangang alamin paano nga ba tayo humantong sa sitwasyong nagbabalikkapangyarihan ang minsan nang pinatalsik ng taumbayan.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

EDITORYAL Ang Tunay na Pagkakaisa Kung patuloy na ibubulid ni Bongbong sa paghihirap ang taumbayan, ang mismong mga taong minsang bumoto sa kanya ang magtatakwil sa kanyang rehimen.

Kung batayan man ang halalan sa pulso ng taumbayan, kongklusibo ang resulta noong Mayo 9: Sawa na ang ordinaryong mamamayang mapag-iwanan. Napaniwala ni Ferdinand Marcos Jr. ang milyonmilyon gamit ang retorika ng pagkakaisa sa paglutas ng problema ng bayan, ngunit ito rin ang magiging mitsa ng kanyang pagbagsak. Hindi na maipagkakailang nakakuha ng mayoryang suporta mula sa mga botante ang tambalang Marcos at Sara Duterte, ngunit di dapat sila mapanatag. ‘Pagkat ang araw-araw na realidad ng kalakhang mamamayan sa ilalim ng kanilang pamumuno ang siyang magpapatunay na hungkag ang pangako at retorika ng pagkakaisa upang mapalaya tayo sa pagkakasadlak. Sa mamamayang dalawang taong ginutom ng administrasyon ni Rodrigo Duterte dahil sa patuloy na pagtaas ng presyo ng mga

Itakwil ang rehimeng Marcos-Duterte!

bilihin, kritikal ang ipinangakong P20 kada kilo ng bigas ni Marcos. Ngunit habang malaki ang pangako ni Marcos sa mga mamimili, hindi naman niya maipaliwanag paano pabababain ang presyo ng bigas nang di umaasa sa lalong pagdomina ng inangkat na bigas sa merkado. Ang pagbandera ng mas mababang presyo ng bigas nang walang tamang suporta at subsidiya sa mga magsasaka ay nangangahulugan lamang ng lalong pagdepende ng bansa sa mga dayuhang produkto, pagpwersa sa mga lokal na prodyuser na pababain ang presyo ng palay, at lalong pagdausdos ng kabuhayan ng mga magbubukid. Mahirap asahang magbibigay ng sapat na subsidiya ang pamahalaan sa mamamayan, gayong ang mismong gobyerno ay nagkukumahog na maghanap ng pondo. Makahagilap man ng pondo—sa pamamagitan ng pangungutang o pagtataas ng

buwis—walang kasiguruhan na ilalaan ng administrasyon ang pera para sa ayuda sa mga pinakaapektado ng krisis sa ekonomiya. Ang pagtaas ng utang ng bansa sa halos P13 trilyon sa ilalim ni Duterte ay hindi naman upang mag-abot ng mas malaking ayuda sa taumbayan, bagkus sa pagpapagawa ng malalaking imprastruktura. Tapat sa kontra-mamamayang karakter nito, inirekomenda ng papaalis na gabinete ni Duterte na taasan ng susunod na rehimen ang buwis ng mga Pilipino. Tiyak na ang matatamaan ng dagdag na buwis ay ang ordinaryong mamamayan na naghihirap nang pagkasyahin ang baryang sahod sa nagtataasang presyo ng mga bilihin at langis. Halos walang pangingimi ang estadong pigain ang ordinaryong tao para punan ang kaban ng bayan, ngunit nagbubulag-bulagan sila sa mga naroon na sa kanilang bakuran. Malakas ang loob nilang huthutan

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ang manggagawa, ngunit hindi ang mga pulitikong di nagbabayad ng buwis, gaya ng pamilyang Marcos na may P203 bilyong utang na estate tax. Katumbas na ito ng halos 75 porsyento ng pondong malilikom sa 2023 kung susundan ang plano ni Carlos Dominguez III, pampinansyang kalihim ni Duterte, na magdagdag ng buwis sa mga Pilipino. Mas makakaambag din sa kaban ng bayan ang paninigil sa P1.5 trilyong nakaw na yaman ng mga Marcos.

Mahilig magbagsak ng malalaking pangako si Marcos ngunit lantad ang kawalan niya ng plano upang ipatupad ito. Ultimong mga isyung malapit sa bituka ng mamamayan ay sinasagot niya ng mga di-konkreto at walang kasiguruhang pahayag—manipestasyon ng kawalan niya ng kaalaman at pakialam sa kabuhayan ng nakararami. Hindi magtatagal ang bisa ng ibinabandera niyang sama-samang pagbangon. Sa bawat araw na nasasadlak sa gutom ang maralita, kumikipot ang sahod ng manggagawa, habang nagpapakasasa pa rin sa yaman ang mga negosyante, lalong nagiging lantad na ang retorika ng “Babangon Muli” ay limitado lang para sa mga kaalyado nina Marcos at Duterte. Pauna na ngang naglabas ng hinaing ang ilang grupo ng mga tsuper at operator na sumuporta sa tambalang MarcosDuterte matapos nilang malaman na

Dibuho ni Kim Yutuc

EDITORY AL

Isang paraan sana upang makalipon ng pondo ay ang pagpataw ng buwis sa mga bilyonaryo, gaya ng ihinahain na batas ng Makabayan Bloc sa Kongreso. Ngunit binigwasan ng estado noong halalan ang progresibong mga partido sa pamamagitan ng black propaganda at panre-red-tag. Sa halip na kunan ang mayayaman, inaasahan natin ang lalo lang na pagprotekta sa kanila. Nananatili sa economic team ni Marcos ang pare-parehong mga taong nagsilbi mula pa kay Noynoy Aquino at kay Duterte, pagpapakita na parehong mga kontra-mahirap na palisiya ang maipapatupad nila.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

EDITORY AL

maaaring panatilihin ng bagong administrasyon si Arthur Tugade bilang kalihim ng Kagawaran ng Transportasyon. Kinikilala ng mga tsuper na hindi nalutas ni Tugade ang problema nila sa sektor, at dumagdag pa sa pagpapahirap sa kanila ang pinipilit niyang modernization program. Inaasahan din ang lalong pagkadismaya ng mga drayber sa parating na administrasyon gayong wala pang plano si Marcos paano tutugunan ang nagmamahal na presyo ng petrolyo, at idiniin niyang di niya ibabasura ang fuel excise tax. Ipinrotesta rin ng mga Overseas Filipino Workers na bumoto kina Marcos ang pagtatalaga kay Susan Ople bilang kalihim ng Department of Migrant Workers, gayong mayroon siyang sakit at maaaring hindi maayos na matugunan ang kanyang mandato. Malinaw na sa pagkakataong makita ng nakararami na ang rehimen ng mga anak ng diktador ay hindi nagsisilbi sa kanila at tuluyang nagtraydor sa mga pangako, handa silang kumilos. Sa pagkakataong iyon, maging handa dapat ang pwersa ng oposisyon at mga progresibo na harapin at tanggapin ang mga dating napaniwala nina Marcos. Sa pagtaguyod ng malakihang kampanya laban sa mga Marcos at Duterte, hindi lang 15 milyon ang dapat na makaisa, bagkus ang iba ring minsang sumuporta sa naghaharing rehimen. Napatunayan ng nakaraang kampanya ang kahalagahang ibatay ang pagkilos sa konkretong kalagayan ng taumbayan. Nangangahulugan ito ng pakikisalamuha, pakikipamuhay, at pakikiisa sa mga sektor at sa partikular nilang mga panawagan—

JUNE 2022

taliwas sa patuloy na pagtuligsa sa kanila. Hamon sa mga progresibo na bakahin ang kulturang pinalaganap ni Duterte upang manatili sa pwesto: Ang pagnonormalisa sa mga karumal-dumal na palisiya at kapalpakan ng pamahalaan. Sa pagpapairal ng takot na maging biktima ng extrajudicial killing, makulong dahil sa pagsuway sa quarantine protocols, epektibong kinulong ni Duterte ang mga disidente sa kanilang bahay. Naging alternatibo ang pagkilos sa digital na plataporma ngunit napatunayang hindi ito sapat, lalo sa pag-abot sa mamamayang walang internet, na mismong mga nabibiktima ng estado.

Sa bawat araw na nasasadlak sa gutom ang maralita, kumikipot ang sahod ng manggagawa, habang nagpapakasasa pa rin sa yaman ang mga negosyante, lalong nagiging lantad na ang retorika ng “Babangon Muli” ay limitado lang para sa mga kaalyado nina Marcos at Duterte.

May pangangailangang mapalawak ang ating pwersa at mapalalim ang pag-unawa sa kung bakit natin kailangan kumilos—hindi dahil natalo ang gusto nating kandidato, bagkus ang uupong administrasyon ay palyadong tugunan ang pang-araw-araw na suliranin ng kalakhang naghihirap na Pilipino. Maiging maging malinaw na sa pagkakataong ito, hindi natin isinasaalang-alang ang kapangyarihang baguhin ang lipunan sa kamay ng iilang pulitiko. Bagkus ibinabalik natin ito sa nakararaming ordinaryong mamamayan, na sila naman dapat ang nagdidikta sa kung paano marapat patakbuhin ang bansa para sa kanilang interes. Marahil tama nga ang sinabi ni Marcos na pagkakaisa ang solusyon sa problema ng bansa. Samasamang titindig ang taumbayan laban sa pinakamalaking pahirap at sisiguruhing babawiin ang kapangyarihan mula sa mga Marcos, Duterte, at iba pa nilang alyado.

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SU M A L I SA C O L L E G I A N

“Kung wala ang Collegian, malaki ang nawala sa mga estudyante; kung wala ang mga mag-aaral, nawala na ang lahat sa Collegian.” -Alecks Pabico

Dibuho ni Kim Yutuc

Disenyo ng pahina ni Dustin Francisco

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

Christian Chua

Communities at Risk

UP’s Proposed 2023 Budget Set to Fund DaniCon’s Infra Splurge in His Last Year in Office A C A DE M E

UP plans to allocate funding for relocation facilities for “informal settlers.” A USC councilor said the projects have yet to undergo adequate consultation with the communities.

Over one-third of the university’s proposed P44.1-billion budget for 2023 will be allotted to fund largescale infrastructure projects in UP, an ominous sign for the families living inside UP Diliman (UPD) that UP President Danilo Concepcion’s ambitious infrastructure drive could soon displace their communities.

Hospital. Less than a quarter of UP’s additional funding request, or P4.3 billion, will be allocated to create 1,761 new permanent positions in the university. Another P3.6 billion will be spent on the university’s maintenance and utility bills.

Compared to last year, the university is requesting an additional P14.8 billion mainly for the construction of buildings, research facilities, and housing for employees and families that will be affected by UP’s construction projects.

The UP System, in particular, eyes a P50-million budget to construct relocation facilities for “informal settlers.” These housing projects are allocated for communities on lands where UP plans to build bigticket infrastructure projects like the Philippine General Hospital (PGH) Diliman.

Meanwhile, on top of this year’s P21.3-billion budget, the university seeks an additional P22.8-billion funding for its eight constituent units and the Philippine General

UP has already coordinated with the communities regarding the proposed relocation facilities, Vice President for Public Affairs Elena Pernia claimed. However,

Junk the UP Master Development Plan

“Yung budget sa relocation, dapat tanungin kung para saan at kanino ito gagamitin. Kasi kung ang goal lang nito ay paalisin yung mga pamilya para sa infrastructure projects without considering their welfare, dapat itong tutulan.”

