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Evans’ longest and most significant ministerial role was
at Oxford. As Chancellor of ANU (since 2010), he thus
that of Foreign Affairs, a post he held from September
brings a keener appreciation of the role of universities
1988 to March 1996. It could be said that he revelled in the
than do some of his Chancellor peers, increasingly drawn
position, applying his formidable intellect and capacity for
from the private for-profit sector and often with crude
sensible reasoning to advancing not only Australia’s foreign
utilitarian attitudes to higher education. Evans’ support for
policy agenda, but increasingly to broader international
elected staff and student positions on governing bodies,
problems and challenges, with the Cambodian peace
and his robust defence of free speech in the university, are
settlement a standout in this regard. Those who knew, or
refreshing, albeit increasingly novel. He addresses some of
knew of, Evans in earlier times probably still chuckle at
the key problems in the sector, and maintains an authentic
the notion of Gareth as diplomat in chief, but he seems to
Labor concern that upfront fees be resisted and low-SES
have pulled it off, mostly limiting his more acerbic barbs
students not fall by the wayside.
to the Senate and environs. In that context, his line that
The final chapter (‘Politics’) contains some well-
people take an instant dislike to Bronwyn Bishop in order
informed commentary about the state of politics, in
to save time remains a classic.
Australia and elsewhere. It also includes the mandatory
Not uniquely, Evans endorses a diplomacy which
obeisance to the political brilliance and reform genius
mixes pragmatism and principle, while cautioning
of the Hawke/Keating period; readers will take that
against human rights gestures which do more harm than
according to taste. But, in that context, a comment about
good. Australia’s middle power status was central to the
the Rudd Government rang true:
advancement of the key national interests of ‘security, prosperity and good international citizenship’ (p. 117). While relations with Indonesia were crucial, he does not resile from criticism of Suharto for the invasion of East Timor and for his earlier role in the massacre of up to half
Had serious concerns ever arisen about dysfunctional internal process, on the scale that they did in the first Rudd Government, it is inconceivable that we would have been inhibited about confronting the leadership with them (p. 332).
a million Communist Party members and supporters after
The inhibition he identifies cost Labor dearly, and
the 1965 coup (wrongly printed as 1995). He notes Paul
Evans is too diplomatic to suggest that his cabinet
Keating’s lack of apparent concern about these atrocities,
colleagues were simply more talented and competent
but who ever googled ‘NSW Labor Right, human rights’
(and less cowardly) than the Rudd/Gillard lot. But, it’s an
and expected to get any results? Given this critique, it is
unavoidable conclusion.
curious to read his affectionate description of the war
Perhaps predictably, Evans makes no mention of his
criminal Kissinger as a ‘fascinating old rogue’ (p. 181).
affair with Australian Democrats leader Cheryl Kernot, a
By way of possible balance, he later highlights an alleged
relationship that appears to have had some connection
comment by the ‘old rogue’ which displayed an apparent
with her defection to the ALP in 1997.She is only mentioned
indifference to the Cambodian genocide.
in the context of the Mabo legislation – as a ‘superb’ leader
Prior to the 1996 federal election, Evans had secured pre-
of the Democrats and having an excellent understanding
selection for a safe lower house seat, but his experience
round the issues (p. 48). While it is unrealistic to expect
as Deputy Opposition Leader and Shadow Treasurer, after
that public figures will include detailed commentary
loss of government, was not a rewarding one and he left
about such matters in their memoirs, they can usually cite
parliament after the 1998 election. With his record and
family sensitivities or a lack of public relevance by way of
connections, international opportunities were not in
explanation. In this case, however, there was an arguable
short supply with Evans’ most notable role probably that
public political consequence, rendering Evans’ muteness
of President and CEO of International Crisis Group, an
unsatisfactory.
international conflict resolution NGO. He also records his
While Evans might have expected to make his major
satisfaction with his role in the development, as co-chair of
contribution as Attorney-General, it is almost certain that
an international commission, of the notion of “responsibility
he will be best remembered as a long-serving and mostly
to protect’ (R2P) which provides a framework for UN
effective Foreign Minister, the experience then allowing
intervention against states engaging in genocide.
him to extend his role in international relations after
In his chapter on education, Evans acknowledges
leaving parliament. This memoir outlines, in an engaging
the role of inspiring school and university teachers in
style, quite a remarkable career, and dealing with the
leading him in the direction of the opportunities which
longest-serving federal Labor government, is an important
beckoned, first at the University of Melbourne and then
contribution to the history of that period. Despite seeing
58
Good Evans! What next? Reviewed by Paul Rodan
vol. 60, no. 1, 2018