An Image of the American Self Mid-American American Studies Association (MAASA) American Public Cultures: Space, Performance and Identity St. Louis, MO. 2006
American Indian Photographs and National Identity at the Turn of the Century Clara Núñez-Regueiro
Panel: “Camera Obfuscura: Constructing Others and American Identity" This panel proposal is for the 2006 “Annual Meeting of the Mid-America American Studies Association.” The conference is hosted by Saint Louis University in St. Louis, MO, on April 7-8, 2006. The overarching theme of this meeting is “American Public Cultures: Space, Performance, and Identity,” and it aims to offer an arena where ideas about ways in which public life mobilizes cultural resources, and how this function defines and redefines social relations and public experience. This meeting offers an excellent space for our exploration of the interactions between constructions of self and Others, visual culture, identity, and collective experience. The panel looks at ways in which the dichotomy "them/us" was developed in the United States through visual images. The panel explores how, in turn, these images affect/ed American life and culture. Five scholars integrate this panel: Conway-Long, Don. Ph. D. Professor. Webster University. Panel Chair Brownlee, Henry T., Jr. American Studies doctoral student. Saint Louis University. Panelist; “Day Walker : Taxonomy, Teratology, and Hybridity in the Neo-Vampire Film ‘Blade’ .” Li, Zhaochun. American Studies doctoral student. Saint Louis University. Panelist. “Reading Photographs, Reading History: Chinese Women at the Turn of the Twentieth Century in America.” Núñez-Regueiro, M. Clara. American Studies doctoral student. Saint Louis University. Panelist; “False Faces in the Mirror: National Identity and Amerindian Photographs.” Sowinska, Alicja. American Studies doctoral student. Saint Louis University. Panelist; “Remapping Eastern Europe in America: “Us” and “Them” in Photographs.”
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An Image of the American Self: American Indian Photographs and National Identity Key Words: DISCOURSE, IDENTITY, PHOTOGRAPHY, INDIGENOUS
ABSTRACT Constituted as a professionalized discipline in mid-nineteenth century, cultural anthropology created an unbridgeable dichotomy that resulted in the confection of a themus divide. Through an examination of late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century photographs of Native Americans, this paper problematizes the traditional black-white dualism by looking at ways in which an American nation-building discourse about indianness influenced collective experience and identity in the U.S. as the twentieth century drew near. The paper looks at how Euro-American notions and interests and photographic images of Native Americans, interacted to craft westernized representations of the Indian as a nation-defining strategy. I explore photography’s role in the promotion of racial constructions that justified and supported the usurpation of land and natural resources from Native peoples. The notion of a phantom presence in portrayals of Native Americans helped to promote the myth of a vanishing race and a romantic figure of the Indian which Euro-America could appropriate. I explore the various ways in which an expansionist United States capitalized on the artificial representations of noble savages and of an extinguishing red people. As western progress made the Indian threat disappear, photographers crafted an iconography of indianness that was produced for non-Indian eyes. This imagery simultaneously exploited the romantic notion of a white agricultural west and the perceived imminent extinction of native peoples. Millions of Native Americans today, bear witness to inaccuracy of these constructions; yet similar images remain obstinately fixed in the non-Indian American imaginary.
An Image of the American Self: American Indian Photographs and National Identity
Through an examination of late nineteenth and early twentieth-century photographs of Native Americans, this paper looks at ways in which a discourse about Indians and nationhood, influenced collective experience and identity formation in the United States during this period of aggressive territorial expansion and national consolidation. Inspired by such literary works as Henry Longfellow’s The Song of Hiawatha, photographers staged images that fit imaginary models of indigenism. This is not to say that Indian sitters played into their own victimization by ethnographers and photographers. Indeed, Philip Deloria, Alan Trachtenberg and others have shown that, even as they performed westernized versions of themselves for the camera, Amerindians found ways to resist western representations by conferring their own meanings to the performances.1 This paper, however, focuses on the cultural work photographs of American Indians enacted among the non-Indian population. I argue that, aimed at legitimizing territorial expansion, Indian removal policies, and personal gain, conflicting representations and notions about Indians and indianness cohabitated the same national and chronological space, reflecting both the ambiguity of notions whites had about Indians and the fragility of a still developing national self-image in the turn-of the-century decades. At the time, photographers created an iconography of indianness which relied on White semiotic codes and artistic conventions. The images were meant to provoke, in the viewer, specific associations and guided meaning constructions, based on white supremacist othering practices and associations (Figure 1). The non-Indian community mobilized these images in complex ways.