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Ajay Lagrimas, the UPD University Student Council’s (USC) community rights and welfare councilor, said otherwise. “Although aware tayo na may ganoong pondo yung UP for relocation, hindi pa fully consulted yung project sa mga communities natin,” Lagrimas added. Infrastructure Haul Since Concepcion took office in 2017, the university has been requesting an average of P17.38 billion under capital outlay (CO)—the part of the budget which funds infrastructure and equipment spending (see sidebar 1). In comparison, UP has only proposed P7.54 billion for CO, on average, during the terms of former UP Presidents Alfredo Pascual and Emerlinda Roman.

In the last six years when UP has pursued higher infrastructure spending, UP communities have faced several threats of demolition. In 2019, residents of Pook Malinis were threatened by blue guards that their homes would be demolished to make way for the construction of a parking lot. That year, UP proposed the third-highest budget for infrastructure in a decade. Infrastructure development should not be at the expense of UP communities’ welfare, Lagrimas said, adding that while he sees the need to improve academic facilities, the UP administration should first ensure that they would provide decent on-site relocation for the residents. While UP proposed P50-million funding for the communities’ relocation, Lagrimas said that it is still unclear whether the project would satisfy the demands of the

UP communities. Aside from merely building relocation sites, Lagrimas said that the university should ensure that their new homes will be near to their sources of livelihood and will have sufficient basic utilities. “Yung budget sa relocation, dapat tanungin kung para saan at kanino ito gagamitin. Kasi kung ang goal lang nito ay paalisin yung mga pamilya para sa infrastructure projects without considering their welfare, dapat itong tutulan,” Lagrimas said. Private Interests Under Concepcion’s watch, there have been numerous threats to displace the families living inside UPD. In 2020, personnel from the Department of Public Works and Highways demolished homes at Pook Village C without presenting a demolition order to the residents. In the same year, the UP Board of Regents (BOR) declared 9.5 hectares of land in UP Arboretum, where some families have resided for years, as

Proposed capital outlay (in PhP billions)

SIDEBAR 1: Danilo Concepcion doubled UP’s proposed infrastructure spending compared to his predecessors 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014 2015*

2016

2017* 2018

2019

2020

2021

2022

2023

Fiscal year Emerlinda Roman’s Term * No data available

Alfredo Pascual’s Term

Danilo Concepcion’s Term

SOURCES: UP Budget Proposal for FY 2023, previous Collegian Reports

Page design and infographics by Andrea Medina

A C A DE M E

Among UP’s planned projects for 2023 are the construction of the UP Visayas Tacloban College Sta. Elena Campus (P1.8 billion), UP Manila National Institute of Health (P1.3 billion), UPD College of Education annex building (P900 million), and

the PGH Multi-Specialty building (P200 million) (see sidebar 2).

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

SOURCE: UP Budget proposal for FY 2023

SIDEBAR 2: Here are some of UP’s proposed big-ticket construction projects for 2023

P100 Million UP System Construction of a Four-Storey Housing at Pook Palaris, UP Diliman

P1.84 BILLION UP System Construction of UP Visayas Tacloban College - Sta. Elena Campus

P400 Million

A C A DE M E

UP System Balay Atleta, Student Athlete’s Dorm, Phase 3

P200 Million

P1.36 BILLION

UP Los Baños Construction of Microbial Bank, UPLB Institute of Molecular Biology and Biotechnology

UP Manila National Institute of Health, Phase 2

P500 Million UP Mindanao Construction of College of Human Kinetics Building P200 Million UP PGH Fit out Completion of PGH Multi-Specialty Building

P399.4 Million UP Cebu Construction of Product Design Building

Junk the UP Master Development Plan

P900 MILLION UP System Construction of College of Education Annex Building & Renovation of Benitez Hall

P50 Million UP System Relocation facilities for Informal Settlers, Phase 2

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an “academic support zone” for the PGH Diliman project. A year later, the Diliman Legal Office issued a cease-and-desist order against the farmers at Pook Aguinaldo, banning them from farming the area though it had already been the community’s source of livelihood since the 1700s. These threats to demolish UP communities, Lagrimas said, are the result of the UP Master Development Plan (MDP). Conceptualized during Pascual’s term, the MDP envisions a “sustainable” UP Diliman campus. But for Lagrimas, the MDP has only allowed corporations, such as Ayala Land Inc., to profit off UP lands. “Hanggang ngayon, hindi pa rin nilalabas ng admin at wala pa ring consultation na nagaganap kung ano ba talaga yung nilalaman nito (MDP),” Lagrimas said.

still be reviewed by the Department of Budget and Management (DBM). And in the decade, DBM, on average, has only approved around half of UP’s proposed budget (see sidebar 3). The fate of UP’s budget will eventually be decided by the upcoming administration, who will legislate and approve the university’s final budget. Congress could start deliberating the 2023 budget as early as August. While Congress may approve some of UP’s construction projects, the looming budget deficit may also mean that other projects, such as the proposed relocation for the communities, might be canceled. Should Congress reject UP’s additional budget request, Pernia said UP would tap “alternative funding sources” to continue the relocation project. Aside from the annual budget, UP also receives additional income from its leased lands, grants, and donations. However, these funds have only added around P1 billion to UP’s operating budget of P23 billion last year.

Instead of forcing UP residents to relocate, Lagrimas pointed out that the university could just build structures in other vacant spaces on the campus so that there will be no need to displace the families. Meanwhile, Lagrimas said that UPD Chancellor Fidel Nemenzo has already pledged to endorse the USC’s proposal of including sectoral representatives in all meetings regarding the MDP. It is the BOR, however, that decides how to fund and materialize the MDP. The BOR also has the power to decide whether to continue the university’s land use policy it approved in 2014 or to junk the MDP. “Kung matuloy man yung relocation projects ng UP without sufficient consultation, lagi naman tayong handa na magkasa ng mobilizations,” Lagrimas said. “Yun ang challenge sa upcoming student council–hindi dapat hahayaan na mapapabayaan yung coordination natin with the communities, sa admin, at sa iba pang networks natin.”

SIDEBAR 3: Over the past decade, the national government has consistently approved, on average, only less than half of UP’s needs

18.41 B

17.10 B

9.53 B

9.37 B

2013

25.20 B

24.70 B

13.14 B

11.81 B

2014

48.24%

2015

45.18%

26.20 B 13.51 B

2016

47.85%

36.47 B

28.44 B

2018

Actual Budget

2019

2020

62.13%

Proposed Budget

60.37%

Deficit

24.39 B

21.50 B

18.69 B

17.01 B

63.69%

48.43%

47.17 B

44.90 B

16.16 B

2017

52.19%

2021

24.39%

2022

33.12%

SOURCES: General Appropriations Act 2013-2022, previous Collegian reports

Page design and infographics by Andrea Medina

A C A DE M E

While the university has a relocation program for the residents affected by the MDP, there is no guarantee that it will appear in the final UP budget. The university’s budget proposal will

44.50 B

KULÊ@100

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

Adam Torres

Taking Radical Strides Into Halls of Exclusion

PROFILES

His voice does not stutter while recalling the painful events of Martial Law. Instead, he enumerates the ways this experience would forever change his life and put him on a path to serve the people.

Makabayang Koalisyon ng Mamamayan (Makabayan) senatorial candidate Neri Colmenares takes a few seconds to catch his breath before we begin the interview. No doubt exhausted from another long day of meetings and on-the-ground campaigning, he gulps a quaint glass of water and apologizes for his delay. Yet, neither fatigue nor haste painted his disposition, only his tone of sincere passion cutting through the silence of our Zoom call. It is clear to me that his third senatorial bid was not just of political bearing for Colmenares; it is out of duty for the misrepresented masses that he continues to fight for a senatorial seat. In minute smiles, his face would light up despite the losses he had garnered back in 2019 and 2016. While a repressive state still looms over his growing support, he refuses to back down from the

First published online on May 7, 2022.

unequivocal need for a progressive and nationalist senator who will champion pro-people bills in the upper house. Colmenares is many things—a veteran human rights lawyer, an activist, a Martial Law survivor, and even a seasoned member of Congress—but a title he prides himself on most is that of a public servant, one who is willing to take up the cause of the oppressed as Marcosian politics continue to occupy the halls of the government, where legislative power is left at the hands of the few. The Dark is Temporary While traditional politicians are quick to flock to the ruling party, Neri Javier Colmenares is known to do the opposite, often unafraid to challenge public officials regardless of their position

in government. As a frequent petitioner at the Supreme Court, it is no surprise that he grew up in an environment which necessitated the dissent and criticality at the core of his recent petitions against the Anti-Terror Law and Duterte’s militaristic agenda. Colmenares began confronting the powers that be on the picket lines. In his youth, he fought for the return of student councils and publications. However, at just 18, he and many other young activists faced the brutality of a dictatorial regime that stopped at nothing to silence and detain them. He grimly recalls the torture that transpired in his four gruesome years in prison. The walls would seem narrower each time he was beaten by military men, slowly chipping away at any hope he had to ever see the light of day. Hailing from an average family, he could not afford to pay for legal services that time. It was only through the joint effort of human rights advocates and lawyers that he finally regained his freedom. This newfound sense of hope inspired his juvenile spirit to pursue a legal profession, and similar to his lawyers, he found a purpose in serving those who are marginalized by society. “It’s a combination of wanting to make a better future for this country, for the people, and for the next generation of Filipinos,” said Colmenares. From this, he derives a primary principle that he has carried in Congress and would

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have continued in the Senate: “Kung nasa tama ka, tindigan mo. Kung nasa mali ka naman, have the humility to admit your mistakes ... sa oras na nang-abuso ang isang opisyal, wala akong pakialam kung presidente pa siya ng Pilipinas.” Against the Currents

his actions will always be an extension of his commitment to the public. He is not afraid to hold his colleagues accountable and stand for what is right—what is beneficial to the people he serves. He said that fellow legislators can discern this understanding and follow in his initiative similar to the Disaster Alert Law which he authored in favor of the people’s safety, despite how major telecommunication companies detested it.

Following the tragic 2019 midterm election, the government continued to antagonize activists who criticized its repressive actions by legitimizing the harassment of dissenters with the Anti-Terror Law. In the crackdown of the Left, dissenting figures like Colmenares are the main objects of state-sponsored violence. Political persecution is not new to Colmenares, but he remains unfazed despite harassment. It is in

Built from the ground up, his persistence manifests in the progressive platforms he has fought for in the elitist setting of Congress. “Paano ka naman susuntok sa buwan, kung hindi ka man lang susuntok diba?” He said, emphasizing that the bills he championed were but practical necessities that were ushered into legislation largely through mass clamor, one step at a time. Hence, he persevered amid the difficulties that parliamentary struggle posed on the passage of progressive bills. A growing target on his back is a result of strong-willed positions on wage increase, contractualization, and genuine reforms for education and agriculture. For him, whether it be on the streets or in the legislative,

Page design by Keian Florino

PROFILES

Colmenares’s youth inculcated in him a tireless resolve. If only he won a seat in the last elections, he would have been someone who filed bills that were seemingly impossible to pass in a room filled with wealthy politicians detached from the plight of the masses. His position did not separate him from the broader struggle, but rather, helped amplify calls for inclusive legislation, with bills like those on pension increase and the prohibition of political dynasties proving his legislative prowess against the status quo.

