The End of Apartheid: A Racial Revolution In South Africa

Drastal 1

The End of Apartheid: A Racial Revolution In South Africa Mason Drastal Civilizations of Africa SIS-250-001H April 12, 2010

Drastal 2

The issue of race relations in South Africa has long been a complex issue involving the unequal distribution of political representation, economic success, and social mobility. The British colonization of the nation embedded a system that propelled the white Europeans’ rights while extensively limiting those of the native Africans. This initial division between the white and black citizens of South Africa was the point that established a strong racial differentiation, and was the platform for future discrimination and ultimately segregation. Segregation even became institutionalized by the government.

Many consequences resulted from the policy of apartheid that subjugated black citizens to an inferior status in all realms of their lives. With no representation, black South Africans were at the mercy of the governing white elite, who freely exercised their power to further advance their wants while limiting black residents access to their needs. After a long and hardfought resistance that was embodied by many countries around the world, the policy of apartheid came to an end in the mid-1990s. Many actors and agents were involved in spawning this change and reshaping South Africa into the more racially harmonious nation it is today.

The roots of segregation and apartheid are deeply interwoven with South Africa’s unique and complex history. Paul Maylam suggests that the roots of apartheid, “...are buried deep in the red soil of the white owned farms, where for some 200 years, before ever South Africa became an urban industrial economy and the word apartheid was thought of, relationships were being forged between white master and black serfs.”1 In the election of 1948, the Afrikaner National

1

Paul Maylam, South Africa’s Racial Past: The history and historiography of racism, segregation, and apartheid (Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2001), 154.

Drastal 3

Party used its policy of segregation, also known as apartheid, as their campaign’s central theme, and implemented it once they assumed political control over the country.2 One of the policies that the party enacted in the 1950s was the “homeland” or bantustan policy. The first part of this was the 1951 Bantu Authorities Act. This legislation established a “...three-tiered authority structure in the reserves at tribal, regional and territorial levels, with government-appointed chiefs in effect becoming the state’s administrative agents in the reserves.”3 However, the most influential act of this policy was the 1959 Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act. The provisions of this act, “...proclaimed the existence of eight African ‘national units,’ each of which was presumed to be ethnically and culturally distinct. These units would have their territorial base in the reserves and would gradually gain greater powers of selfgovernment...”4 By doing this, it was believed that each ‘national unit’ would become selfsustaining over a period of time and ultimately achieve independence from South Africa.

The government had certain objectives in mind while implementing these reforms. These “homelands” were to the areas for the removed Africans to inhabit, as this was a means for the government to break up the African majority into smaller subdivisions that would be easier to control and subordinate. The government also stripped the removed Africans of their South African citizenship and instated a new citizenship based on their bantustan under the 1970 Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act. Between 1960 and 1983, approximately 3.5 million people, who were predominately black, were forcibly relocated and given new identities.5 Additionally, the 2

New Oxford American Dictionary (Oxford University Press Inc., 2005).

3

Paul Maylam, South Africa’s Racial Past: The history and historiography of racism, segregation, and apartheid, 180.

4

Ibid.

5

Ibid., 181.

Drastal 4

government passed the 1952 Native Laws Amendment Act, which introduced restrictions to those who could have permanent residence in urban areas. The conditions that determined this were related to one’s, “...place of birth, duration of residence and employment in a particular urban area.”6 These instated policies created a form of spacial segregation that aided the white minority in maintaining a high degree of influence over the rights of black South Africans.

Another aspect affected by the segregation laws of apartheid was the labor field.

“Industrial conciliation legislation in 1956 and 1959 gave the Minister of Labour effective powers, through an industrial tribunal, to reserve specific jobs for particular race groups.”7 This allowed for whites to have access to a number of reserved jobs, while black Africans were limited with their employment opportunities and social mobility. The government even produced, “...measures prohibiting mixed-race trade unions, outlawing strikes by African workers, and withholding official recognition for African trade unions.”8 However, these eventually caused a labor shortage, and “by the mid-1970s South Africa had begun to suffer from ‘the structural constraints posed by apartheid, with its requirements of duplicate administrations, additional military and police expenditures, restrictions on the growth of domestic markets and skilled labor among blacks, and inefficient investment to offset the oil and arms embargoes.’”9 The government also passed a series of laws that became known as “petty apartheid.”