1 See Alan Trachtenberg, Shades of Hiawatha: Staging Indians, Making Americans 1880-1930 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004); Philip J. Deloria, Playing Indian (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998); Michael D. McNally, "The Indian Passion Play: Contesting the Real Indian in Song of Hiawatha Pageants, 1901-1965," American Quarterly 58, no. 1 (March 2005).
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Figure 1. Pahute Indians, The Three Beauties2
As fixers, photographs assisted in the affirmation of white identity, by vesting otherness with visuality (Figures 2-3). In the same way certain chemicals in the darkroom fix the image on to the paper and keep it from fading upon contact with light, photographs of indigenous subjects helped to anchor white identity on to the national discourse. Life in gilded age United States was riddled with angst, stimulated by a dynamically changing social, technological, economic, geographic, and political landscape. Under these anxietyridden conditions, a ruling elite sought to solidify their class and racial ties by constructing the face of the nation in its own image; an image that could stand for its national equivalent. Far from constituting a new aim, however, the creation of a new sense of national self had always been a dream of nation planners.
Figure 2. Nayenezgani – Navaho
Figure 3. Parker-Navaho Squaw3
C.W. Carter, Pahute Indians, the Three Beauties, ca. 1870s. Albumen print, George Eastman House. All images herein reproduced for the purposes of this conference only. 2
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White U.S. citizens envisioned a synergistic meeting of Anglo-Saxon domination and red cultural and geographic legacies, for creating their new “race of Americans” (Figure 4). It is as part of this project that photographs served by inscribing Indians into a national self-image. As early as 1776, Thomas Paine had noted that “We have every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again.”4 Indians were the one presence that set Americas apart from the rest of the world. Their removal from coveted lands was a key not merely for expanding capitalist dominion, but also for the reinvention of American identity as something unique and decisively different from Europe.
Figure 4. Mescalero Apaches with A. J. Curtis 5
In the second half of the nineteenth century, a rising middle class eagerly adopted portrait photography and avidly commissioned, consumed, and circulated images that provided evidence of their accordance with the right social norms and economic status, as well as visual proof of racial difference (Figure 5) . As Andrea Volpe observes, cartes-de-
3 Parker, Navaho Squaw, 1862. Gallop - A & P. R. R./Friz Antique Photography; Edward S. Curtis, Nayenezgani – Navaho, 2003. Cambridge University Press. 4 Thomas Paine, "Appendix," in Common Sense (Philadelphia: Bradford, 1776), paragraph 21. 5 N. Brown & Son, Mescalero Apaches with A. J. Curtis, ca. 1862. The American Museum of Photography.