KULÊ@100

Photo by Team Neri 2022

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

PROFILES

this critical front that he advocates his committed intentions for sustainable and people-centered development. “Am I afraid of these attacks? Of course, yes, dahil hindi naman ako superhuman na hindi natatakot pero kinakailangan tindigan ko pa rin,” he said with a furrowed brow. He noted that the general fear of the public has become less apparent, moreso that the indifference of local government officials afraid of Duterte has gradually withered away due to the senselessness of today’s red-tagging. When he speaks against the administration, he observes that online trolls are now more disoriented and hesitant to reply with sincerity. While fear remains, many human rights defenders now take up the mantle to protect the integrity of the law and champion the rights of abused Filipinos. Grassroots Trumps Gold With Vice President Leni Robredo’s support and popularity, candidates like Colmenares were given an opportunity to augment their calls in gargantuan pink rallies. Yet, the momentum of the Leni-Kiko tandem faces that of the children of dictators trying to reclaim and preserve oligarchic power. In comparison to the unified opposition, these traditional politicians wield a larger base of power and wealth to effortlessly distort the media and, most disturbingly, history itself. Colmenares sighs at this remark: “Mga manggagawa rin yan, mga magsasaka rin yan, mga urban poor din yan na nahihirapan sa mataas na presyo ng bilihin at mababang sahod,” he said, in reference to Marcos-Duterte supporters who have become enamored by

JUNE 2022

the Marcoses’ deceptive social media messaging centered on a homogenizing kind of unity and a common desire for change. The lawyer does not fault the movement nor the people in this regard because it is the government itself that has allowed the return of a fascist regime by refusing to teach the succeeding generations about the injustices that occurred during Martial Law. This directly resulted in the systemic impunity preserved by Marcosian architects who have remained in the government, able to commit crimes and get away with them because their constituents are left in the dark. With a dejected expression, Colmenares told me that we can only do so much to counter false narratives and expose the Marcoses because of their strong political machinery commandeered from shadowy networks of wealth and power. He aspired to challenge this lack of accountability through the oversight and investigation functions of the Senate, which would have helped look into public officials and pull them down from their ivory towers. Moving forward, I asked him about our role in challenging an administration resistant to change and he replied with certainty that all sectors have a hand in the broader overhaul of the entire justice system. It is necessary for legislative power to return to its constituents because even when demands seem impossible to pass in the Senate, Colmenares attests that strong clamor from outside both houses is capable of turning the tables. Neri Colmenares, as a human rights lawyer, would have been able to bring to the table issues

Colmenares is many things—a veteran human rights lawyer, an activist, a Martial Law survivor, and even a seasoned member of Congress— but a title he prides himself on most is that of a public servant.

that matter for the common folk. The government will only be a hospitable arena for human rights if the poor and marginalized are well-represented by candidates who do not only forward propeople platforms but also possess a track record of fighting for their constituents’ demands and an unwavering willingness to defend the interests of the masses—with or without the promise of elections. But given the results of the May 9 elections, we can only hope that the winners actually hear the plight of the suffering Filipinos. Despite the dismal outcome of the elections, this will not be the end of the fight for people like Colmenares. He reaffirms what I, too, believe: the elections are not the panacea to the systemic issues of the government but nonetheless a worthy start to the social reforms that will foster genuine representation and change in Philippine legislation.

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KULÊ@100

In 1969, while still a working student at the then Philippine College of Commerce, dela Fuente decided to join the radical group Kabataang Makabayan. The students petitioned for an increase in the funding of state universities and colleges, which was granted. The campus would later be closed during Martial Law, and dela Fuente would only obtain his degree in business education in 1975, two years after his school reopened.

PRO F I L E S

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Yuji Santos

A Lifelong Call for Justice »

Danilo dela Fuente’s memories of the struggle for justice and the pain he felt during Martial Law remain vivid. These memories motivate him to continue fighting for democracy.

At the beginning of our call, Danilo dela Fuente greeted me cheerfully as it took seconds for the signal to settle. He spoke as if he were talking to a friend, laughing lightheartedly over some of the stories he shared. There was a grim undertone to his cheerfulness as he narrated his brutal experience during Martial Law. While listening, I admired how, with a steady voice, he managed to tell his story despite the lingering trauma. After all, remaining silent was to him nonnegotiable in any talk of justice. With Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s ascent to the presidency and his family’s restoration in order, the freedom and rights that the Filipino people fought for during Martial Law are at risk of being sidelined. However, dela Fuente remains steadfast in exercising his right to fight for the truth and justice for fellow

Martial Law victims, and defending democracy through the parliament of the streets. Rising to the Occasion Dela Fuente was born on January 3, 1949, in Tondo, Manila. He was 10 when he witnessed his father, a unionist, making placards for protests, inspiring him to later be an activist himself. He had the impression that activism was in his blood. “Kasi yung tatay ko, nine years siya sa pagiging presidente ng unyon sa pabrika. Nakikita ko yun, gawa siya nang gawa,” he shared. “Sipag ng tatay ko!” Those realizations formed the principle by which he chooses to live even now at the age of 73. “Hindi pala pu-pwedeng ibigay kaagad yung kahilingan niyo nang hindi pinaghihirapan,” he said of the tenacity that activism warrants.

As an employee in Makati, he also became a member of the Friendship Association of Makati Employees, citing the passion for membership in organizations he inherited from his father as his reason for joining. By 1970, he had become more involved in political rallies and demonstrations, prompting him to take absences from work. He is proud of being among the 50,000 activists who stormed the Old Legislative Building

#NeverAgain #NeverForget

PRO F I L E S

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

Danilo Dela Fuente, along with other Martial Law survivors, shares his personal experience under the dictatorship regime in a Martial Law forum in UP Diliman, File photo (September 2018).

on January 26, 1970, an event which marked the beginning of the First Quarter Storm. Days after, on January 30, protesters returned to Padre Burgos Avenue and thereafter decided to march to Malacañang, sparking the events leading up to what is now known as the Battle of Mendiola. Among those events, dela Fuente recalled with a light laugh, was the famed incident of people stealing a fire truck and crashing it into Malacañang. Such militancy pushed dela Fuente and his fellow activists forward in their fight against the tyrannical Marcos regime.

and was arrested 10 years later, in 1982, when the military raided the headquarters of the union. Torturers repeatedly punched his solar plexus, a sensitive area of the abdomen. Afterwards, he was blindfolded with masking tape. “Nagka-dikit dikit yung aking mga kilay at pilik-mata. Pina-blindfold ako for 79 hours,” he recalled.

24 Days Under Brutality, Four Years Under Captivity

He was taken to Fort Bonifacio. His captors gripped his front hair and repeatedly smacked his head against the dugout wall. He felt extremely dizzy. “Mga dalawang dangkal ang layo sa likod ng ulo ko. Pag humaba pa, [magiging] tatlong dangkal, malakas ang impact nun, basag ang ulo ko nun. Kaya nararamdaman ko lang hindi pa ako papatayin,” he recalled.

When Martial Law was declared in 1972, dela Fuente was just 23. He became a labor organizer at the National Federation of Labor,

He was returned to Camp Crame, in which 10 men surrounded him and took turns kicking him. He remembered having a restless mind,

thinking about what more he would have to endure while embracing what little rest was available for the sustenance of his body. Blindfolded again, but this time with cotton cloth, he was dragged into a wooden safehouse. He felt grass stroke his feet. His torturers removed the blindfold to show him that they loaded a .38-caliber revolver with a single cartridge. “Tapos inikot … tinutok dun sa aking sentido, kinalabit yung trigger,” he said, remembering details of the Russian roulette. When he was electrocuted, he thought death was close. His middle fingers were wound with live wire. There were four dials: 3, 4, 5, and 6. Number 6 reached up to the back of his neck, almost to his brain, and would have killed him had it continued, but the torturers stopped there. He then passed out. He awoke in his prison cell at Camp

File photo (2018)

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Bagong Bantay, chilly and gasping for air. “Sumigaw yung isang kasama kong nahuli sa kabilang selda, ‘Hoy, yung kasama ko nagha-hallucinate na,’” he continued. Two people entered his cell, one of whom was a doctor. He refused to drink what was given to him out of suspicion. It was at Camp Bagong Diwa where he was imprisoned until the EDSA People Power Revolution. Following February 26th, former President Corazon Aquino granted a general amnesty on political prisoners. However, he explained that it was the people who granted them liberty. “Ang tingin namin doon, naging instrumento si Ginang Corazon Aquino para mapalaya kami pero ang talagang nagtulak ng pagpapalaya namin ay EDSA People Power. Ganun namin tinitingnan,” he said.

Board determined the compensation based on a point system. The point system ranged from one to 10. Dela Fuente, who was illegally arrested and tortured, received eight points and is considered “severely tortured.” The Marcos victory in the 2022 elections is, for dela Fuente, a threat that might render their fight for justice futile. They never stopped fighting so future generations would not have to endure the torment they experienced during Martial Law. But instead of giving up now, he remains committed to rejecting the Marcos-Duterte tandem, both in the halls of government and in the streets.

The Human Rights Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013 honors victims of human rights violations such as execution, torture, and disappearance during the Marcos regime. Martial Law victims are entitled to monetary and nonmonetary compensation. The Human Rights Victims’ Claims

When protestors denouncing the proclamation of Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte were violently dispersed in front of the Commission on Human Rights last May 25, dela Fuente said the incident was enough reason to carry on fighting.

As a co-convenor of the Campaign Against the Return of the Marcoses and Martial Law (CARMMA), dela Fuente, along with 17 others, asked the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) last year to disqualify Marcos Jr. from running. “Sumunod kami sa proseso ng batas eh. Hindi kami lumalabag sa batas kaya nung mayroon nang desisyon ang en banc na dismissal doon sa disqualification, nag-file na kami ng petition for certiorari May 18 bago siya iproklama,” dela Fuente said. When protestors denouncing the proclamation of Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte were violently dispersed in front of the Commission on Human Rights last May 25, dela Fuente said the incident was enough reason to carry on fighting. ““At yun yung isang sagot kung bakit ako’y nagpapatuloy pa kahit 73 years old na ako ... kasi kapag hindi namin iginiit iyon yung mga susunod na henerasyon ganoon din–lalo na yung mga kabataan,” he said.

PRO F I L E S

Unwavering in the Fight for Democracy One would think that after the ouster of the Marcoses in 1986 and the promises to restore democracy, the path to attaining justice would be less cumbersome and elusive. However, since then, Martial Law survivors have been fighting an uphill battle. Dela Fuente never forgot the agony he endured; in fact, time only made it more vivid in his mind. Every recall strengthens the cause for which he fights even harder: achieving justice and punishing those responsible.

KULÊ@100

At the end of our conversation, dela Fuente emphasized that protests and demonstrations will never stop because he believes that hopes for a better Philippines will only be realized if we are willing to march for justice in the streets. Dela Fuente sparked in me a feeling of fortitude rather than fear. Our conversation was aflame with the years-long radical fervor that kept him and his comrades going even through our country’s darkest days. It is the same fervor they wish would urge us on at this crucial point in our history. The country is still a long way from achieving a system that puts the people’s interests first, but as dela Fuente puts it, “Kailangan lang ituloy natin ang laban na ito laban sa kawalan ng demokrasya’t kalayaan.”

