Defence & Security Alert October 2018 Edition

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OCTOBER 2018 | VOLUME 10 | ISSUE 01 | `150 www.dsalert.org

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YEARS OF EXCELLENCE



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editor’s note

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

DSA iS AS much yourS,

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as it is ours!

he anniversary issue of DSA coincides with events that mark Air Force Day. Over the years, the October issue has always highlighted the role and contributions made by the air force. And, things that need to be done to make it an even better service. The recurring theme has always been about budgeting constraints and delays in decision-making so as to ensure that the service gets its authorised number of squadrons. The theme would have been repeated this year as well but unfortunately, Air Headquarters has needlessly entered the fray. The burgeoning controversy over the Rafale deal is now the stuff of news networks, anchors, and copy-editors. In essence, it is about India paying more per aircraft than it was originally meant to or had agreed to. The choice of Indian partner is another matter in the mayhem. The main issue remains of pricing. Former French President Hollande’s entry into the debate is

essentially aimed at keeping his partner out of the controversy, because of conflict of interest concerns. None of which are issues within the domain interests of Air Headquarters, so it is surprising that senior officers have jumped into the acrimonious debate, lending voices when none are warranted. Both by precedence and by procedures, Air Headquarters would have nothing to do with the pricing of the aircraft. It is a purely a matter of Ministry of Defence with Service HQs involved in giving technical inputs and with a token presence on the pricing committee. So, when senior air force officers join the debate, and even declares that those opposing are ignorant, there is a serious issue at stake. Why is the Service HQs being brought into what is essentially a political debate? Or, why is it allowed to be dragged into a slugfest it cannot even remotely influence? These are critical issues that need to be addressed now as they are likely to have

long-term consequences, most importantly, within the three services. Autonomy of the Service HQs must be respected now and at all times. If that autonomy is violated, the impact is intangible but deep and longlasting. The domain that the Service HQs occupy must remain their purview and theirs alone. Much like how all defence lands are protected. In the same vein, Service HQs must not encroach into domains that it is not raised, trained, authorised or responsible for; most important being the domain of political slugfests. The country is in election mode and every controversy is going to be raked up. But when Service HQ is not responsible for making the Rafale issue into a controversy; why get into the debate at all! Staying away from it makes the Service HQs immune from allegations of manipulation, which, once they stick, are difficult to wash-off. Being looking, and sounding squeaky clean is best policy for servicemen, even if it doesn’t work for politicians.

Manvendra Singh October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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publisher’s view

An ISO 9001:2015 Certified Magazine

Volume 10 | Issue 1 | October 2018 Chairman Shyam Sunder Publisher and Ceo Pawan Agrawal President Urvashi J Agrawal Director Shishir Bhushan editor-in-Chief Manvendra Singh Copy editor Vandana Bhatia Palli Copcom & ops oSD Navjeet Sood Art & Creative Shishir Singh Representative (J&K) Salil Sharma Correspondent (europe) Dominika Cosic Production Dilshad and Dabeer IT operations Amber Sharma Photographer Subhash Subscriptions Taniya Sharma Legal Advisor Deepak Gupta

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All rights reserved. Reproduction and translation in any language in whole or in part by any means without permission from Defence and Security Alert is prohibited. Opinions expressed are those of the individual writers and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher and/or editors. All disputes are subject to jurisdiction of Delhi Courts.

Defence and Security Alert is printed, published and owned by Pawan Agrawal and printed at Bosco Society For Printing, Don Bosco Technical Institute, okhla Road, New Delhi-110025 and published at 4/19, Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi (India). editor: Manvendra Singh

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October 2018 DeFeNCe AND SeCuRITy ALeRT

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t is time to review and recollect the happenings in the defence, security and world affairs across the globe as DSA completes nine years of its inception as the bulwark of defence and security journalism and finds it an appropriate opportunity to review the issues through the 12 editions of the 2017-2018 continuum. At the international level, hopes of a modicum of peace disappeared after the decimation of the baleful Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) with the retreat of its leader Abu Bakr al Bagdadi (is he dead or alive is still a matter of conjecture) when US President Donald Trump stirred up the Middle East-West Asia cauldron by instigating the Sunni phalanx against the Shias led by Iran. Even as we prepare to put this edition to bed came news of a shootout at a military parade in the province of Khuzustan in Iran putting fuel to fire.


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YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

360 Degree

Panorama Yet in the rapid flux in international events, a glimmer of hope was rekindled postTrump’s summit with the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un. Now, the divided North and South portions of Korea have moved closer creating expectations of an eventual reunification and permanent denuclearisation of the peninsula. Indian diplomacy is going to be tested in order to prevent the US applying sanctions on Indian purchases of military equipment from Russia. Simultaneously, American sanctions on Iran could jeopardise the carefully crafted Chahbahar port approach to the Afghanistan heartland. India will have to convince the US that Indian access through this port would have a salutary effect on the developments in Afghanistan and beyond. It needs to be carefully watched how the 2+2 dialogue with the US will affect Indian interests’ globally.

There is urgency in shaping the geopolitics of South Asian ambiance where the election of Imran Khan is nothing but a ‘medicine as before’ arrangement with the Pak military escalating its terrorist attacks in J&K with a new game-plan of targeted attacks and Imran Khan actively endorsing it. This is clearly an attempt to undo the losses suffered by its minions operating in J&K during the Indian Army’s “Operation Allout” that saw the security forces gather valuable actionable intelligence and managed to eliminate nearly 200 hard-core terrorists in rapid succession. Hybrid warfare had been significantly crippled during this Operation. Though India is alert to the dangers surrounding it, we need to give strong signals to Pakistan that no more interference will be tolerated at any front. The entire world is looking at India for its growth potential and its pre-

eminent position in South-East Asia and our action matters to the entire world. The scenario of defence, security and the world affairs has become very murky in the past nine years and we feel that India needs to be more firm and clear in its national security posture. The DSA Team is particularly proud of being able to maintain very high standards in the content and its presentation right from the first edition in October 2009. DSA is committed to maintain its world-class standards and Team DSA led by Editor-in-Chief Shri Manvendra Singh will continue to bring eye-opening material to explain geopolitical developments in the years to come. Dear reader, please encourage us in our sincere efforts and hard work to continue publishing the print edition in this digital world. We are sure that more and more nationalists will join hands with us in the coming months and years ahead. Jai Hind!

Pawan Agrawal

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contents

An ISO 9001:2015 Certified Magazine

Strengthening indian air Force Team DSA

Air Chief Marshal

Birender Singh Dhanoa PVSM, AVSM, YSM, VM, ADC

india’S aviation technology growth Strategy AIR MSHL ANIL CHOPRA PVSM, AVSM, VM, VSM (RETD)

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air power in india DR KRZYSZTOF KUSKA

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tech-Savvy – national Security PM HEBLIKAR

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truMp’S viSion For india AMB (DR) KANWAL SIBAL

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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Space:Sovereign Fighting arM DR AJEY LELE

nrc: relevance in nation’S Security PRAKASH SINGH

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india – Space MilitariSation GP CAPT AK SACHDEV (RETD)

raFale vS FgFa — correct policy approach MUKUND PURANIK

RAW

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Battle oF Megiddo – centenary year LT GEN ADITYA SINGH PVSM, AVSM (RETD)

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DSA congratulates IAF

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YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

Indian Air Force: in a progressive flight since its genesis

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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interview IAF cApAbIlIty

Air Chief Marshal

Birender Singh Dhanoa PVSM, AVSM, YSM, VM, ADC

Strengthening IndIan aIr Force In the current scenario to strengthen the Indian Air Force for the national security, the Indian government and the Indian Air Force stands committed. The requirements of the force have increased multi-fold since its inception. A holistic overview of the capabilities and the process for strengthening the Indian Air Force, the Chief of Air Staff speaks with Team DSA on the occasion of 86th year of its inception. Defence and Security Alert: Given that the IAF is facing a shortage of fighter aircrafts and must assure the nation that

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it will “fight with what we have� as during the Kargil conflict, the French Rafales in two squadron strength will be a stopgap

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

Team

arrangement. Is there a room for innovative apps for the mainstay Sukhois to enlarge their spectrum of operations to include what was envisaged for the Tejas LCA and yet retain its long-range strike capabilities as well?

Chief of Air Staff: There are many innovative programmes in progress to enhance the capability of the existing Su-30 MKI so as to enlarge


9 their spectrum of operations. The integration of BrahMos on this platform, long-range PGMs and LGBs are few examples of such endeavours. Efforts are also in place to enhance the EW capability through indigenous route.

DSA: What is the status of the concept of Aerospace Command and how relevant is the debate on theatre forces command? CAS: As per the Union War Book, the IAF is entrusted with the responsibility of defending the Indian airspace. This requires neutralising threats emanating from the contiguous domain of space and airspace. This puts the IAF in the vanguard of any effort to evolve a military agency to deal with space operations. The concept is being discussed by the stakeholders and will take its final shape in due course of time. On the issue of integrated commands, the IAF is of the view that given the size of our country, the entire country needs to be treated as a single theatre. This is in line with the general expanse of theatres seen in major militaries that subscribe to this model. The Western Theatre Command of China is as large as India. The other major military that subscribes to this model, i.e. the US military, also has integrated commands which are far larger. For example, the entire Continental United States, along with Canada and Mexico, make up the area of the US Northern Command. DSA: Could you please clarify for our readers the implications—both strategic and tactical— of having either a single

engine fighter or a twinengine one? This issue has become more convoluted after the finalisation of the Rafale deal. The Rafale is twin-engined. The Indian Tejas is single engined. What does the IAF want and why? CAS: The IAF seeks capabilities which are required to maintain its combat preparedness and operational edge over our potential adversaries. In this regard, the procurement of a fighter aircraft is dependent on many factors and Service Qualitative Requirements are devised after carrying out indepth threat analysis to accrue long-term technological edge over

the adversaries. Considering the challenging terrain, be it desert, mountainous or maritime, there is a requirement for both single and twin engine fighters by the IAF.

In the context of the US-Russia contretemps, India appears to have been caught up in contending pressures to buy from the US on the one hand and to remain a major buyer from Russia on the other. How will this affect India’s strategic posture?

DSA:

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

CAS: Russia has been a long standing military and strategic partner of India. In recent years, there has also been a growing convergence between the two largest democracies, i.e. India and the United States. I think the nature of the United States’ strategic partnership with India has the potential to surmount differences that may arise from India’s continued military relationship with Russia.

Because not enough road infrastructures has been created in the Himalayas, especially in Arunachal Pradesh, there will be a greater demand for helicopters for communications, resupply and medevac. Is the acquisition of new helicopters keeping pace with demands?

DSA:

CAS: The acquisition of helicopters is a continuous process to enhance the air-lift capability of the IAF. Capabilitybuilding enables the IAF to handle all its operational tasks, including Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operations, in an effective and efficient manner. The IAF has demonstrated its capability in various HADR operations undertaken in Nepal, Uttarakhand and the recent Kerala floods. With the induction of Mi-17 V5 MLH, the IAF has built a robust fleet of helicopters. We are also upgrading the Mi17 and Mi-17 1V fleet. The indigenous ALH is also provided with new capabilities. Further, with the induction of Apache and Chinook from 2019 onwards, the attack and heavy-lift capability and capacity will witness a quantum jump.

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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military aviation efficiency

IndIa’s avIatIon Technology Growth strateGy India is already developing an exo-atmospheric kill vehicle that can be integrated with the missile to engage satellites. India’s advanced space capabilities need to be harnessed. India is moving reasonably ahead with ‘nonweapon space enablers’ like Indian Regional Navigational Satellite System (NAVIC). It will also facilitate accurate targeting by smart bombs and cruise missiles. The military doctrine of network-centric warfare also relies heavily on the use of high speed satellite enabled communications. But India has been floundering in making an aircraft jet or even a piston engine.

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n little over a hundred years, aviation not only changed the entire method of prosecuting war but now dominates all forms of military action. Platforms in the air allow better intelligence, surveillance, command and control, and precision delivery of lethal weapons. Speed and accuracy of delivery has cut down sensor-shooter time and reduced collateral damage. Stand-off weapon delivery and unmanned platforms have further evolved the air power employment philosophy. Space frontier resulted in aerospace dimension becoming all powerful. Many recent wars have been executed entirely from the air and boots in the ground came

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only when the enemy had been contained. With counterinsurgency operations, lowintensity wars, urban warfare, hit and run terror dominating the world stage in the last two decades, the world is witnessing changing future of security. Meanwhile, air power has become very agile, adaptable and capable but expensive vis-a-vis the targets which are undefined, fleeting and materially inexpensive. The US Air Force (USAF) and US Navy (USN) are leading the evolution of next generation platforms and technologies. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), US Air Force Research Labs (AFRL), Boeing ‘Phantom Works’, Lockheed Martin’s ‘Skunk Works’ and NASA

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

are all aiding the work on concepts of ‘Air Dominance’ for 2040 and beyond. Sixth Generation fighters will start inducting 2028 onwards. India had a head-start with a reasonably well established aviation industry at the time of Independence, but could not harness the same. Meanwhile, economically resurgent China has started catching up with still very advanced United States (US). India remains the world’s greatest importer of weapons. Aviation technologies are much more complex to master. The Defence Procurement Policy (DPP) now greatly supports indigenization. The Indian government is pushing ‘Make-in-India’ initiatives in


9 defence. There is a need to identify core areas of aviation technologies that need investment both of financial and human resources.

future Air Missions The classic use of air power in air-land-sea battle will continue. Command of the air will be required for unhindered air and surface operations. Denying the same to enemy will be critical while doctrine of deterrence will survive. Offensive air operations will require local or complete asymmetry. Self-sustenance of air power is dependent on near instant command, control and intelligence capabilities, and much faster logistics support. Rapid response elements at very high readiness are required. Unmanned Air Systems (UAS) will take on more and more roles. The UAS are already landing autonomously on ‘rocking’ ship-decks and UAS swarms have already been tested in simulated mass-raids. The development of hypersonic aircraft would forever change ability to respond to conflict. Multi-sensor fused data can now be used for attacking air targets, maritime vessels, ground installations and field artillery and also shared with other platforms through datalinks allowing silent approach and attack. Special Operations have also great significance.

