Mnemozine 19: Icons by HISSOC Publications

R C

From The Editors Dear reader,

Closer to campus, we have a piece on the Lee Kong Chian Natural History Museum by Lance - with whom

Founded in 1965, NUS History Society has been dedicated to serving and building the History and European Studies community. Today, it continues to bring together students, alumni and professors through platforms such as Mnemozine, Detente and Freshmen Orientation. Connect with the History Society through the links below and be kept in the loop for our upcoming projects and initiatives!

We navigate our lives by icons, often finding out

we tour the different features, from the museum’s

everything we need to know at a glance thanks to the

facade to its key exhibits, that make the museum an

lattice of connotations associated with the countless

iconic institution in his eyes. We then take a trip with

icons we interact with on a daily basis. The Starbucks

Wai Ying to where dreams come true to explore the

siren calls to thirsty passers-by to seek sanctuary (and

darker side of the Disney empire - querying the not-

pumpkin spice lattes) in her cosy cafes, the bitten Apple

so-happy girders upon which this icon from our

logo asserts one's allegiances in the timeless Mac vs. PC

childhood was built.

debate - more grievously, the bright orange coveralls of Guantanamo Bay’s detainees stained with the grey-areas

In the penultimate piece of MNZ19, Suruthi’s engaging

of legality and justice, and the recent prevalence of the

writing on the farthingale as a symbol of gender

flag Emojis on Instagram to celebrate pride month, or to

norms and notions of power in the court of England

make heard the ongoing political crises around the

demonstrates the complexities of the relationship

globe.

between gender, class and power. Finally, Douglas will help us end this issue of Mnemozine with a bang in his

Icons are potent representations that can evoke

article on the ubiquitous AK-47, a weapon that has

emotions, invoke ideals, galvanize people to action, or

become so widely recognised as an icon of war and

petrify whole movements. To call something “iconic”, in

revolution.

our opinion, suggests the subject’s capacity to embody the essence of something greater, to champion a larger

We would also like to thank our designer for this

cause, or to be a synecdochical symbol of a complex

issue, Natalie Lem, who brought these icons to life

system.

with her endless creativity and tireless dedication throughout the summer break.

It is commonly said that “a picture is worth a thousand

9th ASEAN Quiz, 2020

Sejarah Inquisition, 2021

words”. The six main articles we are featuring this issue

And, of course, thank you, our dear reader, for

are far lengthier, and would not have been possible

picking up this edition of Mnemozine and joining us in

without the hard work of the Mnemozine team. We

our pursuit of our shared passion for history.

would like to take this opportunity to thank our writers,

Join Our Team!

editors and designer for their tireless work behind-the-

Mnemozine is the platform for History students to engage in historical writing and showcase their best, most insightful and thought-provoking works. Headed by the Publications Directors from Hissoc, our team of dedicated writers and editors works behind-the-scenes to bring this semesterly publication to you.

Turn the page to explore these incredible icons!

scenes to bring Mnemozine 19 to life. We have certainly learned much from their diverse contributions. First, we are glad to have Dylia, who writes about Rochor Centre in a piece that laments the building’s

If you are interested to find out more, do check out our past publications at https://issuu.com/mnemozine. If you have any questions on the job scopes at Mnemozine, do feel free to email us at publications@nushissoc.org!

demolition but ultimately celebrates its unique and colourful contributions to our Singaporean streetscape. Following Dylia’s nostalgic tribute, Hannah writes about a larger-than-life, seawater-spewing hybrid which features as a common motif in Singaporean literature: through a thoughtful piece which weaves history and literature together, Hannah traces Singapore’s development as a nation across time through the lens of

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@nushissoc

https://t.me/historynus

Merlion poetry.

CONTENTS

ICONS

Contents Page Meet The Team

Symbols and Echoes of the Rainbow: The White Washout of Singaporeanisms: A History of Rochor Centre, Merlion Poems 1977-2016

25 Nature’s Icons

31 The Good and the Bad within Mickey’s House of Dreams

Iconic Fashion: The Agency of the Farthingale

Viva La Revolution: The AK-47 and the Fight for Freedom

Writers

Editors

Nicholas is a third year history major who, in a daring turn of events, has the bad habit of submitting his assignments too early - leaving him with plenty of extra time afterwards to worry about whether they were good enough.

Lois is a Year 3 History and Political Science major. While googling “iconic things” for this issue, she stumbled across Meret Oppenhein’s Object (also known as Luncheon in Fur) and the surreal image of a fur-covered teacup has lived rent-free in her mind ever since.

Lance is a second year History major with a keen interest in the history of Singapore and Southeast Asia, as well as postcolonial and socio-cultural histories. When not figuring out whether or not to minor in political science, he pursues minors in sitcoms, the Avatar series, and procrastination.

Douglas Tan is a Year 2 History major with a Philosophy minor at the National University of Singapore. His research interest revolves around the development of religion, and issues of morality. He can be found wherever there is good(black) coffee and enjoys engaging in meaningful conversations about faith or good books.

Wai Ying is a third year History major. She is currently experiencing writer's fatigue and will instead be burrowing into the simple pleasures of baking, knitting and netflixing.

Qiu Qing is a fourth year History major who is still addicted to overcommitment. She swears she will stop soon, but in the interim she is working on her second degree at Waseda University.

Jia Yi is a fourth year History and Political Science major who excels at procrastination. You can usually find her rushing through her essays or searching for good and cheap eats.

Andrew is a third year History and Political Science major. A selfdiagnosed workaholic, even his hobbies involve working, in this case, chess. He insists that for all intents and purposes, chess is a sport and therefore qualifies as exercise. He welcomes a friendly game if you so desire!

Suruthi is a final year European Studies student. She loves anything to do with art and cultural history so don’t go to a museum with her unless you want to spend at least 5 hours there. When she’s at home, she’s usually surrounded by yarn and attempting to knit something functional.

Andy is a rising senior majoring in Philosophy and Linguistics. He likes to loop one song for several hours on Spotify to stay focused.

Xinyi is a final year political science/liberal studies student who wants the 5 years of her undergrad to be over soon. She usually enjoys learning about eco and digital governance while sipping copious amounts of black cold brew coffee. If she's not drinking coffee, she's probably happily scrolling through Instagram feeds of shiba inus.

Dylia is a third year History and Theatre Studies major who is working towards her dream of living in the middle of the Pacific Ocean on a lone kayak. In the meantime, she attempts to masquerade as an urbanite by taking walks in various housing estates and pondering on the role of living spaces in history.

Hannah is a bunch of contrasting interests slapped together that somehow works. She is a biologist taking history, an avid reader who has read exactly 2 books in a year, and an insect collector who sprays insecticide everytime she does fieldwork. She has spent the pandemic extremely busy doing a lot of nothing.

Designer Natalie is a Y2 Political Science major (and History minor) that has a penchant for reading horror manga and drawing cats. To escape the depressing state of reality, she chooses to immerse herself in Vocaloid music (with an occasional book).

Echoes of the Rainbow: The White Washout of Rochor Centre, 1977-2016 Dylia Ang | dylia@u.nus.edu

It was hard not to spot the Rochor Centre in town. The 1970s-era estate peeked out from behind new skyscrapers in the heart of Bugis, a splash of colour amidst a concrete-grey jungle. It was in a league of its own: the four blocks of �lats, painted in shades of red, yellow, blue, and green, completely stood out from other public housing buildings planted across the island. It had since turned into a hotspot for photography enthusiasts looking for a picturesque backdrop. Rochor Centre does qualify as an aesthetic icon, though this verdict is immensely super�icial. It’s dif�icult to say whether Rochor was originally built with the intention of becoming a visual icon. Unlike more recent housing projects with distinctive architecture like the Pinnacle@Duxton and SkyTerrace@Dawson, Rochor had several lookalikes in other towns like Bras Basah, Little India, and Tanjong Pagar. Furthermore, its multi-colour façade only came to be after a facelift in 1994; it had previously donned a dull white-and-grey skin not unlike any typical housing estate at the time.1

Looking beyond its appearance, however, there is still room for argument as to whether Rochor Centre deserves a place as an icon in Singapore’s social history. The living experiences of its residents have fortunately been documented over the years, though few have seemed to analyse them from a social perspective. How different was Rochor Centre from the tens of thousands of buildings in Singapore, if not for the people who resided there?

Rochor, the construction project The Housing and Development Board’s (HDB) vision for the city centre, beginning from 1975, was to build multi-storey, mixed-use complexes that combined public housing and retail centres in smaller areas. The strategy to create a new skyline in the Central Area was marked by HDB’s efforts to preserve the

“Asian character of the communal way of living.”4 Some neighbourhoods built in the past decade, like Toa Payoh, had already featured town centres that provided amenities to those living in the surrounding blocks of �lats. The new mixed-use complexes, on the other hand, would see residential �lats stacked on top of the commercial centre, creating a vertical, condensed neighbourhood in the land-scarce Central Area. Rochor Centre was thus birthed as one of the seventeen estates to adopt this concept, alongside lookalikes like the Tanjong Pagar Plaza several roads down, and the Kelantan Complex. A Straits Times article in August 1977 described Rochor Centre through the grand image of public housing �lats

Samuel Soh, “Rochor Centre was a famous spot for photoshoots,” Rice Media, June 27, 2018, https:// www.ricemedia.co/current-affairs-features-rochor-centrecancer-survivor-living-meaning/, accessed on April 2, 2021. 2

“99% of residents in Rochor Centre want upgrading,” The Straits Times, September 2, 1994, 23.

Rochor Centre was a place for ‘hipster’ photographers. 2

Rochor Centre under construction in the 1970s. 3

“[towering] up from a podium of commercial units with comprehensive facilities… a residentialcommercial mixture.”5 And tower, it did – Rochor was one of the �irst high-rise buildings to be completed in the Central Area, overlooking the shophouses that stood along the surrounding streets. Within just 2.6 hectares of land, Rochor housed 481 three-room and 91 four-room housing �lats, 212 shopfronts, a carpark large enough to �it 400 vehicles, pedestrian malls, and a children’s playground.6 The �irst occupants streamed in around April 1977, �illing up the �loors of the building.

Housing a neighbourhood As Rochor became populated with new residents and shops, more amenities began to embellish the long list of occupants on the building directory. Among them were a post of�ice, two major banks – including the Development Bank of Singapore – and a supermarket.8 The integration of neighbourhood facilities within and around Rochor provided some semblance of an enclave: there seemed to be little need for residents to venture outside of the 5

Masie Kwee, “Towards more graceful living in bigger �lats,” The Straits Times, August 9, 1977, 9. 6

“Rochor Centre,” Roots.sg, https://www.roots.gov.sg/ Collection-Landing/listing/1184619, accessed on March 21, 2021. 7

“The Vanished Colourful Landmark of Rochor,” Remember Singapore, last modi�ied April 15, 2019, https:// remembersingapore.org/2019/04/15/vanished-colourfullandmark-rochor/, accessed on April 3, 2021. 4

Jon S.T. Quah, “Singapore’s Experience in Public Housing: Some Lessons for Other New States,” Southeast Asian

“Rochor Centre – Death of a Salesman,” Surprising Horizons, March 1, 2016, https:// www.surprisinghorizons.com/2016/03/01/rochor-centredeath-of-a-salesman/, accessed on April 3, 2021. 8

“New PO in Rochor,” The Straits Times, March 22, 1977, 10; “DBS branch at Rochor,” Business Times, August 23, 1977, 11.

Directory of Rochor Centre in March 2016. Some familiar names have remained throughout the years, like Hiap Guan Goldsmiths & Jewellers, and the DBS Bank.7

compound to ful�il their daily tasks. The convenience afforded by Rochor Centre to its residents made it an attractive choice for househunters. Prices were also relatively “affordable”, costing between $12,800 to $19,500 for a threeroom �lat.9 Those who could not pay for their own �lats were also offered a roof over their heads within the Rochor compound, in a pilot project to integrate dormitories for old folk in the community. The �irst home for the aged to be set up in a void deck, Kongsi for the Aged, was opened at the foot of Block 3 and provided accommodations for up to 24 elderly. Medical services and palliative care were also made available to these residents. At its opening ceremony, a resident recounted the words of Dr. Toh Chin Chye, then Rochor’s Member of Parliament: “The aged no longer need to feel that just because they are in the autumn of their lives, they will be put away in an institution, alienated and forgotten by the rest of the world.”10 The Kongsi had, as far as authorities were concerned, achieved success in housing the homeless. Just two years after its opening, Toh approved extension works to double the home’s capacity.11 In the same newspaper article announcing the expansion, Toh revealed a secondary purpose of the Kongsi: to encourage Rochor residents to help maintain the home through a collective effort.12 It thus became the shared responsibility of the Rochor residents to upkeep the facilities. As the �irst of its kind, news on the Kongsi often found its way onto the newspapers. Articles written in The Straits Times in the 1980s appeared to suggest that the home had helped to generate a sense of cohesiveness in the Rochor community. One such article, published in the Your Place section in October 1984, noted that Rochor’s unique architecture – with an old folk’s home built in the void deck – had boosted interactions between residents in the estate. The proximity of amenities 9

Kwee, “Towards more graceful living,” 9.