Page design by Andrea Medina

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

Keian Florino

FIRST PERSON

Kinakailangang Paglisan Mainit, hindi lamang ang panahon, kundi maging ang naging pag-uusap namin ng isang manininda ng tubig sa harap ng opisina ng COMELEC noong linggo ng eleksyon. Nagtipon ang mga tao upang kundenahin ang mga anomalya sa botohan na nagbunsod sa pangunguna ni Ferdinand Marcos Jr. sa bilangan. Nagpasiklab sa pananalita si Manong: Bakit ba raw galit kaming mga kabataan sa mga Marcos kung hindi naman namin naranasan ang kanilang pamamahala noon? Pasaring pa niya, “kepuputi at kegaganda ng bihis” ng mga kabataang nagrali, nagpirmi na lang sana kami sa bahay at nag-aral nang maigi. Gusto ko pa sana siyang kausapin, baka sakaling mayroon pang mga biglaang papuri, subalit kailangan ko nang bumalik sa pagkokober. May halong pagsisisi na hindi ako nakapagpaliwanag ng punto gayong sa totoo lang, wala namang problema sa’ming kabataan ang kanyang hiling na itigil ang aming pagwa-walkout. Bentahe pa kung tutuusin ang magtipid ng oras, lakas, at pera. Subalit ang usapin ng kawalangintegridad ng nagdaang eleksyon at ng resulta nito ay nagbabadya sa aming paglabas sa pamantasan.

Kabataan, lumabas sa pamantasan!

Inaasahang pangungunahan ng kabataan ang mga malawakang protesta. Itutulak ng mga kondisyon ang kabataan na lisanin ang kanilang mga klase gayong mag-iibayo ang kontradiksyon sa pagitan ng pag-aaral at krisis sa disimpormasyon. Anupa’t tumutuklas tayo ng bagong kaalaman at katotohanan kung kasinungalingan naman ang arawaraw na ipinalululon ng administrasyon sa taumbayan para panatilihin ang kanilang sarili sa kapangyarihan. Tiyak na magiging mabigat na desisyon ang boykotin ang klase sapagkat sa bansang tigib ng kahirapan, marami pa ring mga mag-aaral ang may mga pamilyang umaasa sa kanilang magiging trabaho paglabas. Ito ang desperasyong sinasamantala ng gobyerno para panatilihing kimi sa kanilang mga silid ang mga estudyante, hiwalay sa mga pangyayari sa labas ng silid-aralan. Gayong hindi inaasahang papatirin ng mga namamahala ang deka-dekadang paghihirap, siklo lamang ng kawalangpag-asa at pang-aabuso ang daranasin ng susunod pang henerasyon ng kabataan. Nasa kabataan ang responsibilidad na angkinin ang dunong at kakayahan upang tunay na makapagsilbi sa iba at di lang

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para sa sarili. Sa pamamagitan ng walkout, pinuputol natin ang pagpapalagay ng gobyernong magpapakulong lang ang mga estudyante sa pamantasan, naghihintay lamang magmartsa upang maging sunod na tagapaglikha, ngunit di magmamayari, ng yaman ng naglalakihang mga negosyo. Binabaklas ng walkout ang mala-pabrika na pagturing sa edukasyon para bawiin ang kapangyarihan at lumikha ng alternatibo. Ngayong lumilitaw ang kahungkagan ni Marcos sa kanyang pagbubuo ng gabinete, lalo lamang nag-iibayo ang posibilidad ng malakihang walkout at protesta ng kabataan. Nauna na niyang ipinahayag na pangungunahan ng kanyang katambal na si Sara Duterte ang Kagawaran ng Edukasyon. Noon pa man, tinatanaw na ni Duterte ang edukasyong militaristiko kung saan huhubugin ang walang pagkukwestyong pagtalima sa gobyerno. Palibhasa, malaking banta sa kanila ang kapal ng kabataang aktibong naging kritiko, at wala nang mas mabisang paraan ng pangongondisyon kundi ang Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC). Dagdag pa rito na ang isa sa mukha ng kampanya ni Marcos na si Rep. Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla ang susunod na kalihim ng Kagawaran ng Katarungan. Kabalintunaan na panghahawakan niya ang posisyon gayong kabikabila ang panre-red-tag ni Remulla sa kabataan at maging sa mga nakikilahok lamang sa bolunterismo gaya ni Ana Patricia Non na nagpasimula ng mga community pantry.

Inilalagay ni Remulla sa panganib ang buhay ng kabataang nakikisangkot sapagkat banta sa kapangyarihan ng estado ang paglalantad ng kabataan sa krisis na kanilang nararanasan. Gayunman, sa bawat panunupil ng gobyerno sa kabataan, laging may itinatayong tarangkahan ng paglaban tulad na lamang noong Diliman Commune at Sigwa ng Unang Kwarto. Sa mga rebolusyonaryong kwentong ito naging lalong malaganap ang pag-oorganisa at pagpapakilos sa marami pang sektor ng mamamayan katulad ng tsuper at maralitang tagalungsod na siyang naging tulak kalaunan sa pagpapatalsik kay Marcos Sr. Parehong hamon ang ipinapaabot ng kasaysayan sa mga kabataan: Ang paramihin ang aktibong pwersa ng kanilang sektor. Tungkulin nilang maipinta nang mas partikular ang kanilang galit batay sa kung anong pinakamalapit sa kanila—mula sa ROTC, pagtatalaga ng mga redtagger na pulitiko sa gabinete, o kahit ang panunumbalik sa pisikal na klase—patungo sa mas malawak na mga isyu. Ang mga kinakaharap na problema ng kabataan ay sumasalabid naman sa danas ng iba pang sektor gayong parehong mga tao ang pinanggagalingan ng mga pagpapahirap. Hindi magwawagi ang laban ng kabataan kung nakapag-iisa, kaya naman esensyal ang pagsuporta ng kabataan sa laban ng mga manggagawa, magsasaka, maralita. Nawa’y hindi maging mailap ang muling pagkikita namin ni Manong. Sa panahong iyon, inaasahan kong mas marami na ang magpaliwanag sa kanya ng kawastuhan ng walkout sa gitna ng pagbalik ng mga Marcos.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Keian Florino

FIRST PERSON

Sa pamamagitan ng walkout, pinuputol ng kabataan ang pagpapalagay ng gobyernong magpapakulong lang ang mga estudyante sa pamantasan, naghihintay lamang magmartsa upang maging sunod na tagapaglikha, ngunit di magmamayari, ng yaman ng naglalakihang mga negosyo.

09 19

KULÊ@100

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

EDITORYAL EDITORY AL

Kung Hindi Kikibo ang Pamunuan ng UP, ang Estudyante ang Mag-aaklas Kung pinapawalang-bisa na ang edukasyon, ano pa ang pumipigil sa mga estudyanteng laktawan ang kanilang klase at magprotesta?

Handa nang sumuong sa giyera ang mga estudyante. Hawak ang inimprobisang molotov at pillbox, nag-aabang sa likod ng barikada, naghihintay na umatake sa mga pulis at sundalong nagmamartsa sa University Avenue. Sa ilalim ng diktadura ni Marcos Sr., laboratoryo ng rebolusyunaryong praktika ang unibersidad. Higit limang dekada na mula nang itayo ng mga estudyante ng UP ang mga barikada, at muling bumabalik ang mga kondisyon upang muli itong itindig. Laganap ang krisis, muling sinusuyod ng mga pwersa ng estado ang pamantasan, at nasa kapangyarihan ang isang Marcos. Nagbabago ang mukha ng nakaupo, nakakaisip ng bagong estilo ng

Dibuho ni Kaxandra Salonga

pandarahas, ngunit nananatiling nagmamatyag ang mga kabataanestudyante, handang magmobilisa anumang oras. Sa nalalabing panahon ni Duterte sa pwesto, epektibo niyang inihanda ang bansa para sa kanyang kapalit. Ang resulta ng halalan noong Mayo ang kulminasyon ng anim na taong pagnonormalisa ni Duterte sa pandarahas at pagsira niya sa mga demokratikong institusyon. Nanaig sa araw ng eleksyon ang kasinungalingan sa katauhan ni Bongbong Marcos. Gamit mismo ang pondo ng taumbayan at pampublikong ahensya, ipinalaganap ang disimpormasyon at paninira laban sa mga progresibong kandidato.

@phkule

Nag-imbento rin sila ng mga kwento gaya ng pamamahagi ng Tallano gold o di kaya pagpakete sa mga Marcos bilang mga itinalaga ng diyos upang iligtas ang bansa— lahat ginawa upang mabura ang karumal-dumal nilang kasalanan sa bayan.

Sinasalungat ng mga nasa poder ang mga natututuhan natin kung kaya nawawalan na rin ng kwenta ang araw-araw na pagpasok sa klase. Maski ang UP, na ipinangangalandakan ang pagiging balwarte ng akademikong kalayaan, ay pinababansot. ’Pagkat sa panahong nabubulid ang lipunan sa kadiliman, anong ginawa ng UP bilang pambansang pamantasan upang maabot ang ordinaryong mamamayan, pigilan ang pagbabalik ng mga minsan nang pinatalsik ng taumbayan? Tahasang tinarget ng administrasyong Duterte ang unibersidad; ni-red-tag ang mga estudyante’t kaguruan, pinasok ang kampus, at tinakot na bawasan ng pondo upang tanggalan ng bisa ang akademya sa mata ng publiko. Pagkakataon sana ito upang maipakita ang tapang at tindig

ng UP, ngunit nakulong ang mga administrador sa mga pahayag, masyadong naging maingat na walang masaktang damdamin. Walang naging konkretong pagresolba ang UP sa mga nararanasang pangha-harass sa mga estudyante, kung kaya lalong lumalakas ang loob ng estado na magpatuloy sa panre-red-tag, lalong paigtingin ang pandarahas. Ang kawalan ng aksyon para tugunan ang walang batayang red-tagging ay nagdulot na ng maraming kamatayan—isa nga rito si Chad Booc, gradweyt ng UP Diliman at guro ng mga Lumad, na pinagbintangang rebelde. Hindi na maprotektahan ang sariling mga estudyante, nagkulang din ang pamantasang lumabas sa sarili nitong espasyo. Mainam sanang instrumento ang mga kolehiyo upang ibahagi sa ordinaryong mamamayan ang tunay na kasaysayan ng Batas Militar, o di kaya magturo ng media literacy, gaya ng sabi ni Danilo Arao ng Kolehiyo ng Komunikasyong Pangmadla sa mga kabataang di estudyante ng pamantasan. Ngunit paano ba natin aasahan ang UP, kung ang ilang miyembro ng administrasyon ay sunud-sunuran sa mga nakaupo sa pwesto? Tatlo sa Board of Regents ay itinalaga ni Duterte, si Pangulong Danilo Concepcion ay kaibigan ni Imee Marcos, at may mga gusali’t parangal pa ngang nakapangalan sa mga tauhan ng dating diktador. Ito ang pamantasang nagluwal sa ilang mga progresibo, ngunit nagprodyus ng higit na mas maraming mga Gloria Arroyo at Ferdinand Marcos.

Malaki ang dagok ng nangyaring halalan, lalo sa mga kabataanestudyante, dahil ang mga kaganapan ay taliwas sa lahat ng kanilang pinag-aaralan.