Airborne Platforms High speed, agile, stealthy platforms with low maintenance and quick turnaround; more efficient wing-body blended shapes for better flight dynamics and performance; lighter and yet stronger aero-structures to make the basic air vehicle weigh less and thus carry more weapon loads; use of easily moldable

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

layered composites materials to shape complex curvatures and engine intakes; and advances in stealth technologies to counter more sophisticated AESA radars are being worked on. Keeping the costs under control is a challenge. Northrop Grumman B-2 Spirit, Lockheed Martin F-117 Nighthawk, F-22 Raptor and F-35 Lightening II have been examples of run-away costs. Future aircraft will have conformal weapons; be optionally manned; and have very low radar, sound and smoke reflections. Large transport planes will continue to be built for large scale global mobility and special operations. Some of these will also act as platforms for AEW&C, aerial refueling, and air evacuation. Making these ‘heavies’ stealthy is the unfolding next revolution. Helicopters too will be stealthier; will have air refueling; and greater carriage capacity. Attack helicopters will be very agile and have lethal combination of targeting sensors and weapons. Unmanned systems of sizes from nano-millimeter to large scale cargo aircraft/airships will cover the entire spectrum of air operations.

Air Mshl Anil ChoprA pVsM, AVsM, VM, VsM (retd) The writer was a pioneer of the Mirage 2000 fleet and commanded a Mirage Squadron, two operational air bases and the IAF’s Flight Test Centre ASTE. He was the Team Leader of an aircraft upgrade project in Russia. He was head of IAF in J&K and Inspections in IAF, and has been member of the Armed Forces Tribunal, and JNU Executive Council.

optical sensors, navigation systems, cockpit displays, flight and engine control signalling, and helmet displays with improved human-machine interface usWing data analytics and bio-mimicry are being developed. Advances in

While India needs foreign help in design of sensor hardware, great indigenous software and computation skills need to be harnessed to take a lead in AI sensors and Avionics He who sees the adversary first has a huge advantage of surprise and ability to plan and execute the attack. Hybrid sensor suites comprising the radar, electro-

display panels and touch screens and miniaturisation of parts have greatly released crucial real-estate in the cockpit and reduced weight, every gram of which matters to smaller platforms. Data-bus and

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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military aviation efficiency

fibre-optic signalling have not only increased data speed but also take lesser space. Helmet mounted sights can cue sensors and weapons to target and reduce crucial time in combat. Electronically steered beams of AESA radars allow simultaneous coverage of many sectors. Artificial Intelligence (AI) will dictate the future. Demand for streaming high-quality data requires bandwidth, which involves innovating sensor/processing systems. New mission computers and network-centric payload processing units enable onboard data fusion prior to sending to digital links. Next-generation avionics would be smaller, more efficient and capable of operating under extreme conditions. Gallium Nitride (GaN) is a semi-conductor material that is more efficient, easier to cool, and improves reliability for radars.

High speed computing High speed computation and miniaturisation of chips has allowed complex algorithm handling and for computers to be able to perform tasks normally requiring human intelligence, such as visual perception, speech recognition, decision-making, and translation between languages and is now termed as Artificial Intelligence (AI). Ability to interpret complex data; perceive the environment and take appropriate actions has evolved using expertise in fields like computer sciences, mathematics, psychology, neuroscience, among many others. The AI is already supporting autonomous decisions; more so in case of unmanned systems. Advances in electronic warfare (EW) systems have also been possible due to improved more sensitive antennae

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but more so because of highspeed computing and advanced software that allows simultaneous handling of multiple pulses and frequencies. Software and high speed computing have also improved aircraft flight control

have flexibility compared to conventional wings. This wing will maximise structural efficiency, reduce weight and conserve fuel. Fuel cell technologies, combination of materials, will ensure survival in enemy territory.

With space having emerged as the fourth medium for military operations, the IAF had brought out its blueprint titled ‘Defence Space Vision 2020’. This needs government’s attention and push response and in turn flight safety, and also weapon aiming algorithms. While India needs foreign help in design of sensor hardware, great indigenous software and computation skills need to be harnessed to take a lead in AI.

structures and Materials The Passive Aero-elastic Tailored (PAT), a uniquely designed composite wing will be lighter, more structurally efficient and

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

Things will be built faster, better and more affordably, using 3D printing yet ensuring quality and safety standards. Additive 3D manufacture will create a world with spare parts on demand, faster maintenance and repairs, more effective electronics, and customised weapons. Nanomaterials will control sizes, shapes and compositions, and significantly reduce weight, create stronger structures yet drive down costs.


9 making Chinese variants of the French SNECMA M53-P2 (Mirage 2000 engine), and the Russian Saturn AL-31 (Su-30 engine) to power Chinese J-20 fighters. India has been dependent on Russian, French and American engines. DRDO’s Kaveri engine has faced major hiccups for nearly three decades. Safran (Snecma), in a tie up with DRDO, is slated to revive and certify the engine as part of the offsets deal for 36 Dassault Rafale.

future of Weaponry

Aircraft engines High-bypass engine technologies have been considerably fine-tuned. Computer control of all engine functions through Full Authority Digital Engine Control (FADEC) allows efficient engine operations. Fuel efficiency, low noise and smoke signature, low radar reflectivity are some of the important traits. As fighter aircraft aspire to go faster at several times the speed of sound, (typically Mach 5), such speeds are possible only through ramjet engines. There are a handful of major aircraft engine manufacturers in the world. The main manufacturers of military jet engines today are Pratt & Whitney (US; F-16, F-22), General Electric (US; B-1, B-2), Rolls-Royce (UK; Harrier), Tumansky (Soviet Union; Mig-25, Mig-29), Lyulka/ Saturn (Russia; SU-27/30, SU-37), Turbo-Union (UK, Germany, Italy; Tornado), EuroJet (UK, Germany, Italy, Spain; Eurofighter Typhoon) and Safran (SNECMA) (France; Mirage-2000, Rafale). Others like China have been trying to copy and reverse engineer aircraft engines. They are already

Future weaponry would include scramjet powered hypersonic missiles with very long ranges; and reusable directed energy weapons (DEW) and lasers, used for defensive and offensive measures, delivered at the speed of light. Lasers would even attack targets on the ground. The USAF is developing a new air-to-air missile with an improved solid

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

Missiles and bombs with multiple warheads allow taking-on many targets in a single mission and thus, reduce costs and risk.

space/cyber Domain Wars The thin line dividing atmosphere and space will disappear. Significant part of air-war will be in aerospace. There will be spacebased weapons to attack spacebased systems and targets on earth, and earth-based weapons will attack targets in or transiting through space. Development of Anti-satellite weapons for electronic or physical destruction of satellites in both LEO (2,000km altitude above earth’s surface) and the higher geosynchronous orbit are planned even by India. India is already developing an exo-atmospheric kill vehicle that can be integrated with the missile to engage satellites. India’s advanced space capabilities need to be harnessed. India is

India has to not only catch up with backlog in technologies but in parallel master newer ones rocket motor, dubbed the Small Advanced Capabilities Missile (SACM) for 2030s, and has improved ‘high off bore sight’ for rear hemisphere kills. Sixthgeneration long-range missile would combine air-to-air and airto-ground capabilities. They will be multiband, broad spectrum to increase survivability and reach. Precision, lethality, agility and range will remain the hallmarks of newer weapons. With changing target profile to less-defined low cost small bunkers or small groups of terrorists, the target cost to weapon cost ratios now need calculation for long term end-state.

moving reasonably ahead with ‘non-weapon space enablers’ like Indian Regional Navigational Satellite System (NAVIC). It will also facilitate accurate targeting by smart bombs and cruise missiles. The military doctrine of network-centric warfare also relies heavily on the use of high speed satellite enabled communications. With space having emerged as the fourth medium for military operations, the IAF had brought out its blueprint titled ‘Defence Space Vision 2020’. This needs government’s attention and push. Any motivated interference

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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military aviation efficiency

in computer systems to sabotage or steal; deny or destroy is part of cyber warfare. Cyber space is now ‘the fifth domain of warfare’, and is as critical to military as land, sea, air, and space operations. Both China and Pakistan are notoriously known for their active Cyber Armies. India will have to strengthen both offensive and defensive cyber warfare capability and quickly create the Cyber Command.

Defence r&D investment nvestment All major world powers spend huge amounts on defence R&D. No one is willing to share top end technologies without deriving appropriate costs. There are very few countries that have mastered the aero-engines, radar, highend avionics, fly-by-wire, flight control laws, composites and stealth technologies. Responsible nations are expected to abide by Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) provisions. While countries like China and North Korea are often accused of stealing design data through cyber-attacks, but of late China has started allotting huge funds for defence R&D. China’s 2018 defence R&D allocations were US $28 billion which was 16 per cent of its total defence budget and close to half of India’s total defence budget. India’s DRDO 2018 budget is just Rs 17,861 crore (US $2.55 billion) which is nearly 6 per cent of the defence budget, and significant part of which goes to salaries and infrastructure maintenance. Lot more needs to be allotted.

critical technologies For long, India never allotted sufficient funds nor gave aggressive attention to defence

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production. Notwithstanding, today we have successful design and development programmes for fighter aircraft (LCA), helicopters (ALH variants), composite materials and structures, space launchers and satellites, ships, and missiles (BrahMos, Agni, ABM). India is a leading nation in software and computation development. India has mastered the art of license production of aircraft and have full modern industrial infrastructure. Yet there are many core aviation design technologies which we have still to acquire. China has flooded the world with remote controlled unmanned systems of various sizes for hobbyists. They could soon be leading defence UAV exporter. For India, UAVs are still a work in progress. Rustom-I is a Tactical UAV with endurance of 12 hours. RustomII an advanced variant is often compared by the scientists with Predator. DRDO carried out a successful test flight of Rustom II on 25 February 2018. Programme needs a push. Armed Forces await indigenous inductions. It is high time they started making these and selling like motorbikes.

make modern airborne radars but success has eluded us and we had to fall back to Elta Israel for the interim radar for the LCA. We are now scouting for a partner to make the AESA radar in India. India is still long way to go for electro-optical systems and helmet mounted sights, albeit some work is already on. Similarly, we need capabilities in Forward Looking Infra-Red (FLIR) and laser designation pods. India should be able to make and export fly-by-wire and flyby-light signalling cables and equipment. India has still to master even aircraft autopilots and has had to look for foreign support. In days of AI and robots, this is a logical first

floundering Projects India has been floundering in

making an aircraft jet or even a piston engine. Our over ambitious go-it-alone approach has not been of help. Finally, we have been forced to seek help from Safran (Snecma) to recover the Kaveri engine earlier meant for LCA. HAL and DRDO have made attempts to

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

Rafale-RBE2-AESA-Radar


9 step. The EW system technologies are complex and need constant evolution. India is still working to master older technologies. There is a need to work closely on EW hardware. There is very little work going on in DRDO on stealth shapes or materials. In fact, we seem to have nearly given up the idea of India’s FGFA Advanced Multirole Combat Aircraft (AMCA) being stealthy. The AMCA is meant to be a twin-engine, stealthy, super maneuverable all weather multirole fighter with LRDE X-band solid-state gallium nitride AESA radar. The current first flight is already shifted to 2032.

freighter Aircraft India has still to succeed in making even a commuter aircraft leave alone an IL-76 class heavy lift transport aircraft. It is critical to succeed in a medium transport aircraft quickly. The NAL developed ‘Saras’ still remains the only hope. Little is also known about the Indian Regional Jet Aircraft (RTA) meant to be a joint project between HAL and NAL. This aircraft would

have capacity of 70100 passengers. HAL is also planning to develop a Medium Lift Helicopter in the 10-15 tonne class. It is currently looking for foreign partners. Little is being

heard about the HJT-39, CAT (Combat Air Trainer), which was to be an Advance Jet Trainer (AJT) announced in 2005. India practically imports all its weapons and armaments. Starting from small caliber shells and rifles to heavy projectiles and missiles, all are imported. India even needs active research in DEWs. India lacks weapon homing-head technologies and has little capability in antiradiation weapons. After success of BrahMos, there is a need to become self-sufficient on some of these. Technologies are also being used to prolong life and ensure

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

can india Get Act together? As per mythology, India had designed the world’s first, ancient aerospace-craft the ‘Vimana’ that was equipped with deadly weapons like Indra’s Dart. It is unfortunate that India is today struggling to acquire aerospace technologies. Researchers are already exploring fly-by-wireless options that will reduce weight, life-cycle costs, and failures and troubleshooting time. The AI is the disrupter of the future. Futuristic intelligent flight controls for the engine and other flight systems will

Future aircraft will have conformal weapons; be optionally manned; and have very low radar, sound and smoke reflections cheaper repairs. Low Life Cycle Costs (LCC) will remain crucial. India has peripheral involvement with academia in defence R&D. More serious partnership is required for innovations of core technologies. Paltry amounts being spent on R&D need to go up. The funds have to focus towards areas of critical interest and have to be assigned to selected teams with end-state definition. With bigger Indian private players like Tatas, Reliance, L&T, Mahindras, Adanis and Bharat Forge now willing to invest in defence, new technologies are bound to be developed or imported through joint-venture route. Time for infliction has come and the future can be bright. With Make-in-India thrust more companies may set up shops in India.

automatically adjust to onboard mission situations and change outputs. Future will involve condensed engagement times with more precise and effective weapons. Humans may or may not continue to fly aircraft, but robotics will begin to dominate. The blurring of the strategic/tactical aircraft designations will also continue as airframes increase in flexibility. Air Superiority will remain the main mission with UAVs, UCAVs, satellites, and cruise missiles increasingly employed to reinforce the manned aircraft. India has to not only catch up with backlog in technologies but in parallel master newer ones. The IAF would have to re-build numbers and India to develop aviation technologies and production capabilities. Time India gets its act right.

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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space command military base

IndIa – Space Militarisation China occupies the foremost place in India’s psyche and its might in space is a cause for concern. India’s stealing a march in space by its Mars initiative would definitely be seen by China with acrimony, especially as its performance in space is laudable and it has been ahead of India in moon and manned missions.

Artist concept of the NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR) satellite in orbit.

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ntroduction Perceptions like air superiority, command of the air and air dominance et al, related to the medium of ‘air’ as a military arena, have moved on from ‘air’ to ‘aerospace’, thus signifying the distension of ‘air’ to include space. Concurrently, the term

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‘battlefield’ has engulfed space and cyber space and is now ‘battlespace’. Consequently, outer space — traditionally considered as one of the Global Commons (and, thus, evenhandedly accessible to all venturing nations as a common heritage) — is slowly but steadily becoming a vast amphitheatre for contending

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

nations. The self-evident ‘high ground’ advantage of superiority in aerospace has meant the inexorable militarisation and weaponisation of space. The US is now not satisfied with just an Air Force Space Command (which it has had in place since 1982); in June this year President Donald Trump advocated a Space Force as an independent and co-equal military branch (analogous to the Marine Corps vis-a-vis the US Navy). The rationale behind his decision is that US (and allies’) satellites which, besides serving indispensable peaceful purposes, also enable war on land, sea and air through GPS, communications and weather services, are crucial military targets which require special protection and thus, a new military branch is necessary to undertake that task. The debate in US military and strategic circles on the proposed ‘Space Force’ rages on and is enough cause for India to introspect on its capabilities, potentials and organisational challenges in the space arena.