Uplifting the neighbourhood

that were catered to residents of different ages – the children’s playground and the old folks’ home – had provided the space for neighbourly interactions to occur:

“Some of these children were really making friends with our folks, chitchatting with them, and occasionally even putting 10 or 20 cents into the donation box,” said the vice-chairman cum medical officer of the home, Dr Khoo Swee Tuan. […]

“The old folk really feel at home since they are still in the neighbourhood which they have known for so long.” Support from neighbours and shop-owners in the form of cash donations and gifts have further enhanced their sense of belonging to the community, Dr Khoo added.14

Rochor in its early years thus appeared to represent an icon that bridged the intergenerational gap between old and young residents, especially in the 1970s through 1980s as the rest of the Central Area was remodelled and its past settlers rehoused. The integration of the Kongsi in the Rochor community further developed an ostensible sense of responsibility among the residents to maintain and contribute towards providing shelter for the aged.

Rochor Centre gained its recognisable four-colour coat of paint in 1994. Leading up to this was a collective vote among the residents to give Rochor Centre a facelift – 99.12% of residents said “yes” to the Interim Upgrading Programme, which also saw enhanced features like covered walkways and a jogging track.20

A goldsmith shop in Rochor Centre.15

“Second only to Orchard Road”16 Just a storey below, the commercial complex also carved a name out for Rochor as the go-to place for the middle-class Chinese community to frequent on their weekend shopping trips. The main attraction was the Oriental Emporium, a supermarket popular among residents living in and around Rochor.17 It was also the gathering place for jewellers and goldsmiths, featuring the six ‘big names’, including Tenpo, Hiap Guan, Chye Soon Heng and Million Goldsmith & Jewellers.18

Pamela Chow, “10 things to do at Rochor Centre before it closes,” Weekender, last modi�ied February 2, 2016, https:// weekender.com.sg/w/explore-singapore/10-things-to-do-atrochor-centre-before-it-closes/, accessed on April 24, 2021. Mok Kiat Ping, “从新桥路延伸至梧槽路购物走廊多一条 Cóngxīn qiáo lù yánshēn zhì wú cáo lù gòuwù zǒuláng duō yītiáo [From New Bridge Road to Rochor Road – another shopping stretch,” Lianhe Wanbao, September 3, 1984, 1. 16

In December 1977, Singapore Tourism Board featured Million Goldsmith’s Rochor outlet in its promotional videos.19 The outlet was selected for its vast offering, and “one could �ind whatever they wanted in that place.” The videos were then broadcasted in 24 countries in Europe, the Americas and Asia, attracting potential tourists to Singapore. Rochor Centre’s iconic status may also have been propelled by increased publicity of these shops in the geographic region and beyond.

Ong Siew Hsiung, “五彩繽紛的梧槽中心 Wǔcǎibīnfēn de wú cáo zhōngxīn [The colourful Rochor Centre],” The Disappearing Memories, last modi�ied December 12, 2014, http://thedisappearingmemories.blogspot.com/2014/12/ blog-post_12.html, accessed on April 2, 2021. 18

Ibid.

“旅遊促进局拍摄纪录片百万金荘珠宝行被选为拍摄对象 Lǚyóu cùjìn jú pāishè jìlùpiàn bǎi wàn jīn zhuāng zhūbǎo xíng bèi xuǎn wèi pāishè duìxiàng [Tourism Board’s Photography Series: Million Goldsmiths selected in �ilm feature],” Sin Chew Jit Poh, December 18, 1977, 21. 19

“99% of residents in Rochor Centre want upgrading,” The Straits Times, September 2, 1994, 23. 21

Gary Goh, “Remembering Rochor Centre (sea view and all…),” The New Paper, last modi�ied December 30, 2016, https://www.tnp.sg/news/singapore/remembering-rochorcentre, accessed on April 24, 2021.

Ronnie Tang, “Young bring joy to the aged at kongsi,” The Straits Times, October 26, 1994, 17. 14

Here, we might glean Rochor Centre’s iconic status as a community – even a home. Rochor Centre’s voting outcome was the highest in its time, with an overwhelming majority of residents opting for more amenities around the neighbourhood. One may hypothesise the sense of attachment they felt towards Rochor, to the extent that almost all residents desired for something better – for the good of their families, and even their neighbours. The splashes of red, blue, green, and yellow on the four blocks of �lats could thus not only be seen as an aesthetic, but perhaps a product of a joint community effort and desire for improvement in the community.

Ibid.

Tan Yong Chuan, “In search of old Rochore,” The Straits Times, February 19, 2012. 11

“Rochor’s home for the aged to be extended,” The Straits Times, February 5, 1979, 7. 12

Ibid. The four colours of Rochor Centre as we commonly remember it today.21

Table by The Straits Times illustrating the reduced travel time that the North-South Expressway would grant to motorists upon its completion.24

Evicting the community Discussions on the signi�icance of Rochor Centre had resurfaced in 2011, when the Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA) announced that Rochor Centre would be demolished under the Selective En-bloc Redevelopment Scheme (SERS).22 By 2016, occupants of Rochor Centre would have to vacate the premises; the land on which Rochor once sat would be cleared for the expansion of the NorthSouth Expressway. The trade-off seemed to appeal to time-starved Singaporeans; the Expressway would shave off more than a quarter of travel time to the city and provide a direct linkway to the East Coast Parkway.

To the younger residents, the Notice of Possession came as a rude shock, but those who had lived there for decades appeared to see it as an inevitable outcome. Michael Law, who had resided in Rochor Centre since 1977, seemed resigned to fate. Speaking a day after the Notice was served, he said, “It is sad to go because I have been living here for more than 34 years and now I have to leave. But this is the government’s land and they need it, so we can’t do anything.” 25 25

Faris Mokhtar, “Leaving Rochor Centre a heartbreak for residents,” Yahoo News, November 16, 2011, https:// sg.news.yahoo.com/leaving-rochor-centre-a-heartbreakfor-residents.html, accessed on April 3, 2021. 26

The initial announcement might have appeared to bring a good deal: trading a greying 40-odd-year-old building for greater convenience for the rest of Singapore’s population that trawled the roads daily. Yet, it omitted the effects of this change on the people at the heart of this dislocation: the residents of Rochor Centre. One of the occupants, Samuel Soh, who had lived in the Rochor Centre since birth, lamented that the announcement came with little warning. 23

Samuel Soh, “The en bloc notice was stuck on the front door of every unit in Rochor Centre,” Rice Media, June 27, 2018, https://www.ricemedia.co/current-affairs-featuresrochor-centre-cancer-survivor-living-meaning/, accessed on April 2, 2021.

Leaving Rochor Centre had perhaps signalled a passage towards dislocation. For some, it would be the �irst time they would move out of their homes. A majority of Rochor residents would settle into replacement �lats just a few steps away from Kallang MRT – perhaps an attractive compensation package for those who value accessibility and want to remain in the vicinity of former neighbours. Yet, there were some families that, for an assortment of reasons, moved to housing �lats in other parts of Singapore. They leave behind ties forged with lifelong neighbours, for places that will feel foreign for a long time to come.27 “My children spent their growing-up years here, so it’s very painful for us to move out… That’s why we moved out only at the last minute,” — Mdm Tay, who lived in Rochor Centre for three decades

Rochor Centre’s impending demolition also inspired several public projects to memorialise the neighbourhood and its community. Art curator Lau Eng Seng created a three-part exhibition series featuring photographs of Rochor Centre. Having documented the lives in Rochor since 2009, his exhibitions created an intimate space where the public audience could ponder on the signi�icance of the loss of Rochor Centre – even if some of them had never visited the place before – and question the meaning of a “home”. Visitors to the exhibition penned down their re�lections afterwards, and these

Bidding farewell to home.28

were reproduced in Lau’s book, What to Keep? Thoughts about Tearing Down a Housing Estate in Singapore. Like the residents, reactions were mixed between longing for a forgone past, and resigned nonchalance. Yet, they reveal what Rochor Centre meant as an icon of sacri�ice in pursuit of ever-ongoing change in Singapore: “Ironically, the highway is meant to save time for commuters – but no amount of time saved can turn back the clock on what will be lost.”29

Toh Ee Ming, “Rochor residents bid painful farewell to iconic estate,” Today Online, December 30, 2016, https:// www.todayonline.com/singapore/rochor-residents-bidpainful-farewell-iconic-estate. 28

Jason Quah, Long-time resident Mdm Tay, 70, leaving with her belongings after handing over the keys of her four-room �lat at Rochor Centre yesterday, in “Rochor residents bid painful farewell to iconic estate.”

“More than 500 homes to may way for highway,” The Straits Times, last modi�ied November 16, 2011, https:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/transport/more-than500-homes-to-make-way-for-highway, accessed on April 3, 2021. 13

Grace Yeoh, “As Rochor Centre Falls, a Cancer Survivor Recalls How Living There Gave His Life Meaning,” Rice Media, June 27, 2018, https://www.ricemedia.co/currentaffairs-features-rochor-centre-cancer-survivor-livingmeaning/, accessed on April 3, 2021. 24

“Faster journeys to the city,” in “More than 500 homes to make way for highway,” The Straits Times, November 16, 2011, https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/ transport/more-than-500-homes-to-make-way-forhighway, accessed on April 3, 2021.

Notices of Possession distributed to every residential unit in Rochor Centre in June 2016.26

“The new skyline of Bras Basah” by Lau Eng Seng in December 2015. The photograph has been edited such that Rochor Centre is replaced by a white space.30

What makes the architectural scene in Singapore so unique is the cultural stance we had tied to our roots. I feel that what gives a building or a place its value are the memories that people have of it.

Before

— Arthur Tan Hui Ming, responding to Lau Eng Seng’s What to Keep? exhibition31

“Each neighbour is worth a million bucks” The last occupant moved out on September 30, 2016. To me, that is when the clock stops for Rochor Centre. Without its residents bickering at the void decks, shop-owners perched at the counters, or passers-by weaving through the ground �loor to get to someplace else, Rochor Centre was a mere concrete tower. It is only an icon because of its people gave meaning to the space. Lau Eng Seng’s art exhibition drew a mix of reactions from the crowds. Many felt distanced from the sense of nostalgia that Lau’s photographs tried to portray – those who had never been to the area tended to �ind it dif�icult to empathise with the residents’ stories. Some thought that its demolishment would not hamper the strong neighbourly spirit that the residents had fostered over the years; the culture and community could be relocated, unharmed, to other locations or in intangible forms.32 It is a contrast from the news features that shared the Rochor residents’ �inal poignant moments with the place they once called home. Perhaps it is dif�icult for an outsider to grapple with the loss of the space and the con�licting feelings of nostalgia, reluctance, and resignation that came with it. As the shutters closed and moving trucks drove away, there became little to write about the social history of Rochor Centre beyond the sparse coverage on the news as authorities counted down the days until the shell that was once Rochor Centre would be gone, for good.

Rochor Centre in January 2016, before the clearance and demolition.34

After

There is a shared sense of sadness over the passing of an era, a loss of identity, community and familiar surrounds, usually accompanied by a sense of resignation that this is, after all, a country of constant change, and all we can really do is bear it and move on.33 — Sonny Liew, “When Rochore Lost its “e””

Arthur Tan Hui Ming, “Family/Friends’ responses,” in What to Keep? Thoughts about Tearing Down a Housing Estate in Singapore, by Lau Eng Seng (Singapore: Exactly Foundation, 2018), 47. 30

Lau Eng Seng, “The new skyline of Bras Basah,” Exactly Foundation, December 2015, http://www.exactlyfoundation.com/ portfolio/residency-7-lau-eng-seng-june-2017/, accessed on April 4, 2021. 31

Sonny Liew, “When Rochore Lost its “e”,” in What to Keep? Thoughts about Tearing Down a Housing Estate in Singapore, by Lau Eng Seng (Singapore: Exactly Foundation, 2018), 11. 32

Lau Eng Seng, What to Keep? Thoughts about Tearing Down a Housing Estate in Singapore (Singapore: Exactly Foundation, 2018), 24. 33

Sonny Liew, “When Rochore Lost its “e”,” in What to Keep? Thoughts about Tearing Down a Housing Estate in Singapore, by Lau Eng Seng (Singapore: Exactly Foundation, 2018), 11. 34

Michael Chan, “Goodbye, Rochor Centre,” Visual Artisans, January 22, 2016, https://visualartisans.net/goodbye-rochorcentre/, accessed on April 5, 2021. 35

James Seah, “Rochor Centre with the missing ‘e’,” Thought Moments, May 5, 2019, https://thoughtmoments.me/ 2019/05/05/rochor-centre-with-the-missing-e/, accessed on April 5, 2021. What was once Rochor Centre, taken in May 2019.35

Symbols and Singaporeanisms: A History of Merlion Poems Hannah Lo Ern Hui | e0322836@u.nus.edu

Poetry has always been the most relevant form of English literature for Singaporeans, likely due to the dif�iculty of creating a sustained creative, given that the nature of life in Singapore is eternally hectic, ever changing, and spatially restricted.1 Poetry is a shorter, and more accessible form of writing, and its ability to succinctly discuss and debate in the perplexing cultural chaos that is Singapore2 clearly gave Singapore’s poets an edge in being culturally relevant despite the image of literature as a discipline which is elite and unapproachable. However, the history of Singaporean literature is lacking, and tends to focus on well-known

individuals like Thumboo and Sa’at instead of general historical trends; and academic works on Singaporean poetry typically focus on literary analysis instead of history. This essay aims to provide a broad overview of the history of the literary tradition of Merlion poems. First, I will be showing how stylistic trends in Singaporean poetry match with different eras of Singapore’s history. Then, by using the Merlion as a common metaphor in Singaporean poetry, I aim to show how the Merlion poems express changes in perceptions and beliefs of different generations of Singaporean poets with regards to matters of the state and national identity.

