Table of Contents Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………
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I. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………....
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II. Objectives and Hypotheses……………………………………………………………...
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III. Methodology…………………….……………………………………………………………
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IV. SEPA Environmental and Productivity indicators………………………...
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V. Results and Analysis in Altos del Dorado………………………………………….
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VI. Conclusion.…………………………………………………………………………………….
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Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………….
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Apendix………………………………………………………………………………………………
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Director of Graduate Program for International Affairs The New School Michael Cohen Academic Coordinator Alberto Minujin IFP 2012 Students – Buenos Aires Natalya Andrejko James Arthur Lacy Davis Barbara De Laleu Amy Korngiebel Emily Miller Kara Patr Helen Ridsdale Alison Ross Palwasha Sharwani Acknowledgments:
Our IFP team would like to express our deepest thanks to everyone involved in our 2012 AySA internship. This research project would not have been possible without the support of many people. First and Foremost, we would like to thank the whole team at AySA for spending countless hours with us during the research process. Veronica Rodrigues, for organizing an outstanding project that taught us a tremendous amount every day. To our coordinators, Johy Bustos, for your constant communication and your willingness to help. Norma Pitton, for your important insight and leadership. Luis Babbo, for your leadership on the SEPAs project. The Quilmes AySA team, Marianna, Lillian and Andrea, for your assistance and constant encouragement. Thank you all for allowing us to learn from you and further our studies in such an interesting and exciting way. We would also like to thank all our interviewees and survey participants in the neighborhoods of Alto del Dorado and La Paz and Villa Tranquila. Without your help and cooperation none of this would be possible. We would also like to thank Nahuel Gieco, Alberto Croce and the team at Fundación SES for mentoring us during the internship process. Lastly, we would like to thank Alberto Minujin for his leadership throughout the year and during out time here in Argentina. New could have not completed this internship without you intense involvement and guidance.
Natalya, Kara, y Amy Buenos Aires 2012
Many Thanks,
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I. Introduction The Matanza-‐Riachuelo River Basin clean-‐up effort is a cooperative development project which includes assistance and cooperation from every level of government as well as non-‐government organizations within Argentina. On a global level, the project depends on an $840 million loan from the World Bank. It is the largest, most well funded sanitation development project of its kind that is taking place in the world today. Agua y Saneamientos Argentinos (AySA), the National water company of Argentina, was recently privatized and is currently 90% state-‐ and 10% worker-‐owned. This company is a critical player in the clean-‐up effort, and this research investigation will focus on two specific project efforts initiated by AySA in recent years. The two research projects completed by the 2012 AySA International Field Program (IFP) team from the New School encompass several overlapping as well as separate important issues related to the clean-‐up effort in and around the Matanza-‐ Riachuelo. The first investigation undertaken by the IFP team was a theoretical analysis of the Side Elevated Pool Aeration water filtration systems, (SEPAs), which have yet to be fully constructed by AySA but are nearly into the implementation stages. The SEPAs were conceived and modeled directly after the SEPAs project in Chicago, Illinois. In preparation for the installation of the SEPAs, according to engineer Emilio Villanueva at AySA, parts of the river have been redirected in order to prepare for the success of the filtration systems. The tentative completion date for all of the SEPAs is the year 2020.
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The SEPAs project also continues the work of the 2011 IFP team and similarly builds upon the theoretical framework of Robert Fernandez to develop and define economic and environmental indicators as related to the future success of the SEPAs. These indicators are meant to demonstrate, over time, how the SEPAs are working to reverse the negative effects of rapid Urbanization in the River Basin. There will be seven SEPAs constructed in all, and each may require specific consideration due to various locations; for example, some are very near to populated neighborhoods while some are farther removed from people, which means different indicators should be applied to measure the relative economic and environmental success of each SEPA. Second, an evaluative research investigation was carried out in the neighborhood Altos del Dorado, Quilmes. While this neighborhood is technically outside the limits of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo, it is a valuable evaluative study in relation to the clean-‐up project because the fate of the neighborhood is inextricably connected to that of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo. Quilmes is a major flood zone of the Matanza area, which means that when there is a heavy rain or flooding, Altos del Dorado is flooded with the same contaminated waters of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo basin, therefore potentially experiencing identical negative side effects related to health and the environment. Also, it is the first neighborhood in Argentina to receive sewerage services provided by AySA’s cooperative project Cloacas+Trabajo. In 2008, while the Agua+Trabajo framework was already established, the neighbors of Altos del Dorado knew that without connection to a sewerage network, the water connection would be far less impactful. For several years, Altos del