Bagaman hindi na mapagkakatiwalaang magiging progresibo ang mga administrador ng UP, hindi ito naging hadlang sa pagkilos ng mga mag-aaral. Hindi kinuha ng mga estudyante noon ang permiso ni S.P. Lopez, dating pangulo ng UP, upang ilabas ang mga upuan at pisara para gawing barikada. Lalong hindi natin sila alintana sa mga pagkakataong pinapasok ng mga mag-aaral ang Quezon Hall upang iprotesta ang mga isyu sa kampus. Hindi itinuturo ng unibersidad ang pagiging disidente’t kritikal ng mga mag-aaral. Kung babalikan nga ang kasaysayan ng UP, itinatag ito upang lumikha ng mga estudyanteng tatalima sa pangangailangan ng mga negosyo at magpupuno sa pangangailan ng mga ahensya ng pamahalaan.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Venus Samonte

EDITORY AL

Malaki ang dagok ng nangyaring halalan, lalo sa mga kabataanestudyante, dahil ang mga kaganapan ay taliwas sa lahat ng kanilang pinag-aaralan. Tahasang binasura ang aral ng kasaysayan, di na pinahalagahan ang masugid na pagsuri sa mga nababasa at pagtiwala sa mga tamang sanggunian. Ipinakita ng nangyaring eleksyon na walang bisa ang esensya ng ilang taong edukasyon: ang paggamit natin ng kritikal na pag-iisip.

KULÊ@100

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

EDITORY AL

Ani nga ni Elmer Ordoñez, dating propesor sa UP, nagsilbing consulting firm para sa gobyerno at mga negosyo ang pamantasan, isang think-tank ng rehimen ni Marcos Sr., paano’y nagmula rin sa UP ang mga teknokrat na itinalaga niya sa kanyang gabinete.

Sa huli’y di naman kailangan ng estudyante ang pamantasan upang matuto, lalo sa tipo ng edukasyong iniaalok nito, ngunit ang unibersidad ang mapipilay sa kawalan ng mga mag-aaral na magsusunud-sunuran sa mga ideyang ipinalalaganap dito.

Sinasalamin ng UP ang uri ng edukasyong meron sa bansa: umiiral ayon sa pangangailangan ng mga nakapangyayari, sa halip na nakaayon sa kondisyon ng lipunan. Ngunit ang kontradiksyon sa mga pinag-aaralan sa loob ng klasrum at mga pangyayari sa labas ay siya rin namang nagluluwal sa mga progresibong ideya at radikal na pagkilos ng mga mag-aaral. Ito nga ang nagtulak sa malawakang partisipasyon ng mga iskolar ng bayan sa mga pagkilos laban sa diktadura ni Marcos. Ang pagpapasya ng mga estudyanteng lumabas sa slidaralan kasama ang kanilang mga silya upang itirik ang barikada ay bunsod ng pang-ekonomikong krisis sa bansa at tumitinding banta ng militarisasyon sa kampus. Sa lalong pagtanggal ng bisa ng edukasyon sa lipunan, mas nakikilala natin na di kayang solusyunan ng mga aralin sa pamantasan ang mga problemang kinahaharap ng bansa. Kung patuloy na isasadlak ni Bongbong Marcos sa hirap ang Pilipinas habang ipinipilit pa rin sa mga magaaral na pumasok sa online class at sumali sa ROTC, lalong nagiging matingkad ang pangangailangang lumabas sa sariling espasyo ang mga estudyante at kumilos. Huwag na natin asahan ang mga administrador na bibigyan nila tayo ng pahintulot na lumiban sa klase upang sumama sa mga

Iskolar ng bayan, makiisa sa mga pagkilos!

protesta. Hayaan na ang mga aral na malalaktawan, may mga mas matatas na guro sa hanay ng mga manggagawa, magsasaka, at mga maralita. Sa huli’y di naman kailangan ng estudyante ang pamantasan upang matuto, lalo sa tipo ng edukasyong iniaalok nito, ngunit ang unibersidad ang mapipilay sa kawalan ng mga magaaral na magsusunud-sunuran sa mga ideyang ipinalalaganap dito. Kung gayon, wala na ngang mawawala sa atin kung pagpasyahang kumilos ang bawat isa—dito mas mainam na maisagawa ang linyang walang mag-aaral ang dapat na magpaiwan. Napatunayan na ng kasaysayan na may sariling kapangyarihan ang mga estudyante. Tayo ang may bilang, may lakas na mag-protesta at magorganisa, tayo ang may kakayahan pang mangarap at kumilos para sa isang lipunang tunay na malaya. Lamang, mahalagang maipatimo sa mga kabataan ang pangangailangang lumaya sa kanilang mga iskrin, makiisa at maramdaman ang hirap ng mga sektor na pinaka-naaapektuhan ng mga pahirap na pamumuno. Dito lamang mauunawaan ang laban ng mga kabataan sa mas malaking iskema ng mga bagay. Sa panahong pinapawalang-bisa ng mga Marcos ang edukasyon at katotohanan, kahingian sa lahat ng estudyanteng lumaya sa tanikala ng makitid nilang mga asignatura. Ang paglilingkod sa sambayanan ay hindi kailangang mangyari pagtapos lamang magmartsa, ni magagawa habang ipit tayo sa gabundok na mga rekisito. Lumabas sa inyong mga klasrum at tirahan, maghandang sumuon at muling magpabagsak ng diktador.

@phkule

KULÊ@100

The looming threats of a Marcos presidency calls for an informed, empowered, and committed studentry emboldened to go beyond the comfort of their classroom walls to fight for the greater cause.

I LLUST R AT I O N

Illustration by Kaxandra Salonga

Page design by Andrea Medina

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

SOCIETY

Gretle C. Mago

Lugar ng Pakikibaka »

Maniwala tayo sa tagumpay na maaaring ipanganak ng mga kilos protesta, lalo na kung laksa-laksang masa ang mangunguna nito.

Sa mga espasyong pampubliko, mahalaga umano ang pagpapanatili ng kaayusan. Kaya sa tuwing magigitla ang karaniwang araw sa pagdagsa ng mga tao sa lansangan, isa itong pagkasira sa inaakalang kaayusan. Para sa ilan, ang mga taong may bitbit na placard, sigaw na hinugot nila sa mga dibdib, at mga kamaong nakataas, ay mga panggulo o ingay lamang kung ituring. Nitong halalan, galit at dismaya ang namayani sa marami. Bilang pagtutol sa naging magulong botohan, naganap na pandarahas, at libu-libong hindi nakaboto, tumungo

Dibuho ni Kim Yutuc

ang mga tao mula sa iba’t ibang rehiyon ng bansa sa lansangan upang magprotesta. Sa Liwasang Bonifacio, nagtayo ng kampuhan ang masang anakpawis. Hindi na lang pagtutol sa naganap na eleksyon, itinayo ang kampuhan bilang pagtanggi na muling mapasailalim sa kamay ng mga Marcos at Duterte ang bansa. Wala nang mapapala sa mga pagkilos, anang iilang tinanggap na ang resulta ng eleksyon. Pero sa kanilang hindi kayang manatiling tahimik sa ligalig na nangyayari sa lipunan, malawak at buhay ang lansangan bilang lugar ng pagkilos.

Isang imbitasyon ang kampuhan para sa nagnanais matuto at lumaban kasama ng masa. Pulitika ng Kampuhan Sa kasaysayan ng mga naganap na kampuhan sa bansa, iisa ang layunin nito: pagpapakita ng mamamayan sa kanilang pwersa upang igiit ang kanilang kahingian mula sa mga institusyong ipinagkakait ang mga ito. Ipinakita ito ng mga estudyante at tsuper noong Diliman Commune nang tutulan nila ang ang pagtaas ng presyo ng langis at paglala ng krisis pang-ekonomiya noong rehimeng Marcos.

@phkule

KULÊ@100

SOCIETY

Sa pananatili ng mga kampuhan sa mga pampublikong espasyo bilang pagtindig at imbitasyon sa publiko upang makilahok, iginigiit nito ang pag-iral ng iba’t ibang buhay ng Pilipino.

Bilang paggiit na sa isang demokratikong bansa, dapat publiko ang namamayani, ginaganap ang kampuhan sa mga pampublikong espasyo sa bansa. Ito ang iginiit ng mga estudyanteng nagkampuhan sa Mendiola noong 2011 bilang pagtutol sa kabi-kabilang budget cut noong administrasyong Aquino. Sentro din ang mga kampuhan upang matuto at makipagpalitan ng kaalamang kultural at pulitikal. Nakita ito noong nagkampuhan ang mga Lumad noong 2015 upang labanan ang pagpapalayas sa kanila ng militar sa kanilang lupang ninuno. Nakapagbunga na rin ng tagumpay

para sa masa ang mga kampuhan. Noong 2017, napigilan ng mga tao sa isla ng Manicani ang pagmimina ng Hinatuan Mining Corp. nang magkampuhan ang mga residente sa labas ng opisina ng Department of Environment and Natural Resources. Umabot sa 30 katao ang kampuhan na sinuportahan maging ng mga grupo sa simbahan. Kampuhan Kontra Daya ang naging bansag sa naganap na pagokupa sa Liwasang Bonifacio dahil sa sistematikong pandaraya sa eleksyon. Mukha nito’y malawakang pagkalat ng disimpormasyon, panre-red-tag sa mga progresibong

partido at kandidato, at higit sa lahat, ang malayang pagtakbo ng mga pulitikong nahatulan na ng iba’t ibang krimen. Naging kagyat ang pagdedesisyon ng mga grupo sa pagtayo ng Kampuhan—isang pangangailangan sa panahon kung saan kritikal ang pagkilos. Sa tatlong araw na protesta sa Liwasang Bonifacio, naging mahalaga ang damayan para sa isa’t isa upang maitayo at maitaguyod ang Kampuhan. Sa bawat araw ng pag-oorganisa sa Kampuhan, ang kapakanan ng buong

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PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

kolektibo ang pinakamahalaga. Ibig sabihin nito’y paninigurong may pahinga ang bawat isa, may sapat na pagkain at inumin para sa mga darating na araw, ligtas at maayos ang paggawa ng mga aktibidad, at anumang pangangailangan ay nabibigyang solusyon.

SOCIETY

Kultura ng Kampuhan Malaya ang kahit na sinong sumama sa kampuhan. Libre ang pagkain na mismong komunidad ang naghahanda, at nagdaos ng pag-aaral at diskusyon ang mga kabataan. At liban sa pagbabalita ng alternatibong midya sa internet, ipinamahagi rin nila sa kampuhan ang kanilang mga ulat tungkol sa kinakaharap ng lipunan na di mamamataan sa malalaking midya. Mga kababaihan ang nanguna sa mga aktibidad para sa mga kabataan. Naglunsad sila ng mga storytelling, crochet workshop, at chalk art. Hindi kumbensyunal, pero sa mga aktibidad na ito, natututo at namumulat ang mga kabataan, miski matatanda, sa tunay na kalagayan nila bilang mga Pilipino sa lipunang kanilang ginagalawan. Sa ikalawang gabi sa Liwasang Bonifacio, bago tumugtog ang iba’t ibang musikero bilang pakikiisa sa kampuhan, taimtim na pinagpugayan si Joseph Canlas, isang lider-pesanteng ipinaglaban ang karapatan ng mga pesanteng magsasaka. Matunaw at matanggal man sa semento ang mga kandilang nakatirik, mahirap nang burahin ang karanasan ito ng mga taong kahit sa maikling oras ay lumubog at nakipamuhay sa masa. Para kay Doreen Massey, isang cultural geographer, mahalaga ang

Reject, Resist Marcos-Duterte

JUNE 2022

“thrown-togetherness” sa paggamit ng tao sa isang espasyo, partikular na sa usaping pulitikal. Aniya, malaki ang potensyal ng mga pampublikong espasyo upang maging lunsaran ng diskurso at dayalogo sa mga karanasan at hangarin ng bawat isa.

ang pananakot at intimidasyon sa mga tao upang huwag sumali sa mga pagkilos. Ngunit kasama ng mga kakamping medic at paralegal, pinaiigting ang seguridad ng bawat lahat sa pagkilos bilang isang kolektibo.