These measures included the 1949 Prohibition of Mixed Marriages, 1950 Immortality Act, which prohibited sexual relations with someone of a different color, and the Reservation of Separate 6

Ibid., 182.

7

Ibid., 183.

8

Ibid.

9

Kathleen C. Schwartzman and Kristie A. Taylor, "What caused the collapse of apartheid?" Journal of Political and Military Sociology 27, no. 1 (July 1, 1999): 115

Drastal 5

Amenities Act of 1953, which enforced segregation for a variety of public facilities such as restrooms, public transportation, and entrances to public buildings. 10 While apartheid was not an easy or stable system to uphold, four key elements allowed it to continue under the South African government. These elements were, “...the system of racial classification, the state’s repressive apparatus, the apartheid bureaucracy, and racial ideology.”11 A new racial classification system was created with the 1950 Population Registration Act that placed South Africans into one of four racial categories; white, African, colored, or Asiatic. 12 This action firmly reiterated the distinct differences between the various skin colors even though the epistemology of the classification system was extremely inaccurate in identifying one’s racial background. With this categorization some members of a family might receive a racial classification entirely different from their siblings or parents. Despite the lack of validity with this measure, it was still used as a determinant for other forms of apartheid legislation, including access to jobs and education.13 Apartheid legislation affected nearly all aspects of life for black South Africans, and placed their basic human rights in the controlling and manipulative hands of white law makers.

Black South Africans initiated their strong resistance to apartheid nearly four decades before it was finally abolished. Some of the first organized campaigns of resistance occurred in 1952 and 1953 by the African National Congress, or ANC, where black citizens used facilities reserved exclusively for whites. These resulted in the arrest of about 8,000 participants, “...and

10

Ibid., 184.

11

Ibid.

12

Ibid.

13

Ibid., 185.

Drastal 6

black leaders were arrested or banned from political participation.”14 African women also echoed the support for the anti-apartheid movement. The Federation of South African Women held a mass demonstration in 1956 to protest the law that forced black women to carry passes. 15 Another black organization called the Pan Africanist Congress, or PAC, led a ten-day protest on March 21, 1960, where they burned passes and tried to incite the police to arrest the thousands of protesters.16 When roughly 4,000 black protesters, who were willing and expecting to be arrested, marched to the police station in Sharpeville, the police opened fire, killing 69 marchers and wounding 180 more. This later became referred to as the Shapeville massacre. The South African government then responded by enacting a “state of emergency.” It outlawed the ANC and PAC, and arrested thousands of black citizens.

Student activism was also a large movement combating apartheid. One of the first measures in the resistance was the forming of the Youth League of the African National Congress, or ANC, by Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, and other expelled students from Fort Hare College in 1944.17 The Youth League called for national and political freedom, as well as an end to all segregationist laws and white leadership. The most notable incident of student resistance was the Soweto uprising. On the day of June 16, 1976, students held a demonstration in Soweto, a large black township outside of Johannesburg, to protest against a decree that Afrikaans was to be used in half of the curriculum in black schools. To quell the gathering,

14

Toyin Falola, Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2002), 328.

15

Ibid.

16

Ibid., 329.

17

Ibid., 328.

Drastal 7

police teargassed about 15,000 students, killed two people, including a boy named Hector Pieterson, and injured many others.18 This tragic event was infamously captured by Sam Nzima, a photographer for The World, where a distraught man named Mbuyisa Nkita Makhubu is running with the dying Pieterson’s limp, bloody body down a dirt road in search of help.19 Furthermore, Nicholas Ashford, a reporter for The Times, quoted a South African policeman at the shooting where he, “Asked whether the police had first fired into the air he said: ‘No, we fired into the crowd. It’s no good firing over their heads’.”20 This thoughtless statement conspicuously demonstrated to the world the amount of violence and malice with which the government employed in enforcing apartheid.