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Dorado resident Alicia, along with several other neighborhood leaders, fought tirelessly for this basic, much-‐needed service. According to a local newspaper, the conditions became so bad that the parish priest joined the mass protest for these services in the streets (Diario el Sol 2009). Ultimately, the neighbors won the battle and AySA agreed to take on the project. According to the same 2009 article in Diario El Sol of Quilmes, 24 manholes to reduce flooding and 3,020 meters of new piping were installed benefitting around 1,220 inhabitants of the neighborhood (Diario el Sol 2009). This work was completed by the cooperative Pilgrim Limited at a cost of 3,000,000 pesos, and covers the area between Laprida, Blas Parera, Esquiú and Necochea (Diario el Sol 2009). As a point of comparison and in order to understand the differences between a neighborhood with and without access to these basic services, a short investigation was also conducted in the neighborhood La Paz, Quilmes. This neighborhood is currently in the process of receiving connection to water and sewerage through the Agua y Cloacas+Trabajo program. II. Objectives and Hypotheses
In regards to the SEPAs project, our objective is to develop several
theoretical indicators based on the framework of Fernandez and other relevant theories such as Broken Windows, which states that disorder and untended spaces in a community leads to further disorder and possible escalations to more serious crime (Wilson & Kelling 2). We believe that the Fernandez framework will provide key background information for the development of environmental and economic
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productivity indicators. Because none of the SEPAs are complete at this time, a set of theoretical indicators that will measure the success of the SEPAs and green spaces around them over time will be necessary. As for Altos del Dorado, our objective is to measure the impact of the Agua y Cloacas + Trabajo projects in the neighborhood according to three distinct dimensions: (1) Health, (2) Economics (3) Socio-‐urban. We will measure changes in overall health by asking neighbors specific health-‐related questions, as well as about environmental conditions that effect health and hygiene. Second, we will examine whether or not the costs associated with water and sewerage have changed in the neighborhood after access to services. Finally, the socio-‐urban dimension intends to indicate changes in living conditions for people in the neighborhood. This dimension is meant to measure increases in social activity and changes in social life in the neighborhood and in individual households. Overall, we believe that the quality of life and living conditions in Altos del Dorado is significantly improved post-‐sewerage connection. We believe that a combination of improved sanitation, water quality and hygiene in the neighborhood led to an overall improved state of health, particularly in relation to specific symptoms that are the direct result of poor water quality. We also believe that lower costs associated with access to improved water and sanitation services means that the people in the neighborhood are financially more comfortable. Finally, the socio-‐ urban dimension should indicate positive changes in the social lives of people in the neighborhood, as well as potential access to more urban services after the connection to the sewerage network.
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III. Methodology
This research project used a mixed-‐methods approach. The combined methods included direct observations, photography, semi-‐structured interviews, and a survey. Each method has inherent strengths and weaknesses, but combined, they provide a more complete picture of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo project.
Our intention with the survey was to understand the differences before and after
the water and sewage connections in the neighborhood Altos del Dorado, Quilmes, specifically along the lines of the aforementioned dimensions of development. Surveys are particularly suitable for measuring trends and generalities, because they are highly standardized and allow information to be easily quantified (Axinn, 4). In addition, surveys are relatively quick to perform and can be administered to more people than interviews (ibid.). However, due to the fundamental structure of surveys, questions about perceptions and feelings are limited in the details they can provide. Also, language barriers can cause misinterpretations. Over the course of several weeks, the IFP team visited the neighborhood Altos del Dorado and surveyed 13 neighbors. We walked door-‐to-‐door and read the survey aloud to each participant. As a point of comparison, we spent one day in La Paz, a neighborhood which does not have connection to water and cloacas. We surveyed 7 neighbors to gauge their quality of life without these basic services. Our objective with the semi-‐structured interviews was to expand our comprehension of the effects of the projects in Altos del Dorado, and to understand the potential global impact of projects like this one. The flexibility of a semi-‐structured interview permits the interviewee to determine the course of the conversation, and bring up new ideas that the researcher had not perceived (Axinn 6). Also, in-‐person
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interviews allow the researcher to pick up on non-‐verbal cues and body language. With surveys, this may not be possible in the same way. However, similarly with surveys, language can cause misunderstandings. We conducted semi-‐structured interviews with the following stakeholders:
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Emilio Villanueva, AySA, Subsecretario, Project-‐SEPAs
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Ignacio R. Carracelas, Asesor, Agua, Cloacas y Saneamiento Hídrico, Municipio de Quilmes
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Alicia Hurstel, Presidente de Cooperativa El Peregrino
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Jorge Alverez and Susana Sanchez, Community Leaders, Villa Tranquila
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Blanca Palavecino, Community Leader, Altos del Dorado Direct observation and photography was also useful in establishing a framework
for our narrative. We took photos and field notes throughout the process. Much like the interviews, observational methods “have the potential to produce a unique source of understanding and introspection” (Axinn, 8). Of course, a limitation with observational methods is that they cannot provide insight into what the people in the neighborhood feel about their surroundings. In addition to our primary research, we also investigated similar projects in other regions as a point of comparison. This was particularly useful in the SEPA project, since it is a theoretical exploration based on similar sites. Comparisons were also used in framing our research for the Altos del Dorado project.
