Chapter 1
retroduce a deductive theory to account for them.”27 We began this study with the understanding that much could be learned about the abolition and the retention of capital punishment in the United States by examining the unique abolitionist histories of Michigan, Wisconsin, Maine, Minnesota, North Dakota, Hawaii, Alaska, Iowa, and West Virginia. Merton supports this assertion. He points out that studying deviant cases (here abolitionist states) “provokes curiosity; it stimulates the investigator to make sense of the datum,” which can often lead to new theoretical insights.28 Since “discovery research” necessarily lacks the direction that formal theory lends to traditional sociological research, we decided to organize this book around six empirical questions concerning statesanctioned killing. Following is a list of those questions along with the research findings that lend support to their inclusion in our research. 1. What is the relationship between murder rates, the history of executions, and death penalty abolition? Zimring and Hawkins argue that declines in the “rate of violence” will not necessarily lead to nationwide death penalty abolition.29 Zimring and Hawkins also argue that a history of frequent executions makes executions more acceptable, and therefore more likely to continue: “[A] history of frequent executions . . . [s]erve[s] as a kind of precedent, reassuring political actors that their own participation is neither inhumane nor immoral . . . [o]n grounds that, historically, executions do not violate local community morality.”30 Thus, in states with little tradition of executions one could expect the easiest success with abolitionist efforts. 2. Is economic crisis related to death penalty abolition? Rusche and Kirchheimer argue that lethal punishment is more likely in situations where the economy is depressed and labor is expendable.31 3. What is the relationship between public sentiment and death penalty abolition? Fox et al. found that support for capital punishment decreases dramatically when respondents are provided the alternative of life in prison without the possibility of parole. In fact, a majority express opposition to the death penalty if they are assured that parole is not possible.32
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