COVER STORY The new student radicalism: will Molnárfi’s mission overcome an uphill battle?

David Wolfe

Following a landslide victory in February’s students’ union elections, László Molnárfi expressed optimism for the forward momentum of the student movement:

“In 3 years we have transformed our movement from an impossibility to an inevitability. It seemed impossible that student radicalism would return to TCDSU. In fact, it was difficult advocating in opposition, and those who did were made to feel unwelcome. However, the results of this election represent a return to traditional student syndicalism.”

Indeed, it has been difficult not to notice this shift manifesting itself. Two weeks ago Molnárfi was one of a group of protestors who caused a stir by telling a government minister that he and his party had blood on their hands. Since then, Molnárfi and fellow student radicals have protested against a similar visit to Trinity by Minister Paschal Donohoe, taken part in an occupation of the Department of Housing, and pushed the national students’ union to urge its members to vote against the current coalition government at the next election.

Outside of Trinity, Dublin and other cities have seen increased protest activity;,from the cost of living crisis, to anti-far-right demonstrations, to the housing crisis and end of the eviction ban, as well as environmental action. Mass political agitation is in no short supply. This too against an international backdrop of mass strikes in France, Germany and the UK, and widespread anti-government protests even among the settler population of Israel. As in 1968, student radicalism did not erupt in isolation, but alongside and combined with industrial action and popular mobilisation – an encouraging example for those who wish to see a repeat of such mobilisation in the near future.

However, there is the danger that the extent of radical student energy is being overestimated. Though Molnárfi modestly proclaimed that “this election was not about me”, the excitement of his charismatic campaign may, for many, have outweighed any interest in building a long-term radical movement. Not only that, but at 1,882, the turnout on which Molnárfi’s victory was won represents just around 10% of Trinity’s student population – not a resounding display of enthusiasm for student radicalism. Looking beyond Trinity is further disheartening. UCDSU elections saw a third of candidates drop out before campaigning started, while in the University of Galway, an oversized vote to reopen nominations (RON) beat two of the four candidates, with victory ultimately going to one of two Young Fine Gael veterans left standing by the third count. If there is to be a surge in student radicalism, it appears unlikely to spread beyond the big smoke, at least for now.

That is unless the Union of Students in Ireland (USI) can facilitate this dissemination of radical energy, which, with its newly elected Vice-President for Campaigns, it might. Zaid Albarghouthi, a collaborator of Molnárfi through the TCDSU Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Implementation Group, was elected on a platform of invigorating campaigns and employing direct action that is “not performative” and forms part of a broader strategy.

During his campaign, Albarghouthi repeatedly highlighted the failure to capitalise on the momentum generated by the national student walkout in October, and promised to enact “escalation strategies” for when campaign goals are not met. If this momentum could be recovered – not unthinkable in the context of enormous pressures and challenges facing students – then it is possible that it may be channelled more effectively under new leadership, and targeted towards tangible outcomes..

Part of that leadership is however a somewhat unknown quantity.

Chris Clifford, elected alongside Albarghouthi as USI President for 2023/34, ran on a joke platform, promising to bring back €13 Tesco vodka, a four-day lecture week, and an investigation “into whether Fermanagh is a real county”. Clifford’s track record does indicate genuine passion for the students’ movement, having served two terms as president of MTU Kerry Students’ Union, and one as Education Officer prior to that.

Clifford’s union supported the #NoInPersonExams campaign in 2021, a point which received the commendation of Students4Change, and also boasts one of if not the singular highest turnouts of any students’ union in Ireland (around 35%).

Acknowledging that he had run “a bit of a snuff campaign”, Clifford nevertheless indicated genuine desire to steer USI towards more radical waters: “My top priority is to engage with the students’ unions around the country and to work on general student engagement – they go hand in hand really. I want to be radical about that.”

What will come of this remains to be seen, but there is no doubt that significant pressure will be mounted to keep him on such a course.

Lastly, there is the crucial question at the heart of any campaign: will it be effective? While Students4Change, an “alliance of Marxist and Anarchist students”, has generated significant intrigue and gained a popular profile, there are those who would caution against the oppositional tactics which Molnárfi advocates for, favouring instead the cooperation and constructive conversation methods of previous union presidents. Leah Keogh, TCDSU President of 2021/22, for example, was praised by Minister for Higher Education Simon Harris for her cooperation in amending sections of the HEA Act 2022 to ensure effective student representation at College Board.

There is, no doubt, already significant apprehension at the very thought of Molnárfi entering the College Boardroom in September, conditions which may make College more reluctant to budge when it comes to issues of exams, accommodation, and fees – matters over which it generally has the ultimate decisionmaking authority. The sacrifice of this dynamic makes it all the more crucial that next year’s union builds an alternative form of bargaining power in the form of a united and energised student body willing to fight for change. However, given the myriad of problems which still face students despite engaging in good faith with the powers that be, it is fair to say that there comes a point at which enough is enough – minimal “big picture” progress year after year not only calls for, but demands a change of tactic.

In spite of any doubts, there is evidence that the momentum is building already. Students4Change is quietly infiltrating students’ union structures; Molnárfi himself is no outsider, and at time of writing, a number of its most committed members have put themselves in the running for part-time officerships. But, as they themselves know, the task at hand requires building a coalition that goes far beyond simple governance structures. “Bringing the union back to the grassroots” involves efforts which are less concrete and more demanding in their vagueness, creating not only a union, but a culture in which students wish to participate. While confidence is key to the success of the movement, overconfidence must not lead to the assumption that students will naturally follow. Nevertheless, there is little to show that the coming year will feature anything but tireless commitment from those wishing to achieve these goals, and lack of comprehensive government response to the crises facing students will turn ever more of them towards radical mob. This analysis ends necessarily on a question mark, albeit an optimistic one, which can only hope to be succeeded by a more substantiated optimism 12 months from now.

“All hail, then, to the mob, the incarnation of progress!”