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IV. SEPA Environmental and Productivity indicators In the early 19th century, the banks of the Matanza-‐Riachuelo were first industrialized with salteries and meat-‐processing plants. As the city grew, residential areas moved north while the south of the city, along the river basin, developed as the industrial center. There are now about 4,100 industries along the river (World Bank, 6). About 1,600 are connected to AySA’s sewage network, while about 2,500 are still dumping untreated waste directly into the river (Ibid.). Approximately 50 industries make up about ninety-‐five percent of the organic waste dumped into the river, and about 170 industries provide most of the chemical waste (Ibid.). Approximately 82,000 cubic meters of untreated industrial waste enters the river daily (ACUMAR/Argentina Independent). Contaminants include: heavy metals, unprocessed solid waste, and pesticides (Ibid). Large petroleum terminals spill an estimated 8.3 tons of oil per day into the water (Ibid.). The Matanza-‐Riacheulo has levels of lead, zinc and chrome fifty times higher than the legal limit in Argentina; twenty-‐five percent of this stems from industrial sewage and waste, the remaining seventy-‐five percent originates from domestic sources (Engle, 29). The Matanza-‐Riachuelo basin is home to one of Argentina’s largest concentrations of urban poor (World Bank, 1). Over the last thirty years government policies favoring industrialization over social services, combined with global and national financial crises, have resulted in a rise in informal settlements along the river. These settlements were mostly established on poor quality land, such as garbage dumps and flood plains, and most lack access to basic public infrastructure. Sixty-‐five percent of people living in the Matanza-‐Riachuelo basin don’t have a formal sewage system (Ibid.). Thirty-‐five percent lack fresh drinking water (Ibid.). As a result, domestic waste
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is often dumped directly into the river. The poorest populations living alongside the river are in constant contact with numerous contaminants ranging from untreated organic waste to toxic industrial chemicals. Child mortality in the M-‐R basin is twice as high as in the rest of Buenos Aires (International Red Cross). Children in the region have five times the standard norm of chrome and lead levels in their bodies (Ibid.) Today the Matanza-‐Riachuelo is considered one of the most polluted bodies of water in the world. The pollution level is so high that it is considered an open sewer (Engle, 29). The SEPAs work to increase the quality of the river water through a system of aeration. Additionally, the surrounding green public spaces intend to provide an important local attraction. The SEPAs and the surrounding green spaces aim to be an environmentally sustainable solution that will contribute to the overall human development of the region and the country. For Fernandez, sustainable urban development requires economic, social, political, and ecological sustainability. Natural capital is an essential component for human development. Through human technology, some of the negative effects associated with urbanization can be reduced and natural capital can be developed or sustained (Ibid.,10). Our intention is to aid in the understanding of the potential environmental impacts of the SEPAS. We have outlined three possible indicators of environmental development in connection with this project. These indicators are based on theoretical constructs, as well as the SEPA project in Chicago’s Calumet river, which this project was based on.
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Indicator One: Increased oxygen levels The primary function of the SEPAs is to increase the quality of the river water through increasing its oxygen levels. The SEPA station concept involves pumping a portion of water from the river into an elevated pool. The water is then aerated by flowing over a series of cascades, returning to the stream. Dissolved oxygen, oxygen molecules dissolved in water, is a major indicator of water quality. When it drops below levels necessary for sustaining aquatic life, it becomes a significant water quality impairment (Butts, et al.). Pollutants in the water consume dissolved oxygen, killing fish and plant life in the river. ACUMAR established a goal to achieve dissolved oxygen (DO) levels greater than two mg/L ninety percent of the time. While each proposed SEPA site is different, all sites suffer from extremely reduced, or non-‐existent, oxygen levels. Between 1975 and 1995, the SEPAs in Chicago’s Calumet river worked to increase the dissolved oxygen levels by about fifty-‐nine percent (Martin, 44). Indicator Two: Increase plant and animal life in and around the SEPAs One sign of sustainable ecological development is an increase in plant and animal life in and around the river. The survival of aquatic life depends on water quality. Increasing the dissolved oxygen levels will increase the aquatic life within the river (Minesota Pollution Control Agency). The rise in dissolved oxygen in Chicago’s Calumet river resulted in an increase in the number of fish species from seven to sixteen, while the total number of fish increased twenty-‐fold (Martin, 44). Aquatic vegetation also helps maintain oxygen levels in the river (Minnesota Pollution Control Agency). Along the banks of the river, plant and animal life work to maintain a healthy environment. Green infrastructure can capture runoff, thereby both augmenting water supply,
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reducing downstream flooding, and it can even capture pollution before it enters the river flow (Engle, 7).