9 India’s Space Prowess Inarguably, India has made progress in space which every Indian can be proud of. India’s space endeavours started from humble beginnings with Dr Vikram Sarabhai setting up the Physical Research Laboratory (PRL) in his own residence in 1947. Against the backdrop of a bitter USUSSR space race to the moon in the 1960s, Dr Sarabhai proposed to the government a modest, development oriented space programme and Indian National Committee for Space Research (INCOSPAR) was set up in 1962 with the mandate to advise the government on space research, promote international collaboration and to participate in international activities. INCOSPAR went about setting up the Thumba Equatorial Rocket Launching Station (TERLS); India’s first launch was that of a home-built version of the French sounding rocket Centaure in 1963 with US and French assistance. In 1969, Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) was established as the functional entity with the Space Commission being set up as a policy-making body under Department of Space under PMO. The single major factor behind India’s (ISRO’s) success in space is the fact that, by being placed under the PMO directly, it was insulated from the bureaucratic stranglehold that has afflicted (and continues to afflict) most of India’s public sector enterprises. Dr Sarabhai had the vision to realise the benefits of spacebased oceanography, geology, hydrology and cartography for Indian consumption and embarked upon creating a bank of scientists and technicians to spread the space programme in extent and capability. Unfortunately for India, he passed away suddenly on 30

December 1971. The development of a launch vehicle, which is the basic requirement for putting a satellite into orbit, began in early 70s but it was apparent that it would take considerable time to launch an indigenous vehicle. Assembling a satellite was a much easier task and an arrangement with USSR paved the way for an Indian satellite to be placed in orbit around the earth and Aryabhatta, named after the fifth century astronomer, was launched by USSR in 1975. It took almost a decade of development for the first successful experimental Satellite Launch Vehicle (SLV-3) in 1980 to mark India’s debut in space. It was a four stage, solid fuel, 17 tonne vehicle capable of putting 40 kg payloads in low earth orbit (160 to 200 km from earth). After two developmental launches in 1987 and 1988, the Augmented SLV or ASLV (labelled ASLV-D3) was launched successfully in 1992; it was a 40 tonne craft with a payload capacity of 150 kg up to 400 km circular orbits. The ASLV provided valuable inputs for the successful development of the Polar

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

Gp Capt aK SaChdev (Retd) The writer holds an M Phil, an M Sc, an MA and an MBA degree and was on Defence Services Staff College faculty for 3 years. He was a Senior Research Fellow in IDSA, New Delhi for two years and has published a book, a monograph and numerous articles.

and the Mangalyaan (launched in 2013) both used PSLV variants; a second mission to moon, the Chandrayaan-2 is slated for October this year. The first flight of the Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV) took place in 2001.

Air Cmde Jasjit Singh, one of India’s leading strategic thinkers, had first mooted the idea of an Aerospace Command Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) which had a first successful launch in 1994. With a lift-off weight of 295 tonnes, it can place 1,600 kg satellites in sun-synchronous polar orbit or a 1,050 kg satellite in Geosynchronous Transfer Orbit (GTO). The first and third stages are solid fuel and the second and fourth liquid. The Chandrayaan-1 mission to moon (launched in 2008)

With a lift off weight of 414 tonnes, the Mark I/II GSLV can place 2 to 2.5 tonnes satellites into GTO. Its first stage is solid, second liquid and the third cryogenic. The GSLV Mark III is a 630 tonnes vehicle with payload capacity of up to 4 tonnes; the first and second stages are carried forth from the PSLV design while the third stage is cryogenic which is much

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space command military base

lighter and therefore, can travel farther away from earth. India’s quest for cryogenic technology deserves special mention here. In December 1982, India had formed a cryogenic study team to focus on the development of an engine which could generate a thrust of 10 tonnes; the team reached the realistic conclusion that indigenous development of such engines would pose major technological challenges. India decided to import these engines from Russia to expedite its GSLV programme in 1991, but in July 1993, the US arm-twisted Russia into stalling the engine supply saying it flouted the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). The US sanctions on ISRO and Glavkosmos were a huge setback to the GSLV programme but ISRO expedited indigenous research and in January 2014, with the launch of GSLV-D5, India joined countries like the US, Russia, Japan, France and China which have successfully developed their own cryogenic engines. Qualitatively too, India’s space programme is doing well. India’s first manned

Dr Vikram Sarabhai

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space flight Gaganyaan is expected to send three human beings into space for 5 to 7 days in a low earth orbit; in his 2018 Independence Day speech, Modi promised that that would happen by 2022. Other developments by ISRO include a Small Satellite Launch Vehicle (SSLV) not exceeding 100 tonnes that could send a 500 kg satellite into a 500 km orbit by mid-2019, and a high thrust Electric Propulsion System (EPS) to reduce dependence on chemical propellants.

Space as an Arena Theoretically, every object in space has a military potential and the

operational, it will provide a position accuracy of five metres which is better than US GPS. Most space activities have dual purpose and their military content is connected to operations and capabilities in other domains. Militarisation of space is thus becoming an instrument of national power. Space deterrence, directed at satellites and other space based systems, also includes offensive space capabilities for accomplishing the ends of deterrence. In this context, the possession of satellites and space stations by the big nations assumes as much

Dr Sarabhai had the vision to realise the benefits of space-based oceanography, geology, hydrology and cartography for Indian consumption numbers are increasing steadily. US Space Surveillance Network, a component of the US Strategic Command, tracks objects in space and according to the May 2018 issue of “Orbital Debris”, a NASA publication, India has 205 objects in space. To put this figure into perspective, US have 6,355, China 3,892, France 546 and Japan 278 (no separate figure available for Russia but the combined CIS total is 6,514). India has positioned satellites for an autonomous regional navigation satellite system called Navigation with Indian Constellation (NavIC) for civilian and military use in the Indian region and around 1,500 km around. Once fully

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

importance as Anti Satellite (ASAT) capabilities. ASAT development started in the 1950s with US and USSR pioneering it. Initially, the main focus was on ground based missiles but since then many innovative projects have emerged. In 2007, China carried out a premeditated destruction of one of its own space satellites in a move to validate the ASAT concept. In November 2014, space agencies and amateur satellite watchers christened a mysterious Russian satellite as Object 2014-28E. The object was launched in May 2014 but no announcement preceded its launch, leading to the air of ambiguity around it. Naturally, its sighting has rejuvenated fears about space based ASATs, a capability so far demonstrated by US, Russia and China (ostensibly for the purpose of destroying satellites that posed


9 the danger of falling uncontrollably to the earth’s surface). So, is there a need for India to protect its substantial interests in space through an Aerospace Command?

Aerospace Command India is a world leader in satellite launch facilities, has established itself in satellite communications, remote sensing, weather and navigation services and in recent years, has ventured into interplanetary probes starting with the moon and Mars. India’s space assets are entirely civilian in nature although many have dual use possibilities and are vulnerable to the gradually accelerating weaponisation of space as also rapidly proliferating soft kill options aimed at debilitating space assets (using electronic and cyber space arsenal) without physically damaging them. Thus, the rationale for establishing a Space Command is compelling and critical to national security; undoubtedly there is a need to have a nodal agency to coordinate and control national, military-focussed

assets in space as also the ground infrastructure that supports these assets. However, Indian Air Force, the national instrument of aerospace power, is facing a critical shortfall of aircraft even to fight an air war, leave alone looking at space. Thus, the allocation of fresh assets (hard and soft kill capabilities for offence and defence), manpower and infrastructure (new spaceports et al) for an Aerospace Command is hypothetical at the moment.

Air Cmde Jasjit Singh, one of India’s leading strategic thinkers, had first mooted the idea of an Aerospace Command but the first step in this direction was taken in 2010 with the formation of an Integrated Space Cell (ISC) to work under the HQ Integrated Defence Staff (IDS), as an intermediate initiative towards the establishment of an Aerospace Command based on a consensus amongst the three Service Chiefs for a tri-service Joint Space Command. Ideally, the Aerospace Command should have inter-continental reach and the wherewithal to mount offensive missions as well as provide a fair degree of defensive capability; our capability in building satellites and launch vehicles permits this but the cost would be huge. There have been some discussions on Aerospace Command but the costs, the associated technologies required and the skilling of manpower for the purpose have so far been impediments to its formation. The ISC could be the nucleus and resource base for the Command with an active involvement of ISRO and DRDO. While the participation of Air Cmde Jasjit Singh DRDO should not be

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

problem for ISRO, a civilian space agency committed to the peaceful uses of outer space, would be more difficult to integrate. Some organisational changes may be necessary to avoid international opprobrium.

Concluding Remarks China occupies the foremost place in India’s psyche and its might in space is a cause for concern. India’s stealing a march in space by its Mars initiative would definitely be seen by China with acrimony, especially as its performance in space is laudable and it has been ahead of India in moon and manned missions. When seen in the context of China’s intent as manifest in the String of Pearls, the Doklam episode, the China-Pak nexus, the continual transgressions across the border with India, and its refusal to settle the India-China territorial disputes (no longer can they be called border disputes), there is a need to keep Chinese space capability in mind in the context of India’s space assets. Not only is their protection from Chinese offensive actions a critical national security imperative but there is also a crucial need to build adequate offensive space capabilities for a measure of deterrence; a voluntarily commitment to a No First Use (NFU) policy with regard to any offensive action in space would allay any apprehensions of the global spacefaring community. An Aerospace Command can probably address these needs but the current state of the defence budget discourages optimism in this regard. One also hopes that, when funds do become available for establishing and equipping an Aerospace Command, inter-service rivalry does not raise its ugly head on the subject of control and ownership of its assets.

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next-gen fighters tejas epitome

Air Power in india Ditching this project and relying only on foreign fighters might have tragic consequences for the future of the whole country. To be clear, we are not saying that India should stop buying Western aircraft. It should continue on this path but at the same time develop its projects. It is a pity that the next generation fighter project that was supposed to be developed jointly with Russia was ended. One can only assume that looking from inside, the reasons were very good to ditch it, but this brings even more pressure on the Tejas project as now being the sole Indian project.

T

he geopolitics of the world is changing rapidly. Although this sentence might sound trivial, things that were unimaginable 10 or 20 years ago are now happening. The world we used to live in which gave us some comfort and a peaceful state of mind is long gone. The pure dominance of the USA is ending, and new contenders are stepping on to the table and want to start the game all over again but with a different set of rules. The crack in the dominance of the US dollar is the most significant proof of this shift. More and more nations are ditching the US currency as a trade tool and move to the use of local currencies. China is shifting from a cheap goods producer to high-end products manufacturer with more pressure on domestic consumption. It is also pushing the US Navy out from its waters either by building aircraft carriers or by building artificial islands. Russia, although

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crippled by sanctions, still is holding firm and ready to take the best side when the new game begins. The above brings new challenges and security issues but also opportunities. Due to the shift to the Pacific made by the USA, Europe stopped being as important as it was during the Cold War. As the eyes of the primary global players are focussed on the South China Sea and the development of power in the region, the whole situation brings new challenges to India, its armed forces and to its industry also opening new chances which could make India’s position stronger when well played.

India’s Growing Role The role of India in the region has already grown significantly and will be growing even further especially that its northern neighbour China

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

is growing at a breakneck pace and is the leading contender for the US. This puts India in a position of a balancer in the region able to help in shaping the future of the geopolitics in the vast areas of Asia. To increase the weight of India’s voice, it has to have a robust army and in today’s world, a robust army cannot exist without a formidable air branch consisting of the air force, army aviation,

and naval aviation. The air component is the first to strike the enemy and the first to defend the country. Of course, at some point the army has to send the tanks and the infantry but as history has shown many modern conflicts are won from the air and then the ground forces can attack an already crippled enemy.


9 Due to the sheer size of India, one of the most critical aspects of its defence architecture should be maximal independence from foreign powers. Only then India will be able to stand in the same line with other great countries which are trying to decide what the architecture for the next decades will be. Military dependency transfers into political dependency and one can only presume that India does not want that to happen.

Own Military Industrial Complex To achieve choice, develop an industry excellent equipment. other way Although to buy aircraft and the should at the same time, be made on developing it locally. The

freedom of India has to independent able to produce military There is no around. it is possible Western armament, emphasis,

Tejas Fighter

‘Make in India’ initiative is a massive step towards that goal as it allows local companies to take part in the whole armament production process. It also allows training a highly skilled working cadre which can then be used as a foundation to build upon. Furthermore, India should take benefits of the Western educational system and send as many students as possible to the best universities all around the world. This, in turn, will form another layer of foundation not only for own universities cadre but also for future leaders both in the army, industry, and politics. All of this should prepare the country to form in the long term a backbone for a self-sustained economy which will be opened to the world, take all of the benefits it offers, but not be the dependent on it. In the end when a war breaks out one should not rely on foreign deliveries of armament, spare parts, and other equipment which should only be an added benefit.

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

Dr Krzysztof KusKa The writer is editor and analyst in the field of military aviation, defense, modern warfare and security, military historian.