Elements of a merlion poem Like much of literature, there is no clear-cut de�inition for what constitutes a Merlion poem, but these poems do have general characteristics and themes. I de�ine Merlion poems mostly by the use of the Merlion as a metaphor for the state within the poem itself, typically through a monologue or conversation with or about the Merlion discussing themes involving nation, identity, and the poet’s relationship with or perception of the state. This search for national identity in the Merlion poem - in examining the narrator’s values, interpersonal relations, desires, and wishes - is a paramount concern for Singaporean poets who battle with the survival politics and fast socioeconomic adjustments of society while they write.3 Other common elements include iconic Singaporean imagery like the Singapore River, the city, factories, island imagery, and old landmarks and references to Greek

mythology. Most Merlion poems take on a questioning, somewhat negative stance and offer commentary about the ‘pragmatic’ ideology of the Singapore government, hybrid identities, urbanisation and cosmopolitanism, and question what being ‘Singaporean’ entails. Of course, the most obvious sign of a Merlion poem is its use of the Merlion in the title - in fact many such poems are often titled as some variation of ‘Merlion’ - however not all Merlion poems may be so obviously Merlion poems, like Propitiations by Gwee Li Sui, in which, although the Merlion is less of a central �igure, the same themes of development and identity are discussed. Merlion poems are where literature and politics converge in Singapore.4 They are one of our few unique literary traditions: a mixture of discourse and critique of the nation and national identity through a common symbol. A literary tradition started by poet laureate Edwin Thumboo’s Ulysses by the Merlion (1979), Merlion poems present a discourse about not only what the Merlion means as a symbol of Singapore, but also the place of art in the national conversation, national identity, the poet’s relationship to the state,5 and the complex relationship Singapore has to the West. Almost every Singaporean poet has either written a Merlion poem or hidden the fact that they’ve written a Merlion poem. Merlion poems are the biggest poetic tradition in Singapore, and an easy way for a poet to add their two cents into existing discourse. Thus, a study of the hypertext6 of Merlion poetry gives us a clearer picture of the dialogue of national identity in the Singapore literary community, which re�lects the sociopolitical and material reality of the Anglophone Singaporeans.

The (unofficial) canon of the Merlion The unof�icial ‘canonical’ trilogy of Merlion poems, also known as those three Merlion poems seen in every other analysis Merlion poetry due to the MOErecommended literature syllabus7 and the metanarrative of those poems, comprises of Edwin Thumboo’s Ulysses by the Merlion, Lee Tzu Pheng’s The Merlion to Ulysses, and Al�ian Sa’at’s The Merlion. These three poets are big names in Singapore literature by themselves. Furthermore, the fact that their Merlion poems respond to each other and have much to unpack both by themselves and when compared with each other, makes these three poems a good introduction to the landscape of Merlion poetry. Thumboo starts the canon, situating the Merlion as a metaphor for Singapore within the Western canon through the use of the myth of Ulysses. In doing so, he portrays an idealised uni�ied Singaporean identity during a time when this very identity was being hotly debated. Lee transmotivises8 the Merlion,9 making it a character in the canon by giving the Merlion a character as an arrogant spokesperson for Singaporeans who de�ine themselves by material wealth, responding to the wonder of Ulysses toward Singapore in Ulysses by the Merlion. Sa’at completes this ‘trilogy’ by comparing the two previous narratives of the Merlion by dramatising the hypertext of Thumboo and Lee,10 responding to them both and showing how this struggle for a Singaporean identity remains so many years later, and discusses how this issue of national identity has worsened in a globalising world.

Christine Chong, ‘From Ulysses To The Merlion: Hypertextuality And A Singaporean Canon’, USP Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 1 (August 2010): 5–13. 5

Chong, ‘From Ulysses To The Merlion’

In literary terms, hypertextuality is a way of relating the text to an earlier work. For example, Thumboo’s Ulysses by the Merlion is a hypertext of Joyce’s Ulysses, which is also a hypertext of Homer’s Odyssey. 7

Kirpal Singh, ‘Achieving Maturity : Singapore Poetry in English’, Westerly 4, no. Southeast Asian Issue (December 1976): 91–94. 2 3

Hua Qiang Tan Vinson, ‘WHAT MERLION? EXAMINING THE SINGAPOREAN IDENTITY THROUGH MERLION POEMS’, Enl*ght, 9 January 2012. 8

Transmotivisation refers to giving a minor character a voice in hypertext. For example, Virgil transmotivised Aeneas, who was a minor character in the Odyssey, turning him into a main character in The Aeneid.

Singh, ‘Achieving Maturity’

Chong, ‘From Ulysses To The Merlion’ Chong, ‘From Ulysses To The Merlion’

A brief history of Singapore poems Post-War Poets (1945-70s):

Despite unequal ways, Together they mutate, Explore the edges of harmony, Search for a centre; Have changed their gods, Kept some memory of their race In prayer, laughter, the way Their women dress and greet. They hold the bright, the beautiful, Good ancestral dreams Within new visions, So shining, urgent, Full of what is now -from Ulysses by the Merlion by Edwin Thumboo11

Following the end of World War Two, the anticolonial movement picked up momentum in Malaya. With it came a wave of English-educated multiracial middle-class ‘post-war’ poets12 who used their colonial education in English literature, and the values and forms learnt through such studies, to point out the contradictions of colonialism13 in the rising tide of Asian nationalism14 from the late 1940s and early 1950s.15 Poets like Cecile Parish, Edwin Thumboo, and Ee Tiang Hong wrote in a highly formalised manner, sticking to established stylistic norms and formal language to describe the colonial landscape with naturalistic imagery and attempting to visualise a national present that could move beyond the colonial past.16 This era of poetry strives to create a Malayan - and later Singaporean - identity and struggles with the issue of creating a national identity that transcends that of race, while at the same time looking at the underlying historical, cultural, and racial tensions of colonial Singapore.17 Poetry had an interesting mix of grand moralistic addresses of a young hopeful nation and helpless anxiety at hybridised nationalism and progress,18 trying to mix indigenous culture and language into pre-established English forms.19 This is best represented by Edwin Thumboo’s Ulysses by the Merlion, where he managed to express the drive toward a progressive harmonization of the four races into a single collectivity.20 As such, he has come to represent this formative phase in Singapore's literary history. 11

Edwin Thumboo, ‘Ulysses by the Merlion (for Maurice Baker) by Edwin Thumboo’, in Re�lecting on the Merlion: An Anthology of Poems, ed. Edwin Thumboo (Singapore: National Arts Council, 2009), 18–19. 12

Edwin Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes: Societal Antecedents and the Growth of Singaporean Poetry*’, World Englishes 9, no. 2 (1990): 155–73, https://doi.org/ 10.1111/j.1467-971X.1990.tb00256.x. 13

Philip Holden, ‘On the Nation’s Margins: The Social Place of Literature in Singapore’, Sojourn: Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 15, no. 1 (2000): 30–51.

There is only one Merlion poem of this generation, as Ulysses by the Merlion is the original Merlion poem that inspired the tradition. Thumboo starts the tradition by situating the Merlion in the Western canon,21 drawing parallels between the formation of Singapore and the epic of Ulysses. This exempli�ies the state of crisis in forming a national identity as the government's attempt to create a nation from Singapore and form a non-racial national identity rejected colonial ideas, while making use of existing colonial structures.22 Ulysses uses the interaction between Western and local myth as a way to represent Singapore's aspiration for unity in its many diverse identities as a nation of immigrants struggling for prosperity.

Post-Independence Poets (1970s-90s): Following independence from 1965 till the 1990s, the nation had to create a unique Singaporean nationalism that allowed for identi�ication with the rapidly developing and increasingly cosmopolitan landscape that suited the economic goals of the government, for Singapore to survive as a nation.23 As poetry was infamously described by then prime minister Lee Kuan Yew as “a luxury [Singapore] cannot afford” with cultural and economic development being seen as mutually exclusive, poets of this generation were writing in spite of national disapproval, while still trying to create a Singaporean cultural identity. This era’s literary culture was one of questioning and doubt on the role of poetry in, and in the making of, the culture, language, and identity of Singapore.24 Poets like Lee Tzu Pheng, Arthur Yap, and Chris-Mooney Singh described and participated in the process of forming a nation by making a suitable educational, political, economic, social, and cultural structure25 that people could identify as 14

Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes’

‘Singaporean’ with. They generally opposed what they perceived as the main ideologies in society that prescribed how resources were distributed.26 They were cynical and overtly political, discussing national and family histories, and the loss of potential symbols that were demolished prematurely,27 criticising the coldness of bureaucracy and the impersonal nature of the city, expressing a sense of loneliness and anger and lack of acknowledgement in an increasingly cosmopolitan and mass-produced landscape. Poets also changed the descriptive poetry of the previous

Eddie Tay, ‘Nationalism and Literature: Two Poems Concerning the Merlion and Karim Rasian’s “Heroes”’, in Colony, Nation, and Globalisation: Not at Home in Singaporean and Malaysian Literature (Hong Kong University Press, 2011), 77–92, https:// www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1xwf5h. 17

Kwok-kan Tam, ‘In Between Cultures and Nation: Writing the Self in Singapore’, in The Englishized Subject: Postcolonial Writings in Hong Kong, Singapore and Malaysia, 1st ed. 2019 (Singapore: Springer Singapore : Imprint: Springer, 2019), https://link-springer-com.libproxy1.nus.edu.sg/chapter/10.1007/978-981-13-2520-5_10. 18

Rajeev S. Patke, ‘Poetry in English from Singapore’, World Literature Today 74, no. 2 (2000): 293–99, https://doi.org/ 10.2307/40155573.

for how can the times, beset with fear and anxiety

Look how easy it is to sell you

marvel at your making when the mockery stilts

You seem amazed? Properly impressed?

shifts and cowers around raw & ignorant nerves scoring cheap, petty points in amateurish roulette?

my story? Are you the warrior, or the gull?

So – the important things of our world,

who tamed you and gave you the first ovation following ulysses on his paradoxical journey

Before you leave, O feckless wanderer,

must surely be sadly amused, his roar greying

remember to respect my creators.

-from Mer?... Who? -Merlion by Kirpal Singh28

-from The Merlion to Ulysses by Lee Tzu Pheng29

Rajeev, ‘Poetry in English from Singapore’

Chong, ‘From Ulysses To The Merlion’

Tay, ‘Nationalism and Literature’

Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes’

The Merlion poetry of this era directly responds to Ulysses by the Merlion, starting the hypertextual tradition and questioning the idealised Singapore that Thumboo envisioned. The Merlion gives the point of view of a Singaporean people who had abandoned the search for a national identity in favour of wealth and prosperity. It challenges Thumboo’s interpretation of national values, echoing the call that the government had become detached from its people in its pursuit of material success, openly ignoring the need for cultural development.

John Kwan-Terry, ‘English and the Inventing of Identity in Singapore Poetry’ (Pragmatic and Language Learning Conference, University of Illinois, Urbana, USA, 1992), https://repository.nie.edu.sg/bitstream/10497/20699/1/PLLC-1992Kwan-Terry.pdf.

Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes’

Rajeev, ‘Poetry in English from Singapore’

Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes’

-from Merlign by Alvin Pang32

Tzu Pheng Lee , ‘The Merlion to Ulysses (on the Latter’s Visit in Edwin Thumboo’s Ulysses by the Merlion)’, in Re�lecting on the Merlion: An Anthology of Poems, ed. Edwin Thumboo (Singapore: National Arts Council, 2009), 22–23.

Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes’

for admission, but we have nowhere else to hide our dreams. Take what names we have to give, and hold our secrets well Keep what matters and what counts The rest you can spit as spray.

Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes’

Kirpal Singh, ‘Mer?... Who? - Merlion (Seeing the Poetry in the Prose)’, in Re�lecting on the Merlion: An Anthology of Poems, ed. Edwin Thumboo (Singapore: National Arts Council, 2009), 86–87.

The arts in general, and poetry in particular, enjoyed a small rise in content from the early 1990s, as the government began to recognise the monetary value of cultural development in Singapore. With the formation of the National Arts Council in 1991, establishment of the Singapore Literature Prize and Singapore Writers Festival in 1991, and the creation of Quarterly Literary Review Singapore in October 2001, there were several attempts by the government to enrich the culture of Singapore. The forms of poetry diversi�ied greatly at this point, as spoken word poetry, confessionals, internet poetry, and other modernist forms started emerging and poets began to break away from the traditional forms. Their poetry became more personal and introspective compared to their predecessors. Poets of this era like Al�ian Sa’at, Ng Yi Sheng, Cyril Wong, and Christine Chia were transnational, cosmopolitan, and overtly political, but also self-questioning and highly personal. The language and style also became less formal as poets of this era were more comfortable

Your heart is hollow, cold, and open

have not changed much at all.

I wear the silver armour of my moneyed people.

era, intensifying and memorialising historically or culturally important places to create poetry that could de�ine their importance before the urbanisation and development of this era destroyed them in the name of progress and survival.30 Even so, they reveal their acceptance of such developments, showing a tacit acceptance that life in Singapore had to change in ways that were not necessarily comfortable and there was a need to create new cultures and traditions.31

Rough beast, you are neither idol nor ideal.

you must admit,

I am the scion of a wealthy race. the old wise and cunning strength of a man

Post Development Poets (1990s-2010s):

Alvin Pang , ‘Merlign’, in Re�lecting on the Merlion: An Anthology of Poems, ed. Edwin Thumboo (Singapore: National Arts Council, 2009), 26–27. 31

Thumboo, ‘Conversion of the Tribes’

with playing with language and code switching between Singlish and English as they slowly broke away from the formal style of lyric poetry. This era of poetry focused thematically on the politics of expression, the struggle between ‘Western’ and ‘Asian’ values in personal identity, and the mix of modernisation, claustrophobia, technocratic policymaking prompted by the Singapore government that de�ined the Singaporean life from birth to death. It also provided a sharp increase in the number of Merlion poems, likely because of the focus on creating ‘national’ poetry that the government was �inally providing funding for.

Ulysses by the Merlion Utnapishtim by the Merlion Viola de Lesseps by the Merlion Xena by the Merlion Yi-Sheng by the Merlion You by the Merlion The Merlion, Alone -from Anthology by Ng Yi-Sheng34

Eyeing the blond highlights in your black hair And your blue lenses the shadow of a foreign sky. It spews continually if only to ruffle its own reflection in the water; such reminders will only scare a creature so eager to reinvent itself. -from The Merlion by Alfian Sa'at33

Sa’at’s Merlion poem shows the doubt in the identity of Singapore that many younger Singaporeans feel as Singapore became increasingly integrated into a globalising world without �irst providing a concrete national identity. Most published Merlion poems come from the post development poets, and their themes similarly form around questioning conceptions of a Singaporean identity within a rapidly changing landscape and a globalising world. From here on, the ‘canon’ of Merlion poems set the stage for other poets to give their take on the Merlion, which many did with enthusiasm. The market for serious Merlion poems making grand pronouncements of nationhood and nationalism in fact became saturated enough in the late 2000s that Ng Yi Sheng wrote Anthology, which poked fun at the sheer number of Merlion poems with similar stylistic and formal choices.

Postmodern Poets (2010s-Present): The emerging generation of Singaporean poets have been de�ined by the Internet Age, which has drastically changed the accessibility of poetry as an art form and therefore the demographic of poets. The Internet has encouraged more short-form literature, increased the accessibility of participating in literary communities, and given writers more creative freedom and the ability to respond quickly to current events. A veritable explosion of form, style, language, narrative, and image has resulted. The current era of poetry is de�ined by a sharp rise in publication and increased representation of marginalised voices,36 enabled by the establishment of more publishing houses, print journals, the ability to self-publish online, online poetry events like Singapore Poetry Writing Month, and international literary journals.One no longer needs to publish a book or anthology to be an established poet, although those who do so get more recognition. Notable poets of the current era include Stephanie Dogfoot, Marylyn Tan,37 Jennifer Anne Champion, Pooja Nansi, and Teng Qian Xi. Poetry has become much more Internet-based and using the popularity of video streaming to increase the reach and popularity of spoken word poetry. There has also been an increase in spoken word poetry locally. The focus of poems has become very personal, vulnerable, and romantic - discussing personal topics on religion, mental health, love, family, and sexuality. Stylistically, poetry has taken on increasingly modern and postmodern styles and become very cosmopolitan. Poems have become less overtly political, instead using their vulnerability to discuss national issues as compared to past grand declarations of nationhood.

you tore my seabed open like a fish gutted in the ocean. the hook flung me into the void above, to whispers of ‘please, we need you’. -from “the merlion” by Alexis An Yee Low35

35 32

Alvin Pang , ‘Merlign’, in Re�lecting on the Merlion: An Anthology of Poems, ed. Edwin Thumboo (Singapore: National Arts Council, 2009), 26–27. 33

Al�ian Sa’at, ‘The Merlion’, in Re�lecting on the Merlion: An Anthology of Poems, ed. Edwin Thumboo (Singapore: National Arts Council, 2009), 24–25. 34

Yi-Sheng Ng, ‘Anthology’, in Re�lecting on the Merlion: An Anthology of Poems, ed. Edwin Thumboo (Singapore: National Arts Council, 2009), 56–57.

Alexis An Yee Low, ‘“The Merlion”’, SingPoWriMo 2020, accessed 22 October 2020, https://www.singpowrimo.com/features/ the-merlion-alexis-an-yee-low. 36

Some examples are the migrant worker poets (https://www.singaporeworkerpoetry.com/) and LGBT poetry (https:// www.goodreads.com/book/show/11154354-gaspp) 37

Marylyn Tan made history as Singapore �irst female winner of the Singapore Literature Prize in 2020. I’ve met her before and can con�irm that she is absolutely iconic. Her book GAZE BACK is also highly recommended reading material.

you shook your magnificent head from side to side like a dog after a bath but in slow motion because you are too dignified to do it otherwise [...] Gills snapped shut, you lost your life at mouth the Singapore River And people covered you in concrete The way we cover everything in concrete in this country And made you a monument To inter-species relationships. -from The Merlion Poem by Stephanie Dogfoot38

The Merlion poem has become another form by which poets can have fun with the Merlion’s literary and political signi�icance.39 Recent Merlion poems are more postmodern: self-aware, irreverent, and to varying extents parodying Merlion poetry. They show distrust of the grand narrative and poke fun at and subvert the use of the Merlion as a symbol that has been taken too seriously.40 In doing so they also reveal how poets do not feel at home in their own country.41 This is best exempli�ied by Stephanie Dogfoot’s The Merlion Poem, which satirises the grand imagery and hybrid origins of the Merlion and captures the feeling of alienation to the constructed national identity of a highly developed Singapore which has forgotten its history. This poem is, in my opinion, the next addition to the Merlion canon after the poets of this ‘generation’ become more established.

Conclusion In conclusion, the progression of Merlion poetry traces the evolving role of poetry in Singapore – from its beginnings with grand aims of addressing the state and instilling a sense of national identity and belonging in Singaporeans, eventually developing into personal re�lections on the individual’s relationship with the state, and later more selfconsciously parodying and satirising the seriousness of Merlion poetry.42 Its evolution in form, style, and attitude re�lects that of the generations of poets who continue the tradition, and thus re�lect changing attitudes on identity, nationalism, and the state as Singapore’s infrastructure and society develop over time.

Nature’s Icons Lance Gabriel Wu Shi Rui | e0544109@u.nus.edu

The most striking aspect is its monolithic face - a towering, imposing structure akin to Arthur C. Clarke’s monolith, which appeared from primordial space to propel the advancement of life on earth. An ashened rock, soaking up the tropical heat like a blackened sponge dropped at the edge of Kent Ridge. Despite its ordinary appearance, this structure crucially maintains a story of nature, of people, and of the environment in Singapore. When we think of museums, images of glitzy refurbished colonial structures like the National Museum Of Singapore or Asian Civilisations Museum (ACM) are conjured into our minds. However, museums come in numerous shapes and sizes, as we can see in the igneous-textured, and dark granitehued facade of the Lee Kong Chian Natural History Museum (LKCNHM). Situated adjacent to the Yong Siew Toh Conservatory of Music and University Cultural Centre, the LKCNHM lies at a crossroads where the arts and natural science converge. With the spotlight shining on environmental protection and conservation in recent years, this article will propose that the LKCNHM is an enduring icon in Singapore’s heritage scene. Not only does the LKCNHM display numerous exhibits that document the natural heritage of Singapore and the

region, it is also arguably a symbol of hope for Singapore to progress into the future with greater knowledge of the environment and Singapore’s historical interactions with it. This article will examine the history of the LKCNHM, and show how its iconic exhibits and architecture reveal the nontraditional histories and narratives of Singaporeans’ relationship with the environment. But before that, a brief history of the museum is in order. Before the LKCNHM, there was the Raf�les Library and Museum, established in 1849. As the imperial precursor to the LKCNHM, the Raf�les Museum collected, classi�ied and catalogued specimens as part of an imperial thrust to advance knowledge of the natural environment in Southeast Asia. The advent of colonial exploration into Singapore created an impetus for the “imperial interest in science and nature” through metaphorically and literally subjugating and controlling the natural environment, which manifested itself through institutions such as the Raf�les Library and Museum.1 This colonial yearning 1

Timothy P. Barnard, “The Raf�les Museum and the Fate of Natural History in Singapore,” in Nature Contained: Environmental Histories of Singapore (Singapore: NUS Press, 2014), 184-211.

Stephanie Dogfoot, ‘The Merlion Poem’, THE STEPHANIE DOGFOOT STORY (blog), 16 May 2015, https:// stephdogfoot.wordpress.com/some-poems/the-merlion-poem/.

Chong, ‘From Ulysses To The Merlion’

Tay, ‘Nationalism and Literature’

Chong, ‘From Ulysses To The Merlion’

for knowledge of the region’s natural environment may have occurred after the emergence of the Scienti�ic Revolution in Europe during the 17th century, where scienti�ic thought and discoveries �lowed through anachronistically perceived ‘enlightened’ societies.2 Objective, empirical studies of science and nature emerged out of an intrinsic curiosity to observe, test, and quantify the natural world, which enabled the west to supersede the rest of the world in technological and scienti�ic knowledge.3 In due time, the Raf�les Museum became a renowned site for the research of biodiversity in Southeast Asia.4 Part of its fame stemmed from its dual-pronged approach towards nature, which allowed for the simultaneous processes of academic work and public advancement of natural knowledge. Today’s LKCNHM contains iconic displays, which include many unique exhibits that illustrate the rich biodiversity and history of natural heritage conservation in Singapore. The most notable display is a mounted skeleton of a Sperm Whale, which has been humorously nicknamed Jubi Lee after being found during Singapore’s Golden Jubilee celebrations back in 2015. She is distinctly reminiscent of a particular Indian Fin Whale skeleton that was displayed in the old Raf�les Museum after it was found stranded at Sa’Batu near Malacca in June 1892.5 The iconic Fin Whale exhibit was painstakingly pieced together by museum staff and later became the centerpiece of the Raf�les Museum, suspended from the museum’s ceiling.6 However, due to the lack of space, the gigantic skeleton was only mounted on the ceiling of the now National Museum of Singapore building in 1907. It was to become a striking centrepiece at the Raf�les Library and Museum before it was dismantled and transferred to Muzium Negara, Kuala Lumpur in 1974.7 The skeletal behemoth was an awe-inspiring sight that left many visitors to the Raf�les Museum wonderstruck, cementing its place as an iconic exhibit that was fondly remembered by visitors.8

The discovery of such immense amounts of debris is indicative of the trouble the ocean is in.12 Even though Jubi Lee is not the dominant centrepiece of the LKCNHM, unlike the Indian Fin Whale that preceded her, her display in the mammals gallery is an important symbol of the urgent need for environmental action and protection for the world’s oceans.

Jubi Lee - A sperm whale found in Singapore in 2015. Now mounted and displayed.

