nuevas TRENZAS informs
october 2013 N° 17
Young Rural Women: Water Use and Management. A Study Case in Condega, Nicaragua Ligia Ivette Gómez, Hloreley Osorio Mercado, Helle Munk Ravnborg y Ana Avilés Cruz A recent analysis of national statistics shows that young rural women have great potential for contributing to the development of Latin American societies. Among the recent positive recent change we find that young rural women’s levels of education are much higher than those of their mothers and grandmothers, and even of those of men today. However, in spite of these improvements, they experience high levels of frustration vis-à-vis their life strategies. In this sense one of the key points is the difficulty in accessing assets for developing productive life in rural areas, whose allocation is still conditioned by strong gender biases, both formal and informal. The result is a process of de-feminization of rural areas, which can be perceived in many of the region’s countries and has been analyzed in detail in other studies carried out by Nuevas Trenzas. It is within this general context that the problem of water access and control is inscribed in Nicaragua. Water is a basic resource for life strategies. However it is estimated that a third of the world’s population suffers water shortage and competition over its use grows everyday due to the increase of the demand by different sectors. Within this framework, rural dwellers, especially women, are the most affected when demand this resource for productive, social, and consumption uses. The water resource is particularly important for women in the measure that its use responds to their condition of gender. In their case the need for water is mostly relatedto reproductive activities in the home and to the development of reproductive activities at the home and small scale economic activities such as small cattle production and orchards. Both factors are relevant for the development in the measure that they influence food security, women’s life strategies, and poverty reduction. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to know the situation of young rural women in relation to water use and management, through the analysis of some experiences regarding the participation of young rural women in the municipality of Condega. In this sense it is assumed that for improving institutional practices concerning the local management of water it must be acknowledged that there are at the community levels individuals and groups of people with different interests. The Water Issue in the Life of Young Rural Women in Condega Perceptions of young rural women interviewed in this study stand out because their livelihoods are affected by gender biases that influence existing practices of water use and access in their communities. These perceptions coincide with situations identified in a recent inventory on water events. Gathered information allows showing that water events are related to the rules that define how much water to use and when to use it (times, schedules, for stocking up on water for domestic use, animals, or crops are related to the maintenance of mini-aqueducts), aswell as to issues regarding the protection of
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the bodies of water from pollution and environmental deterioration and rules for making the rights to water prevail, which are in turn threatened by deviation and problems when negotiating water uses or enfranchisement. Next, we analyze these issues focusing in the most important: the competition over water in times of shortage, problems with the quality of the water, maintenance of water supply systems, and exercise of the rights to water.
Competition over water in scarcity periods Competition for water arises mainly between the two activities that show the highest demand for water in Condega: human consumption and agricultural consumption. The main issue is that the proportion between the amounts of water used in each activity changes according to the time of the year. In the dry season, for instance, the demand for agricultural consumption (irrigation) increases in 83 percent, while human consumption decreases in 10 percent.
Problems with the quality of water The water balance for the municipality of Condega, carried out by Water & Earth Bisolutions (2010), shows the outcomes of the analysis of water in rural communities in relation to chemical, bacteriologic, and arsenic components. The results show the presence of five pollution sources: faecal coliforms due to the type of manipulation of water destined for consumption and waste water management from human and animal solid waste, agrochemicals from pesticides, and fertilizers in the bodies of water, carried down by rain and irrigation, by washing fumigation equipment in the sources of water, leaving the agrochemical bins outdoors or throwing them into the sources of water. Also quantities of arsenic above the levels allowed by national norms have been registered. This is related to the type of material of which is constituted the subsoiland bottom of the well and not treated waste waters, which drain superficially until reaching the bodies of water causing an elevated consumption of dissolved oxygen, affecting life within the water source, and carrying with it toxic components such as caffeine, chlorogenic acid, tannin, and solid deposits. As a result, these sources of pollution are translated both in everyday problems and an intense feeling of mistrust in relation to water usage.
Maintenance of water supply sources In rural areas, where most of Condega’s population lives, water can be accessed as follows: public well (22.1%) and water points (23%). Only 1.9 percent of the population has plumbing inside their homes. The most precarious situation is endured by 15.8 percent of rural households that supply superficial on water of rivers and gorges. This translates in a strong dissatisfaction regarding water supply, which most of all affects women’s responsibilities.