Tejas Steppingstone That is why an aircraft such as Tejas is essential. There are voices that it is not perfect or fit for the job, but it has one significant advantage which cannot be overcome by all of its disadvantages—it is made in India, by Indian engineers and scientists, working for Indian companies. If India would like to be one of the most significant powers in the world (and it has potential to become one) it has to develop and produce its own fighter aircraft. Only countries which can

achieve that are considered the most important in the world and that is because modern multi-role fighters are the essence of technology. Even if the Tejas will not be as good as it could be it still adds some

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next-gen fighters tejas epitome

significant value to the whole country and allows to build future aircraft on the foundation it has already laid. Ditching this project and relying only on foreign fighters might have tragic consequences for the future of the whole country. To be clear, we are not saying that India should stop buying Western aircraft. It should continue on this path but at the same time develop its indigenous projects. It is a pity that the next generation fighter project that was supposed to be developed jointly with Russia was ended. One can only assume that looking from

point, Poland has started to develop a replacement for its homegrown training aircraft, the TS-11 Iskra, which as it happens was also used in India. The new machine that was supposed to replace the 60’s era trainer was named PZL I-22 Iryda. Unfortunately, things went very wrong with this machine and the development ended. The consequences of this failure have

Of course, the economic situation of Poland back in the days of Iryda development and today’s India is entirely different, but the level of importance of keeping homegrown projects in production, development and constant usage can be seen. One can argue that Poland still has a quite strong aviation industry,

It is a pity that the next generation fighter project that was supposed to be developed jointly with Russia was ended been very severe. To this day, Polish fighter pilots have to train on the TS11 Iskra. The situation will change; thanks to the recently bought M-346 Master trainer aircraft but looking back, the Iryda project should be the foundation for future aircraft or at least after modernisations serves in the air force until this day. It also had some capacity to serve as a light ground attack aircraft and probably could, to some extent, replace the very old Su-22.

inside, the reasons were very good to ditch it, but this brings even more pressure on the Tejas project as now being the sole Indian project. To highlight how important that is one can use the example of Poland. Back in the days of the communist regime era, Polish aviation industry was in good shape and at some

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Base For Promised Leapfrog

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

but that is not what India should be looking for. All leading Polish aviation companies were bought by Western corporations and transformed into local branches that can be quickly closed when the situation will demand it. India has a chance to have a healthy aviation industry controlled by local capital or with a government overlook and can develop advanced weapons systems with BrahMos as a leading example. This brings us to the title of this article. India is at the crossroads. Soon it will receive its first Rafale fighter aircraft, the next big fighter tender is just around the corner and adding to this the already used Russian jets, the air force shortly might regain some strength which it had lost after many years of degradation especially in the numbers of active squadrons. All of this can form one of the legs of the Indian aviation forces but the second one should be homegrown to keep the balance and allow for future growth of the importance of the country.


jet fighters rafale vs fgfa

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YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

RAFALE VS FGFA — CORRECT POLICY APPROACH

India’s approach is very much right to go ahead with Rafael under present circumstances. In other words, it is preferable to get readymade house because of known price and immediate use than a house under construction with possibilities of time and cost overruns especially while competing with others. October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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jet fighters rafale vs fgfa

F

GfA In light of the fact that India withdrew from FGFA in 2018 with the hint that project could be resumed at later date, we should be aware of history of FGFA and some major events as what made to come to this decision including technical features, excessive delay, budget overrun, etc. It is, therefore, necessary to know some major past developments of FGFA. In the late 1980s, Soviet Union outlined the need for next generation aircraft to replace Fourth Generation jet fighter MIG-29 and Sukhoi SU-27 in front line service. As a first postSoviet fighter, Sukhoi SU-57 was planned incorporating the technology

was proposed on 50:50 sharing of funding, engineering and intellectual property. The period of 10 years approximately was proposed for the joint development of FGFA and MOU for preliminary design was signed between HAL (Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd.) and Russian companies Rosoboron export and Sukhoi. The design was expected to be completed in 18 months. Indian version was different than Russian version and specific to Indian requirements. Indian accounted for greater radius for combat operations. The wings and control surfaces need to be reworked for the FGFA. There were lots of discussions on various changes and area of work to be undertaken and budget overruns, etc. However, project was getting

India is DASSAULT AVIATION’S combat aircraft’s oldest export customer from previous mid-century from both SU-27 and MIG-1.44. SU-57 was designed to compete against the American jet fighter F-22 Raptor and F-35 Lightning II. According to Lockheed Martin, the only Fifth Generation jet fighter then in operation was F-22 Raptor. India and Russia have agreed to develop FGFA (Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft) after the success of BrahMos in 2007. The FGFA project

delayed. Total numbers of aircrafts were also planned in 2010 for project viability. Number of aircrafts to be assembled in Russia and India were decided including other aspects like critical software including mission computer, navigation system, most of the cockpit display, counter measuring dispensing (CMD) system, etc. In 2012, then Defence Minister announced the delay of project and expected first FGFA to

Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu

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October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

be in 2017 but his Deputy expected by 2019. HAL also suggested over 40 improvements which were agreed by both countries. Both the countries were facing the heat of cost overruns and tried to control with various alternatives. After the change of government, the then new Defence Minister decided to put several issues on fast track and HAL was to receive 3 Russian prototype aircrafts, one per year from 2015 to 2017. Lots of changes were made in terms to expedite the project. It was decided to manufacture first batch of aircrafts from Russia and subsequent batches to be manufactured at HAL. The design work already started at HAL. However, an excessive estimated cost overrun as per the indications in 2017 project was hardly becoming viable and Indian interest in project was fading. Russian has expertise in Titanium structures and Indian has experience in composites. The completed version of operational fighter would have differed from then flying prototypes. I feel that FGFA was not ready with design with latest avionics from Russia and also in operation but this joint venture was mostly at pre-design stage though concepts were known and similar concepts with different specs were used in other aircrafts. Any project from

Indian Defense Minister Nirmala Sitharaman


9 design to prototype trial and actual in operations with all required spares, logistics, software, avionics, etc. is always with excessive gestation period and excessive cost overruns. Such projects can never be completed in haste and also difficult to become successful. We can always expect innovative design, enough design time to make it successful as design is the core strength of outcome. Even if India decides to take up this project at later date, design and R&D activities must continue even now since team will have enough time to make complete design ready including simulations. This will save the time later.

common Design elements in fGfA

1. STEALTH 2. HIGH MANUEVERABILITY – Includes short field capabilities 3. ADVANCE AVIONICS 4. NETWORKED DATA FUSION FROM SENSORS AND AVIONICS 5. MULTIROLE CAPABILITIES ● In order to minimise the Red Cross Section (RCS), use of chines is made instead of std. leading edge extension and lack canards. ● They also use twin canted vertical tails to minimise RCS. ● Most FGFA fighters with supermaneuvrability achieve it through thrust vectoring. ● They have high percentage of composites materials to reduce RCS and weight. ● It is a software defined aircraft and use commercial off the shelf main processor to directly control all the sensors to form a consolidated view of battlespace with both onboard and networked sensors. ● Software program is to do data fusion across many sensors and also called artificial intelligence. ● These advanced features of FGFA to engage other aircrafts before their targets are aware of their presence.

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

rAfAle

India is DASSAULT AVIATION’S combat aircraft’s oldest export customer from previous midcentury. It is a proven relationship and contributed proudly to India’s defence. The deal was finalised during the visit of Indian PM to France in 2015. India was interested in Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft and there are very few players in the world who have capability and proven aircraft. Some important technical features of Rafale are highlighted.

Design for all missions

● ● ● ●

Air defence. Air-to-ground and air-to-sea attack. Nuclear deterrence. Air reconnaissance

fully optimised Air frame cutting edge mission system

● An active electronically scanned array radar (AESA). ● An electronic warfare integrated self-protection system (SPECTRA). ● A front sector optronic system (FSO). ● Data link (link 16 or national data link).

An outstanding stores carriage capability

With a full load of weapons and fuel, RAFALE takes off two and half times its empty weight – More than any other fighter in its class can do. Weapons and pods can be carried simultaneously with external fuel tanks, making both mission range and firing power available in all load-outs, plus bringing unrivalled flexibility in mission planning and execution.

combat Proven

● Defensive and offensive counter air mission. ● Reconnaissance mission. ● Strike coordination and reconnaissance (SCAR) mission.

Mukund Puranik The writer is B.E. (Mechanical), M.Tech. (Machine Tools) and Chartered Engineer with an experience of 35+ years in the field of Machinery Industries. He has dealt with machines in BHEL, HAL Ordnance factories, Railways and has worked for manufacturers from USA, Europe, Korea, China & Japan. The major areas of his specialisation are Valuation (P&M) and Consultancy. Currently, he is a Proprietor of Universal Engineering Consultants.

● Long range strike ● Destruction of enemy air defence (DEAD) mission.

interoperable with major forces

Interoperable with assets in the air, on the ground and at sea.

Affordable air power

With its controlled operating cost, it is a right solution to achieve uncompromised air superiority within the limits of today’s constrained defence budget.

the best in data sensors and data fusion easy Maintenance

Comprehensive and accurate integrated testability. No air frame / engine overhaul at depot and no run up after engine change. Aircraft do not leave their base for maintenance as scheduled task last for few days per year.

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jet fighters rafale vs fgfa

Developments for rafael Project

There are only few countries which have developed or in developing stage of Fifth Generation Fighter Jet. The choice is limited and there is also constraint in budget. Moreover, Russian FGFA version was not ready in operation and proven. It was also required to incorporate around 45 new improvements as suggested by HAL and agreed by both the countries, time schedule was getting extended beyond our earlier agreed dates and also cost overruns. Extensive work in design, development in air frame, composite and advance software standard and

alongside Dassault Aviation in the frame of Rafael offset programme. The technological know-how and competence of Dassault Aviation and its partners confirmed by the success of the Rafael Aircraft will benefit the French partners from their capacity to reinforce their expertise in developing and manufacturing the defence platforms and systems for the profit of both French and Indian Aerospace and defence industries. Encouraging and supporting French SMEs is a key condition to participate to the success of ‘Make

Any project from design to prototype trial and actual in operations with all required spares, logistics, software, avionics, etc. is always with excessive gestation period and excessive cost overruns custom made was involved. The new Indian Government has given a specific emphasis on ‘Make in India’. The whole exercise would have further extended the time frame of the project. In the meantime in September 2017, in business-to-business event at Paris, more than 100 French SMEs participated including Rafael International and Dassault Aviation. Indian embassy representatives also attended the event and emphasised the critical importance of ‘Make in India’ policy and the foreign investment policy for the Indian Aerospace and Defence sector and answered the queries from participants. Rafale international and their partners presented their vision on how best to contribute to the ‘Make in India’ policy and highlighted opportunities from French SMEs to invest and setup production activities in India

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in India’ initiative of the Indian Government which will benefit French and Indian industries including Indian SMEs.

correct Policy Approach

Considering the various events for FGFA and RAFAEL, Government of India has taken the correct and practical approach in going ahead with RAFAEL. The strong point in considering RAFAEL is ready and proven design and these aircrafts are already in service. No doubt some more customisation will be required in these aircrafts as and if required by HAL and Indian Air Force. However, this may not be major portion of project and hence time frame can be maintained. Indian SMEs and designers will get lot of learning opportunities while working with Dassault Aviation and French SMEs. It will also help to strengthen the design base for Indian SMEs which will help for future development. Unfortunately, FGFA was not ready to fly and

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

proved that it would have taken lot of time to develop the same though technical features of FGFA are also good. Had FGFA would have been ready by 2012 at least prototype version, considerations could have been different then. There are hardly few manufacturers with whom India could work. One of the neighbouring countries is already developing their Fifth Generation Jet Fighter and others already have F-16 in their inventory. Hence, India must have something different to have tactical advantage in case of war and element of surprise. India has limited choice, limited time and limited budget. Under these constraints, correct approach is to go for readymade and proven aircraft with less customisation than totally new development starting from scratch and lot of customisation. India will definitely take up FGFA once it is fully developed by Russia at later stage. This could be another line of defence. Rafale components call for special care while manufacturing and one private company is already involved in manufacturing such components from different international order. I had some exposure to these components and critical requirements as the company I worked then had proposed batch of very hitech German machines which are used in producing critical aerospace components for Europe and USA. Price constraint was main hurdle and Indian company was using equivalent alternative machines. India’s approach is very much right to go ahead with Rafael under present circumstances. In other words, it is preferable to get readymade house because of known price and immediate use than a house under construction with possibilities of time and cost overruns especially while competing with others.


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space security

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

Space: Sovereign

Fighting Arm Presently, it appears that more than quality of any project, at times the Congress works on pro- and anti-Trump positions. So far, some conflicting reports have emerged in respect of acceptability of Space Force idea by the Congress. Only, time would tell, if the Congress would support this idea or not. All in all, the idea of establishment of a special arm for conduct of activities in space clearly demonstrates where the future of warfare lies.

t

he Trump Administration in the United States has put forward a ‘mother of all defence reforms’ and that is the formation of Space Force, a new arm for the US military. At a meeting of National Space Council during mid of June 2018, Trump made an announcement to this effect. He desires to have a Space Force as a sixth branch of the military. The US military already have five braches namely the United States Army, Marine Corps, Navy, Air Force and Coast Guard. The US military hasn’t added a new uniformed service in 70 years, when the air force was created in the aftermath of World War II. This article attempts to analyse the

need and rationale and possible implications behind this decision.

Is The Idea New? The importance of space science and satellite technology is well known. The US has been a major player in these fields for long. Even today, the US is the only power in the world that has successfully managed the human travel to Moon and back. During the 1991 Gulf War, the US demonstrated to the rest of the world about the

Dr Ajey LeLe The writer is working with the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi as a Senior Fellow. His areas of research interests include issues related to Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs) and Strategic Technologies. He has various publications to his name.

utility of satellites in war-fighting. Globally, the US has got maximum investments made in the space assets. Graphical representation below (as per the Statista–The portal for statistics), provides the information about the number of satellites in orbit by major countries as of 30 April 2018. The US’ superiority is clearly evident over here.

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space security

Around the year 2000, Mr. Donald Rumsfeld, the former Secretary of Defence headed the ‘Commission to Assess United States National Security Space Management and Organization’ and presented its report on 11 January 2001. The

the US is required to develop the means both to deter and to defend against hostile acts in and from space. This would be required in spite of the US government having sound national space policy in place. The basic purpose behind

During 2011, the Obama Administration released a national security space strategy clearly outlining steps to make space forces more resilient and deter attacks report which is famously known as Rumsfeld Commission Report stated that there is a possibility that the next ‘Pearl Harbour’ for the US could be in the space. It argued that after the air, land and sea, the next medium for warfare is going to be outer space. Hence,

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this suggestion is to ensure that the US should have capabilities which could allow it to maintain and ensure continuing superiority. One of the major tenets of the entire articulation by Mr Rumsfeld was to evolve a separate agency to look after the

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

interests of the military. Now such agency is being called by Trump as a Space Force, a separate fighting arm, within the overall US defence architecture as Donald Rumsfeld suggested. Interestingly, the need of the armed forces to have a separate agency for military activities in the space was felt much before the Rumsfeld Commission. The US Space Command or the Air Force Space Command (AFSPC) is in place since 1 September 1982. This command has been established to provide strong and affordable space and cyberspace capabilities for the nation. At present, this command has approximately 40,000 employees and they operate from around 90 locations worldwide. The US law and other military related laws provide the AFSPC authority


9

over space acquisitions, resource management, requirements, war fighting and personnel development. Over the last few years there was also a proposal to establish Space Corps. In the literature, two distant opinions are found with regards to the establishment of this corps. There was a view that such arrangement should emerge as a separate force while some were of the opinion that this arrangement should be done within the US Air Force only. In fact, during July 2017, the House of Representatives had passed legislation that would direct the Defence Department to create a “space corps” as a new military service, housed within the air force. However, this idea was not supported by the Pentagon.

