CHAPTER SEVEN: THE (REVOLT) MEDIUM IS THE MESSAGE
acid, regional environmental matters, etc.) For many, the revolt was not an everyday image on their TV screen, cut off from the reality each individual lived; it had social, financial, and political causes that touched people’s own lives and neighbourhoods. In a conjuncture where the stature of mass media had been widely challenged, as we previously mentioned, people were thirsty for other sources of information—texts would appear in an instant: at the Athens Economics School occupation alone, approximately 350,000 pages were photocopied in eighteen days of occupation. The occupations utilised the capacities offered by new media as an additional tool. The blogs of the occupations would aid posters, texts, publications, stencils, and slogans on the walls. The events would unfold and take shape in their natural location, the street. The internet, on the other hand, offered the capacity for instant communication and aided the coordination of the mobilisations. It offered the medium for the word of the revolted to spread instantly, beyond the country’s borders. Of particular importance here were translation collectives, blogs covering the events in Greece abroad and of course, maintaining contact with comrades abroad. Reversely, solidarity actions abroad would inspire Greek mobilisations and would become known instantly. The “Greek Solidarity Map”4 marks with black/red stars the numerous actions of solidarity in Greece and abroad: it is worth noting how synchronised these were in such a broad geographical breadth. Cyberspace knows no borders and the power of counter-information can hardly be limited geographically. Even when the word of the revolted was limited to the Greek-speaking audience (and despite the importance placed on the translation of texts), videos and photographs would largely cover gaps in information. The images circulated in those days were so powerful (for example, the Christmas tree on fire on Syntagma Square, by Parliament) that the mediation of words was rendered unnecessary for meanings to be transmitted. Hundreds of expropriated images from corporate news agencies would be circulated around, while solidarity videos posted around were uncountable—it is worth mentioning the revolutionary greetings of Subcomandante Marcos to the “insurgent youth of Greece.”5 This uncontrollable circulation of information created fears for a possible spill-over of the revolt into other parts of the planet. We would like to be reminded of the retreat of French president Sarkozy during those days (who repealed the law for educational reform in high schools) under the fear of generalised mobilisations—this, at the same time when Greek authorities would not even admit they were dealing with a revolt.
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