Indicator Three: Reduced trash in the river The most visible sign of environmental sustainability is a reduction in the amount of trash in and around the river. In line with the “Broken Window Theory,” by James Wilson and George Kelling, the continued presence of garbage and the lack of green spaces in the neighborhoods perpetuates the problem. For Wilson and Kelling, some social norms are defined by the environment. A clean and maintained environment sends the signal that dumping trash in public spaces will not be tolerated. Conversely, an area littered with trash sends the signal that dumping trash is acceptable. However, many communities along the river lack access to waste management facilities, leaving residents with little choice of what to do with their garbage. (Engle, 29) Additionally, a clean river and green spaces surrounding the SEPAs may work toward lifting the negative connotation associated with the river and adjacent neighborhoods. When people feel better about their neighborhood, they may be more willing to keep it clean. An increased perception of the area by the community relates to less trash in and around the river.
The Matanza-‐Riachuelo river basin is disproportionately home to many of the
low-‐income communities surrounding the city of Buenos Aires and the province of Buenos Aires. Sustainable economic development for these marginalized populations is important in the over growth of the region. The unemployment rate for the municipality of Avellaneda is 24 percent. (INDEC) Ideally, along with an increase in environmental sustainability, the installation of SEPAs and public spaces will increase
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the economic activity in the area surrounding the future SEPA plant sites.
The primary function of the SEPAs will be to oxygenate the water. Included in
the building of the SEPAs is the building for parks and public green spaces. Based on the model of the SEPAs constructed in Chicago, Illinois, another crucial purpose behind the creation of the parks is to give the surrounding community additional desired public spaces. To measure the success of this type of development project, it is important to identify theoretical indicators associated with productivity. Indicator One: Extension of tourism
With the creation of these public green spaces, the first indicator will be an
increase in local tourism to the area. Tourism, in this context, is defined as an increase in the amount of people that travel to these parks as a place of interest to enjoy their leisure time. Hopefully, an increase in tourism will lead to productivity growth for the communities surrounding the public spaces.
This will lead to an increase in local family owned businesses. As more people use these public spaces for recreational use, small service related businesses would open in the surrounding areas. Stores, kioscos, cafés, newspaper stands, and street food vendors provide desired service for residents using these parks. Growth in small privately owned businesses will contribute to an increase in economic productivity for the Matanza-‐Riachuelo river basin communities. Indicator Two: Increase in access and connection of urban areas surrounding SEPAs
The second indicator to measure an increase in productivity is a rise in
transportation to these new desirable locations. An overall better connection of this
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landscape will link the large sectored off urban areas, making it easier to travel throughout the river basin. The gradual increase in new bus routes that provide easy access to these public spaces illustrates their importance in local communities. Indicator Three: Improvement in employment conditions
The third indicator for measuring the success of the AySA SEPA project would be
an increase in sustainable employment for the region. Small privately owned businesses and additional bus routes will certainly increase employment for the region. Industrial effluents is the largest contributor to pollution for the entire river basin. The region is dependent on these industries for employment and as a result, the river quality has been severely depleted. As strides have been made to penalize polluting industries, it is also important to replace and develop a different form of economic growth for the residents of the region.
The first SEPA plant and public space is scheduled for constructed in the
municipality of Avellaneda in Villa Tranquila, a low-‐income community located on the banks on the Matanza-‐Riachuelo. Jorge a local community leader and radio host is hopeful that the SEPA sites will bring more business to his neighborhood. Villa Tranquila is positioned within many industrial factories and he is optimism that, once the SEPA sights and built, more industries will want to return to his community. He is also open to new types of businesses and tourism developing in his neighborhood. Welcoming people to enjoy the newly created public spaced and see a different part of Buenos Aires.
According to Roberto Fernandez, productivity can only happen with assistance
from external economic factors. Both private investments as well as public funds
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provide an increase in external interest. (Fernandez, 13) In the case of the Matanza-‐ Riachuelo river basin, there are many external actors that have contributed in the creation of these SEPA plants and public spaces, community organizations, local municipal governments, the Argentine national government, The World Bank, and other international organizations. Monetary investment from all these actors and community involving will insure the increased productivity for the region surrounding the SEPA plants and public spaces. V. Results and Analysis for Health, Economic, and Socio-‐ Urban development in Altos del Dorado Basic Information We surveyed 21 residents in Altos del Dorado and La Paz. Although we did not ask the participants their age, we visually noted their age range. In La Paz, on average, we spoke to residents that were younger, men or women in their 30s or 40s with younger children. The majority of residents we spoke with had only been living in the neighborhood for 4 or 5 years. According to a resident, the neighborhood is only 25 years old in comparison to Altos del Dorado, which is much older. In Altos del Dorado, the age range of our survey participants was much greater. We spoke with retired women as well as women with young children. The average age range for the residents we spoke with in Altos del Dorado was heads of household in their 40s or 50s. The neighborhood of Altos del Dorado is over 50 years old, and this is reflected in the older age range of the population. The average years lived in the neighborhood was 25.5 years. The only outliers were 2 women that had
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only been in Altos del Dorado for 8 years. They had both married into families where their husbands have been living in the neighborhood their entire lives.