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visite “capitalized on the bourgeoisie’s interest in self-representation,” and at the height of their popularity in the 1860s, large numbers of images of racialized peoples, including Indians, blacks, and Asians, circulated as cartes-de-visite among white society. 6
Figure 5. Portrait of an Unidentified Girl 7
The amulet function of photographs helped to create the illusion of control –and possession-, which counterbalanced the sense of threat provoked by continuing Indian wars up until 1990. As Tony Bennet observes, the bourgeois obsession with collections, the exotic, and spectacle in this era, was expressed in the explosion of such institutions as public museums, department stores, theatres, and ethnographic expeditions.8 Collectors’ interests both expressed and found a perfect outlet, through such projects as the systematization of the annual census, criminal and health statistics, cataloguing of body
Andrea L. Volpe, “Cartes de Visite Portrait photographs and the Culture of Class Formation,” in Looking for America: The Visual Production of Nation and People, Ardis Cameron ed. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005), 43 7 Louis Walker, Portrait of an Unidentified Girl, ca 1860. The American Museum of Photography. 8 Tony Bennett, The Birth of the Museum: History, Theory, Politics (New York & London: Routledge, 2003). Bennet proposes that the significant transformation of nineteenth-century museums was that these national institutions opened up to the masses. The museum became arenas for national education projects. For Bennett, the idea of visiting the nineteenth-century public museum as a way to perform social spectacle, enforced new disciplinary and behavioral management technologies upon a middle-class-aspiring working population, 59-88. 6
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types, and an assortment of compilations of natural history and ethnographic works. What better way to understand and control the world than through the fetishistic minimization and collection of its parts? Indeed, Walter Benjamin has noted that mechanical reproduction –including photography- is “a technique of diminution,” a means of possessing that which, for whatever reason, is beyond people’s grasp.9 Photographs had the ability to render the mysterious Indian world into manageable objects which individuals, families, and institutions could own. Photographers like Curtis and Dixon created images of paradisiacal locations that showcased the natural bounty and beauty of the United States (Figure 6).
Figure 6. Before the White Man Came 10
As amulets, certain photographs also served the sympathetic function –in its anthropological connotation –of disarming Indians in various forms (Figures 7-8). Material culture scholar Kenneth Ames’ analysis of body language, suggests that posture was a
Walter Benjamin, One-Way Street and Other Writings, trans. Edmund Jephcott and Kingsley Shorter (London: New Left Books, 1979), 253. 10 Edward S. Curtis, Before the White Man Came - Palm Cannon, 1926. John Andrew & Son. 9
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culturally constructed and highly gendered artifact. Ames argues that sitting was a social performance in the nineteenth century. Conventional masculine sitting positions conveyed dynamism, authority, domination, and freedom.11 In contrast, the men in C.W. Carter’s stereo photographs are seated according to feminine Victorian visual formulations, with hands rigidly placed together or resting on the sitter’s knees. Their expressionless faces sensually gaze back at the male photographer and at the viewer. These feminized images of Indian men who are dispossessed of their warrior-like attitudes, were designed to reaffirm white masculinity.
Figure 7. Beauty Unadorned
Figure 8. Portrait of Native American12
Compare “Navajo Capture” and “Buffalo Bill Cody.” Both subjects are men, they wear hats and hold weapons, and both are fully dressed (Figures 9-10). But in contrast to Cody’s assertive forward-leaning, elbows-out pose, the Navajo man sits stiffly against the back of the chair, his arms wrapped by a blanket that restricts all possibility of motion. The bow and arrow in the first image, cross the sitter’s body in a entirely unthreatening way. They constitute a spectacle of difference rather than instruments of death. Contrastingly, Cody holds his gun, Lucrezia Borgia, in a manner that seems to proclaim his readiness to use it. The gun stands on the floor between Cody’s legs, resembling an oversized phallus that
11 Kenneth L. Ames, Death in the Dining Room & Other Tales of Victorian Culture (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), 185-232. 12 C.W. Carter, Beauty Unadorned - Pahute, ca. 1875. 7.6 x 8 cm. (dome cut) on 8.7 x 17.5 cm. mount (lt. green), George Eastman House; C.W. Carter, Portrait of Native American, ca 1870s. Albumen print, George Eastman House.
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conflates western technology, and white masculinity and dominance, into one element: Cody’s weapon.
Figure 9. Navaho Capture
Figure 10. Buffalo Bill Cody13
Another expression of photography’s disarming function was the rich production of erotic photographs of Indian women in the late nineteen-hundreds (Figures 11-13). As Aleta Ringlero observes, these images of nude or semi-nude women “in ‘come hither’ attitudes or the subject of pornographic intention permeating the nude images” are far from the objective, removed subject of scientific study .14 Racial discourse is as much a declaration of possession as it is a commentary about bodies.