Trump Approach On the whole, the idea mooted by President Trump is not new, and was found getting debated ‘on and off’. There has been some criticism about Trump’s idea also, and a view has also been expressed making

the mention that at present there is no requirement for such major reform. However, the view that Trump is ‘hyping’ the issue appears to be unfounded. In reality, he is actually taking the discussions and suggestions of many years to its logical ending. For all these years, what was making the section of the US decision-makers to lobby for a separate structure, for an agency looking at the military aspects of space? To understand more about this, it is important to perceive the nature of threat being envisaged.

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

nature of threat. Then came the 2007 Anti-Satellite Test (ASAT) conducted by China, where it had launched a missile that tracked and destroyed one of its own satellites. It was an ageing weather satellite, which was destroyed by missile strike, however the missile had no explosive payload, but only a metal device as a payload, which on impact destroyed the Chinese satellite into pieces (this is KKV, that is, Kinetic Kill Vehicle technology). In recent times, this has been one of most provocative

It is important to highlight the subtle difference between two important phraseologies in this regard— ‘militarisation’ and ‘weaponisation’ Nature of Threat Rumsfeld Commission had analysed significant amount of circumstantial evidence to reach to a conclusion about the possible threat to the US’ assets in space. However, there was a certain amount of ambiguity in regards to correctly identifying the exact

demonstration of China’s growing capability in the arena of counterspace capabilities. By this single act, China had openly demonstrated its ASAT capacities. The US fully understands that China is giving them signal by doing this

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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space security

act. Possibly, China has major concerns about the asymmetric advantage the US could have, particularly in the Korean and Taiwan region if need arises, owing to their assets in the space. For the US military forces which many times are required to travel across the continents; there is a major dependence on the satellite systems for conduct of various activities including communications and navigation. In addition, there are geostrategic implications behind the US putting missile defence systems in the area of Korean peninsula and Japan region. Today, China is very uncomfortable with the US’ presence in the region. There is a possibility that China would try to compromise the space systems of the US during wartime. On the other hand, the States like Russia are also known to be designing an airborne laser

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to disrupt mainly various US space-based systems. They are also developing missiles that can be launched from an aircraft mid-flight to destroy the US satellites. The US also suspects that the States like North Korea and Iran could have developed some form of ASAT capabilities.

based technologies, which could be employed as counter-space technologies, China is also known to have interest towards developing space-based counter-satellite technologies. In recent times, China has conducted various tests of such technologies/techniques like suddenly changing the orbits

There is major issue of ‘guarding the own turf’. It appears the USAF is upset with this idea of Space Force Chinese Provocations In addition, China has developed satellite jamming technologies with which they can temporarily jam satellites of the adversaries, which are looking at China. There are reports that China is also developing cyber capabilities which could disturb the launch process of the satellites or even the operations of the existing satellites. Apart from the land-

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

of the satellites, development and testing of robotic space arm, etc. Few years back, there were also reports that China has developed parasitic satellites and spacemines which could be controlled remotely and made to strike (impact) the adversary satellites. Presently, the US depends on its assets in space significantly, for the conduct of their various


9 military activities. Any possible threat to the US assets in space could adversely impact its military capabilities. Obviously, the US would like to remain prepared to safeguard its interests in space. However, there is a certain amount of misperception about what is correct and what is not acceptable from a military perspective, as far as activities in outer space are concerned. It is important to highlight the subtle difference between two important phraseologies in this regard.

Militarisation vs Weaponisation The 1991 Gulf War is a classic case of space technologies being used most effectively in warfare. The purposes for which the satellites were used in this regard include communication, navigation and intelligence gathering. The US (and the allied forces) had used satellite-based communications because of it being one of the most secure communication systems. The GPS, the global

navigational system, was put to use for the movement of various military units and also for identifying targets for accurate attacks. A network of spy and remote-sensing satellites was used for gathering intelligence and weather satellites were used for a regular update on atmospheric conditions. When satellites are used for all these purposes, in order to assist the military operations, it amounts to the militarisation of space. Such activities do not break any basic universal laws and have global acceptance. Today, many countries in the world are using various satellite inputs for conduct of their military activities both during peacetime as well as wartime. This amounts to the militarisation of space and is regarded as a ‘just act’. On the contrary, any activity which would amount to destroying or damaging the space assets of the adversary actually amounts to an act of war and is not

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acceptable. Various direct or indirect methodologies used for such purposes leads to the weaponisation of the space and is just not recognised as ‘just’. For the State like the US, which has maximum satellites in the space (each satellite could be considered as a potential target for the adversary) and also has powerful adversaries like China and/or Russia, there is much at a stake. Obviously, the State would work towards creating structures to ensure safety to the systems in space and suggestion of establishing a new arm for the military called Space Force is the manifestation of this quest.

Space Force: The General Debate As of now, there is not much of clarity on the exact nature of the force proposed by Trump. It is not known whether the US envisages an offensive or a defensive force. Or they want to have an element of offence to ensure the availability of best defence mechanism.

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space security

national security space strategy clearly outlining steps to make space forces more resilient and deter attacks. There is criticism that the USAF did not do enough to implement this policy.

The primary aim of establishing a sixth armed service is to accelerate the expansion of defence element exclusively for protecting your own assets and developing capabilities of space war fighting (if any), in the future. For many years, the US government was found going slow on the aspects of space security. For all these years when their adversaries were busy weaponising space, they actually were caught in a heavy bureaucratised tussle about the need for upgrading the existing space security setup. Overall, there has been internal criticism within the US that as a State, they have failed to prioritise space security for long. One logical deduction in this regard could be that immediately after the Rumsfeld Commission report came for discussion, 9/11 happened and entire focus on security issues shifted to terrorism. But, now China factor is making them concerned. Now, particularly after the ASAT test by China during 2007, their increasing domination of South China Sea and their obsession for Belt and Road Initiative, the debate on

30

space security is getting revised in the US policy circles. After the conduct of debris creating ASAT test during 2007, now China is conducting various experiments which could be inferred as acts indirectly demonstrating their ASAT capability. Certain actions by Russia are on the similar lines. Probably, owing to this increased threat matrix, the present US government could have decided to upgrade the USAF Space Command to a full-fledged arm. However, many are still not convinced about the need for such up-gradation.

Internal Turf War There is major issue of ‘guarding the own turf’. It appears the USAF is upset with this idea of Space Force. It depletes their strength and reduces their funding significantly. Also, other arms like the army and navy also would be required to hand over their space assets to this new agency. It is expected that these arms could use some delay tactics and other pressure tactics to ensure that the birth of new organisation gets delayed. During 2011, the Obama Administration released a

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

Today, when the US is thinking of creating the new Space Force by 2020, lot of ground work would be required to be done for establishment of such a force. The most critical initial tasks would be the shifting of the existing assets to a new organisation. There would be a need for clear identification and allocation of task. There would be a major requirement to create different structures based on the present and futuristic task. In the US political system, at times the biggest impediment for establishing any new structures is the US Congress. Significant amount of power rests with various committees and subcommittees of the Congress. The major challenge for carrying out any systemic change is the financial aspect. The Congress has got power to ‘make or not to make’ money available for fruition of such ideas. Presently, it appears that more than quality of any project, at times the Congress works on pro- and anti-Trump positions. So far, some conflicting reports have emerged in respect of acceptability of Space Force idea by the Congress. Only, time would tell, if the Congress would support this idea or not. All in all, the idea of establishment of a special arm for conduct of activities in space clearly demonstrates where the future of warfare lies.


9

real time intelligence technology

Tech-Savvy – NatioNal Security Intelligence agencies and security forces have to move rapidly towards inducting technology into their activities. Technology is an immense forcemultiplier and if harnessed properly will provide the cutting edge in securing the nation against threats and challenges.

B

ackground National security in India can no longer be seen in its narrow “military” terms. It has undergone significant changes in past 50 years beginning with late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s visionary decision to bring

revolutionary changes to India’s national security infrastructure, which the country had inherited from its colonial masters. Indira Gandhi realised that a strong and vibrant external intelligence agency was essential to underwrite India’s external policies particularly in its neighborhood and immediate concentric. The creation of the

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

PM Heblikar The writer retired as Special Secretary, Government of India in September 2010 after 38 years of service specializing in intelligence and national security issues. He continues to be associated with the subject in different capacities as head of a think-tank, resource person at several universities and think-tanks both in India and overseas. He is a regular contributor to magazines on subject of national interest.

Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW) on 21 September 1968 was an expression of that desire and resulted in the beginning of a new era for the national intelligence community. The

RAW October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

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real time intelligence technology

R&AW, incidentally, celebrated 50 years of yeoman service to the nation on 21 September 2018. It is but fitting that the agency has slowly begun to capture public imagination through cinema and largely also by books written on it by some of its former members and “chief’s” recently as also in the immediate past. Each of these well researched and articulated books contain gems that require to be read by current set of intelligence professionals and next generation of leaders.

agents, their handlers and their supervisors, who had helped in the war. Honors and citations would come later, wrapped in the usual cloaks. For most that is enough”. This was the beginning of a long journey marked by several major success stories that resulted in enhancing of India’s influence in its neighbourhood and combined with strong and astute political leadership, it gave the country the edge in consolidation of national security interests. The success stories of this agency have been remarkable and it has been always

India’s national security policy is obviously built importantly on its strategic interests and the objectives of the political dispensation in power The nation needs to know some of the contributions of its intelligence community especially about R&AW. Vikram Sood in his book, “The Unending Game”, says, “The R&AW had plenty to celebrate too, after its significant contribution to a major success so soon after its creation in 1968. There were no victory parades, and no one would light a lamp for the unknown

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the first responder to any threat and challenge that emanates from inimical quarters, both outside and inside the country.

India’s Security Milieu

kept its intelligence and security agencies on their toes without relaxing vigilance on internal and external situation. The threats and challenges have increased in conventional and asymmetric terms. Though India does not as yet have a formal national security doctrine to articulate its position on strategic and international policies, its contours are increasingly being seen in statements made by its highest political levels, reports of various ministries and detailed studies by academia and think-tanks. The post-May 2014 period has been remarkable in this sense. It will be recalled that since 1947, India conducted 4 in-house reviews and 1 inter-ministerial report on certain aspects of national security management. Of the five, one involved China, one was related to terrorism and the rest were Pakistan-centric. The interministerial report or the Kargil Review Committee (KRC) was the first major exercise that involved a group of ministers in carrying out a comprehensive assessment

The fragile security environment in India’s neighborhood is worrisome. This has

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9 of India’s security arrangements and its recommendations resulted in several new and pro-active decisions. A task force on intelligence reforms was constituted by the former UPA government, under then Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, and it too made several recommendations with far reaching consequences. India’s national security policy is obviously built importantly on its strategic interests and the objectives of the political dispensation in power. National interests are both tangible and intangible. Intangible interests pertain to India’s territorial integrity, sovereignty, ideals of democratic constitution, right to self-defence and none of these are subject to any form of negotiation in any form. The matters of economic development, human rights, basic education, trade and free movement are examples of

tangible assets and they too are beyond influence or force. China, for example, has declared its national and intangible interests that identify Taiwan, Tibet, Trade and Land, and Maritime boundaries and devolved its

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large multi-trillion economy. The threats and challenges are even more pronounced now especially in terms of its asymmetrical character. There is no-doubt that the security environment in India’s neighborhood is fragile

Indira Gandhi realised that a strong and vibrant external intelligence agency was essential to underwrite India’s external policies comprehensive national strength to ensure that these are not affected in any manner. Pakistan, too, has made clear its national security interests in unambiguous terms.

Security Agencies – challenges The burden on India’s intelligence agencies and security forces in enforcement of its intangible and tangible interests is increasing exponentially. This is becoming even sharper as the country advances towards becoming a very

and requires a greater degree of vigilance and intervention, where necessary. The influence and efficacy of R&AW is well known in our neighborhood, especially in Pakistan. Tilak Devasher in his book, “Pakistan – At the Helm”, quotes references from Pakistan media and personalities on the subject. In the same context, the halo around the Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) is brought under microscope and there are no charitable references to it. It is also illuminating to read what is said on the subject in the book, “The Spy Chronicles”, featuring conversations between A S Dulat, former R&AW chief and Gen Asad Durrani, erstwhile head of ISI.

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real time intelligence technology

Both the R&AW and the Intelligence Bureau (IB), therefore, have their job cut out in giving expression to the expectations and plans of the government of the day. It is seen that strong and visionary support from the governments in past saw both agencies delivering the desired results in an effective manner. This is a far cry from the days of the Janata Party coalition of late Morarji Desai (1977-79) which dealt a death blow to the R&AW and set it back by a decade. The tenures of Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and

India in arranging the cease-fire between the Sri Lanka government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The ceasefire swathe decline of the LTTE and subsequent events led to its demise. The Norwegian report is available in public domain. The role of R&AW has been brought out in the report. Further, the deployment of Civilian Humanitarian De-Mining Teams to Sri Lanka from 2002-2012 is an example of Out of Box Thinking in securing security interests in the sensitive northern province of Sri Lanka. The performance of civilian

under the current dispensation led by Narendra Modi are exceptions and prove the fact that our agencies have prospered under strong political leadership. Late Prime Minister P V Narsimha Rao too gave the agencies’ directions in several security related matters.

de-mining teams was exemplary and received accolades from the highest political levels of that country as also from international non-governmental organisations. This deployment of India’s soft power was very successful; it also led to skill development and capacity-building that helped the Sri Lankan Army as well district administrations preparing for resettlement of internally displaced refugee population to their original habitations. India is a pioneer in this field. There is every reason to believe that

Security collaborations The Norwegian government, several years ago, brought out a detailed document on its peace brokers role in Sri Lanka and highlighted the support and cooperation of the Government of

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October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

such exercises can be undertaken by India in post-conflict zones elsewhere in the world. Prem Mahadevan’s article, “The Role of Intelligence in Indian Security Policy”, which appeared in the “The Oxford Handbook on India’s National Security” has cogently covered the sensitive topic in considerable detail. He has underlined that political patronage is vital and necessary for obtaining best results in matters associated with national security. There is also the suggestion that the R&AW must be prepared to meet next-generation threats and challenges by returning to Indira Gandhi’s vision of having a professional cadre and dedicated service that is unique and reliant on open market methods selection. He points out that constant tinkering with the direct recruitment scheme has resulted in serious management problems that an organisation such as R&AW cannot afford. Former professionals point out that the agency not only requires a professionally trained cadre of officers and men in intelligence work but also those hailing from diverse backgrounds to man the agency’s several divisions that deal with science and technology, economic and trade matters, communication, information and information communication technology, cyber – both information warfare and defensive/ offensive operations and language. Acquisition of military intelligence is an important task given to R&AW and it has largely delivered on this subject. In this connection, it may say the agency has excellent relations with the Tri-services. Language


9 training, especially of target countries, is important. The agency has excellent training facilities for in-house purposes and also caters to sister agencies and security forces.