The average household size was 5 in Altos del Dorado and 4 in La Paz. When ask
if residents made a conscious decision to grow their families in the last four years, since the water and sanitation project was completed, many of the residents with small children, said having potable water and sewage did not play a role in their decision making process. During her extended interview Blanca did say she has observed a population increase over the past 4 years. She noticed there were more children in the neighborhood. With our limited investigation, it is no clear association between population growth and water and sewage connection.
Within the survey, the Altos del Dorado residents were ask to rate their
level of pride for their neighborhood on a scale of 1 to 5, before and after the addition of water and sewage systems. The average level of pride in the neighborhood before the connection was 1.25. After the connection, with all the residents agreeing that their quality of life is considerably better, the average level of pride in the neighborhood rose to 4.9. Health:
Many of the Millenium Development Goals have an environmental health
component. A key target of one of the Millenium Development Goals (MDG 7) is halving the proportion of people without sustainable access to potable water and sanitation (A. Prüss-‐Üstün and C. Corvalán, 14). The poorest members of society shoulder a disproportionate burden of disease from environmental factors. Environmental degradation combined with a lack of public infrastructure creates a serious health risk
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for an already vulnerable social group. An estimated twenty-‐four percent of the global disease burden and twenty-‐three percent of all deaths can be attributed to environmental factors. In developed countries, only seventeen percent of deaths are attributed to such causes. (Ibid., 9) Modifiable factors, such as water and sewage networks, can significantly reduce the disease burden of a country. Access to safe water reduced infant mortality rate in Cameroon and Uganda by twenty percent. Sewage systems in Egypt and Peru reduced the risk of infant mortality more than thirty percent (ibid.). The diseases with the largest absolute burden attributable to water, sanitation and hygiene are: diarrhea, lower respiratory infections, skin irritations, and malaria (Ibid). An estimated ninety-‐four percent of diarrhoeal disease is attributable to the environment, and associated with risk factors such as unsafe drinking-‐water and poor sanitation and hygiene. Diarrheal diseases alone are responsible for approximately 1.7 million deaths of children under the age of five every year worldwide, a death toll exceeding the combined under-‐five mortality rate attributed to malaria and HIV (Engle, 9). Continuous attacks of diarrhea also contribute to malnutrition, which can cause serious long-‐term health problems. (Prüss-‐Üstün and Corvalán, 9). Argentina is currently experiencing the biggest epidemic of dengue fever since its re-‐emergence in the late 1990s (Pahomav, 87). It is estimated that ninety-‐five percent of dengue fever could be prevented by good management of water bodies in and around houses, which are breeding sites for the main mosquito vector (Prüss-‐Üstün and Corvalán, 39). In fact, very little disease is transmitted through pathways other than those associated with water, sanitation and hygiene, or food (Ibid., 4).
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Transmission routes are affected by interactions between the physical environment and human behaviour. Diseases associated with water, sanitation, and hygiene can be divided into four categories (Canziani, 39): 1. Direct ingestion of pathogens, such as fecal matter. Fecal contamination of drinking water is often associated with untreated sewage runoff seeping into the ground. Polluted groundwater can enter the water system through leaking and cracked pipes (often because of illegal connections) and can cause shallow wells to become contaminated (Engle, 45). 2. Person-‐to-‐person transmission. If sanitation or related hygiene is poor because of inadequate handwashing facilities or improper waste disposal, pathogens, such as fecal matter, can directly contaminate hands, which can then contaminate foods or other people (Ibid.). 3. Waterborne diseases like schistosomiasis which have part of their lifecycle in water. These are are often associated with still water. 4. Diseases like malaria or dengue, transmitted through water-‐related vectors. When a population doesn’t have a sewage connection or a proper drainage system, wastewater is disposed of in local areas. This creates significant pollution and sanitation problems, which is exacerbated by heavy rains. Inadequate, or non-‐existent, drainage systems are unable to absorb storm water, and floods release pathogens, such as human feces, chemicals, etc., throughout the neighborhood (Ibid.). Those living in the flood path are in direct contact with the pathogens. Low-‐lying Altos del Dorado is prone to severe flooding. The following section evaluates the health impact of the Altos del Dorado water and sanitation project. Over the course of four weeks, we completed two in-‐depth
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interviews and fourteen questionnaires with residents of Altos del Dorado. Additionally, we completed seven questionnaires with residents of La Paz, a nearby neighborhood which lacks formal water and sanitation services, as a point of comparison. In order to ascertain the impact that the water and sewage connection has had on diseases transmitted through water-‐related vectors, such as dengue, we asked residents if they have noticed a change in the number of insects and/or rats present in the neighborhood now than before the installations. Out of fourteen respondents, the majority (ten) said that there are fewer insects and/or rats now than before the water and sewage connections. With a proper water and sanitation system, residents don't need to dispose their household wastewater into public areas or shallow trenches, which can attract rats and insects. The presence of less rats and/or insects means less opportunity for diseases such as dengue fever. However, our study did not specifically ask about mosquitos, which would have told us more conclusively if people were exposed to fewer water-‐related vectors. Improved personal hygiene can greatly reduce the risk of disease from pathogens ingested directly or transmitted between people. We asked residents if they wash their hands more or less frequently now than before the water and sanitation project was completed. The majority of respondents (five out of seven) said that they wash their hands more now than they did before the connections. One resident said that they were a lot more comfortable using the water (to wash their hands) because the quality is a lot better. In our final pair of health-‐related questions, we asked about general health before and after the water and sanitation project. We first asked people to tell us if they, or their family, had any health issues before the connections. Out of the six respondents