13 Unknown, Navaho Capture, ca, 1880-1890. Photoprint ; 17 x 12 cm, Denver Public Library; ———, Buffalo Bill Cody, Full-Length Portrait, Seated, Facing Left, Holding Rifle, 1903. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, . 14 Aleta Ringlero, “Prairie Pinups: Reconsidering Historic Portraits of American Indian Women,” in Cocco Fusco and Brian Wallis, eds. New York: Abrams, 2003), 183-97.
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Figure 11. Geronimo’s Wife
Figure 12. Pima Beauty
Figure 13. Prairie Pinup15
The statement of ownership inherent in these pictures, seeks not only to strip Indian women of respectability, but in shooting, owning, and viewing the photos at their leisure, both the photographer and the white male viewer for whom the images were intended, symbolically attacked Indian masculinity and power. This is certainly the case for the first image, by photographer Henry Buehman. Pencil markings on the back of the photograph read “Apache Chief Geronimo’s wife.” The woman is not identified by name, but her husband’s history of armed rebellion against the United States made this image an especially powerful symbol of Indian defeat, and therefore of white power, for the late nineteenth century consumer of Indian erotica. Similar to the amulet role of Indian photographs of the period in that they also miniaturized and commoditized Indians, the trophy function of some photographs also satisfied whites’ interest in collecting the exotic. In addition, they provided a means of feeding the public’s curiosity, affirmed white victory over Indians, and sought to punish through humiliation by placing “the enemy” on display. The great number of images of
15 Henry H. Buehman, Apache Chief Geronimo’s Wife, ca. 1883. Collection of Jeremy Rowe Vintage Photography; Henry H. Buehman, Pima Beauty, ca. 1870-1880. cabinet card : albumen ; 17 x 11 cm., Denver Public Library, Western history collection; Will Soule, Untitled, ca. 1867. Albumen print, 7x5 in., Smithsonian Institution, National Anthropological Archives.
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insurgent Indian leaders, like this portrait of Red Cloud, suggests the popularity and marketability of this type of photographs (Figure 14).
Figure 14. Red Cloud-Ogalala16
In 1868, Red Cloud had led an alliance of Lakota Sioux, Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho against the U.S. who was trying to establish a trail across Sioux territory in order to mine gold in Montana. The conflict led to the second Treaty of Fort Laramie, and to Red Cloud’s apprehension.17 Curtis took this photograph after Red Cloud had experienced reservation life for years. Although he continued to struggle to protect and lead his people as a captive, the portrait depicts him as a broken man. The combination of his downwardfacing head, and closed eyes, conveys pain and surrender. The image plants a seed of doubt in the viewer: Is the subject alive? Is he dead? Or has the white man condemned him to a living death? This seems to be the photographer’s message. Geronimo was another favorite trophy subject. He became a great attraction and one of the most widely photographed personages at the 1904 Louisiana Purchase
Edward S. Curtis, Red Cloud-Ogalala, c1905. brown ink ; 46 x 34 cm, John Andrew & Son. Jeffrey Ostler, The Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 316. 16 17
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Exposition (Figures 15-16). These images by Charles Carpenter and the Gerhard sisters provided viewers with proof of Geronimo’s captivity. Although he was a prisoner of war at the time, a special government allowance permitted fair organizers to exhibit him on the fairgrounds: a harmless, defeated Geronimo for White Americans to see.
Figure 15. Geronimo
Figure 16. Geronimo at Age 60 Years18
Treaties, reservations, and removal policies remained the preferred strategies for dealing with Indians in the nineteenth century, although armed resistance continued until the massacre, at Wounded Knee creek in 1890.19 The following photographs by the Northwestern Photo Co. are a few of the several images still in existence, which recorded the slaughter of Big Foot’s band of ghost dancers (Figures 17-19). The handwritten description on the first photo reads “Miniconjou Chief Big Foot lies dead in the snow. He was among the first to die on December 29, 1890.” The claim that this Sioux leader was the first victim to fall, confirms the trophy quality of the photograph. It is an affirmation of U.S. military power and superiority over Indians, while simultaneously fixing Big Foot’s demise in the historical record and the viewer’s mind. Although the defeatist theme contradicts the Charles Carpenter, Geronimo, 1904. Field Museum, "Indians at the World’s Fair"; Emme and Mamie Gerhard, Geronimo at Age 60 Years, 1904. Missouri Historical Society. 19 Ostler, 320-36. 18
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mythology of a vanishing race of noble savages, so popular at the turn-of the century, both notions supported and reinforced one another.