Exercising water rights Mini-acqueducts are managed by Committees of Potable Water and Sewage. However, many water sources-such as private wells, water deposits, gorges, and streams-are located within private property. This entails a significant gender bias. Land and therefore water sources lie in the hands of men. According to the National Agricultural Census of 2011 carried out by the National Institute for Development Information, only 18 percent of the individual agricultural exploitation total in Condega is property of women, in spite that the average quantity of land men and women exploit is similar. In this regard, one must note that this territory is an old agricultural frontier where smallholding prevails. This is striking because land ownership impacts water access and control processes. In this sense, 96.5 percent of the 2136 agricultural exploitations in Condega have water sources, however, 40 percent of rural homes in Condega do not possess either land or their own sources of water. In these cases, for cooking and drinking dwellers must take water from the
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www.nuevastrenzas.org wells or public points. For doing laundry and bathing, they use gorges and rivers. In other cases, these households resort to agreements with owners of fields nearby. How Are Young Rural Women Involved in the Productive Use of Water? Description of Productive Experiences of Young Rural Women in Condega The studied cooperatives are an example of the dilemmas that young rural women in Nicaragua find when accessing land and water. What is new is that most of these women have access to land, something atypical for rural areas. Unlike most young rural women, who only use water for domestic use, we found that these women are involved in productive activities. Women who own land for agricultural exploitation and lack water sources, are forced tocome to informal oral agreements with owners of neighboring farms or take water from public networks and nearby rivers and gorges. These women who work as agricultural producers generate their own income and have certain autonomy for deciding upon their income and their time, because they do so in relation to the demands of the family and the work itself. Women decide unilaterally upon food expenses; they control the prices and the acquisition of agricultural supplies for their parcels. Also, they control agricultural production and are responsible for the commitments acquired with the cooperatives. Nonetheless, they have to consult with their partners when buying clothes and shoes, improving productive technology (which includes water infrastructure for irrigation), improving the home, buying more land, etc. Many of these women carry out triple working shifts: they grow coffee, basic grains or legumes in the parcels; they have orchards in their yards; and take care of household chores. A part from picking up water for household activities, they must pick up water for their orchards, promoted by the productive initiative in which they are participating. Conclusions They analysis of the young rural women’s situation regarding the use and management of water, reveals institutional practices of water access and use that might be limiting their development or impacting on their quality of life. These problems do not only affect women in relation to their traditional roles at home but also in relation the productive area given the repercussions in terms of time, income, autonomy, and empowerment. Young rural women incorporated to the studied cooperatives are part of a small percentage of women who have had access to water and land as assets in their role of owners or renters. Also, they are part of a generation of rural youth with more education. However, participation of women in decision making regarding the home, productive work, and access to water for productive and domestic use is still insufficient. Women from these cooperatives decide on food and agricultural supplies expenses, but it is usually the partner who decides on things related to home improvement and purchase of agricultural infrastructure: the owner of the parcel (generally the father) decides on the type of production. Young rural women producers contribute to food security for their families and communities (which is more dramatic in rural areas), but it is necessary to reappraise the countryside and furthermore value the skills and work of young rural women, allowing them access to land, water, credit, and training. In this regard, the role of young rural women in water management is conditioned by gender inequality. Those controlling this resource and the way they do so are still mostly men, segment of the population who takes little into account the demands of women. Productive and food security projects inescapably demand water; but do not include the management of this resource within their priorities and, furthermore, they have a stereotyped vision of the role that women should play.
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In this sense water access, use, and, management by young rural women can be taken as a window for contributing to the transformation of such scheme. For instance, the accumulated experience and knowledge of young women regarding water use and management in the home sphere is a valuable experience which is not taken into account. Projects working with youth may include initiatives for stimulating participation of young women in the public sphere, beyond the purely functional aspects. It would then be possible to foster an improvement in young rural women’s negotiation skills in the private and personal spheres, with their husbands or partners. Better negotiation levels among young women in private life, should reflect also in an increase of their participation in the public sphere. In this case that would mean participating in public management regarding water in their communities, so that they are able to develop less limited livelihoods linked to traditional economic activities. This represents an opportunity for overcoming poverty conditions in which young rural women live. If the quality of water is bad, it means that the model for water and sewage management model is not working. In that sense, what should be discussed is weather the fact that women participate actively in water management decision making would significantly change this situation, and at the same timebridgegender gaps. Transforming the role of women in water management calls for change in cultural patterns, which become institutionalized and privilege male decision making. Public policies and development programs must combine intervention strategies that will, little by little,foster change. Within this framework, it is necessary to bridge the gaps between public policies the private sector and international cooperation so that policies won’t be unstable, but sustainable in time.
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