Dedicated Personnel Early recruits into the organisation were trained in guerilla warfare, jungle warfare, counter-insurgency operations, defensive and offensive driving skills in addition to intelligence trade craft. The specialised training gave them the upper hand in operating in hazardous terrain and enabled them to understand the scope of operating in hostile environments often at personal perils. There

elsewhere. Its rich expertise should be harvested by others in the country especially law enforcement agencies, both preventive and investigative, as also the several central armed police forces and the various central police organisations. In tandem with the Intelligence Bureau, the R&AW can become the precursor for a National Academy of Intelligence – equivalent of the National Defence College (NDC) to impart higher level of instructions to state police forces and law enforcement agencies on matters of threats and challenges to national security. The Intelligence Bureau should be on the same platform given

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

and if harnessed properly will provide the cutting edge in securing the nation against threats and challenges. The first and foremost is to develop a strong cyber-security network that covers the gamut of forces existing in the country today. The use of Artificial Intelligence (AI), Internet of Things (IOT), Machine Learning, and Block-Chain technology must become the tools for use by our agencies. This involves training of personnel, induction of technology, creating the necessary infrastructure within them for effective use at all times. The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and the Bureau of Police

The Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO) and the Bureau of Police Research and Development (BRP&D) must closely interact with the government agencies as also with the private sector is merit to revive this as soon as possible especially given the nature of deployment of personnel in far-flung corners of the country especially in the Indo-Himalayan region and the northeast region. The training and knowledge of these skills proved crucial to personnel posted in insurgency, terrorism and militancy prone areas in the past and present as well.

Role of R&AW R&AW is the leader of the intelligence community in India. Its experience is varied dealing with ethnic insurgency, terrorism, militancy and has been at the forefront of several operations in the troubled northeast and

its enormous domestic security responsibilities and access to state police forces and sister agencies such as the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI), Customs ad Central Exercise, Economic Intelligence Bureau, National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) and others. It is important that security forces understand the need to promptly react to real time intelligence or crucial inputs provided by the national agencies.

technology and Intelligence Intelligence agencies and security forces have to move rapidly towards inducting technology into their activities. Technology is an immense force-multiplier

Research and Development (BRP&D) must closely interact with the government agencies as also with the private sector. The need for greater involvement of the private sector giants like FICCI, CII, ASSOCHAM, NASCOM and leading think-tanks is emphasised since almost all necessary solutions are available in India; these are institutions of change to deliver much needed solutions to the national security effort.

“India’s external intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), completed 50 years of yeoman service to the nation on 21 September 2018”.

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population statistics

NRC: RelevaNCe iN NatioN’s security In the wake of partition of the sub-continent in 1947, large number of Hindus crossed over from East Pakistan to the states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura in India. In due course, when the Pak Army started persecuting the Bengalis, a large number of Muslims also crossed the borders into India. After the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, it was expected that the new regime would ensure communal harmony and tackle the social and economic problems of its teeming millions in a manner which would eliminate or at least reduce the factors contributing to migration. However, that did not happen. 36

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9

M

igrations have been taking place from the beginning of civilization. People move across the borders for varied reasons - political, ethnic, economic, military or environmental, sometimes a combination of these. Such movements are a “natural safety valve” for local problems and a source of labour and capital for fast growing economies. It has been rightly said that these migrations have both “positive and negative effects, including internal and external security concerns, for both sending and receiving countries”. 1

Genesis of Problem Even during the British rule, India faced the problem of migration from what was then East Bengal and has been going on since then. In the 1931 Census Report of Assam, CS Mullan, the Superintendent of Census Operations, recorded the following observations: “Probably the most important event in the province during the last twenty-five years – an event, moreover, which seems likely to alter permanently the whole future of Assam and to destroy … the whole structure of Assamese culture and civilization – has been the invasion of a vast horde of land-hungry Bengali immigrants, mostly Muslims, from the districts of Eastern Bengal and in particular from Mymensingh.2

The Muslim cultivators were encouraged by the Muslim League Government headed by Mohammad Sadullah in Assam ostensibly for the ‘Grow More Food Campaign’, though as Viceroy Lord Wavell said, Sadullah was more interested in ‘Grow more Muslims rather than Grow more Food’. The availability of large tracts of cultivable fertile area in Assam was a great incentive to migration. In the wake of partition of the sub-continent in 1947, large number of Hindus crossed over from East Pakistan to the states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura in India. In due course, when the Pak Army started persecuting the Bengalis, a large number of Muslims also crossed the borders into India. After the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, it was expected that the new regime would ensure communal harmony and tackle the social and economic problems of its teeming millions in a manner which would eliminate or at least reduce the factors contributing to migration. However, that did not happen. A section of intellectuals in Bangladesh even legitimised the theory of lebensraum - living space for the people of Bangladesh. Several leading thinkers, economists and former diplomats of Bangladesh articulated the idea of free movement of people across the international borders. Prof. Amena Mohsin of Dhaka

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Prakash singh The writer, a recipient of Padma Shri, was formerly Director General, BSF, DGP UP and DGP Assam. Presently, he is Chairman, Indian Police Foundation.

University said that “migration is a normal and natural phenomenon and cannot be stopped, the need today is to evolve ways to legalise it”.3 Abdul Momin, former Foreign Secretary of Bangladesh, suggested that “our bulging population might find a welcome in adjacent lands inhabited by kindred people”. 4

Contributory Factors The factors which contributed to the influx of population from Bangladesh were broadly as follows: ● steep rise in population with increasing pressure on land and mounting unemployment, ● recurrent natural disasters like floods and cyclones, uprooting large segments of humanity,

1. Wesley D. Chapin, ‘Immigration and Security: A Review of the Global Migration Crisis’, Journal for the Study of Peace and Conflict, 1999-2000, available at (http://jspc.library.wisc. edu/issues/1999-2000/article3.html) 2. Jogesh Ch. Bhuyan, ‘Illegal Migration from Bangladesh and the Demographic Change in the NE Region, Dialogue (JanMarch, 2002), pp. 72-73. 3. Wasbir Hussain, ‘Demographic Invasion, Anxiety and Anger in India’s Northeast’, Faultlines, Vol.7 (November 2000), p.128. 4. D.N. Bezboruah, ‘Our land, Their Living Space’, Dialogue, (Oct-Dec 2001), p.55.

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population statistics

● better economic opportunities in India, ● religious persecution of Hindus and Buddhist tribals, and ● porous and easily negotiable international borders. In 1978, Election Commissioner, SL Shakdher, sounded the alarm bell at a conference of Chief Electoral Officers of states in 1978: “In one case [Assam], the population in 1971 Census recorded an increase as high as 34.98% over 1961 Census figures and this figure was attributed to the influx of very large number of persons from foreign countries. The influx has become a regular feature…. a stage would be reached when that state may have to reckon with the foreign nationals who may in all probability constitute a sizeable percentage if not the majority of population in the State”. 5 The following figures showing the percentage growth of population, religion-wise, during the four decades (1971 to 2011) are illustrative:

ASSAM YEAR

Hindu

1971-1991

41.89

1991-2001 2001-2011

Muslim

Hindu

Muslim

77.41

52.24

71.47

14.94

29.30

19.9

29.3

10.9

29.59

16.8

24.6

(Source: Census of India, 2011, there was no census in Assam in 1981).

Estimate The bulk of the Bangladeshi immigrants are settled in the states of Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Delhi and the north-eastern states. There have been several estimates of the number of Bangladeshi immigrants in Assam. Hiteshwar Saikia, Chief Minister of Assam, said in 1992 that there were 3 million Bangladeshis in the state. However, soon after he made a volte-face and said that there were no illegal Bangladeshis in Assam. Defence Minister George Fernandes put the figure at 20 million in the entire country. The most authentic estimate of Bangladeshi immigrants in India was provided by Madhav Godbole, who headed the Task Force on Border Management. In his report submitted to the Government of

5. Hussain (note 3), p.111.

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ALL INDIA

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

India in August 2000, he placed the figure at 15 million with about 300,000 Bangladeshi nationals entering India illegally every year. The Task Force was very critical of the political establishment for its failure to tackle the problem: “There is an all-round failure in India to come to grips with the problem of illegal immigration. Facts are well known, opinions are firmed up, and operating system is in position. But the tragedy is that despite this, nothing substantial happens due to catharsis of arriving at a decision in this regard due to sharp division of interest among the political class….. We do realise that international borders cannot be totally sealed, that with its growing economy, India would induce many persons to migrate to India facing all odds


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….yet, we feel that the massive illegal migration poses a grave danger to our security, social harmony and economic well-being.”

Assam Accord The All Assam Students Union (AASU) and the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP) launched an agitation from 1979 to 1985 over the large scale influx of foreigners in the State. The Assamese were apprehensive that they would be overwhelmed by the sea of humanity from across the international borders. Rajiv Gandhi’s initiative led to the signing of the Assam Accord on 15 August 1985, whereby it was agreed that for purposes of detection of foreigners, 1 January 1966, shall be the base date and year, those who came to Assam on or after that date and up to 24 March 1971, shall be detected and their names deleted from the electoral rolls, and those who came on or after March 25 shall be detected and expelled in accordance with the law. The nonimplementation of vital clauses of the Accord became a sore point with

the Assamese. The Illegal Migrants’ (Determination by Tribunal) Act, which was enacted to detect and deport the foreigners, was quite ineffective in dealing with the problem.

Warnings Lt. Gen. S K Sinha, the then Governor of Assam, in a communication to the President of India sent on 8 November 1998, observed that the illegal migration into Assam was the “core issue” behind the Assam student agitation and was also the “prime contributory factor” behind the separatist movement in the State. Giving a grim assessment, he said: “As a result of population movement from Bangladesh, the spectre looms large of the indigenous people of Assam being reduced to a minority in their home state. Their cultural survival will be in jeopardy, their political control will be weakened and their employment opportunities will be undermined. This silent and invidious demographic invasion of Assam may result in the loss of the geostrategically vital districts of

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Lower Assam [on the border with Bangladesh]. The influx of these illegal migrants is turning these districts into a Muslim majority region. It will then only be a matter of time when a demand for their merger with Bangladesh may be made. The rapid growth of international Islamic fundamentalism may provide the driving force for this demand…. Loss of Lower Assam [the area close to the Bangladesh border] will severe the entire land mass of the north-east from the rest of India and the rich natural resources of that region will be lost to the Nation”.6 Regarding India’s relations with Bangladesh, the Governor observed: “No matter how friendly our relations with Bangladesh, we can ill-afford to ignore the dangers inherent in demographic invasion from that country”. The Group of Ministers, in their recommendations on the National Security System (February 2001), while taking care of Bangladesh’s sensitivity in the matter, reiterated that “the massive illegal

6. Faultlines, Vol. 7 (Nov 2000), pp. 114-115.

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population statistics

NRC

People show their acknowledgement receipts after checking their names in a draft for National Register of Citizens, in Guwahati immigration poses a grave danger to our security, social harmony and economic well-being”.

Judicial Intervention The Supreme Court, while entertaining a petition for abrogation of the IMDT Act, on 20 September 1999, expressed concern over the unabated migration of Bangladeshis to various north-eastern states,` and directed the Government of India to make “honest and serious” attempts to stop this influx. A Division Bench comprising Chief Justice A.S. Anand, Justice M. Srinivasan and Justice R.C. Lahoti said that this influx of Bangladeshis was posing a “danger to the region’s demography”. In 2005, the Supreme Court quashed the IMDT Act, describing it as “the biggest hurdle and the main impediment orbarrier in identification and deportation of illegal migrants”. The Court went on to say that: “There is no manner of doubt that the state of Assam is facing ‘external aggression and internal disturbances’ on account of large scale illegal migration of Bangladeshi nationals. It, therefore, becomes the duty of the Union of India to take all measures for

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protection of the state of Assam from such external aggression and internal disturbances as enjoined in Article 355 of the Constitution.” The Supreme Court ordered that all cases under the IMDT Act be transferred to the Foreigners’ Tribunal. The UPA government, however, to circumvent the implementation of the judicial verdict, passed the ‘Foreigners (Tribunal) Amendment Order’, making the detection of illegal migrants through the Foreigners’ Tribunal inapplicable to Assam. The Supreme Court quashed the aforesaid Amendment Order in 2006 and deplored that government “lacked will” to ensure that “illegal migrants are sent out of the country”.

A section of intellectuals in Bangladesh even legitimised the theory of lebensraum - living space for the people of Bangladesh

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

The first National Register of Citizens was prepared in 1951 following the first wave of immigrants from the then East Pakistan. It was, however, challenged in the Guwahati High Court. In 2005, the UPA government headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced that the NRC would be updated. Yet, there was no progress for the next 10 years. The Congress government of Assam under Tarun Gogoi simply sat over the matter. In 2009, a PIL filed by an NGO sought updating of the National Register of Citizens. The PIL got the necessary push from a bench headed by Justice Ranjan Gogoi in 2014. It directed the government to update the National Register of Citizens in a time bound manner under the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) 2003. The process acquired momentum after the BJP government took office in Assam in 2016. The first draft of NRC was published in December 2017. The deadline of the final draft was 30 June 2018, but the government could not complete the process and was given extension of one month. The final draft was published on 30 July 2018. A total of 3.29 crore applications were submitted. The first NRC draft had identified 1.9 crore people as Indian citizens. The final draft increased the number to 2.89 crore, leaving out 40 lakh people who had applied for recognition as Indian citizens. It was clarified that people left out of the Register could file fresh claim between 30 August and 28 September, 2018, and if the claim was rejected, the aggrieved person could move the Foreigner’s Tribunal and later, the High Court and the Supreme Court. The Home Minister of India said that there was no need to panic as it was not the final list


9 and that people whose names were not included shall get the chance to prove their citizenship.