Figure 17. Chief Big Foot's Death20
Figure 18. View of the Wounded Knee Massacre
Figure 19. Burial of the Dead at Wounded Knee21
It is difficult to understand how the very people who relentlessly sought to destroy Indian life and culture could find a way to claim indianness as a nation-defining strategy.
20 North Western Photo Co., Miniconjou Chief Big Foot Lies Dead in the Snow. He Was among the First to Die on December 29, 1890, 1890. Smithsonian Institution, National Anthropological Archives. Image reproduced also in Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 153; Jeffrey Ostler, The Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 336. 21 Unknown, Burial of the Dead at the Battlefield of Wounded Knee, S.D., Dec. 1890. Library of Congress.
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Yet many did genuinely lament what they believed was the imminent extinction of “true” Indian nations. Capturing their essence before they disappeared became paramount as the twentieth century drew near. Cultural planners and producers utilized vanishing race imagery as emblems, figures to be revered and venerated as symbols of American nationhood and exceptionality. Few images produced for the purposes of an official representation of Americanness and projection of this image to the world as a poster created by commission for the 1904 World’s Fair Exhibition in St. Louis (Figure 20). The work, by a French artist, depicts France
Figure 20. 1904 St. Louis World's Fair22
as a white woman. The Indian man who represents the United States, gazes at the woman, his arms around her bare shoulders in an attitude that suggests sensual familiarity and domination. The poster was commissioned by fair organizers and reproduced for the Alphonse Mucha, Exposition Universelle & Internationale De St. Louis (États-Unis) Du 30 Avril Au 30 Novembre 1904, 2003. , Missouri History Museum. 22
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centennial commemoration of the St. Louis World’s Fair. The composition showcases additional elements of national self-representation. The four figures in the corners, which at first sight remind us of the image of Uncle Sam, are actually Indians wearing headdresses. The mechanical wheel and medical clamp stand for U.S. science and technology; the grain seed heads, represent an agrarian economy, as well as life and survival for many Indian nations and frontier whites alike. Photographers like Curtis and Dixon, who enjoyed the financial support of wealthy patrons, undertook their expeditions knowing their works would be published and distributed. The titles they crafted and the images they produced, conjointly narrated the story of extinction these artists labored to articulate, as Curtis’ “Vanishing Race-Navaho” and Dixon’s “Vanishing into the Mists” illustrate (Figures 21-22). In both cases, the photographers’ manipulation of the depth of field, distance to the scenes, and their position with respect to the subjects, created somewhat blurred and clearly faceless images. These photographs do not concern themselves with individuality, which indicates that the shooters valued the compositions’ narrative quality and visual impact, above the images’ ethnographic potential. Photography’s power to exhibit presence beyond the moment of the photo shoot became an effective means for enacting the recovery of the purported Indian ancestry. Visual culture scholars Roland Barthes, Benjamin, and Geoffrey Batchen, have thoroughly studied photography’s inherent capacity to embody a unique jumble of past and present; synchronic death and eternal life.23 They and other scholars note photographers
Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mehcancical Reproduction,” in Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, ed. And intro. Hannah Arendt, trans. Harry Zohn. )New York: Schocken Books, 1969.), 224. For more on the memorial function of photographs, see also Geoffrey Batchen, Forget Me Not: Photography and 23
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Figure 21. Vanishing Race - Navajo
Figure 22. Vanishing into the Mists24
capitalized on the aura inherent in the medium, and on the way it could effectively generate revere and sentimentalism by accentuating the images’ ghostly presence in formulaic ways: the play of lights and shadows, the glowing quality of the images, human figures that seem suspended or become almost part of the landscape, and artistic compositional conventions that include geometric spatial distribution and “other-worldly” poses (Figures 23-24).