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who answered the question, five said that their family had health problems before the connections. Of these five cases mentioned, four were children. Indeed, children are particularly vulnerable to diseases associated with water and sanitation. Children in developing countries lose eight times more healthy life years, per capita, than their counterparts in developed countries from environmentally-‐caused diseases (Prüss-‐ ÜstCorvalán, 14). The specific diseases mentioned were: respiratory problems, skin irritations, colic, diarrhea, and water intoxication. Each of these diseases are consistent with those associated with water, sanitation, and hygiene. Moreover, two parents mentioned that their children fell ill directly after eating. Pathogens, such as fecal matter, may contaminate food through groundwater or poor sanitation. However, without more in-‐depth information on each case, environmental factors can not be conclusively linked it to these diseases. Finally, we asked people if they, or their family, had any health problems now. Out of ten total respondents, seven said that their family’s health has improved since the water and sewage connections. Four participants noted a decrease in respiratory problems. “Respiratory problems are the most important...now things are better,” said one respondent. A decrease in the incidence of respiratory problems points to improved environmental factors. In fact, two respondents specifically mentioned improved water quality. One person said, “Now that we have clean water, everything is a lot better.” However, as with the previous question, environmental factors such as water, sewage, and sanitation, cannot be conclusively linked to these health changes without further investigation. While there seems to be a connection between fewer insects and rats, frequency of handwashing, and health, a cross-‐analysis is inconclusive because of our limited
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sample size and methodological issues. Of the ten respondents that said that they have noticed fewer insects and/or rats in the neighborhood since the connections, six said that their family’s health has improved. Of the five respondents that said that they wash their hands more now than before the connections, four said that their family’s health has improved. The remaining person said that their family never gets sick. Of the four people that said that they have witnessed fewer rats and/or insects and wash their hands more, three said that their family’s health has improved, while one said they never have any problems. As a point of comparison, we spent one day conducting surveys in La Paz, a nearby neighborhood without a formal water and sewage network. When we arrived in La Paz, the differences between the two neighborhoods were immediately clear. We were first struck by a noticeable smell of sewage, which was absent in Altos del Dorado. The trenches in which people dump their waste water run through the neighborhood, on both sides of the main streets, directly in front of the houses. Every trench we saw was filled with sitting water and garbage. The public spaces in La Paz seemed to be significantly more littered with garbage than in Altos del Dorado. We also observed that, in general, the houses and yards of La Paz were more unkempt and thick with mud. Based on our observations, the water and sewage systems in Altos del Dorado have created a greater quality of life than in La Paz. While La Paz has no formal water connection, everyone surveyed gets their water through illegally connecting into AySA's main water lines. Illegal connections can often leak and become corroded, allowing pathogens to enter the water system. Additionally, these connections generally run to a central faucet outside of the house, increasing the opportunity for contamination.
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Six out of seven people surveyed said that they throw their household wastewater into the open trenches. We even saw one person doing it while we were there. These trenches are shallow and can fill up with wastewater and get blocked with solid waste, especially in high rains. One person said that when the trench overflows, the dirty water goes right into her yard. Everyone in our survey said that they get their septic tank drained when needed. However, one person said that in heavy rains, their tank floods. We asked each respondent if they, or their family, has ever been sick after consuming water. All seven respondents said no, although two said that they buy potable water for drinking and cooking, and one family has a filtration system. While no one in our survey reported getting sick from the water, our sample size was extremely limited. Moreover, we did not ask about any other health problems that may be associated with water, sewage, and sanitation. Despite the lack of health and sanitation problems reported in our survey of La Paz, all respondents said that when they have water and sanitation services, life will be better. Before a final analysis can be made, methodological issues must be addressed. The limited sample size makes forming conclusions difficult. Adding to this, some respondents did not answer every question. While administering the survey, we often skipped over questions because of time constraints or language barriers. This made it difficult to compare and quantify answers between people. As mentioned, language was a problem for some questions, specifically the ranking questions. Misinterpretations may have affected the accuracy of some responses. Questions pertaining to health were also very limited in the information they provided, making it difficult to exclude, without doubt, other factors that may cause disease.