The Soweto uprising immediately became an important symbol for the anti-apartheid movement. Regionally, it supplied the armed struggle with thousands of new recruits. On the international scale it, “...is often mentioned as initiating a renewed international engagement in South Africa.”21 It also empowered students around the world to actively protest against the South African government; “By spring 1977, students at elite universities from Cambridge to Palo Alto were sitting-in on university buildings, demanding that their schools sell shares in 18

Ibid., 331.

19

Gutenberg-e, “‘I Saw A Nightmare...’ Image Archive,” American Historical Association and Columbia University Press.

20

Håkan Thörn, Anti-Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society, 164.

21

Ibid., 159.

Drastal 8

companies with investments in South Africa or support shareholder resolutions for withdrawal— a demand that would continue to roil American campuses until the mid-1980s, when the federal government imposed national economic sanctions on South Africa.”22 Even two decades after the death of Hector Pieterson, the Soweto uprising was still remembered as an embodiment of the sacrifice endured by black South Africans in their struggle for equality. This helped bring attention to the anti-apartheid movement, and influence others to join the movement.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu played a very active role in ending apartheid. A newspaper article published a letter from Reverend Desmond Tutu to the South African Prime Minister John Vorster, which read: “How long can a people, do you think, bear such blatant injustice and suffering? Much of the white community by and large, with all its prosperity, its privilege, its beautiful homes, its servants, its leisure, is hagridden by a fear and a sense of insecurity. And this will continue to be the case until South Africans of all races are free ... I am writing to you sir, because I have a growing nightmarish fear that unless something drastic is done very soon bloodshed and violence is going to happen in South Africa almost inevitably.”23 Ironically, this was published the morning of the June 16, 1976; the same day as the Soweto shooting.

The international community had a very prominent role in pressuring South Africa to change primarily through trade and investment embargoes. The southern region of Africa was experiencing a large amount of change during the mid-1970s, including the independence of

22

Gay W. Seidman, "Blurred lines: Nonviolence in South Africa," PS, Political Science & Politics (June 1, 2000): 161-167.

23

Håkan Thörn, Anti-Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society, 158.

Drastal 9

Mozambique and Angola. Amid this change, South Africa’s desire to avoid these progressive changes resulted in its isolation from the surrounding area. In response to this, the United Nations imposed an arms embargo on the nation in 1977, and the United States, which had been a partner of South Africa for years, called for a democratic government.24 Even the Soviet Union acted to pressure the African National Congress, or ANC, to make some compromises amid their skirmishes with the South African government from the early to mid-1980’s. 25 South Africa was also pressured by non-governmental organizations, including being indefinitely banned from participating in the Olympic Games in 1960.26 This further enhanced South Africa’s isolation from the rest of the world, and it demonstrated the steadfastness loyalty in the anti-apartheid movement.

International anti-apartheid groups’ influence and actions in conveying support for the abolition of apartheid expanded during the 1980s. One group called the American Committee on Africa, also known as ACOA, allowed for anti-apartheid supporters outside of South Africa to use sanctions and divestment as a means to express their disdain towards the apartheid government.27 “By 1986 over twenty state governments and some institutional investors had been persuaded to divest their pension funds of stocks from companies operating in South Africa.”28 Sanctions also affected the type of investment received, as direct investment was 68

24

Toyin Falola, Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide, 332.

25

Ibid.

26

Ibid., 333.

27

David Hostetter, "An International Alliance of People of All Nations Against Racism”: Nonviolence and Solidarity in the Antiapartheid Activism of the American Committee on Africa,1952–1965," Peace & Change 32, no. 2 (April 2007): 135.

28

Kathleen C. Schwartzman and Kristie A. Taylor, "What caused the collapse of apartheid?" 116.

Drastal 10

percent of total foreign investment in 1970 but dropped to 39 percent by 1984. 29 Multinational banks also damaged the South African economy of when they called in the loans in July 1985 and this, “Restricted access to international investment and lending was an important source of pressure for change.”30 Overall, “Sanctions cost South Africa an estimated 32 billion Rands in foreign loans and investment opportunities and cut the growth rate of the economy in half to a paltry two percent per annum.”31 The international community established a concise, working succession of sanctions that placed South Africa at a definite economic disadvantage with the hope of deliberately provoking an end to apartheid.