Today, efforts have been spearheaded to allow modern day museum goers to experience the legacy of the iconic whale through futuristic means. Thankfully, the LKCNHM has worked to reinstate its glory for visitors so that everyone may experience the view of the iconic Indian Fin Whale. Making use of augmented reality (AR) technology, museum goers are now able to snap a ‘sel�ie’ with the bygone Indian Fin Whale skeleton using indoor mapping technology.9 The recreation of this historically and culturally signi�icant scene from history is indeed a testament to the legacy that the Raf�les Museum and its natural exhibits had, and will most likely continue to have on Singaporeans today. Jubi Lee has big shoes to �ill to live up to her iconic ancestor. Nevertheless, the discovery of Jubi Lee was an important milestone in the study of whales and marine biodiversity in Singapore. Researchers at the LKCNHM were able to utilise computer models to chart her life in the sea - from what she ate to where she swam.10 This enabled scientists to track populations and migration patterns of the threatened sperm whale. Additionally, “junk food” such as marine plastics and man-made debris, including plastic cups, food wrappers and plastic bags, were found in her gut.

Taxidermied specimens of the ‘mammals’ collection

Display case of insects that populate the region.

In addition to Jubi Lee’s display, the LKCNHM maintains numerous exhibits dedicated to displaying the (not often talked about) environmental history of Singapore. From mammals and birds to insects and fungi, the exhibits in the LKCNHM are dedicated to understanding the rich diversity of the natural world in Singapore. Indeed, their unique focus on environmental history helps them stand out from Singapore’s other museums to a point where they could be called ‘iconic’. Environmental history takes a relatively new angle of looking at the origins of contemporary problems through geography and ecology, so as to study the ever-changing face of the earth, and how the environment is a critical agent in world history apart from humans.13 7

Tan, “Of Whales and Dinosaurs”, 49.

“A Whale’s Tale,” 179-183.

Nabilah Said, “Take a Sel�ie with a Whale at Museum,” The Straits Times, Apr 14, 2017, https://www.straitstimes.com/ lifestyle/arts/take-a-sel�ie-with-a-whaleat-museum. 10

Audrey Tan, “Dead Whale Tells Tale of Scienti�ic Discovery,” The Straits Times, April 13, 2019, https:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/ environment/dead-whale-tells-tale-ofscienti�ic-discovery.

Toby E. Huff, Intellectual Curiosity and the Scienti�ic Revolution: A Global Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 1.

Ibid. Ibid.

Ibid, 4.

Barnard, “Raf�les Museum,” 184-186.

Kevin Tan Y. L, Of Whales and Dinosaurs: The Story of Singapore’s Natural History Museum (Singapore: NUS Press, 2015), 48.

K. Jan Oosthoek, “What Is Environmental History?” Environmental History Resources, accessed June 2, 2021, https://www.ehresources.org/what-is-environmentalhistory/.

“A Whale’s Tale: Excerpts from The Annual Reports of the Raf�les Museum and Library, Newspaper Accounts and Visitors’ Memories,” in Nature Contained: Environmental Histories of Singapore, ed. Timothy P. Barnard (Singapore: NUS Press, 2014), 179-183. Display of various fungi

Taxidermied birds exhibition

Giving agency to non-human agents, such as the environment, conservation, and human-nature interactions, provides a new perspective to analyse world history. Rather than focusing historical analysis on ‘great men’, environmental history provides a more holistic representation of history and mankind, as it gives a voice to those historically marginalised such as achieving restorative justice to the Aboriginal peoples of Australia through the conservation and protection of Uluru-Kata Tjuta National Park.14 This act of restorative justice centred around a spiritually signi�icant icon (Ayers Rock) seeks to give agency to the historically marginalised Aboriginal peoples and to emphasise the need for overlapping environmental and cultural protections for the people and their environment. This emergence of environmental history and the analysis of human interactions with the environment is historiographically iconic in its own right. Environmental history scrutinises the history of humans’ relationship and impact on nature, providing alternative narratives from the perspective of the natural world.15 14

Robert Melchior Figueroa and Gordon Waitt, "Climb: Restorative Justice, Environmental Heritage, and the Moral Terrains of Uluṟu-Kata Tjuṯa National Park," Environmental Philosophy 7, no. 2 (2010): 142-44. 15

Brüggemeier, F.-J, “Environmental History,” in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Paul B. Baltes (New York: Elsevier, 2001), 4621–27. https://doi.org/10.1016/B0-08043076-7/02652-8.

Domenico Remps, Cabinet of Curiosities (c. 1690)18

‘Cabinets of curiosities’ display cases in the upper galleries.

Even though the �ield is relatively new, it is undeniable that environmental history is important for Singapore and the surrounding region, given that we possess incredibly rich biodiversity, with over 390 species of birds and 2100 native species of plants.16 In fact, our biodiversity was so extraordinary that many colonial experts chose to undertake botanical expeditions in Singapore, laying the foundations for the founding and institutionalisation of the study of nature in colonial Singapore. Even today, the LKCNHM possesses prominent displays of specimens that tell a unique history of Singapore. This is done through exhibitions that take the form of ‘cabinets of curiosities’. These cabinets were historically the forerunners to natural history museums, as means for the wealthy and learned to display, organise, and present their knowledge, wealth, and enlightenment through various curios.17 The framing of the displays in the upper galleries of the LKCNHM in the anachronistic ‘cabinet of curiosities’ style evokes a sense of nostalgia and remembrance of a bygone era. 16

“Biodiversity,” National Parks Board, accessed June 2, 2021, https://www.nparks.gov.sg/biodiversity. 17

Maria Zytaruk, "Cabinets of Curiosities and the Organization of Knowledge," University of Toronto Quarterly 80, no. 1 (2011): 2-3.

Despite all its dated specimens, the LKCNHM remains quite �irmly rooted in the modern era. Situated along Conservatory Drive and strategically located within the National University of Singapore Kent Ridge Campus, the LKCNHM possesses an iconic architectural structure, designed by Singaporean architect, Mr Mok Wei Wei.19 Mok has created numerous Singaporean architectural icons such as the modernist People’s Park Complex and Golden Mile towers. His projects are inspired by spatial and natural elements, which developed into a “Singapore Architecture” style for numerous building types in Singapore.20 The building’s modern architecture fuses both natural local vegetation and a man-made exterior in one cohesive habitat, much like the garden city that it is situated in. Furthermore, the combination of man-made architectural features, such as insulation and energy-ef�icient cooling has made the LKCNHM an emblem of a more ecoconscious understanding of building, and architecture as a whole. Some of these features have emerged to protect the fragile specimens from natural light, resulting in associations of the museum as a windowless rock.21

The LKCNHM is, and will most likely continue to be, an enduring and iconic symbol for the study, and propagation of knowledge in biodiversity, ecology, and environmental history in Singapore. It has managed to preserve fragments of the past via its inheritance of 100-year-old specimens from the colonial Raf�les Museum. This co-optation of the imperial collections has made the collection an integral part of Singapore’s history and heritage.22 Furthermore, its upper galleries are dedicated to exploring not just the history, but also the future of the environment in Singapore, including our past environmental activities like the development of plantations and the gradual transformation of Singapore into a garden city.

Chantal Sajan, “Veteran Architect Forges Singapore Storeys in Stone in New Book,” The Straits Times, October 23, 2020, https://www.straitstimes.com/life/home-design/ veteran-architect-forges-singapore-storeys-in-stone-innew-book. 21

“Lee Kong Chian National History Museum,” I Am Architect, accessed June 2, 2021, https://iamarchitect.sg/ project/lee-kong-chian-national-history-museum/. 22

Barnard, “Raf�les Museum,” 209.

Giovanni Aloi, “Cabinets of Curiosities and The Origin of Collecting,” The Sotheby Institute, accessed June 2, 2021, https://www.sothebysinstitute.com/news-and-events/ news/cabinets-of-curiosities-and-the-origin-of-collecting. 19

Marcella Segre, “Sustainable Design Meets Science,” The Jakarta Post, July 2, 2015, https:// www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/07/02/sustainabledesign-meets-science.html.

The Good and The Bad within Mickey’s House of Dreams Wai Ying Wong | e0420538@u.nus.edu

“To all who come to this happy place: Welcome. Disneyland is your land. Here age relives fond memories of the past – and here youth may savour LKCNHM by night.23

the challenge and promise of the future. Disneyland is dedicated to the ideals, the dreams and the hard facts that have created America – with

“This natural history museum, however, is not a static organism. Its collections continue to grow, as our sense of curiosity drives us further into nature's secret places. To go where few, or none, have gone before; to see what few have seen or none has imagined.”24 - Professor Peter Ng, Head of the LKCNHM

the hope that it will be a source of joy and inspiration to all the world.” -Walt Disney1

Dreams do come true... Singapore’s heritage scene has gained some traction in recent years, contributed to, in no small part, by the opening of high pro�ile heritage and historical spaces such as the National Gallery and the refurbished Victoria Concert and Memorial Hall. Regardless, the LKCNHM will remain iconic in its celebration of not only the accomplishments of great men that constructed and impacted Singapore’s development, but also the indelible mark left by nature and humankind on the development of Singapore. As recently as April 2021, the National Library Board unveiled the ‘Humans X Nature’ exhibition, which explored the environmental histories of Singapore, from the Republic’s biodiversity to modern day urban land use. This novel exhibition is a testament to the desire for Singapore to understand and re�lect on our

relationships with the environment, which the LKCNHM arguably pioneered from its inception. The LKCNHM is thus not only an iconic building to behold, but also an iconic institution for the preservation and study of natural heritage in Singapore. 23

“Getting Here,” Lee Kong Chian Natural History Museum, National University of Singapore, accessed June 2, 2021, https://lkcnhm.nus.edu.sg/visit-us/getting-here/. 24

Peter Ng, “Museums Remind Us Dinosaurs Still Fly,” The Straits Times, December 24, 2014, https:// www.straitstimes.com/opinion/museums-remind-usdinosaurs-still-�ly. 25

“Human X Nature: About,” Exhibitions, National Library Singapore, accessed June 2, 2021, https:// exhibitions.nlb.gov.sg//exhibitions/current-exhibitions/ humanxnature/

Enter the most magical and happiest place on Earth as you set foot into any Disney theme park or resort! Once through those gates, Disney promises a fun�illed time in a land free of worries and full of fantasy – an image created by their brilliant crosspromotional marketing strategy that has since been coined as ‘Disney synergy’, and one that continues to resonate through the times.2 With these ideas of childhood, family and magic, Disney has captured the imaginations of generations worldwide to successfully transform themselves into a cultural empire. And as they would like to say, it all started with just a mouse. Mickey Mouse stands at the helm of this far-�lung family entertainment empire that is most recognised for three main branches of business activities: �ilms, theme parks and resorts, and merchandising. As the �irst cartoon character to be conceptualised by Walt

Disney under his own company The Disney Brothers Cartoon Studio, Mickey’s appeal lies in his continual reassurance that all is right in the world – that the mouse, a symbol of all that is weak, will still always win in the end.3 Mickey hence represents and reinforces the American yearning for a utopia of happiness and innocence, curating and providing entertainment aimed to inspire the ‘child’ in people of all ages.4 And how successful have they been? A focus group study conducted by Ball State University in 2008 have found that people tended to associate Disney with “magic”, “princess” and “fun”. 5 Hits the nail right on the head, doesn’t it? Indeed, these associations not only speak to the type of entertainment expected of Disney but are also indicative of the brand’s effectiveness in creating positive perceptions and feelings of warmth, excitement and fun that aids in 1

Louise Krasniewicz, Walt Disney: A Biography (Santa Barbara, California: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2010), 130. 2

Janet Wasko, “The Magical-Market World of Disney,” Monthly Review (New York, 1949) 52, no. 11 (2001): 56. 3

Bruce David Forbes, “Mickey Mouse as Icon: Taking Popular Culture Seriously,” Word & World 23, no. 3 (2003): 242 and 250. 4

Ibid, 243.; Bridget Pearson, “Disney Brand Audit: the power behind the mouse” (Honours Thesis, Ball State University, 2008), 12. 5

Display boards explaining how Singapore’s history is shaped by the environment.

Pearson, “Disney Brand Audit,” 20.

building a strong emotional brand base.6 Their positive equity is further reinforced by their corporate social marketing partnerships with do-good organisations such as Make-A-Wish Foundation and UNICEF.7 Taken together, Disney’s consistent exhibition of family values relating to goodness, kindness and childhood idealism hence justi�ies and maintains their status as a premier leader in the family entertainment industry – a role model which parents can approve of and children can look up to. However, though the company is often thought to be centred upon a largely children-dominated audience, theme park customer demographics actually tell another story. One study reports this ratio of adult-tochildren patronage to be four-to-one.8 Why is this so? While Disney speaks to children by constructing and reliving elements of lived experiences, they reach adults by providing them with nostalgic fantasies of the past. Beginning with inserting their presence into an individual’s life at an early age, Disney continues to build their brand equity throughout their consumers’ lives, hoping to eventually reach brand resonance even in older age.9 Their cross-promotional marketing strategy of �ilms, theme parks and resorts, and merchandise (‘Disney synergy’) is hence key in ensuring consistent reinforcement and deep entrenchment of Disney’s presence and continued relationship with the individual.10 At the heart of Disney synergy lies the commodi�ication of children’s culture, where licensed �ilms or cartoon characters become the centre of an unlimited array of interlocking market schemes.11 For example, even prior to the opening of any Disneyland theme park, Walt Disney made the move to launch a one-hour television programme in 1954 titled Disneyland where “roughly a third of each episode [was to be devoted] to the promotion of either the park 6

Ibid, 25.