Tackling the Problem According to Myron Weiner, there are three possible approaches to tackle the problem of illegal immigration: i. Accommodation control involving expanding the level of legal immigration and accepting a chunk of the illegal immigrants. ii. Greater border control involving increasing the deployment of police and paramilitary forces to effectively check trans-border movements. iii. Intervention involving changing the economic, political and social factors in the source countries for migrations.7 Government of India would appear to be working on the first two principles. Assuming that out of the 40 lakh people, a substantial number are not able to prove their citizenship, the question is what would be the follow-up action from the side of government. Some sections have been articulating that these persons should be sent back to Bangladesh. That would be easier said than done as there would be a diplomatic impasse. Government of India, at no stage, raised the issue of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh government at the political or diplomatic level. Bangladeshi officers have always taken the stand that there has been no illegal migration from their country to India. Even otherwise, Government of Bangladesh, with an already over-crowded population, would be unwilling to accept any migrants from their country. It is a very sensitive

issue and Government of India would not be able to pressurise the Government of Bangladesh beyond a point. Our friendly relations with Bangladesh – a factor which has enabled us contain insurgency in the north-east – may be jeopardised in the process. The best option perhaps would be to give the immigrants some kind of work permit, allowing them to stay in the country for the next five years or so. It will have to be made clear that those immigrants whose names do not figure in the NRC and who do not have the work-permit also, would be liable to detention/

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cake. The anti-NRC campaigns are an attempt not only to communalise the exercise but also to cause amnesia about the historical fact of continuous loss of political and economic space by the indigenous people”.8 Dhananjay Mahapatra has also rightly said that “politicians who warn ‘Civil War’ exhibit their ignorance about mental trauma undergone by the Assamese people because of the worrisome ground situation, which was allowed to fester and became an incurable psychological and physical wound”.9 There are, besides,

The Supreme Court quashed the aforesaid Amendment Order in 2006 and deplored that government “lacked will” to ensure that “illegal migrants are sent out of the country” expulsion from the country. Immigrants with work-permits may be allowed to take up work in the country, though not in government service. It will also have to be made clear that they shall not have the right to vote and that they will not have the right to acquire immovable property in the country.

Way Forward Human rights groups’ would start campaigns in favour of the Bangladeshis, but the misgivings and apprehensions of the Assamese people cannot be disregarded. As stated by Harekrishna Deka: “But the one thing, the indigenous communities will not accept, is being a minority in their homeland and be politically beholden to the immigrants, who may, in course of time, try to grab the major portion of the political

reports that the illegal immigrants are going to pose a grave danger to our security, social cohesion and economic progress. Assam, it has been said, has been “a foremost casualty of the after-shocks of Partition” and that “it has been the victim of political callousness and neglect”.10 The NRC has tried to undo that to some extent but has not succeeded. It has been a massive exercise in Assam, but we must remember that only a chapter of the National Register of Citizens has been prepared. It is a national register and therefore, the exercise will have to be extended to the other states of the country also, particularly those states where there has been a heavy influx of immigrants from the neighbouring countries.

7. Wesley D. Chapin (note 1). 8. Harekrishna Deka, ‘A feeling of homelessness’, The Indian Express, August 25, 2018. 9. Dhananjay Mahapatra, ‘Congress govts. were mute spectators to illegal migration into Assam’, The Times of India, August 6, 2018. 10. Swapan Dasgupta, ‘Stop knocking NRC, 40 lakhs may be an underestimate’, The Times of India, August 12, 2018.

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trump’s ideology globalisation

Trump’s vision for india India’s rising economic profile that would provide expanded market opportunities for US’ corporations, US’ need for partnerships in Asia to balance China’s emergence as a power, India’s needs for civilian and defence technologies and equipment to grow economically and to ensure its security are some of the obvious reasons for the two countries to reconfigure their ties.

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ndia’s ties with the US have been strategically fortified in recent years and now the challenge is one of sustaining a high level of understanding over time. The big question is whether India’s relations with the US can be shielded from the vagaries of President Trump’s policies that have seriously unsettled America’s relations even with its traditional allies, a category in which India does not fall. Can a case be made that India is more important strategically to the US than Europe or its North American partners or Japan, South Korea or others? Yes, there is bipartisan consensus in the US Congress on friendly ties with India, but that is also the case with US allies who have been on America’s side in its critical foreign policy enterprises. If Trump is transactional with others, there is no clear reason why should he be less so with India beyond a point. Trump has up-ended many assumptions and comfort zones with regard to the content and conduct of US’ foreign policy. He has succeeded in creating huge uncertainties in the minds of friends and foes alike about their ties with the US and the margin of manoeuvre they have in dealing with an unpredictable Washington. America First is hardly a convincing rationale for Trump’s policy because it has always been America First for its leaders, even

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October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert


9 if their public discourse has been couched in idealistic, values-based, universalistic terms. If Trump believes that America has borne undue burdens on behalf of others, be it economic or military, and that others should share the burden to re-order their economic ties with America to the latter’s advantage, the obvious response is that no one forced America to become the world’s policeman or structure a global economic system based on its ideological anti-socialist beliefs in private enterprise and the market economy as the only acceptable model. If America spends enormous amounts on defence with a defence budget that is larger than the combined budgets of the next seven powers, has bases all over the world, and has acquired the capacity to intervene anywhere across the globe, possesses an immense nuclear arsenal; it is not a choice imposed

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by others. Rather, this is foundation of its status as the world’s preeminent power and underpins its long-standing attempts to shape the world in accordance with its preferences.

American Moves The process of globalisation was initiated by the US on behalf of its corporations who wanted international, sovereignty-related barriers to American trade and investment whittled down. America was content to import cheap foreign made goods to serve its consumers, besides keeping inflation down, while upgrading its own economy to produce higher technology goods and focus on innovation so as to maintain a technological advance over competitors. It is the US that is most responsible for China’s rise by large scale investments there and giving open access to its own markets

Amb (Dr) KAnwAl SibAl Former Foreign Secretary, the writer was also India’s Ambassador to Turkey, Egypt, France and Russia and DCM in Washington with rank of Ambassador. He has written more than 500 Op-Eds/articles on foreign policy issues. Decorated by France and Russia, he received the Padam Shree award in 2017.

Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman exchanging Memorandum of Understanding with US Secretary of Defence James Mattis

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trump’s ideology globalisation

for products manufactured in China, with Japan, Taiwan and European countries following the US lead. The strategic assumption was that a more prosperous China will, in due course, become more democratic and would, thus, accommodate itself to a US-led global order instead of challenging or disrupting it in due course. If this wager has miserably failed, the fault is that of Washington’s mistaken strategic assumptions and not of the countries who are being blamed for America’s huge trade deficit and loss of manufacturing capacity. While toting up its losses on trade and manufacturing, Trump does not take into account the huge power America exerts over the world’s economy because of the use of the US dollar as a global currency and the pricing of all oil transactions in dollars. Through this, the US Treasury controls all global transactions in dollars and this is the power that underpins its use of financial sanctions as a weapon in its foreign policy arsenal and compels other countries to yield to the extraterritorial application of US’ laws. If US has got involved in successive wars and conflicts from Vietnam, Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan to Libya or Syria, it is not because it was pushed into them by others, but because the belief was that defeating those

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who challenged the US hegemony for any reason had to be eliminated or democracy had to be spread even with the use of force if necessary, dictators had to be removed from power and human rights had to be protected against brutal regimes. Many argue that it is militaryindustrial complex in the US that pushes for US’ involvement in conflicts overseas. If these wars have weakened the US economy, the responsibility lies on the decisions made by US leaders, not those of other countries.

India-US Bond Trump cannot argue convincingly that America is the victim of acts of omission or commission of other countries. From the Indian perspective, this simply is not the case. In reality, India has been a victim of US’ policies for long years, having been subjected to US-led international sanctions on nuclear trade for decades, denied advanced and dual technologies by cartels set up by the US, targeted on human rights questions, pressured on Kashmir and so on. The US has traditionally supported Pakistan against India notwithstanding India’s democratic credentials. If these policies were then in US’ interest, the far more friendly sentiments of

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

the US towards India today are in the US’ interest too. If India and the US were able to strike a nuclear deal and remove a major non-proliferation impediment in improving relations, if there is developing congruence with India in the Indo-Pacific region, if India’s arms purchases from the US have increased dramatically, it is because both countries have re-assessed the value of closer ties. India’s rising economic profile that would provide expanded market opportunities for US’ corporations, US’ need for partnerships in Asia to balance China’s emergence as a power, India’s needs for civilian and defence technologies and equipment to grow economically and to ensure its security are some of the obvious reasons for the two countries to reconfigure their ties. Unfortunately, the Trump phenomenon has introduced uncertainties in the relationship. His focus on trade balance issues is excessive and is at the cost of ignoring the larger strategic picture. For a president who believes that America’s strategically-oriented policies have weakened the country and others have taken advantage of it, this focus should be unsurprising. India seeks a balanced relationship with the US that takes into account India’s strategic


9 interests too and not those of the US alone. America’s economic demands on India are pushed by corporate and business lobbies, and that also sectoral ones, without any comprehensive strategic overlay, and this muddies the larger view of the relationship that we would expect the US to have if the rhetoric that they want an economically stronger India has any substance. The US is now threatening to review the GSP preferences accorded to India unless India buckles to all its demands on trade facilitation, market access, pricing of medical devices, IPR issues, dairy imports and so on. It would appear that whatever progress we make in other areas, we will remain under pressure from the US on trade issues.

US Sanctions – Effects on India India is being exposed to serious collateral damage because of US’ policies towards Russia and Iran, which are being driven by domestic politics and not the real merits of the situation. The US Congress is bent on imposing draconian sanctions against Russia and Trump has been personally determined to punish Iran, not the least because of the Israel factor. We are being asked to buy more US arms at the expense of our defence ties with Russia, and this despite the fact that the US has become India’s major supplier of arms in recent years. The CAATSA legislation passed by the US Congress exposes us to sanctions if we engage in any significant transaction with Russia, in which category the procurement of the S-400 air defence system from Russia would fall. The US President has been given a waiver authority- for which Defence Secretary Mattis has pushed the US Congress on the sensible ground that it will do great harm to America’s relationship with India – but only for

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Russian President Vladimir Putin shakes hands with Iranian President Hassan Rouhani six months at a time during which we would be expected to buy more from the US and less from Russia, which is a gross interference in our sovereign decision-making and in our relationship with a third country. In any case, even if a waiver is given for the S-400, it is uncertain that

the two countries, especially to China and Pakistan. COMCASA has been signed, a new tri-services exercise has been agreed to, India will engage with CENTCOM, an Industrial Security Annexe has been signed, cooperation on maritime security and domain

The process of globalisation was initiated by the US on behalf of its corporations who wanted international, sovereigntyrelated barriers to American trade and investment whittled down such waivers will be given on freshly negotiated contracts. Similarly, we are required to reduce our oil supplies from Iran to zero by early November which undermines our energy security and requires us to punish Iran for no wrong it has done to us. Such US policies will prove selfdefeating as they will only breed increasing distrust in US as a partner. They may jeopardise the prospects of US defence companies looking for the sale of big ticket items to India in the future. The 2+2 dialogue in New Delhi between the Foreign and Defence Ministers on both sides on September 6 has sent a powerful signal about the consolidation and deepening of the strategic partnership between

awareness will be stepped up, US will be expected to promote defence manufacturing in India and so on. The dialogue focussed on a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region, enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation, more action by Pakistan to curb terrorism, the deficiencies of the Belt and Road Initiative without naming the project, etc. All these are building blocks of a strengthened partnership in the future but these positive prospects can get derailed if, despite India’s readiness to deepen ties with the US, its legitimate rights and concerns are not adequately respected and the US seeks to leverage its closer relations with India and dependencies created to damage New Delhi’s ties with friendly third countries.

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indian corps battle honours

Battle of Megiddo – Centenary year Indian soldiers today stand guard on the world’s highest combat zone. While our thoughts are with them, there is a need to take time out to remember and celebrate india’s participation in the victories in the world’s lowest battlefield a century ago.

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eptember 2018 was the Centenary of one of the most important battles in which Indian soldiers participated and which resulted in a complete victory seldom seen in the history of war. It was a classic manoeuvre battle starting with the break-in by two Corps and breakout by Desert Mounted Corps. It included the Jodhpur Lancers Haifa Charge, to which Teen Murti in New Delhi is testimony. While this particular event has been celebrated, there is a larger role of the Indian Army which needs to be recognised. FM Allenby’s Army comprised of men from all over the Empire and some aspects which stand out are:● Size of the theatre. Over 200km x 120km. ● Speed and range of operations. These were truly joint operations and unpredented in execution. ● Decisive victory which resulted in the surrender at Mudros (30 October 1918) and end of the war in the Middle East.

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● Largest participation by the Indian troops for one offensive operation in the last Century which would do even a current Strike Corps of the Indian Army, proud. ● Victory in the world’s lowest battlefield (1,200 ft below MSL). Indians are thus unique having triumphed in the World’s highest and lowest battlefields. ● According to estimates, Indian casualties were 10,526: 3,842 dead, 6,519 wounded and 165 missing/captured. This is indicative of the valour and needs recognition.

action won him the VC was merited. Along with this, I also had a desire to explore the theatre where the Desert Mounted Corps as part of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force (EEF) under Field Marshall (FM) Edmund Allenby carried out manoeuvres to rout the Turks and secure victory for the Allies. While this was the last major cavalry action of World War 1, its lessons as far as planning and conduct are relevant even today.

My Regiment, The Deccan Horse was part of this Battle and fought in the Jordan Valley. They continue to commemorate the award of the Victoria Cross (VC) to Rissaldar Badlu Singh who on 23 September 1918, attained immortality by leading a charge to destroy Turkish Machine Gun positions which had held up the advance.

The Centennial Year of the Battle of Megiddo being a good opportunity, I spent a week in hospitable March this year taking in the theatre. As mentioned earlier, Teen Murti (Now Haifa Chowk) is testimony. This is possibly the only other national monument in addition to India Gate which commemorates India’s role in World War I. It was erected by the Princely states which formed part of the 15th (Imperial Service) Cavalry Brigade of the 5th Cavalry Division.

A pilgrimage to visit and pay homage at the Hill near the Village of Khan-e-Sumarieh where Rissaldar Badlu Singh’s gallant

This brief piece is not a historical record but a tribute to acknowledge a glorious chapter in cavalry history as also the Indian Army

Background

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9 and an event which begs greater recognition.