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Despite the limited sample size and methodological issues, an analysis of the data collected can still be made. The majority of respondents surveyed in Altos del Dorado said that their health was better now than before the water and sanitation project. “All of the problems that come from bad quality water...sickness...skin irritation...you basically don’t see that anymore,” said Blanca. Additionally, personal hygiene habits have increased for our sample. “[I see] progress in every house. Things are better, you can see it. You can see what happens when you have public services...it encourages people to keep things clean. There are a lot of people whose lives just got better,” said Blanca. Observations of both neighborhoods reinforce our findings. While the data may not be conclusive, the combined methods of this research project substantiate the claim that the water and sewage project has decreased the burden of disease attributable to environmental factors in Altos del Dorado. The trench in La Paz runs directly in front of houses
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Still water can attract water-‐related vectors Clandestine water pipe in La Paz
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Economic: There is no doubt that there is a high cost to being poor. Poor residents of cities consistently pay higher prices for the same goods and services then their rich neighbors. The high cost of being poor is visible for the low-‐income communities surrounding the Matanza-‐ Riachuelo. With no access to potable drinking water or a sewage system the low-‐income households have more out of pocket expenses then the middle class. Paying for drinkable water, costs associated with pumping rapidly filling septic tanks, and high health-‐care cost directly linked to poor water quality and pollution are just a few examples of expensive costs that are accrued by low-‐income families.
As a point of comparion to what type of lifestyle was common in Altos del
Dorado before the installation of water and sewage, our team visited, and surveyed a few residents in Barrio La Paz, a neighborhood that was in the process of receiving the same water and sewage system as Altos del Dorado. Many of the residents of La Paz rely on private vendors for their daily water consumption; the urban poor pay up to 50 times more for a liter of water then their richer neighbors. (Engel, 9) Three out of the seven residents interviewed in La Paz, bought their daily drinking water or had a filtration system in their house. The residents of La Paz also have the additional cost of having to have their septic tanks pumped on a consistent basis. They rely on a private business that empties their tanks at a cost. One resident said they have a company come in every 3 years to pump the septic tank. This cost him about 480 pesos, but he knows that the price will rise and next time it will be more expensive. Another residents stated that he has his septic tank pumped once a year and he pays about 200 pesos. Another resident told us
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she has to get her tank emptied every two to three months, at a cost of 80 pesos a visit. That is a total yearly cost of about 320-‐480 pesos a year. To offset these cost and minimize septic tank pumping, many residents drain liquids from cooking, bathing, washing clothes, and other household chores straight into trenches on public streets. Overflowing septic tanks also pose a problem during heavy rain and flooding. These 2 facts lead to high levels of poor hygiene and illness.
Unhygienic practices such as the ones listed above leads to higher levels of
illness among community residents without potable water and a sewage connection. Low-‐income families are more likely to face financial constraints due to high healthcare cost than higher-‐income families, and they have less money to spend on health care. (Shen, Mcfeeters, 200 ) 95 percent of the residents interview, in both neighborhoods, had at least one member of the family employed or were retired. Even though these families have an income, their limited financial resources might prevent them from getting needed care. The cost of healthcare for illnesses related to poor sanitation make low-‐income families financially less stables then other residents in Buenos Aires.
The installation of a potable water and sewage network in Altos del Dorado, in
2008, has left the residents feeling more comfortable in their homes and they have noticed an improvement in their over health and hygiene. Without having to buy bottled water, pay for regular septic tank disposal, or have extensive healthcare costs associated with contaminated water, the economic situation for the community has indeed improved. AySA’s bi-‐monthly bill for water and sanitation services is 10 to 15 pesos a month. This is a flat rate and leaves residents without having to worry about
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unexpected expenses. This stability has lead residents to have an overall higher quality of life.
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Socio-‐Urban
Socio-‐urban development was evaluated through several direct questions
designed to evaluate social conditions post-‐connection, as well as observations and extended interviews with two neighborhood leaders in Altos del Dorado. In particular, the IFP team looked at changes in social life among people in the neighborhood, access to other services, and further indications of urban development such as paved roads, streetlights and traffic lights.
Changes in social life were measured through a question that asked whether
or not neighbors in Altos del Dorado had experienced any changes to their social life, and were then asked to explain what kinds of changes (if any) had occurred. During the IFP team’s first interview with neighborhood leader Alicia, she noted that one of the major differences in the neighborhood after the connection to sewerage is that people are more comfortable having parties and social gatherings in their homes. This increase is due to overall more comfortable conditions, i.e., more cleanliness because of the availability of water. Of the thirteen neighbors interviewed, seven reported positive and noticeable changes to their social lives; five said that their social life did not change, but nonetheless reported that overall their quality of life and living conditions are much better. The seven neighbors that reported noticeable and positive changes, when asked why these changes occurred, simply answered that it was because conditions are more comfortable and it was much easier to have parties and social gatherings.