Michaela J. Robbins, “The Most Powerful Mouse in the World: The Globalisation of the Disney Brand,” Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects (2014), 13.

or an upcoming Disney �ilm”.12 Nonetheless, while Disney had already been consistently creating strong brands or characters for marketing in �ilm and merchandise, it was only with the opening of the �irst Disneyland at Anaheim, California in 1955 did their cross-promotional strategies accelerate dramatically.13 With the company having its start in the movie business, Disney theme parks naturally tapped on characters and narratives from their �ilms to create the attractions and theming. These have been demonstrated in various Disney icons and rides across their different parks including Sleeping Beauty’s Castle, Star Wars’ ‘Star Tours’ and rollercoaster ride ‘Snow White’s Dark Ride’.14 Disney’s theme parks have hence become spaces in which the world within Disney �ilms could come to life, allowing visitors to truly have their dream of living within the fantasy world of Disney �ilms come true. This also lends itself naturally to synergistic marketing, as the company mined the appeal of its 12

Bruce David Forbes, “Mickey Mouse as Icon: Taking Popular Culture Seriously,” Word & World 23, no. 3 (Summer 2003): 251. 13 14

Robbins, “The Most Powerful Mouse in the World,” 7.

J. P. Telotte, “Theme Parks and Films – Play and Players,” in Disneyland and Culture: essays on the parks and their in�luence, ed. Kathy Merlock Jackson and Mark I. West (London; Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co., 2011), 172.

most successful �ilms by basing a number of their earliest Disneyland rides on their top cartoon features. Similarly, a new �ilm release can also be reinforced by a new installation, ride or merchandise situated within the theme park.15 The use of theming hence allowed for the construction of alternative universes and transform park spaces into narrative tools, allowing the brand to heighten consumers’ experiences and prior interactions with Disney products through a multi-sensory experience at the parks.16 The opening of Disney’s �irst two theme parks had already been a marked shift in the business development and marketing in America’s entertainment realm. Nonetheless, scholars have further suggested that the Disney branding and culture has also spilled over to in�luence other aspects of American life – a concept termed ‘Disneyisation’.17 According to Bryman (1999), ‘Disneyisation’ consists of four main aspects: theming, dedifferentiation of consumption, merchandising, and emotional labour.18 Perhaps the most obvious example of ‘Disneyisation’ in our everyday lives would be theming, with themed leisure and tourism spaces becoming a staple in modern-day marketing. Merchandising has also become commonplace, with coffee chains such as Starbucks frequently introducing seasonal memorabilia and collectibles to supplement their pro�its.

The developments discussed thus far have mainly been focused on the position of Disney and the impact of its work on American society. Recognition of Disney as a worldwide cultural empire or phenomenon, however, points to the export of the brand beyond America and its corresponding impact and expansion. Disney’s �irst international foray began in the 1990s with the European initiative, where they planned to establish a European headquarter in France and construct Euro Disney, later on to be renamed as Disneyland Paris.19 Of�icially opened in April 1992, it was soon followed with the establishment of Hong Kong Disneyland in 2005.20 In both theme parks, rather than adapting the rides and theming to local culture, Disney made the strategic decision to retain its American themes.21 While this incited criticism from local journalists who perceived it as American cultural imperialism, Disney saw these parks as a chance for locals to engage in global consumption and create a sense of international travel, potentially inciting their desire to travel to America to visit the ‘real’ ones later on.22 This astute recognition of their consumers’ desire for an ‘exotic’ or ‘foreign’ destination situated in their home countries saw the popularity of Disney’s overseas theme parks skyrocket, allowing Disney to steadily climb towards the standing of a global cultural icon. 15

Ibid.

Bella Dicks, “Theming Culture, Theming Nature,” in Culture on Display: The Production of Contemporary Visitability (Berkshire, England: Open University Press, 2004), 94, 98 – 99. 17

Alan Bryman, The Disneyization of Society (London: SAGE, 2004), 5. 18

Ibid.

Robbins, “The Most Powerful Mouse in the World,” 7 – 8.

Ibid.

Ibid, 20.

Ibid.

John van Maanen, “The Smile Factory: Work at Disneyland,” in Reframing Organisation Culture, ed. Peter J. Frost, Larry F. Moore, Meryl Reis Louis, Craig C. Lundberg and Joanne Martin (Sage Publications, 1990), 19. 9

Pearson, “Disney Brand Audit,” 26.

Wasko, “The Magical-Market World of Disney,” 26.

Ibid.

But BEWARE of the potentially poisonous core… But even fantasy has a dark side – and no one knows it better than Disney workers themselves. With many having been fans prior to employment, Disney theme park workers often approach their new jobs with rose-tinted glasses. It is only when the real work begins when reality hits: Disney’s magic-making comes at their workers’ expense. In order to construct the visual and metaphorical world of Disney, theme parks require the creation of orderly spaces to negate the disorders of the outside world.23 In itself, these themed spaces are service venues built for pro�it-driven consumption – and hence, workers need to provide the goods and services demanded of them to achieve monthly sales goals.24 Particularly with Disney’s reputation as a place of smiles, laughter and happiness – all of which hinges on the workers’ performance – theming hence transforms into something more than an architectural technology for the material world; to employees, it is a performative space governing their social interactions and even existential states so that they can ful�ill their material purpose. To further entrench this state of mind, workers are also strictly trained and controlled through socialisation, limiting individual experimentation and emotional 25 management. Essentially, once they set foot into the Disney compound, they can no longer be themselves. Their consciousness comes to be permeated by the identity of the park, and they become living embodiments and extensions of the theme.26 23

Scott A. Lukas, “How the Theme Park Gets Its Power: Lived Theming, Social Control, and the Themed Worker Self,” in The Themed Space: Locating Culture, Nation, and Self, ed. Scott A. Lukas (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2007), 196.

This is taken even further by the company through the planting of spies among guests to inculcate collective paranoia and condition workers to be on their best performance at all times. There are three main categories of spies: internally, there are ‘leads’ within each group tattling to upper management about their subordinates’ behaviour to secure their promotion; externally, there are “foxes”, those who spy on guests and “shoppers”, those who spy on employees.27 Spies camou�laged as “shoppers” are used to assess employees: they behave terribly on purpose to see if they can aggravate employees enough to step out of character.28 However, regardless of employees or guests, any unpleasant, disruptive or out-of-character behaviour would lead to the individual being immediately expelled from theme park grounds to protect the fantastical illusion. 29 Workers will most certainly be �ired. And so, a worker doing the job right is a worker who has erased their identity as a human individual to fully embody their character that only exists within the context of the theme park. The company and architectural structure of Disney theme parks also support the erasure of workers’ individuality. One of the most prominent examples would be their famous utilidor system – the winding tunnels just beneath the park �loor – which whisks away trash as easily as they shield the not-soglamourous behind-the-scenes moments of their cast members.30 A half-naked Mickey Mouse mascot 27

Jane Kuenz, “Working at the Rat,” in Organisation Collaboration, ed. MariaLaura Di Domenico, Siv Vangen, Nik Winchester, Dev Kumar Boojihawon, and Jill Mordaunt (London: Routledge, 2011), 124 – 125. 28

Ibid.

Ibid, 184.

Ibid, 115.

van Maanen, “The Smile Factory,” 21 – 22.

Ibid, 157.

Lukas, “How the Theme Park Gets Its Power,” 194.

would never be seen outside of these tunnels, nor the unpainted face of a show performer. No one exits these tunnels without looking exactly their part; full makeup and costumes on, because once you are in the sun, you are on! Among workers themselves, the company also exercises authority through creating a segmented and hierarchical system of relations between management and labour, and within labour itself.31 Strict departmental divisions and subdivisions encourage cliques and power play within the different roles and even the ‘land’ they are in, creating a competitive and toxic work atmosphere that only heightens the workers’ own self-monitoring and regulation.32 With all these mechanisms in place, labour disappears quite thoroughly in the eyes of the audience and people begin to take what they see quite literally.33 When viewing the mascots, the thought that a living, breathing human being is inside gets pushed to the back of their heads. Yet, it is precisely when people take Disney at face value does Disney’s magic really work.34 And so, great as it is for the guests, for the employees… well, let us just say it is not so great. Still, as one of the main proponents creating this ‘Disney magic’, workers do �ind individual meaning and a sense of pride in being able to ful�ill someone’s day.35 However, having to act day in day out as one of the princesses or march down the same strip of land eventually comes to wear down the employees with its repetition and mundanity.36 Physical threats can be quite real too, as over-excited guests who fail to recognise the human being behind the masks often cease to think about what they are actually doing to these people. Mascots have it particularly bad as

children and adults alike tend to treat them like how they would their soft toys.37 And hence, unlike the image of a ‘Magic Kingdom’ and ‘Fantastical Wonderland’ in the eyes of consumers, employee pet names for Disney are very much on the other end of the spectrum: they are working at ‘The Rat’, ‘The Mouse’, or in ‘The Mousetrap’.38 But frankly, is their job description any surprising? If Disney narratives and characters are all scripted, what makes their role any different? While most clearly manifested in theme parks, Disney’s animation and television studios have heard similar allegations of workplace toxicity. Most widely publicised instances include statements put out by original Disney Channel child stars, some of whom have become recognised icons in American popular culture today. These include the likes of Demi Lovato, Bella Thorne, and Miley Cyrus. Speci�ically, all three celebrities stressed how Disney often required them to �it into their ideal of a ‘perfect role model’ for the children watching in front of the screen.

“When you’re on the [Disney] Channel, it’s like you have to be this shell, this mask of a person. You have to teach kids good things. And I understand setting something good for young kids to follow. But then I think that good thing gets slowly turned into something dark.” Bella Thorne, former star of Disney Channel series ‘Shake It Up’39

Ibid, 130 – 131.

Ibid, 148.

Ibid.

Ibid, 112.

Ibid, 143.

Ibid, 150.

Ibid, 141 – 143 and 157.

Ibid, 125.

Callie Ahlgrim, “Bella Thorne says she’s working on ‘super poetic’ music that gets back to ‘the heart and soul of hiphop,” Insider, March 5, 2021, https://www.insider.com/ bella-thorne-interview-sexism-disney-shake-it-song-rapmusic-2021-3.

Rajkumar Suruthi | e0315963@u.nus.edu

Whether it be physical �laws or projects and endorsements that might compromise their image, anything remotely associated to their name is closely vetted and held over them as a threat. Demi Lovato had a gap between her two front teeth they demanded �ixed. Bella Thorne almost got axed from a show she fronted over a photograph of her in a bikini picked out by her mother. But perhaps the best anecdote to showcase the lengths Disney will go to dissociate themselves from “negative press” (used loosely here as any news that does not �it the ‘perfect’ image they demanded from their celebrities) can be seen via Miley Cyrus. The star, who carried the highly popular series Hannah Montana for four seasons over seven years, saw her relationship with Disney being cut off immediately after she swapped her straight brown hair and bright makeup for a rebellious bleached pixie cut and bodybearing out�its. “… the NEXT DAY after this dropped Disney made us cancel EVERYTHING that was connected to Miley Cyrus. No radio play. No mentioning her. NOTHING.” Former Radio Disney Promotional Assistant Jose Mendoza42

One day, she was one of Disney’s greatest TV princesses. With the drop of her sexually charged Can’t be Tamed music video, she herself was also dropped by the company she spent her teenage years with. This was the company’s way of making their stand, to refute any responsibility and say ‘This has nothing to do with us, and we de�initely do not agree with it’ while successfully retaining their “familyfriendly” image. Anything worthy of tarnishing its grand name is immediately suspended – or, in the case of Lovato’s recent accusations of rape on the set

of Camp Rock, the Disney TV series she starred in, remains unacknowledged. But none of this information is really new knowledge. Save for the kids, almost every one of Disney’s consumers would likely have come across such news and know that there are dirty secrets to be found in the dungeons of the Disney empire. But if that is the case, why is Disney’s position in family entertainment still so secure and highly lauded? Within the theme park, it is evident that consumers continue to entertain these contradictory ideas about the fantasy and humanity that actually exists within. Though they might verbally acknowledge that the fantasy is not real, they often still continue discussing the place as though it were. So yes, it is phony, they would say – but this phoniness is fun, it is harmless, and ultimately it is not in their face. In this place of make-believe, they can make themselves believe that the issues associated with Disney do not matter. Since they are here now, why not just focus on being here and having fun? And so, even when interacting with other Disney products, whatever dark side there might be is inde�initely suspended – or, at least, until they have exited from both the physical and mental space of the Magic Kingdom. Maybe then, will they once again �ind enough space in their minds to hypocritically point out the �laws of Mickey’s world.