An important aspect in the resistance to end apartheid was the utilization of nonviolent tactics. Nonviolence saw a particular increase during the late 1980s. While there were quite a few occurrences where nonviolence was overlooked as a viable option during this period, the importance of this movement should not be undervalued. Dene Smuts, a South African politician and current member of Parliament, said, “Despite the imperfections of nonviolent action when used alongside violence, nonviolent struggle in South Africa has penetrated the spiritual level which Gandhi considered integral to satyagraha.”32 Furthermore, a Zulu chief and ANC leader by the name of Albert Luthuli, “noted how the 1953 Defiance Campaign ‘had succeeded in creating among a very large number of Africans the spirit of militant defiance.’”33

29

Ibid.

30

Ibid., 117.

31

Peter N. Bouckaert, "The negotiated revolution: South Africa's transition to a multiracial democracy," Stanford Journal of International Law 33 (Summer 1997): 380.

32

Dene Smuts and Shuana Westcott, ed., The Purple Shall Govern: A South African A to Z of Nonviolent Action (Capetown: Oxford University Press, 1991), 10.

33

Stephen Zunes, "The Role of Non-Violent Action in the Downfall of Apartheid," Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1999): 162

Drastal 11

Much like the Civil Rights Movement in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s, nonviolence was a critical factor that promoted change without perpetuating the existing violence in country, which claimed roughly ten deaths per day.34 Martin Luther King explained how nonviolence was used to transform the racial conflict in the United States: “The nonviolent approach does not immediately change the heart of the oppressor. It first does something to the hearts and souls of those committed to it. It gives them new selfrespect; it calls up resources of strength and courage that they did not know they had. Finally it reaches the opponent and so stirs his conscience that reconciliation becomes a reality.”35 This method was also effective in the fight against the racial segregation caused by apartheid in South Africa. Archbishop Tutu also was a proponent for nonviolence, and even threatened to leave the country if black South Africans continued using violent tactics, saying that, “‘You cannot use methods to gain the goal of liberation that our enemy will use against us.’”36 He understood that while violence could be used to attain power, it would inhibit the type of peace that was necessary for the country and its sustainability.

There were a few advantages to using nonviolence tactics as well. It maximized the participation of black South Africans to actively participate in the resistance more than any guerilla army would have.37 Nonviolence allowed for boycotts, strikes, and demonstrations without the threat of anti-apartheid leaders being arrested by police, or sparking immediate police brutality.38 It also allowed black citizens to not be perceived as threatening nor as violent 34

Dene Smuts and Shuana Westcott, ed., The Purple Shall Govern: A South African A to Z of Nonviolent Action, 10.

35

Ibid., 7.

36

Stephen Zunes, "The Role of Non-Violent Action in the Downfall of Apartheid," 165.

37

Ibid., 162.

38

Gay W. Seidman, "Blurred lines: Nonviolence in South Africa," 164.

Drastal 12

savages to the white minority, which they were previously believed to be.39 A large variety of nonviolent tactics were used against the South African government to induce a change. These included, “...hunger strikes that ended the mass use of the system of detention without trial [and]...the beach protests that showed up the injustice of segregation and the outrageousness of police action.�40 A large proponent of the nonviolence movement was a black South African man by the name of Stephen Biko. Biko was born into an average income family on December 18, 1946.

He began to realize the injustice done to him and other black South Africans. His first experience resenting white authority was in 1963 when he was interrogated and expelled from Lovedale High School after attending it for three months. At the same, his brother was sent to jail for being in the Pan-African Congress military wing.41 Biko entered the University of Natal in 1966, and there he came to the conclusion that multiracial organizations would not be successful in bringing equality to black South Africans. From this deduction he began to develop his own theory of empowering black South Africans to see themselves in a new perspective.