Remembrance. (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2004), 14. Batchen states that “in these pictures within pictures, the subjects want to draw our attention not only to the image they hold, but also to photography itself as a touchable entity, to the comforting solidity of its memorial function… [and as a possession. This seems to work in opposition to Images of Amerindians where the possessor both claims its own identity and reaffirms his property] Speaking of the act of remembrance, Batchen associates it to a state of revere… [i]nvolving an illogical warm feeling toward the past, a kind of pleasurable sadness, the past has become a profitable commodity. But that doesn’t make nostalgia any less real.” Forget Me Not: Photography and Remembrance. (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2004), 14. 24 Edward S. Curtis, Vanishing Race - Navaho, 1907. brown ink ; 36 x 44 cm [plate size], Cambridge University Press; Joseph Dixon, Vanishing into the Mists, 1913. Indiana University, The Wanamaker Collection of American Indian Photographs. M. Clara Núñez-Regueiro
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Figure 23. Shores of Clear Lake
Figure 24. Alchise - Apache25
The last two images, also by Curtis and Dixon respectively, show men who pose in spiritual attitudes (Figures 25-26). They stand erect, with their chins raised; their eyes have far-away looks that seem to come from unreachable places in time and space. The men are scantily clad, which suggests both the lack of civilization characteristic of the discourse of western progress, and the absence of a need for material possessions. In both cases, the only other element that the photograph clearly focuses is a bovine skull –most likely a bison-, which merges death, the buffalo and indianness into a single semiotic notion.26 Photographic images like these provided gilded age Americans with the artifacts they needed to initiate the national cult of remembrance of an imagined shared past.
25 Edward S. Curtis, On the Shores of Clear Lake, 1924. brown ink ; 35 x 44 cm., Suffolk Engraving Co; Edward S. Curtis, Alchise - Apache, c. 1903. brown ink ; 46 x 31 cm., Boston by John Andrew & Son. 26 Plains Indian cultures subsistence systems depended heavily on buffalo herds. Commercial hunters, Euro-American encroachment on grazing grounds by farmers and ranchers, the railroads, and barbed wire, collectively reduced one-hundred million -conservative estimates- bison were to 34 heads between 1800 and 1900. Ostler, 43, 53, 57-8. Because of their dependence on the buffalo, declining food supplies ultimately devastated the Plains tribes.
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Figure 25. Medicine-Man
Figure 26. Singing to the Spirits27
At the turning decades of the twentieth century these images helped to reinscribe American Indians into a white national discourse in ways that sometimes were contradictory to one another. They affirmed group identity by constructing whiteness in opposition to an Other. They rendered the enemy innocuous by feminizing the men, sexualizing the women, and possessing them both through the photographic artifact. Photographs helped to proclaim armed victories for the nation and visually capture rebellious Indian leaders, thus reenacting their defeat. Cultural organizers used photographs to create national self-representations, while theatrical images of Indians enabled the confection of a mythology of Indian extinction for the purposes of constructing American notions of self with Indian heritage. Furthermore, the vanishing race genre performed a self-celebratory function that suggested photographers’ enlightenment for recognizing the magnificence of indigenous legacies, and contained, in this recognition, a form of forgiveness for past inter-cultural wrongs. Indian and non-Indian America have intertwined intimately since the arrival of the first Europeans to the continent. It is important to bring indianness into the conversation 27
Curtis, vol. 3, plate no. 76. Slow Bull, “Medicine man,” photogravure.
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about race and culture in the United States, and to integrate it into mainstream American studies research and scholarship. As historian Collin Calloway has observed, “American history without Indians is mythology –it never happened.”28 Unlike blacks, Hispanics, and other minorities, however, Indians remain largely excluded from the national consciousness even today. In spite of rhetorical transformations, nineteenth-century conceptions about American Indians continue to inform Indo-European relations, policy making, and mainstream historical and cultural research.