Kaugnay nito ang konsepto ng sociality of space ni Jane Jacobs, isang aktibista sa Estados Unidos. Kapag malay tayo sa mga pangyayari sa paligid, mas lalalim ang ating pag-unawa sa ginagalawang nating lipunan; kasunod nito ang aktibong partisipasyon sa pag-usad ng pagbabago at rekognisyon sa kakayahan ng mamamayan bilang isang pwersa.

Karapatan ng bawat isa ang magpahayag ng kanilang pagtutol sa lalo nating paghihirap; maging di-organisadong mamamayan na nakapaligid sa kampuhan ay kinilala ito. Nang humarap sa panganib ng pagpapaalis ang Kampuhan at paniniktik ng mga awtoridad, nakiisa ang mga naninirahan at manininda sa Liwasang Bonifacio sa paniniguro ng kapayapaan sa kampuhan.

Sa pananatili ng mga kampuhan sa mga pampublikong espasyo bilang pagtindig at imbitasyon sa publiko upang makilahok, iginigiit nito ang pag-iral ng iba’t ibang buhay ng Pilipino—ang realidad ng kahirapan at pangangailangan ng pagbabago mula rito. Ito ang nais ipaintindi ng mga kampuhan sa ordinaryong mamamayan: May kakayahan tayo upang wakasan ang inhustisyang nararansan natin.

Sa loob ng tatlong araw na Kampuhan, nagkaroon ng pagkakaisang tanging makakamit lamang sa pagbuo ng komunidad na may malasakit para sa isa’t isa.

Hangarin ng Kampuhan Ang paghilom ng lipunan mula sa iba’t ibang sakit ay responsibilidad ng bawat isa—nasa bawat indibidwal ang pagpapasya, bagay na hindi madidiktahan ng kahit sino, ngunit may kakayahan at ginagampanang papel silang higit na mulat upang ipaintindi at ipaunawa ito sa kapwa. Sa mga darating na buwan, tiyak na darami ang demonstrasyon at kilos-protesta laban sa bagong administrasyon. Higit ding iigting

Nananatiling hamon ang limitasyon sa rekurso upang makadalo at makapagdaos ng programa’t protesta. Marapat din na kilalanin ang di pagkakapantay-pantay ng antas ng kamalayan ng mga tao sa pulitika at lipunan. Mula rito, mahalagang magkaroon ng pang-unawa sa bawat isa at pamamalakad bilang isang kolektibo. Ang nais natin ngayon ay ang lalong pagtibay ng hanay sa bawat pagkilos. Makakamit lang ito kung tulad sa naganap na Kampuhan, sama-sama tayong magkikita sa gitna at matututo mula sa isa’t isa. Mananatiling bukas ang mga kampuhan. Dahil sa huli, tanging pwersa nating mamamayan ang makapagbibigay sa’ting mga hangarin para sa bayan.

KULÊ@100

spread rapidly on social media, gaining millions of engagements.

SOCIETY

@phkule

Jericho Igdanes

Historical Past in the Making »

With another Marcos presidency inching closer, civilians and volunteer groups work together to guard our history through archival efforts.

Seven days after the 2022 national elections, internet users browsing the Malacañang website saw something different on their screens. Instead of the slider showing photos of the palace’s façade, an error message filled up the browser window. The website was inaccessible, taking a sizable collection of Martial Law era resources down with it.

An official statement from the Presidential Museum and Library said that the website is merely undergoing updates and all content remains intact. But fearing that this incident was a precursor to more widespread erasure of Martial Law era content, many individuals and groups enlisted the help of technology to take matters into their own hands.

With the Marcoses’ skillful manipulation of the public’s digital consciousness, it is not hard to see why people were alarmed over the downtime of the Malacañang website. The extended downtime feels a lot like a media blackout, reminiscent of media shutdowns during the Martial Law era. It does not help that Imee Marcos publicly stated that her brother’s presidential win is an opportunity to “clarify” her father’s legacy—a regime marked by killings, abuse, and censorship.

Redacted and Tampered The Marcos family has spent the last decade denying their crimes, downplaying criticisms against their late patriarch Ferdinand Marcos. Despite the solid proof of the Martial Law atrocities, many loyalists still deny those had happened. The denial comes as a result of coordinated attempts to distort history, in which online posts posit false claims about the Marcoses. These kinds of content

The cycle of disinformation owes its success to social media, where historical accuracy plays second fiddle to clicks. The Marcoses were able to change the narrative about their family, utilizing everything from bizarre urban legends to falsehoods aimed at their critics and rivals. It was a long game for them, one that they cunningly played until they delivered a checkmate last May 9. The persistence of disinformation happened even with a plethora of Martial Law resources available online. There is the Bantayog ng Mga Bayani website, which is also undergoing a revamp. The Bantayog page carries an extensive collection of information about the martyrs of the regime. Ateneo de Manila University also has an online Martial Law Museum containing educational

Page design by Gie Rodenas

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

SOCIETY

resources about the Marcos regime. With more people believing what they see on social media, some netizens have started putting up more Martial Law archives online for easier access. These initiatives are among the few instances where social media users lead efforts to fight disinformation. At least one publicly accessible Martial Law archive has been up since October 2021. The Google Drive folder, dubbed “The Marcos Years,” was shared across the internet. Since then, several initiatives have followed suit. While not as organized as mainstream media’s continued factchecking efforts, thousands of users have participated in or created their

JUNE 2022

own archives. These folders cover a wide range of topics, from the more novel anecdotes, as in Marcos Sr.’s affair with Dovie Beams, to the more spine-chilling, vivid documentation of the torture of the late dictator’s critics. In their raw form, these archives almost seem like mini-community libraries. Much like donating books, users can contribute by uploading PDF files or sharing video clips. Even the larger archives, like the Martial Law Chronicles Project and Developh’s Martial Law Index, also accept volunteer submissions. Building these archives was a spontaneous process fueled by none other than people’s desire

to share knowledge, one much appreciated due to the limited access to physical spaces because of the pandemic. The archives act as a stand-in for physical libraries. The availability of resources is also a massive opportunity to correct misconceptions, one analogous to the bite-sized fake news prominent on digital platforms. Data Scrubbing How the public receives fascist history depends on the iconographies associated with it, media scholar Kris Ravetto-Biagoli discussed in The Unmaking of Fascist Aesthetics. One of the hallmarks of the Marcos public relations machine is its usage of mysticism and trivialization to

The availability of resources is also a massive opportunity to correct misconceptions, one analogous to the bite-sized fake news prominent on digital platforms.

Illustration by Christene Neccessario

@phkule

color the regime. For instance, the Tallano Gold conspiracy is imprinted in the public consciousness, even after having been debunked multiple times. The Nutribun USAID project was also framed as a tasty snack rather than a sign of widespread malnutrition. Without factual information to correct these ideas, the public remembers the bloody regime less for its atrocities and more for falsehoods and mundane aspects. If archives like the Malacañang website disappear, it is likely that the current consensus on the Marcos regime’s atrocities will be relegated to an alternate interpretation of historical events.

“As president, Marcos Jr. has the power to appoint key administrative positions like the Department of Education, which was recently given to Sara Duterte. He also has the power to appoint the chairperson of the NHCP,” said Francisco Guiang, an assistant professor of history at UP Diliman. “The latter will be crucial because he will have the means to dictate a perspective of Martial Law history that will be favorable for their family even if it means disregarding important historical facts.”

The NHCP has a series of online materials at the Martial Law Museum. The commission also objected to the burial of Marcos Sr. in the Libingan ng Mga Bayani in 2016. Initiatives like the Museum seem directly incompatible with the precedence set by the Marcoses, in which they whitewash welldocumented cases of abuse and killings during the Martial Law period. The civilian-led archives are an alternative to these projects, although additional steps must be taken to ensure that they do not go down easily. Duplicate and Disseminate It will take more than enthusiasm and a stable internet for these archives to survive outside cloud storage. Replicability is important to ensure their survival, while widespread dissemination is essential to ensure that these links have a life outside the volunteers’ news feeds. If books can be burned or shredded, downloaded files can be nuked through corruption or hacking. Even with their supposed immortality, digital files are always at risk of extinction if backups don’t exist. Volunteer group Developh recognizes this as a potential problem for their Martial Law Index, which is why they have already set up a backup website for the project. “We want to create many digital mirrors and preserve files in physical media formats. We want the website itself to be reproducible so that in case our site goes down, two more rise,” said Chia Amisola, Developh’s founder.

Besides ensuring their continued existence, there is also the challenge of letting these materials propagate beyond the echo chamber. The support page of the Martial Law Chronicles Project contains a similar message. Marked as “an inconvenient truth,” the page posits that their initiative is just a David to the Goliath that is the Marcoses. But despite these challenges, many of these volunteers are committed to using technology to continue upholding Martial Law history. The key to rebuilding public trust may be cultivating engagement with the information, as posited by a 2021 paper led by Jesper Strömbäck and other media scholars. Rather than forcing them to participate with mainstream media institutions they find polarizing, civilian initiatives like the archives come without that baggage.

SOCIETY

The civilian archives were made in anticipation of a sanitized section about the Marcos regime replacing previous content on the Malacañang website. Should this happen, it’s easy to imagine that the other government agencies carrying documents about the era will get whitewashed or purged altogether. These include the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission and the National Historical Commission of the Philippines (NHCP).

KULÊ@100

These archives are a demonstration of how technology and volunteerism can go hand-in-hand. But although a step forward, Martial Law archival efforts are not the solution to the historical distortion problem. There must be more vigilance in the coming months, as we wait and see how the incoming administration will frame the history of the Marcos regime. In the same way that volunteers put together these archives, the public also has the responsibility to ensure their survival against purging. It is not enough for these archives to exist in the cloud. We should read, share, and keep backups. These community-driven initiatives are a reminder of our combined strength, a power capable enough of upholding Martial Law history online and offline.

Page design by Gie Rodenas

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

JUNE 2022

NATION

Keian Florino

Sa Huling Yugto ng Kanyang Termino

Ang Mukha ng Anim na Taong Paglabag ni Duterte sa Karapatang Pantao »

Para sa mga biktima ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao ni Duterte, walang ibang paraan para mapanagot ang pangulo kundi sa kanyang pagkakakulong.

Buhay at kabuhayan ng mamamayan ang naging kapalit ng ibinabanderang programa ni Duterte tulad ng Oplan Tokhang at ang pagbubuo ng NTF-ELCAC.