This became known as Black Consciousness. In July 1969, Biko was elected the president of the South African Students Organization, or SASO, which used Black Consciousness as a platform to drive the group.42 He began to incorporate this theory in all his actions dealings with the resistance, and caused a dramatic shift in the black consciousness.

39

Ibid., 165.

40

Dene Smuts and Shuana Westcott, ed., The Purple Shall Govern: A South African A to Z of Nonviolent Action, 9.

41

Cathy Barrett, "Peace profile: Stephen Biko." Peace Review 8, no. 4 (December 1996): 585-590.

42

Ibid.

Drastal 13

Biko wanted not only to physically free black Africans from white domination, but liberate their minds from white corruption as well. This is because, “The years of repression lulled Blacks into believing they could do nothing about their situation except to hope for White benevolence.”43 Furthermore, he believed that in order to correct the negative self-image of black citizens that connections with whites needed to be cut. Biko explained that the problem with integration was that it is: “...based on exploitative values in a society in which the Whites have already cut out their position somewhere at the top of the pyramid. It is an integration in which Blacks will compete with Blacks, using each other as stepping stones up a steep ladder leading them to White values. It is an integration in which the Black man will have to prove himself in terms of these values before meriting acceptance and ultimate assimilation. It is an integration in which the poor will grow poorer and the rich richer in a country where the poor has always been Black.”44 Black Consciousness was a means to breaking the chains of white oppression by creating pride and unity within the black community. Biko even suggested rewriting history books to include previously omitted famous black figures to provide affirming evidence of black greatness. After leaving the University of Natal in 1972 to become fully committed to his cause, he decided to join the Black Community Programmes, or BCP, in Durban. A series of strikes in Durban occurred in the first few months of 1973, and were blamed as being results of the Black Consciousness Movement. The response of the government was a swift one; it banned eight

43

Ibid.

44

Ibid.

Drastal 14

Black Consciousness leaders, including Biko.45 This meant that, “...he could not converse with more than one person at a time; he could not work within the organizations he helped found; and his works and image could be neither published nor distributed.”46 In another case, thirteen leaders, excluding Biko, were detained following a police clash in 1974, and were charged under the Terrorism Act in the beginning of 1975.47 This demonstrates the extent of the white government’s fear of a coup d'état by the black majority as well as the lengths taken to prevent a change of power.

Things took a drastic turn for Biko on August 18, 1977. As he and a colleague were traveling from King William’s Town district to Cape Town they were stopped by the police.

They took them into custody since Biko “..was not only in violation of his banning order but the police had ‘received information that inflammatory pamphlets were being distributed inciting Blacks to cause riots.’”48 While it was thought that he would be released on the payment of bail, it was discovered that Biko was detained and being interrogated. On September 12, 1977, it was announced that he had died while in police custody from a “brain injury.”49 While the authorities claimed that he died while performing a hunger strike, in actuality the autopsy stated that, “Mr. Biko died of a massive brain hemorrhage due to blunt trauma on the left side of his head.”50 Over 15,000 mourners were at his funeral, and senior diplomatic representatives from thirteen

45

Ibid

46

Shannen Hill. "ICONIC AUTOPSY: Postmortem Portraits of Bantu Stephen Biko." African Arts 38, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 16.

47

Cathy Barrett, "Peace profile: Stephen Biko."

48

Ibid

49

Ibid

50

Shannen Hill. "ICONIC AUTOPSY: Postmortem Portraits of Bantu Stephen Biko." 14.

Drastal 15

Western states were sent to pay their condolences. The South African Government then instated a ban on all Black Consciousness organizations on October 19, 1977. 51 Stephen Biko was an integral leader in the struggle for black empowerment and lost his life in the hopes of ending the apartheid system. Biko’s legacy lives on as blacks in South Africa and across the world have overcome mental oppression by whites, and now take pride in themselves and their culture.

The most distinguishable individual associated with the apartheid resistance is Nelson Mandela. Mandela was a part of the resistance to apartheid since 1944 when he and some other students formed the ANC. His philosophy for ending apartheid was to create a multiracial democracy where white and black South Africans lived harmoniously together, which differed from Biko’s theory of Black Consciousness. In 1962, Mandela was arrested for leaving the country without a government approved passport. During the trial from December 1963 to July 1964, Mandela defended himself, demonstrated how peaceful methods did not work for him, and closed by saying: “During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve.