Justin Enriquez, “’I wish that I hadn’t’: Demi Lovato reveals Disney insisted she ‘�ix’ gap in her teeth at beginning of her career,” Daily Mail Online, January 20, 2016, https://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-3408931/Demi-Lovato-revealsDisney-insisted-�ix-gap-teeth-beginning-career.html. 41

Clemence Michallon, “’They said I was lucky they couldn’t afford to �ire me’: Bella Thorne reveals she was almost axed by Disney for being photographed in a sexy BIKINI picked out by her mother,” Daily Mail Online, March 5, 2018, https:// www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/article-5464375/Bella-Thorne-says-Disney-�ired-wearing-bikini.html. 42

Emmeline Saunders, “Why Disney dropped Miley Cyrus the second she started showing signs of her own sexuality,” Mirror, May 8, 2020, https://www.mirror.co.uk/3am/celebrity-news/disney-dropped-miley-cyrus-second-21996906. 43

“Demi Lovato says she was raped as a teenager in new documentary,” BBC News, March 17, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/ news/newsbeat-56427519.

Kuenz, “Working at the Rat,” 110 – 111.

Ibid.

ICONIC FASHION: THE AGENCY OF THE FARTHINGALE Fashion has long played an intricate role in history and politics. Beyond merely being pieces of clothing, it has shaped how society perceives ideas on gender, religion, power, sexuality, and so on. The cultural power of fashion has also been used as a tool of control and liberation, and as symbols of unity and individuality. The rise and fall of fashion trends throughout history can thus be seen as a re�lection of how these relationships have evolved and played out over time. Naturally, because clothing is displayed on a body, fashion is especially signi�icant to the history of gender, which is often described as societally performative. In some strains of gender studies, gender is understood as a “process of social construction” where the “individual and collective performance” recreates our ideas about gender.1 The feminist movement in particular has utilised this cultural power to further its agenda, as seen in the adaptation of stereotypically masculine styles, such as shoulder pads and pantsuits, into clothing for women. While this can be understood as an attempt to break gender boundaries such that women could enter male-dominated spaces, it also suggests that if respect and power were desired, women had to take the focus away from their femininity.2

hoopskirt is an excellent example of this, as seen through the impact it had on the political dynamics within the royal court in England, as well as in civil society. From its introduction into English court through Catherine of Aragon’s Spanish farthingale to its later evolution into the crinoline, the hoopskirt highlights the power of femininity while also emphasising the complex relationship between fashion, and socio-political ideas such as gender and class.

Moving forward, it is important to draw attention to the opposite: stereotypically feminine styles have an equal potential to command authority and highlight the autonomy of women. This ability can be tracked not only through developments in women’s fashion, but also through society’s response to and criticisms of these developments. The iconic silhouette of the various iterations of the 1

Judith Lorber, ‘Night to His Day: The Social Construction of Gender’, in Paradoxes of Gender (Yale University Press, 1994), 13– 36. 2

Marlen Komar, “How Women Have Used Fashion As A Feminist Tool Throughout History,” Bustle (Bustle, November 17, 2016), https://www.bustle.com/articles/191181-how-women-have-used-fashion-as-a-feminist-tool-throughout-history.

Catherine of Aragon and the Farthingale’s royal debut Catherine of Aragon (1485-1636) was the daughter of two of the most powerful monarchs of the time, Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. When she became Queen of England following her marriage to Henry VIII, she opted for English styles of clothing to show allegiance to her new country. However, despite the reputation of her parents, she struggled to maintain authority due to her inability to produce a male heir. In a time when female royalty was restricted from directly intervening in politics, Catherine made use of her clothing to exercise her political will and in�luence at court. If she could not speak their piece, she would make her opinions clear through their clothing, and Catherine did this through highlighting her Spanish heritage within the con�ines of English fashion.4

Painting (circa 1470) by Pedro García de Benabarra of the Herod’s banquet in Barcelona. One of the earliest depictions of the Spanish farthingale, a hooped petticoat worn to extend and provide structure to women’s skirts.3

Catherine’s employment of fashion as a means to make her opinions known is observed in the lasting presence of her silhouette, through her introduction of the Spanish farthingale, had in English fashion. In fact, scholars have also argued that visually striking garments such as this were key elements of women’s participation in both domestic and foreign politics.5 Despite her initial struggle with authority, Catherine successfully assimilated herself into court through her choices in clothing. This was most immediately re�lected in the fact that Henry VIII’s sister herself, Mary Tudor, adopted the farthingale into her wardrobe.6 Other English aristocrats, and even a few of Henry VII’s wives did the same. This reveals how fashion can be manipulated into a method of expression in politics that is dependent not only on the wearer, but also upon the responses of the observers.

‘Herod’s Banquet | Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya’, accessed 14 July 2021, https://www.museunacional.cat/en/colleccio/ herods-banquet/pere-garcia-de-benavarri/064060-000. 4

Niki Toy-Caron, “Clothing and Power in the Royal World of Catherine of Aragon, Anne Boleyn, and Elizabeth I,” Inquiry Journal, April 22, 2020, https://www.unh.edu/inquiryjournal/spring-2020/clothing-and-power-royal-world-catherinearagon-anne-boleyn-and-elizabeth-i. 5

Sarah A Bendall, “‘Take Measure of Your Wide and Flaunting Garments’: The Farthingale, Gender and the Consumption of Space in Elizabethan and Jacobean England,” Renaissance Studies 33, no. 5 (2018): pp. 712-737, https://doi.org/10.1111/ rest.12537. 6

Painting of Lady Jane Grey, an English noblewoman, wearing a farthingale (circa 1590-1600); Lady Jane Grey was known as the “Nine Days' Queen”. She was the de facto Queen of England and Ireland from 10 to 19 July 1553 before she was deposed by Mary I of England.7

Katherine Parr (1512-1548), Sixth Queen of Henry VIII, also wearing a farthingale.8

Long Live the Farthingale? To understand how this silhouette was perceived in the coming centuries, it is important to �irst understand its reputation in royal courts, and wider society, during the Tudor period (14851603). As a symbol, the farthingale and its various counterparts represented two things: social status or wealth, and the voices of women. Considering the popularity of sumptuary laws in medieval England, it is unsurprising that clothing was used as one such means of social categorization. These laws were a technique of governance that establishes social groups by assigning rights and prohibitions that made it easier to distinguish people of different status.9 As it stood, garments were one of the most visible re�lections of one’s social category that simultaneously forced them to recognise, accept, and understand their place in society.10 Sumptuary laws were particularly directed at women’s clothing and ornaments, representing the early stages of the over-policing of women’s appearance.11

Farthingales were thus reserved for female members of high society as a symbol of their social status. This was a decree that was somewhat redundant, as materials for such garments could not have been afforded by regular subjects of the time either. Furthermore, as it grew more popular during the 17th century, farthingales came to be regarded as stately and grand, as its size increased a woman’s visibility in court. This increasing visibility would predictably draw criticism from men, many of whom expressed fear that the 7

‘Lady Jane Grey’, National Portrait Gallery, accessed 14 July 2021, https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/ portrait/mw113910/Lady-Jane-Grey. 8

‘Katherine Parr’, National Portrait Gallery, accessed 14 July 2021, https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/ portrait/mw01957/Katherine-Parr. 9

Alexander Maxwell, Patriots against Fashion: Clothing and Nationalism in Europe's Age of Revolutions (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015). 10

Ibid.

farthingale and its size created a female-dominated sexual and social space which they could neither share nor control.12 Most importantly, at the root of this fear was the threat men felt towards their authority in court, even though occupying such physical spaces was the very symbol of status and wealth. These sentiments subsequently led to future monarch James I attempting to place a ban on the farthingale at court events, which was followed by other male monarchs taking measures to also ban or at least limit its size.13 However, the fact that farthingales continued to be worn despite these attempts, by none other than James I’s wife Queen Anne (16651714) herself, proves the potential for this garment to act as a symbol of the persistent �ight for female agency.14

Growing distaste within the court would eventually trickle down into wider society, with the farthingale becoming a favourite subject of satirists who conveyed their opinions on the extravagance of the garment through caricature.15 These narratives did not solely impact the popularity of this iconic silhouette, but the processes of historical reconstruction as well. The lack of many surviving farthingales, and their exaggerated descriptions in accounts written mostly by men, have contributed to an unreliable understanding of the garment and the depth of its impact. While Catherine’s introduction of the farthingale served to consolidate her power and authority, the complex stream of reactions that followed highlights the impact that this iconic silhouette had on the social life of women in court and on historical narratives.16 The farthingale’s position in the relationship between fashion and sociopolitical ideas can in a sense be seen as ironic, because while it was introduced to English court by Catherine, its symbolic value was both ultimately af�irmed and dismantled by male voices and opinions. The spatial anxieties that were at the root of this would continue to be re�lected in the future iterations of this garment.

Out with the Farthingale, in with the Crinoline As the farthingale grew more popular and became more common through its subsequent variants, �irst the pannier in 18th century French court, followed by the crinoline in mid-19th century Victorian England, it drew more attention from members of civil society. This created discourse that would bring to attention the impact of not only the size of this popular silhouette, but also of its extravagance.

member of society, regardless of class. This accessibility led to it being worn both by women of upper society as well as their maids, despite its centuries long reputation as being a marker for upper-class wealth and status.18 The blurring of class lines by a prominent indicator of status naturally created controversy, as re�lected in publications from this era.

One of the most popular versions of this silhouette is the crinoline, which was introduced to English society in the �irst decades of the 19th century. By the summer of 1856, a metal version was introduced, and it proved to be a revolutionary improvement as it ful�illed the growing desire for a wider silhouette in skirts without impeding movement or causing discomfort, as with earlier models of the crinoline.17 The material of this version also meant that it was accessible to every

Alison Gernsheim, Victorian & Edwardian Fashion: A Photographic Survey (New York: Dover Publications, Inc, 1963). 18

Ibid.

‘Caricature Showing a Lady Scolding Her Maid for Wearing a Crinoline’, Punch, 1862, accessed 14 July 2021, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crinoline#/media/ File:Maid_and_mistress_in_crinoline._Punch_Almanack_for_ 1862-2.png. For note: the cartoon is published in Punch sometime between 1858 and 1864, the containing volumes are made available on Google Books.

Ibid.

Anne of Denmark, Queen of England,” Paine Art Center and Gardens, accessed July 13, 2021, https:// www.thepaine.org/portfolio/queen-anne/. 15

Ibid.

Caption reads: CRINOLINE FOR DOMESTIC USE. Missus. “Mary! Go take off that thing, directly! Prat, are you aware what a ridiculous object you are!”19

everything to do with limiting their agency and autonomy. The virulent responses to the same silhouette across the centuries, and their similarity to contemporary responses to women’s fashion therefore also reveals the potential for clothing to be an effective icon of challenge in the history of gender and femininity. We will continue to see this close relationship between fashion, history, and politics evolve and shape society as trends change over time.

Cindy, ‘The Broke Costumer: The Punch Magazine Snail Lady’, The Broke Costumer (blog), 16 February 2016, https://brokecostumer.blogspot.com/2016/02/the-punchmagazine-snail-lady.html. From the Punch cartoon archives. 21

Alison Gernsheim, Victorian & Edwardian Fashion: A Photographic Survey (New York: Dover Publications, Inc, 1963).

Caption reads: Mr Tremble Borrows a hint from his wife’s crinoline, and invents what he calls his “Patent Anti-Garotte Overcoat,” which places him completely out of harm’s reach in his walks home from the city.20

The other gender-related criticisms also remained with the new iterations of the farthingale and its counterparts. Social reformers in Victorian England, for example, raised the point that the wearing of the crinoline would encourage the concealment of pregnancy, and thus, infanticide.21 Publications also satirised the size of the garment, as literary writers did in the earlier centuries. Examples of which can be seen in the popular Punch magazines, as it frequently published

cartoons depicting the crinoline as excessive and over-the-top, often by exaggerating its size and lack of functionality. Once again, these depictions highlight the discomfort felt by men when women begin to occupy too much public space, heightened by the crinoline becoming visible in regular, everyday life, rather than solely in an aristocratic setting.