The War Situation The EEF, under FM Allenby, had captured the Sinai Peninsula and secured Jerusalem by Christmas of 1917. The Ottoman Army held most of Palestine and what is now, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Capture of this large tract was planned for 1918 and additional forces were required. A very large number of units were moved from the western theatre and by July 1918, the EEF had been reorganised into: ● XXI Corps under Lt Gen Edward Bulfin. This included the 7th (Meerut) and 4th (Lahore) Divisions. ● XX Corps under Lt Gen Philip Chetwode. ● Chaytor’s Force under Maj Gen Edward Chaytor. ● The Desert Mounted Corps under Lt Gen Harry Chauvel. This primarily comprised the 4th and 5th Cavalry Divisions and the Australian Mounted Division.

The plan involved a breakthrough in the Sharon Plains in the west between the Judean hills and the Mediterranean Sea by XXI Corps (See Map). This was to be supported by a subsidiary attack by XX Corps in the Judean Hills. The Desert Mounted Corps was to exploit up to Haifa and Damascus. Chaytors Force was to guard the eastern flank along the Jordan Valley and Amman. An elaborate deception plan was made to mislead the Turks into believing that the attack was to be in the east along the Jordan Valley. Operations during the summer were ruled out. The Jordan Valley is 390 m (1,290 ft) below sea level and 1,200 m (4,000 ft) below the mountains on either side. Temperatures ranged from 38° to 50°C. As a result of the heat, there was tremendous evaporation of the Dead Sea with unbearable humidity. In addition to these unpleasant conditions, the Valley and its marshes swarmed with snakes, scorpions, mosquitoes, black spiders and flies. Men and

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

Lt Gen AdityA SinGh PVSM, AVSM (retd) The writer is former Member National Security Advisory Board; he retired in 2007 as GOC-in-C, Southern Command the largest Command of the Indian Army. Prior to this he had been Commander-inChief Andaman and Nicobar Command in the aftermath of the Earthquake and Tsunami of 26 December 2004. In his capacity as Operational Head, he was responsible for the emergency relief and successful rehabilitation of the ravaged Islands. He is associated on National Security matters with various think tanks.

animals were tormented by day and night. In words of Trooper RW Gregson, “It’s a terrible place. I will never tell anyone to go to hell again; I will tell him to go to Jericho, and I think that will be bad enough!” The fierce summer sun used to burn the earth leaving a layer of white chalky Marl impregnated with salt, several feet deep. This surface was soon broken up by the movement of mounted troops into a fine white powder resembling flour and covering everything with a thick

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indian corps battle honours

blanket of dust. Roads and tracks were often covered with as much as 30 cm of white powder and traffic stirred this up into a dense, limey cloud which penetrated everywhere, and stuck grittily to sweat-soaked clothes. There was no rest at night. The world’s lowest battlefield, thus, had its own tribulations. The bush ranged from 1.2 m to the height of a horse; there were numerous Ber trees with enormous thorns, big prickly bushes and dense jungle on either side of the Jordan River for some 180 to 270 m. While the river was barely 30 m wide, its banks were sheer about 1.5 to 1.8 m above water-level which made it impossible for horses to swim.

The Battle of Megiddo FM Allenby intended to advance to secure Tiberias, Haifa and the Yamruk Valley towards Hauran, the Sea of Galilee and Damascus. This attack was launched on 19 September 1918. It was called the Battle of Megiddo (which is a transliteration of the Hebrew name of this ancient town known in the West as Armageddon and symbolic ‘of the final battle’). The deception by the British was successful. The Ottoman Army was taken by surprise. The British broke through in the West, attacked Megiddo and executed the cavalry envelopment of the Ottoman flank. It resulted in a full-scale retreat with the Royal Air Force bombing the fleeing columns. Within a week, the Ottoman Army in Palestine ceased to exist as a military force and the battle came to an end on 25 September 1918. Damascus was captured on 1 October 1918. The strategic envelopment by the Desert Mounted Corps was manoeuvre at its classical best. Its three mounted divisions were massed behind the three westernmost infantry divisions of

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XXI Corps. As soon as XXI Corps breached the Ottoman defences, they surged forth to the north and northeast to reach the passes in the Carmel Range before Ottoman troops could forestall them. They passed through these to seize the communication centres of Al-Affule and Beisan. These two communication centres were within the 60 miles (97 km) radius of a strategic cavalry “bound”, the distance mounted units could cover before being forced to halt

● 34th Prince Albert Victor’s Own Poona Horse 15th (Imperial Service) Cavalry Brigade ● Mysore Lancers ● 1st Hyderabad Lancers ● 1st Jodhpur Lancers Lt Col Rex Osborn wrote in the Cavalry Journal, “From 10:00 hours onwards, a hostile aeroplane observer, if one had been available, flying over the Plain of Sharon would have seen a remarkable sight – 94

They continue to commemorate the award of the Victoria Cross to Rissaldar Badlu Singh, who on 23 September 1918, attained immortality by leading a charge to destroy Turkish Machine Gun positions which had held up the advance for rest and to obtain water and fodder for the horses. (Strike Corps of today, take note). The Indian Cavalry Regiments of this Corps were:

squadrons, disposed in great breadth and in great depth, hurrying forward relentlessly on a decisive mission – a mission of which all cavalry soldiers have dreamed, but in which few have been privileged to partake.”

4th Cavalry Division 10th Cavalry Brigade ● 2nd Lancers (Gardner’s Horse) ● 38th King George’s Own Central India Horse 11th Cavalry Brigade ● 29th Lancers (Deccan Horse) ● 36th Jacob’s Horse 12th Cavalry Brigade ● 6th King Edward’s Own Cavalry ● 19th Lancers (Fane’s Horse)

5th Cavalry Division 13th Cavalry Brigade ● 9th Hodson’s Horse ● 18th King George’s Own Lancers 14th Cavalry Brigade ● 20th Deccan Horse

October 2018 Defence AnD security Alert

Rissaldar Badlu Singh, VC, Attached 29th Lancers Deccan Horse (Artist’s Rendition)


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River Jordan enters Israel from Lebanon and flows to the Sea of Galilee. Thereafter, it courses south for about 110 km to the Dead Sea. 7 km south of the Sea of Galilee, it forms the border between Israel and Jordan. Within the envelope of Israel is the West Bank. At southern end of the West Bank is Jericho (reputedly the world’s oldest inhabited city). It is an ancient land of great significance for three major religions of the world and hence, has been in constant turmoil. The last 70 years have been of relative peace and considerable development. Jordan Valley has been transformed and is now fertile rolling plains with every kind of crop and fruit; settlements abound.

Jodhpur Lancers at Haifa after its capture: 23 September 1918.

Concentration, surprise and speed were key elements in the blitzkrieg planned by Allenby. The Desert Mounted Corps extended over a frontage of 100 km and secured all its objectives, amongst other actions with respect to the Indian Cavalry, were: ● The VC Charge by Rissaldar Badlu Singh attached to 29th Lancers (Deccan Horse) in the Jordan Valley on 23 September 1918. ● The capture of Haifa by the 15th Imperial Service Cavalry Brigade on the same day. This is the first recorded capture of a city by a cavalry charge. FM Allenby had this to say on 26 September 1918: “I desire to convey to all ranks and all arms of the Force under my command, my admiration and thanks for their great deeds of the past week, and my appreciation of their gallantry and determination, which have resulted in the total destruction of the VIIth and VIIIth Turkish

YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

Armies opposed to us. Such a complete victory has seldom been known in all the history of war.” This battle a Century ago was a turning point of World War I and is recognised by the grant

Haifa: Haifa is located at the north-western tip of the Mount Carmel ridge. To the north is the Harbour and flat plains till the city of Arco. Its liberation in 1918 is recognised at the Haifa Indian Cemetery maintained by

Teen Murti (Now Haifa Chowk) is possibly the only other national monument in addition to India Gate which commemorates India’s role in World War I of the Battle Honour to a larger number of Indian units. Indian battle casualties as per some records were 10,526: 3,842 dead, 6,519 wounded and 165 missing/ captured. All this made it a theatre worth visiting.

The Pilgrimage There have been vast changes since 1918. World War I led to the Palestinian mandate. Post the World War II, the States of Israel, Syria and Jordan were created.

the Commonwealth War Graves Commission on the main road from Tel Aviv to Haifa. There are two memorials for 47 Indian servicemen and a special plaque to honour Maj Dalpat Singh, MC of Jodhpur Lancers who led the charge. The inscription on it reads: “This Plaque commemorates the brave Indian soldiers led by Maj Thakur Dalpat Singh MC, who laid down their lives in the Battle of Haifa on 23 September 1918 and thus contributed to the liberation

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indian corps battle honours

but the terrain had completely changed. I sought assistance of Eran Tearosh, an Israeli expert on World War I, to zero in on the possible site. It was south of Beit She’an near the settlement of Sdei Trumot. The Jordan Valley ranges from 15 to 20 km wide and the ‘two hills’ which have been mentioned in the citation are to the immediate east of this settlement, about 5 km west of River Jordan. They dominate the countryside providing immense field of fire and would have constituted formidable

The Author with the Plaque Honouring Maj Thakur Dalpat Singh, MC.

of the city. This is the only known case in history where a fortified town was captured by cavalry on the gallop. On that day, while Mysore Lancers were clearing the rocky slopes of Mount Carmel, the Jodhpur Imperial Service Lancers took over the fortified town of Haifa in a daring daylight cavalry charge. Maj Dalpat Singh MC, who was leading the Jodhpur Lancers in battle, fell gallantly during the charge and has since been called the Hero of Haifa. The Memorials: There are two separate memorial tablets. One for the Muslim soldiers who were buried and the other for those who were cremated. Names along with regiments include those from 1st Duke of York’s Skinners Horse, 2nd Lancers Gardner’s Horse, 4th Cavalry, 16th Cavalry, 19 Lancers (Fane’s Horse), 29th Lancers Deccan Horse, as also other Indian units including the Maratha Light Infantry and Punjab Regiment. On top are inscribed

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Om Bhagwate Namha in Sanskrit and Ek Onkar-Sri Wahe Guruji ki Fateh in Gurmukhi. Jordan Valley: The task to locate the exact site of the VC charge was a challenge. Old maps from The Deccan Horse were available

An elaborate deception plan was made to mislead the Turks into believing that the attack was to be in the East along the Jordan Valley

The Two Memorials for 47 Indian Soldiers. One for Muslim Soldiers in the Rear and the Other for Hindus and Sikhs in the Foreground.

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YEARS OF EXCELLENCE

VC Charge Site: View from Main Hill towards River Jordan. Second Hill in foreground (with track in the middle).

machine gun positions. One was able to reconstruct the charge and appreciate the courage and valour of those who participated. The only disappointment was River Jordan which was barely 30 m wide and by Indian standards, would constitute a nullah. My drive around the Valley was restricted to Israel as about 5 km south of this point lay the Palestinian territory of West Bank. Megiddo: Megiddo is about 30 km south-east of Haifa and was central to old trade routes. It dates back 7,000 years and the Tell (a hill created by many generations of people living and rebuilding on the same spot) has been the scene

This battle, a Century ago, was a turning point of World War I and is recognised by the grant of the Battle Honour to a larger number of Indian units of many battles, the first recorded in 15th Century BC followed by another in 609 BC. It overlooks the Jezreel Plains and onto Al-Affule and hills of Nazareth. It is a wide rolling valley and the Tell of Megiddo has layers of at least 25 civilisations. While appreciating significance of the site, standing there and viewing the serene and verdant countryside, it was difficult to imagine how the

battles would have gone. The Tell must have served as a bound. Nevertheless, it is the site of one of the most important battles of World War I which resulted in the Armistice of Mudros and end of war in the Middle East. Golan Heights: To the east and north-east of the Sea of Galilee and onto towards Damascus are the Golan Heights, the site of historical battles of the Yom Kippur War. It is tank country dotted by numerous memorials and reminiscent of tank Country in Ahmednagar and the scene of many battles, the most famous being those of the Yom Kippur War. That is however, another story.

Significance

View from the Tell of Megiddo towards the Jezreel Valley.

As stated by George Santyana, there is much to learn from history. There are not too many manoeuvre campaigns at the corps level in recent times in which Indians took part and hence one such as this which led to victory, merits study. A commemoration which involves all nations who formed part of the EEF would thus, be good start.

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AQUILA ERADICATE SMELLS AND AIR POLLUTION QUICKLY, ECONOMICALLY AND SUSTAINABLY! A range of high capacity wall mounted Ozone generators for all PUBLIC areas Fast, effective, safe

E

radicate smells and air pollution quickly, economically and sustainably with nature’s own powerful air purifier – OZONE. Watership Down Technologies Aquila Series of Ozone generators, powerfully oxidise all smells within minutes. If left on overnight, it will eradicate bacteria and viruses leaving rooms with Pure, Clean Air ready for the next day, all automatically. AQUILA Specifications: Ozone output:

3, 5, 10 Grams per hour

Ozone control:

Fully adjustable O output

Control:

Automatic on flow

Cabinet:

Stainless steel

Dimensions:

3gm - 460 x 160 x 220 mm 5gm - 460 x 160 x 220 mm 10gm - 580 x 260 x 280 mm (w x d x h)

Weight:

5.4, 5.5, 8.5 KG

Ozone is the strongest available air cleaner and disinfectant for treating odours. The Aquila generator uses the Corona discharge system, with ceramics rather than coils. These produce a higher ozone concentration in the 3 standard sizes 3g/h, 5g/h and 10g/h. You could install two or more units in parallel increasing output if required. Allowed to run remotely during the day in public areas such as dormitories, the Aquila will keep smells and odours at bay. Then, when a deep clean is needed when the occupants have left, this can be done easily using the supplied remote control. Filling the rooms with ozone will mean all surfaces will be disinfected by killing off all pathogens. The Aquila is ideal for school classrooms, offices, restaurants, cafés, shops and general public areas. Depending on volume/size of a room, the 10grm model will look after up to 1000 M . The Aquila can be used in multiples to cover larger rooms.

Exclusive Distributors in India

For trade queries: ceo@pawitra.com


SkyGuardian

MULTI-ROLE SINGLE SOLUTION • 40+ hour endurance provides superior time on station • Modular payloads and nine external hard-points to meet overland and overwater needs • Full national and international airspace integration with Detect and Avoid System (Due Regard Radar + TCAS + ADS-B) • Enhanced situational awareness via teaming with manned air/ surface platforms • Tailored to fulfill India’s security needs

ga-asi.com ©2018 GENERAL ATOMICS AERONAUTICAL SYSTEMS, INC.

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Leading The Situational Awareness Revolution

8/29/2018 12:54:57 PM


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