Panagutin ang administrasyong Duterte sa paglabag sa karapatang pantao!

File photo (December 2017)

@phkule

Mahigit 400 biktima ng Oplan Tokhang noong 2021, 121 indibidwal na minasaker, at 700 bilanggong pulitikal sa bansa ang iilan lamang sa mga lilisanin ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte matapos ang kanyang anim na taong termino. Walang anumang resolusyon sa mga kaso ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao, itong kawalang-katarungan umano ang magiging legasiya ng pangulo, ayon sa 48-pahinang ulat ng Commission on Human Rights hinggil sa estado ng karapatang pantao sa ilalim ni Duterte na inilabas noong Mayo. Alamin sa dalawang kaanak ng biktima ng karahasan kung paano nila lalagumin ang pagtrato ni Duterte sa karapatang pantao at kung paano uusad ang kanilang panawagan para sa hustisya.

Dalawang taon na mula nang patayin ng mga hindi kilalang motorista ang ama ni Lean Porquia, si Jory Porquia, regional coordinator ng Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN) sa Panay. Bago pa mismo ang naging pagpaslang, mainit na sa mata ng estado si Jory gayong aktibo siyang organisador sa lugar magmula pa noong Batas Militar kung kailan dalawang beses siyang nakulong. Dalawang taon mula ang pagpaslang, patuloy ang pagdadalamhati nina Lean at kanyang kapatid, gayong wala pa ring hustisya na naibibigay sa kanilang padre de pamilya. “We haven’t gone through the process of grieving, but here we are facing the same challenge na ipanawagan yung hustisya para kay tatay, with another fear of a Marcos government na every single thing

happened under Duterte will just continue,” ani Lean. Huli pa umanong inasikaso ng mga opisyal ang kaso ni Jory noong iapela itong maisama sa mga iimbistegahang insidente ng pagpatay sa mga aktibista’t kasangkot sa pulitikal na gawain sa ilalim ng Administrative Order 35. “Pinakamasakit doon ay wala na nga silang ginagawang tungkol sa kaso, na-reduce pa yung mga motibo kung bakit pinatay si tatay. Nung una, biktima lang daw ng petty crime na pagnanakaw, tapos we just learned that the case was already closed when the police gave another angle na there is another woman involved,” ani Lean. Para kay Lean, biktima ang kanyang ama ng “Oplan Tokhang” ng administrasyong Duterte sa mga aktibista. Inamin ng gobyerno na meron nang 6,252 nasawi sa giyera kontra droga. Tinataya namang umabot ang bilang ng extrajudicial killings hanggang 30,000, batay sa isinumiteng datos sa International Criminal Court (ICC). Inaasahang hindi magtatapos sa administrasyong Duterte ang Tokhang gayong nagpahayag si Ferdinand Marcos Jr. na ipagpapatuloy niya ang programa. Mas lalo ding iilap ang hustisya para sa pamilyang Porquia at sa kapwa nilang biktima ng pagpaslang dahil ayon kay Marcos, hindi tutulungan ng kanyang administrasyon ang imbestigasyon ng ICC hinggil sa mga pagpatay na magiging batayan sana sa pagpapakulong kay Duterte. Pangamba ang nararamdaman ni Lean hinggil dito sapagkat tiyak na masusundan pa ang mga atake hindi lamang sa kanilang pamilya

kundi maging sa mga aktibista. Magmula kasi noon, tinangkang patayin sa pananaksak ang abogadong rumesponde sa kaso ni Jory, inaresto ang kapatid ni Lean habang nasa protesta laban sa pagpatay sa kanilang ama, at si Lean mismo ay sinampahan ng gawagawang kasong human trafficking at child abuse and exploitation. Sa kabila nito, pinipili pa rin ng mga Porquia na ipagpatuloy ang panawagan para sa hustisya at pagpapanagot sa administrasyon ni Duterte. Inihain ding ebidensya ang pagpatay kay Jory sa kaso sa ICC upang patunayan ang paglabag ni Duterte sa karapatang pantao. “There are days we cannot speak, even utter a word, nor sleep. Napaguusapan namin ng kapatid ko na ‘what if what happened to tatay happens to us?’” Ani Lean. “The last two years were really a struggle for us dahil we feel so vulnerable everytime na may nababalitang pinapatay o pinapakulong na aktibista kasi we’ll never know kung kami na yung susunod.” Silang Pinakulong Malaking tulong para kay Mark Ryan Cruz, isa sa mga inaresto noong Human Rights Day 2020, ang regular na makatanggap ng liham mula sa kanyang anak para ipagpatuloy ang buhay sa kulungan. Magdadalawang taon na siyang nakakulong at walang usad ang kaso kung kaya hindi man lang niya magabayan sa paglaki ang kanyang anak. Sinampahan ng gawa-gawang kasong illegal possession of firearms and explosives si Cruz kasama nina Lady Ann Salem, editor ng Manila Today, at lima pang unyonistang sina Romina Astudillo,

Disenyo sa pahina ni Gie Rodenas

NATION

Silang Pinaslang

KULÊ@100

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

Rodrigo Esparago, Joel Demante, Jaymie Gregorio Jr., at Denisse Velasco. Dinidinig pa rin hanggang ngayon ang kaso ng mga inaresto maliban kina Salem, Esparago, at Velasco na ibinasura na ang kaso at pinalaya.

NATION

Dagok para sa asawa ni Cruz na si Ella Durana ang mag-isang itaguyod ang kanilang pamilya. Bukod sa kakapusang pinansyal at moral na pagkalugmok, mahirap palakihin ang kanilang anak na walang presensya ni Cruz. Kung kaya, inaasa na lamang ng kanyang anak sa pagsusulat sa diary ang pagtatala ng kanyang nalalaman tungkol sa ama kada matatapos ang kanilang pagbisita sa kulungan ni Cruz sa Bureau of Jail Management and Penology (BJMP). Isa si Cruz sa 702 bilanggong pulitikal sa bansa, ayon sa datos ng Kapatid, isang grupo ng mga kaanak ng bilanggong pulitikal. Sa ilalim ng administrasyong Duterte, maraming pamilyang katulad nila Cruz ang pinahirapan at namatayan ng mahal sa buhay sa kulungan dahil sa pagtrato ng gobyerno sa mga aktibistang ipinakulong. Inulan ng pagkundena noong 2020 ang pagkamatay ni Baby River, anak ni Reina Mae Nasino na hinuli sa parehong kaso kina Cruz. Namatay si Baby River dahil sa pagkawalay sa ina nang ibasura ng korte sa Manila ang apela ni Nasino na alagaan ang anak habang sanggol pa ito. Maging sa lamay ng yumaong anak, naging mahigpit ang korte na naging dahilan para magkaroon ng komosyon habang nagdadalamhati ang ina. “Itong lahat ng pagtrato ni Duterte sa karapatang pantao ay tanda lamang na bigo ang kanyang

JUNE 2022

administrasyong tugunan ang daing ng taumbayan na syang ipinaglalaban ng mga aktibista … Isa syang malaking duwag sa isang makatwirang labanan ng prinsipyo, paninindigan at programa para sa pagpapabuti ng bayan,” ani Durana. Napipinto pa ang mas mahabang pagkakakulong nina Cruz gayong dinidinig pa rin ang kanilang kaso. Subalit sa kabila ng mga kabiguan at pagpapahirap sa mga bilanggong pulitikal, nagtagumpay ang pagkilos nila Cruz na “Padlock Under Protest” para mailipat sila mula sa Annex 2 ng BJMP patungong Annex 4 kung saan kasalukuyan silang nananatili. Mas maayos na ang pagtrato sa kanila rito, at kasama na rin nila Cruz ang iba pang bilanggong pulitikal. Sa lahat ng paglabag ni Duterte, naninindigan si Lean at Durana na walang ibang paraan para mapanagot ang pangulo kundi sa kanyang pagkakakulong. Hamon umano sa ngayon ang patuloy na kundenahin ang mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao habang bumubuo ng matibay na kaso laban sa pangulo, sa loob o labas man ng bansa. Bagaman magiging mahirap ang pagkamit ng hustisya sa ilalim ng susunod na administrasyon, magpapatuloy ang kanilang paniningil habang malaya si Duterte. “Kailangang mas maging matatag dahil hindi matatapos [ang laban] sa pagpapalaya sa kanya (Cruz), kundi hanggang sa tagumpay ng aming itinataguyod na hustisya– ang pagpapakulong kay Duterte at ang solusyonan ang mga [idinadaing ng mamamayan na] dahilan bakit maraming bilanggo ang kinukulong at pilit na pinapatahimik.” ani Durana.

Panagutin ang administrasyong Duterte sa paglabag sa karapatang pantao!

Hamon umano sa ngayon ang patuloy na kundenahin ang mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao habang bumubuo ng matibay na kaso laban sa pangulo, sa loob o labas man ng bansa.

@phkule

KULÊ@100

Daniel Sebastianne Daiz

Democratic Institutions Barely Survived Duterte. Marcos Might Finally Shatter Them. The strength of our democratic institutions depends on the political actors behind it. Such is the consequence of the assumption our body politic has: That our government officials will always act in good faith.

Many presidents have attempted to change the inner working of our government—mostly through plans of charter change. Yet still, the Filipino people have successfully resisted those attempts. Even President Rodrigo Duterte, whose

But under Duterte, we have seen an unprecedented assault on our government institutions. In 2017, the Senate—which commentators dubbed the “last bastion of democracy”—stripped Duterte’s political enemies of their committee leadership. That Senate shakeup happened just days after the arrest of Sen. Leila De Lima who led an inquiry over the administration’s war on drugs. The following year, Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno was ousted by an arcane procedure called a quo warranto petition. Months before her ouster, Duterte, in a televised speech, called Sereno her “enemy” and called for her removal in the post. Even the country’s official lawyer, the solicitor general, was reduced into being Duterte’s personal lawyer, in charge of the administration’s legal attacks against the people and institutions.

The death of democracy, after all, is not an instant one. Its demise happens slowly.

As a result, barely two years into his term, Duterte already had the legislature and judiciary under his control.

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However, time and again, that assumption has always failed. It is not new that the lawgivers and lawmakers have become lawbreakers. So, post-EDSA 1, the constitution implemented heightened measures of accountability and checks and balances. This culture of distrust against politicians is exemplified when the 1987 Constitution gutted the power of the president to declare Martial Law, when the courts were given more power to review the decisions of nearly every government instrumentality, and when our fundamental rights were vastly expanded.

campaign platform’s bread and butter was federalism, failed.

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

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From thereon, Duterte began his anti-democratic project in full swing. Congress became a rubberstamp and passed anti-people policies, as in the Rice Tariffication Law, the draconian Anti-Terrorism Law, and a law which allowed full foreign ownership of utilities like telcos and airports. A presidential task force, meanwhile, legitimized and funded Duterte’s anti-communist witch hunt. At the same time, courts have kowtowed to state forces’ fictitious evidence against legal organizations and activists. Under Duterte, court warrants have become death warrants for activists and dissenters. As another Marcos assumes the presidency, the future is bleak for our democratic institutions. Marcos will undoubtedly continue Duterte’s authoritarian governance, never mind the concept of a coequal branch because whoever holds the presidency is now the overlord of the bureaucracy. Any government’s duty is to uphold its people’s rights and interests.