The IFP team also measured potential changes in gender equality within the
household by asking, in the opinion of those interviewed, whether or not they felt
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more equality between men and women exists in the household post-‐connection. The IFP team believed this would be the case because, during the first interview with Alicia, she stated that women are typically tasked with household chores, and many household chores involve water. If these chores take less time and require less strenuous labor, this indicates that women have more leisure time and/or the opportunity to work outside the home. Even if they do not work outside the home with their free time, this development nonetheless signifies a deep cultural shift and a change in the way households in this neighborhood function. Of the thirteen participants interviewed, seven said that there is definitely more gender equality within the household post-‐connection. Six participants said that there was not more gender equality or that it did not change, however, in four of those six cases, the participants specified that this had been because the household labor had always been equally shared. In one case, it was because only women live in the household. In each case, the neighbors reported that regardless who was completing the chores before and after the connection, it was inarguably much easier and far less time-‐consuming post-‐ connection to complete household chores that require water. Before access to reliable water services and sewerage, most neighbors reported that chores that required water took the entire day. Usually, this was because water was shared between neighbors, the water pressure was very bad and often it took a long time to have enough water to complete the necessary chores. After the water connection, the conditions are almost entirely the opposite—access
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to water is immediate and available 24/7, neighbors do not have to share water, and the water pressure is significantly improved.
The progress of urban development in this neighborhood post-‐sewerage
connection was examined through the in-‐depth interviews with neighborhood leaders (Alicia and Blanca), who each detailed the ways in which the neighborhood has evolved since the project. The IFP team also observed significant differences within this neighborhood as compared to La Paz, a neighborhood in Quilmes that does not yet have water and sewerage connections through the AySA network. In La Paz, the streets are unpaved and the zanjas (a ditch-‐style gutter system that runs throughout the neighborhood) is usually filled nearly to street level with wastewater. When it rains, the zanjas overflow into the street and the wastewater spills into yards, playgrounds, and even houses.
Inarguably, the most profound evolution for Altos del Dorado post-‐
connection is the fact that, according to neighborhood leader Blanca, the newly gained access to services put them on the map. Previously, the municipality paid very little attention to the neighborhood and it was more or less ignored. “Yes, we exist now,” said Blanca in an extended interview in her home. Previously, she said, they were a neighborhood in the middle of Quilmes, which had nothing, but now there is not only more respect within the community for itself—there is more respect for the municipality as a whole and more respect for the neighborhood from people living outside of it. This confirms that in order for further development to happen, the neighborhoods most in need must be seen, acknowledged and deemed worthy of those developments by those in control of the resources necessary to
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facilitate them. The water and sewerage + work programs at AySA made this possible for Altos del Dorado, and since then there has been a consistent wave of further developments in the neighborhood in recent years. As a community leader Blanca has the community’s best interest in mind when deciding which projects to support. Since the addition of a water and sanitation network, Altos del Dorado has also received a stoplight and paved roads by the municipal government. With these two additional services their neighborhood has been a lot safer. Until very recently, the neighborhood was impenetrable because of high levels mud resulting from flooding. The paved roads make it easier for ambulances, police patrol cars, and school busses to enter into the neighborhood.
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VI. Conclusion
The consistent wave of developments in Altos del Dorado post-‐connection
demonstrates that the project completed by AySA was a starting point for further progress in the neighborhood. The location of Altos del Dorado in Quilmes makes it critical for the neighborhood to be connected to basic urban services, and if the connection to one leads to another, then the people in the neighborhood can see that their struggle was well worth the effort. Furthermore, they will be willing to continue demanding access to more services without accepting ‘no’ for an answer. Throughout our research, the voice of the community and community organizations are prominent. The importance of community leaders and the willingness of the neighbors to fight for these services and the resultant benefits, which spill over into all areas of life in the community, cannot be understated.
When asked what other kinds of development their community needs, street cleaning and trash removal are a large concern for the majority of the residents. Our survey participants said that there is sporadic cleaning but many trenches did still contain garbage and branches from a recent storm had been piled up for weeks with no sign of removal. Many of the residents say that there needs to be a change in the culture of the community to dispose of trash currently. A majority of residents also talked about security and the importance of streetlights. Streetlights are a very important to the health of a community. With improved visibility, potential offenders are more exposed and less likely to commit crimes. Enhanced lighting can signal more community investment, pride, and cohesiveness, which also can discourage crime. Improved street lighting can also
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make a community feel safer. They reduce vehicle accidents by allowing safer driving at night. Better lighting can also promote nighttime operation of businesses and increased pedestrian traffic after dark (Pacific Institute). Having residents feel they can work later, or leave for work earlier, and spend more time outside can lead to a more active, enhanced neighborhood.
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