Collin Calloway, First Peoples, A Documentary Survey of American Indian History, 2nd. Ed. (Boston and New York: Bedford/St. Martin, 2004), 9. 28
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Buehman, Henry H. "Apache Chief Geronimo’s Wife." Mesa, Arizona: Collection of Jeremy Rowe Vintage Photography, ca. 1883. __________. "Pima Beauty." cabinet card : albumen ; 17 x 11 cm. Denver, CO: Denver Public Library, Western history collection, ca. 1870-1880. Carpenter, Charles. "Geronimo." Chicago, IL: Field Museum, "Indians at the World’s Fair", 1904. Carter, C.W. "Beauty Unadorned - Pahute." 7.6 x 8 cm. (dome cut) on 8.7 x 17.5 cm. mount (lt. green). Rochester, NY: George Eastman House, ca. 1875. __________. "Pahute Indians, the Three Beauties." Albumen print. Rochester, NY: George Eastman House, ca. 1870s. __________. "Portrait of Native American." Albumen print. Rochester, NY: George Eastman House, ca 1870s. Curtis, Edward S. "Alchise - Apache." brown ink ; 46 x 31 cm. Boston: Boston by John Andrew & Son, c. 1903. __________. "Before the White Man Came - Palm Cannon." In The North American Indian. Boston: John Andrew & Son, 1926. __________. "Nayenezgani – Navaho." In The North American Indian. Cambridge, Mass. : Cambridge University Press, 2003. __________. "On the Shores of Clear Lake." brown ink ; 35 x 44 cm. Cambridge, Massachussetts: Suffolk Engraving Co., 1924. __________.. "Red Cloud-Ogalala." In The North American Indian, brown ink ; 46 x 34 cm. Boston John Andrew & Son, c1905. __________. "Vanishing Race - Navaho." In The North American Indian, brown ink ; 36 x 44 cm [plate size]. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press, 1907. Deloria, Philip J. Playing Indian. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998. Dixon, Joseph. "Vanishing into the Mists." Bloomington, IN: Indiana University, The Wanamaker Collection of American Indian Photographs, 1913. Emme and Mamie Gerhard. "Geronimo at Age 60 Years." St. Louis, MO: Missouri Historical Society, 1904.
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McNally, Michael D. "The Indian Passion Play: Contesting the Real Indian in Song of Hiawatha Pageants, 1901-1965." American Quarterly 58, no. 1 (March 2005): 10536. Mucha, Alphonse. "Exposition Universelle & Internationale De St. Louis (États-Unis) Du 30 Avril Au 30 Novembre 1904." St. Louis, MIssouri: Missouri History Museum, 2003. N. Brown & Son. "Mescalero Apaches with A. J. Curtis." The American Museum of Photography, ca. 1862. North Western Photo Co. "Miniconjou Chief Big Foot Lies Dead in the Snow. He Was among the First to Die on December 29, 1890." Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, National Anthropological Archives, 1890. Ostler, Jeffrey. The Plains Sioux and U.S. Colonialism from Lewis and Clark to Wounded Knee. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Paine, Thomas. "Appendix." In Common Sense, paragraph 21. Philadelphia: Bradford, 1776. Parker. "Navaho Squaw." San Diego, CA: Gallop - A & P. R. R./Friz Antique Photography, 1862. Soule, Will. "Untitled." Albumen print, 7x5 in. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, National Anthropological Archives, ca. 1867. Thornton, Russell. American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1492. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. Trachtenberg, Alan. Shades of Hiawatha: Staging Indians, Making Americans 1880-1930. New York: Hill and Wang, 2004. Unknown. "Buffalo Bill Cody, Full-Length Portrait, Seated, Facing Left, Holding Rifle." Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, , 1903. __________. "Burial of the Dead at the Battlefield of Wounded Knee, S.D.". Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, Dec. 1890. __________. "Navaho Capture." Photoprint ; 17 x 12 cm. Denver, CO: Denver Public Library, ca, 1880-1890. Walker, Louis. "Portrait of an Unidentified Girl." Philadelphia: The American Museum of Photography, ca 1860.
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