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But for the past six years, we have witnessed a president slowly chip away at the independence and legitimacy of these government institutions, almost reducing them to merely effectors of the president’s whims and diktats. And we do not expect that to stop in the next administration.

proceedings to ill-gotten wealth.

Nothing more should be expected of our sham institutions. In Congress, for example, we will see a diminished presence of opposition lawmakers, which could possibly make it easier for the next administration to implement policies with little to no oversight or even debate.

When our institutions can no longer protect their constituents, the people become the most powerful political actor. The strongest expression of the people’s democratic will, after all, is not in the ballot box. True democracy goes beyond the demarcation lines of what the laws dictate or whoever is in Malacañang. Real democracy is breaking the limits that the rich and powerful have imposed on us.

It is likely that the next few years will be a continuation of our teeter toward the ultimate death of whatever is left of our democratic spaces. After all, the Marcoses have taken advantage of our institutions to stage their political comeback when they constantly evaded the law for their crimes and their deliberately delayed

retake

their

The death of democracy, after all, is not an instant one. Its demise happens slowly: From barring most mainstream media from attending press briefings to years-long disinformation campaigns.

Direct democracy means the Filipino people’s collective resolve to show up in the streets and picket lines to force a radical reckoning of our system. And when that happens, we will make sure that it will be a meaningful and lasting one.

Congressional leaders proclaim Ferdinand Marcos Jr. as the country’s next president, May 22. As another Marcos assumes the presidency, the future is bleak for our democratic institutions.

Photo by Marcos’s Media Bureau

@phkule

KULÊ@100

Gie Rodenas

Politics and Career in Crisis »

Labor conditions and political repression in the civil service are bound to get worse under the Marcos-Duterte tandem.

Not a single day goes by that I do not think of quitting Public Administration.

It is only in understanding power structures and tracing the history of resistance within the system that I found reasons to carry on with this pursuit. That is, despite the fact that the structure of governance centralizes power to elected officials, civil personnel are the core of the governmental system, undertaking day-to-day operations. Administrators perform important duties such as assisting in budget preparation, expenditure, and revenue generation, as well as providing technical advice and recommendations on major plans and policies. Today, our civil personnel stand at a critical juncture in politics

In theory, public administration is disjoint from politics. While civil personnel embody neutrality and are barred from partisan activities, politicians are recognized as people’s representatives with apparent interests. In practice, however, public administration cannot exist in a separate sphere from politics; it resides in a complex political environment and larger governmental system. Regardless of who is in power, civil servants have to carry on with their duties yet they cannot turn a blind eye to the political state either, because political considerations shape their actions.

Today, our civil personnel stand at a critical juncture in politics and administration. Marcos Jr. and Sara Duterte are bound to continue their fathers’ bloody legacy.

Aside from uncertainty in the assumption of Marcos to power, civil personnel vastly suffer from contractualization, low wages,

Serve the People!

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I could lie and say that I have always wanted to be on this track—to join the ranks of civil personnel, work in frontline service provision, and institutionalize reforms. It is a noble ambition, after all. However, I could only perceive the governing system in contempt for perpetuating structural problems in society.

and administration. Presidentelect Ferdinand Marcos Jr., son of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, and Vice President-elect Sara Duterte, daughter of President Rodrigo Duterte, are bound to continue their fathers’ bloody legacy. This brings me overwhelming fear. In striving for positive change, how can I serve under such an atrocious regime?

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

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unfair labor conditions, and receive the brunt of the top management’s failures and shortcomings. Many of these problems trace their lineage back to Marcos Sr.’s policies. Upon the declaration of Martial Law, his first agenda was to reorganize the government. His plan allowed layoffs between 1973 and 1975, while appointing more people based on loyalty. Marcos also introduced labor contractualization and other austerity measures to cut expenditures, as the national deficit ballooned to sustain his plunder. This resulted in precarious work in civil service, wherein nonregular workers under contracts of service, job orders, and third-party agencies take on responsibilities of regular, permanent jobs without security of tenure and social protection. To prevent uprisings, Marcos weaponized Martial Law to ban workers’ strikes. He repressed unions, arrested and killed union leaders. Still, labor unions were among the first to resist Marcos’ tyranny and protest against worsening economic exploitation and political repression. When Filipinos finally overthrew Marcos, the government was overhauled. The 1987 Constitution enshrined activism and unionism. Yet, the same working conditions that hounded workers back then continue to this day, and labor unions still endure the same tactics of repression—from red-tagging to illegal arrests and killings. Under Duterte’s term, the legitimate exercise of political rights, including protesting for fairer labor conditions and decent wages, is suppressed by linking dissidents to communist groups. Juan Alexander Reyes,

Serve the People!

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Oliver Rosales, Rowena Rosales, and Antonieta Dizon were civil personnel and government union organizers arrested under Duterte’s regime based on trumped-up charges and accused of being armed rebel leaders. Duterte appointed retired army and police officials in key institutions, effectively centralizing power to the military. This approach is proven detrimental during a health crisis. Instead of appointing health and medical experts, Duterte designated retired Army Gen. Carlito Galvez Jr. to head the national task force against COVID-19. He is also in charge of the procurement of vaccines, which has been delayed multiple times. Under the newly elected MarcosDuterte tandem, we can only expect overwhelming failures from the top management, and the worst forms of violence in dealing with dissent and addressing legitimate concerns of workers. The regime’s new administration has patronage politics written all over it: Sara Duterte as education secretary, Rep. Jesus Crispin “Boying” Remulla as justice secretary, and Erwin Tulfo as the social welfare and development secretary. To ensure political survival, Marcos has to appoint loyalists, even those without credibility.

Regardless of who is in power, civil servants have to carry on with their duties yet they cannot turn a blind eye to the political state either, because political considerations shape their actions.

Despite the urge to quit Public Administration, the call to serve rings louder. It is definitely scary, but we have to stand and hold the line. As “lingkod-bayan,” our duty must be oriented to the people. Thus, we have to live on the legacy of resistance and uncompromising struggle toward an ideal world where we can truly serve the national interest, with career officials receiving just compensation and decent labor conditions.

« Page design by Venus Samonte

@phkule

Kim Yutuc

Neophobia: A Deconstruction of Filipino Horror

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The survival of man was ensured by his capacity to experience fear—the knowledge of needing to run away from predators, of having to hide in caves at night to avoid what lurks in the darkness. Stories told to instill fear of these predators into the hearts of men have been passed on for centuries, dating all the way back to various ancient cultures as part of their shared folklore. As human civilization progressed, however, these tales persisted, creeping into the public imaginary in different genres and forms of media. Today, disturbances of the natural order are often depicted through horror; an expansive genre designed to elicit a sense of fear and terror in the audience. The horror genre, as a whole, is heterogenous and protean, consisting of numerous subgenres and hybrid variants, such as gothic horror, supernatural horror, monster movies, slasher films, psychological horror, and more.

ABSTRACT Page design by Gie Rodenas

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

ABSTRACT

In spite of this, however, it is undeniable that a large number of the genre’s staple tropes find their roots in the folklore of a particular society, making use of cryptids and creatures as the abject sources of terror in the narratives. One such example would be that of the Shake Rattle and Roll franchise, a popular film series that holds the most number of sequel titles not just for horror films but for the entirety of Philippine cinema, often depicting the aswang and the manananggal. Neither horror nor these monsters of folklore, however, exist in social, cultural, and political vacuums.The horror genre has long been criticized for its often exploitative, politically regressive subject matter based on racist, sexist, and classist ideological assumptions that leads to the othering of already marginalized identities. The monster is inexplicably entrenched in culture, history, and ideology as a representation of all that a particular society deems aberrant. Horror thus finds itself in a paradoxical position: simultaneously the analog of the anxieties of the common folk and the perpetrator of the ideological ends of the ruling hegemonic order. Therefore, this study asks: What is the ideological discourse behind the similarities and differences between narratives in Filipino horror films and the lived experiences of individuals from marginalized sectors in Metro Manila? For the methodology, hermeneutics was applied to three select Filipino horror films: Feng Shui, Shake, Rattle and Roll II, and Shake, Rattle and Roll III. Hermeneutic phenomenology was used to examine the lived experiences of terror and horror of eight individuals residing in Metro Manila who experience marginalization on the bases of race, class, and/or gender. The similarities between the codes and themes from the narratives on film and the lived experiences of the respondents were framed in the context of the social, political, and economic conditions of the country. The data were analyzed to see if the underlying themes in the select films corresponded to the fears of the respondents, or if they reinforced any preconceived, politically regressive ideologies. Robin Wood argued that the horror genre presents the source of fear not as what is “evil” but as what is “other”—what the prevailing ideologies of a particular society cannot accept. The analysis of the films Feng Shui, Shake, Rattle and Roll II, and Shake, Rattle and Roll III revealed their narratives to be contested terrains

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of ideology through which the “figures of horror” come with themes that link them to the identities and experiences of women, other cultures, scientific rationality, and ethnic groups within a culture in the context of Philippine society. There is, however, little overlap between the narratives of fear in the aforementioned films and the narratives of fear based on the lived experiences of the respondents who experience different forms of marginalization. One recurring source of fear and anxiety for the respondents is their livelihood. This phenomena can be likened to how sites of capital in the metropolis are imbued with a particular sense of “uncanny” due to the alienation and marginalization experienced by its denizens. Perhaps it is because of these disparities that majority of the respondents made no mention of horror films being effective when it comes to inducing feelings of horror and terror, with some of them even saying outright that they found horror films to be ineffective. This is further supported by the little recall the respondents had when it came to remembering key details of the Filipino horror films they were familiar with. The zine is divided into three parts: Setting the Stage, which provides the historical context how supernatural creatures found their way into the Filipinos’ collective unconscious; Lights, Camera, Action, which discusses images and stories in specific Filipino horror films; and Closing Night, a fictitious short story based on the lived experiences of individuals. When they step out of the theaters and close their television screens, what is revealed is a fear much more pervasive and inescapable than the terror of the “other”—it is the terror of everyday life.

Kim Yutuc is a freelance illustrator specializing in editorial illustration and narrative work for fantasy and horror. In addition to being the Graphics Editor of the Philippine Collegian, they have worked for various magazines, games, and books, and have been part of international exhibits. They are graduating this year with a bachelor’s degree of Fine Arts from UP Diliman, with a major in Visual Communication.

Page design by Gie Rodenas

@phkule

KULÊ@100

Not even a canceled season or a global pandemic could deter the UP Fighting Maroons from a hoped-for return at the top of the UAAP men’s basketball tournament. Finally, after 36 long years, UP defeated the reigning champions Ateneo Blue Eagles and clinched the men’s basketball trophy. This is just the State U’s third championship in the event—the last one was way back in 1986, when the legends Benjie Paras, Ronnie Magsanoc, and Eric Altamirano were still in the team.

S I PAT

Photo by UAAP Media Bureau

Page design by Dustin Francisco

PHIL IPPINE C OL L E GIAN

ALL THAT GLITTERS IS NOT GOLD No matter how resplendent the veneer of glamour and prestige is, what is rotten to the core will remain rotten.

Cover illustration by Kim Yutuc

www.phkule.org

JUNE 2022

Philippine Collegian Tomo 100 June Issue

Articles inside

EDITORYAL

FEATURES Yuji Santos

OPINION Gie Rodenas

KULTURA Jericho Igdanes

ABSTRACT Kim Yutuc