Understanding the Icon Through understanding criticisms of women’s fashion choices in centuries past, we are better able to understand its position in society today, particularly in relation to gender and class politics. The impact of the farthingale and its silhouette clearly ampli�ied women’s voices in court, threatening the dominance of male authority such that it warranted criticism so strong that would eventually be carried across the centuries. On the other hand, the crinoline blurred class boundaries and threatened the status quo so much that it was

put out of style. We are thus able to see how the same silhouette can have different meanings over time, with the farthingale having been a challenge to gender norms, while the crinoline was more of a challenge to class norms. Interestingly, despite the fact that these were very stereotypically feminine styles, they had the same effect that pantsuits and shoulder pads have had in the past few decades. This suggests that the criticisms of women’s clothing have nothing to do with their practicality or appearance, and

Douglas Tan Hong Jun | e0406466@u.nus.edu

Vive La Revolution: The AK-47 and the Fight for Freedom

The AK-47 is undoubtedly the one weapon most likely to be associated with revolutionaries in the twenty-�irst century. As a weapon of war, it was used by Viet Cong guerillas during the Vietnam war against American forces, and in Afghanistan, by Mujahideen freedom �ighters against the Soviets. Time and time again, the weapon has proven its worth in battle in the hands of revolutionary groups.1 In this essay, by examining the unique circumstances surrounding the conception, production, and later, usage of AK-47s, I trace how the AK-47’s status as an icon of revolution came about and how it continues to be reaf�irmed. The initial conception and spread of the AK-47 by the Soviets laid the groundwork for the weapon’s modern iconic status. However, it was the continued usage of the AK-47 by revolutionary groups that testi�ied, and concurrently, continually perpetuated the AK-47’s status as the cultural icon of revolution it is today.

The Creation From its inception, the AK-47 was touted as a weapon made chie�ly for defence against foreign aggressors, in line with the ideology of smaller revolutionary groups struggling against foreign aggressors. Its inception myth is that the Avtomat Kalashnikova ri�le was developed in 1947 by General Mikhail Kalashnikov of the Soviet Red Army.2 The ri�le’s creator, Kalashnikov was a common soldier who had been wounded while defending the Soviets from the Germans in what they called the ‘Great Patriotic War’ – more commonly known as World War II.3 The model number, ‘47’, is derived from the year when the ri�le design was completed. The Soviets saw and seized the opportunity to bolster the AK-47’s reputation by framing the AK-47 as a weapon crafted by a wounded soldier out of his earnest desire to defend his motherland.4

This Soviet narrative – that the AK-47 represented the ordinary soldier’s desire to defend their homeland – laid the foundations for the weapon to be seen as a symbol of local resistance against foreign aggressors. This symbolism was later reinforced by the AK’s usage by Vietcong guerillas and Afghan Mujahideen freedom �ighters, as well as guerilla �ighters in many con�licts following the dissolution of the Soviet bloc. Future revolutionaries who wielded the gun carried on the revolutionary legacy and symbolism created by the Soviets, keeping its spirit of revolution alive even until modern times. 1

A revolutionary group is, broadly, a group that aims to shape and transform society through the use of revolution or armed struggle to reform the social and political landscape of their society. For a more thorough de�inition, refer to Stathis N. Kalyvas, "Is ISIS a Revolutionary Group and If Yes, What Are the Implications?" in Perspectives on Terrorism 9, no. 4 (2015): 42-43, http://www.jstor.org/ stable/26297413. 2

The ‘Red Army’ refers to the military of the Soviet Union.

The ‘Great Patriotic War’ here is used by the Soviets to describe the Second World War. 4

The “truth” however, is slightly different. The AK-47 was a group project, with Kalashnikov working with a team of designers and engineers, some of whom later disputed the narrative that Kalashnikov was responsible for the key design features which later gave shape to the AK-47. Due to Soviet propagandists and censorship molding the narrative, and also modi�ications to the statements that different parties involved made at different points, a unitary narrative of the development of the AK-47 proves impossible.

90° 75° 45° 15° 0° 45

The Spread The question is then, how exactly did such diverse revolutionary groups come to wield the AK-47? The answer to this lies in the affordability, effectiveness, and availability of the AK-47. The affordability of the AK-47 ri�le made the gun a favoured choice for revolutionary groups, especially those short of funding. During the Cold War, the Soviets passed on the designs and production capabilities for the AK-47s to other communist states, such as North Korea and China, as part of their diplomatic strategy.5 As command economies, their governments were able to enforce high production levels of AK-47 ri�les, even if demand for the ri�les did not match up, creating a surplus of AK-47s and related weaponry.6 Consequently, the price of AK-47s became relatively cheaper than most other conventional arms, while remaining largely constant over the years - the average price of an AK-47 in 1990 was 448 US dollars, while the price in 2005 was 534 US dollars. This increased their value as a weapon of choice for revolutionary groups operating on limited funding or needing a large quantity of the same weapon in a short time.

All countries Observations per period

1990

1995

2000

2005

448

425

559

534

106

101

Fig 1: Global average price of an AK-47 ri�le (in USD)7

The low cost of the AK-47 ensured that the ri�le saw widespread battle�ield use, even up until today. The price of the AK-47 became especially signi�icant as revolutionary groups often operate against state militaries and hence, lack the same access to funds and resources these state militaries possessed. This led them to seek alternate, price-friendly weapons, among which the AK-47 ranks as one of the most effective. Beyond its low cost, the rugged effectiveness of the AK-47 also made the weapon a prime choice for revolutionaries. In the AK-47, the bolt-carrier and gas piston mechanisms in the ri�le are fused, making the ri�le easier to maintain, with fewer parts requiring disassembly and cleaning. The combined bolt-carrier and piston also have the added effect of being heavier than traditional �iring systems, giving it the force to sweep aside debris within the �iring chamber. This translates to better

performance on the battle�ield, with the AK-47 boasting of a jamming rate of 1 out of 1000 rounds �ired, compared to 2 out of 1000 rounds �ired for the M-16s, used by American forces in Vietnam.8 The AK-47’s lower requirement for maintenance and reliability of �ire made it an ideal choice for revolutionary groups. The AK-47 could be used in the harshest conditions and with the least amount of training necessary. As such, it enabled revolutionary groups, reliant on unskilled recruits �ighting guerilla campaigns, to quickly build up an effective body of �ighters. 5

Ibid.

Phillip Killicoat, “Weaponomics: The Global Market For Assault Ri�les,” (Post-Con�lict Transitions Working Paper No. 10, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 4202, 2007), 21. 8

prices.10 This happened alongside continued production of AK-47s, increasingly deluging the arms market with excess stocks of AK-47s. It is estimated that as many as 100 million AK-47s have been made in total - 1 ri�le for every 70 people of the world’s population. The low price, high availability and ef�icacy of the weapon made it ideal for use by small groups of revolutionaries who require as many effective weapons for as low a cost as possible. Consequently, the widespread usage of AK-47s by many revolutionary movements, such as the Hezbollah movement, reinforced the association between the gun and the idea of revolution.

Manisfestations

Average Price - All Countries Year Ending

After the Cold War, the AK-47 became even more popular as the availability of AK-47 ri�les and ammunition sky-rocketed following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This availability is a consequence of Cold War-era Soviet policy, which used the provision of ri�le designs and manufacturing capacities to secure friendships or gain in�luence. In particular, the AK-47 had been the standard weapon of choice for Warsaw pact satellite states, as the Soviets aimed to increase the uniformity of equipment amongst these forces.9 Following the dissolution of the Eastern European Soviet Bloc, the respective successor states took control of the stockpiles of AK-47 arms left behind. These states then made many of these AK-47s available for sale on the global market, at low

Eric Sof, “M16 Vs AK-47: Which One Is Actually Better?” Spec Ops Magazine, accessed April 8, 2021, https://specialops.org/m16-vs-ak-47-history-of-excelence/.

That the AK-47 was an excellent weapon with a low cost and high availability, however, is not suf�icient to explain its signi�icant association with the idea of revolution. To many revolutionary groups, the AK47 has become a symbol of their calling. Its status as an icon of revolution has made it a de�ining feature of revolutionary groups, allowing them to �ind their place within a greater legacy of revolution. Its continued usage by revolutionary groups over time has made the weapon the individual �ighter’s bridge to a wider tradition of freedom �ighters, bolstering his sense of belonging and belief in a wider purpose. For instance, the Hezbollah movement, which is based primarily in Lebanon and engages in armed revolution against the state government in Lebanon, makes extensive use of AK-47s for its militant �ighters. Speaking to his recruits, a Hezbollah instructor described the AK-47:

“It is the weapon most shahids [martyrs] carried to the field. I want you to think of your weapon as Sha’er [symbols] and as Zakariyat [remembrance]. Your weapon is your connection to shahids.”11

Through the AK-47 in his hand, the individual �ighter connects to the legacy of the shahids of his movement. Just as they wielded the AK, he wields the AK. The weapon links him to his fellow �ighters and their predecessors, reminding him of why they fought, why he �ights. The �ighter is constantly aware of the legacy of freedom �ighters who have wielded the weapon before him. More than just a weapon, the AK-47 holds a symbolic signi�icance for the revolutionary �ighters carrying it into battle.

The Enduring Legacy

Fig 2: Saddam’s Gold-Plated AK-4712

Beyond being used by revolutionary groups, the AK-47’s status as an icon of revolution is further testi�ied and perpetuated by its usage by modern states or larger organisations. For instance, the AK47 in the National Flag of Mozambique, which represents the desire of its citizens to defend their land, pays tribute to the struggle Mozambique underwent following its independence.13 Before imposing some semblance of order in the country, the government had to tide through a turbulent post-independence period, as Mozambique experienced a series of civil wars in the twentieth century.14 Read in this context, the AK-47 on the �lag of Mozambique represents the willingness that the people of Mozambique displayed, in shedding blood in pursuit of a better social order, through revolution. Also noteworthy is the fact that one of Dictator Saddam Hussein’s signature weapons was a goldplated AK-47. Saddam had risen to power in Iraq following a revolution in 1968 that led to him becoming the de facto leader in Iraq.15 The weapon was allegedly a gift from his son - that Saddam’s son thought it �itting to gift his father, who had come to power through a revolution, with the AK-47, testi�ies to the high regard with which the AK-47 was held. The ownership of a gold AK-47 for Saddam was a co-option of a powerful icon of revolution, especially potent as his main adversary was the west, seen as a foreign interloper in the region. Saddam’s possession of a gold AK-47 could be seen to his people as representing his will to stand against foreign interlopers, in defence of his homeland. In accordance with the Soviet narrative mentioned previously, his ownership of the gold AK-47 could be read as an attempt to draw upon

the legacy of a revolutionary struggle against foreign domination. Saddam’s possession of a goldplated AK-47 stands testament to the AK-47’s status as a prominent weapon of revolution, demonstrating that by the twenty-�irst century, the AK-47 has already achieved its place as the icon of revolution it is.

More than a simple weapon, the AK-47 has become a universal icon for freedom �ighters everywhere. Originally widely distributed as part of Soviet Cold War diplomatic policy, the ri�le remains readily available in the modern era. Continued usage of the weapon by revolutionary groups, owing to its availability and effectiveness, enables later generations of �ighters to see themselves as �ighting for the same reasons as their predecessors. This bestows the AK-47 with the ability to connect freedom �ighters across cultures and times, a common expression of their desire to be freed from tyranny and foreign in�luence. Disparate groups of freedom �ighters operating in different regions and times were connected by their common desire for a better future, manifested through the weapon they used. Even though almost seventy years have passed since its conception, the continued usage of the AK-47 by revolutionary forces in both the past and present has perpetuated its status as an icon of revolution. It is not an icon bound to the past, but rather, it symbolizes these groups’ desires for a better tomorrow.

C. J. Chivers, “Everyman’s Gun,” MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History 23, no. 2 (Winter 2011): 54. The Warsaw pact satellite states refers to the states in Eastern Europe within the Soviet Union’s sphere of in�luence. 10

Chivers, The Gun, 365-369.

Ibid.

INSERT LINK

Michael Wines, “Symbols are important so what does a gun symbolize?” The New York Times, Oct. 07, 2005, accessed May 22, 2021, https://www.nytimes.com/ 2005/10/07/world/africa/symbols-are-important-sowhat-does-a-gun-symbolize.html 14

Eric Morier-Genoud, Michel Cahen, and Domingos Manuel do Rosário, “Introduction The Civil War in Mozambique: A History Still to Be Written,” in The War Within: New Perspectives on the Civil War in Mozambique, 1976–1992, (Boydell & Brewer, 2018), 1. 15

Joseph Sassoon, “The Rise of the Baʿth Party,” in Saddam Hussein's Ba'th Party: Inside an Authoritarian Regime, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 31-32. doi:10.1017/CBO9781139042949.005. 16

Sharon Weinberger, “Ultimate War Trophy: Saddam's Gold-Plated AK-47,” Wired, September 31, 2007, accessed May 02, 2021, https://www.wired.com/2007/10/best-warbooty/.

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