But if needs be it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”52 He was then sentenced to life imprisonment, and spent a majority of his sentence at the prison on Robben Island.

51

Cathy Barrett, "Peace profile: Stephen Biko."

52

Toyin Falola, Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide, 329.

Drastal 16

Mandela was finally released after President Frederik Willem de Klerk announced the “...unbanning of the ANC and other major black organizations, the unconditional release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, and the formulation of a new constitution that would allow blacks to vote.”53 After being freed, Mandela saw a chance to end apartheid and didn’t change his stance on armed struggle, stayed committed to the ANC, and asked the international community to maintain the sanctions against South Africa. Mandela then ran in the presidential election under the newly created ANC political party. After a series of negotiations initiated by Mandela between the ANC and the National Party, the two parties agreed to hold the first democratic election on April 27, 1994.54 The election was held, the ANC won 62.65 percent of the votes, and on May 10, 1994, Nelson Mandela became the president of South Africa, thereby ending apartheid indefinitely.55 This was the ultimate symbol of equality between the black and white South Africans, and marks the starting point for South Africa’s bright future.

Apartheid was a manipulative tool that used legislative measures to segregate the different races in South Africa and allow the white minority to stay in power. For many decades, policies such as the “Homeland System” and petty apartheid successfully oppressed black South Africans to an inferior existence. However, this changed when the anti-apartheid movement witnessed the unification of black citizens, students, and even the international community in ending this heinous form of inequality. There was much violence and sacrifice throughout this period of liberation, including the deaths of Steve Biko and the young Hector Pieterson. Despite this bloodshed, nonviolence tactics also contributed heavily to the transformation of an apartheid

53

Ibid., 332.

54

Ibid., 333

55

Ibid.

Drastal 17

government to a free multiracial democracy. Steve Biko, Nelson Mandela, Archbishop Tutu, and the other leaders of the apartheid resistance led their compatriots to national, universal freedom, and proved to the world that South Africa truly believes in its motto, “Unity In Diversity.�

Drastal 18

Bibliography Barrett, Cathy. "Peace profile: Stephen Biko." Peace Review 8, no. 4 (December 1996): 585-590.

Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed March 28, 2010).

Bouckaert, Peter N. "The negotiated revolution: South Africa's transition to a multiracial democracy." Stanford Journal of International Law 33, (Summer 1997): 375-411.

Academic Search Premier, LexisNexis Academic (accessed March 28, 2010).

Falola, Toyin. Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2002.

Gutenberg-e. “‘I Saw A Nightmare...’ Image Archive.” American Historical Association and Columbia University Press. http://www.gutenberg-e.org/pohlandt-mccormick/archive/ detail/DSCN0000.jpg.html (accessed March 28, 2010).

Hill, Shannen. "ICONIC AUTOPSY: Postmortem Portraits of Bantu Stephen Biko." African Arts 38, no. 3 (October 1, 2005): 14-25,92-93,95. http:// www.proquest.com.proxyau.wrlc.org/ (accessed March 28, 2010).

Hostetter, David. "An International Alliance of People of All Nations Against Racism”: Nonviolence and Solidarity in the Antiapartheid Activism of the American Committee on Africa,1952–1965." Peace & Change 32, no. 2 (April 2007): 134-152. Academic Search Alumni Edition, EBSCOhost (accessed March 28, 2010).

Maylam, Paul. South Africa’s Racial Past: The history and historiography of racism, segregation, and apartheid. Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2001.

Drastal 19

Schwartzman, Kathleen C., and Kristie A. Taylor. "What caused the collapse of apartheid?" Journal of Political and Military Sociology 27, no. 1 (July 1, 1999): 109-139. http://www.proquest.com/ (accessed March 28, 2010) Seidman, Gay W. "Blurred lines: Nonviolence in South Africa." PS, Political Science & Politics, June 1, 2000, 161-167. http://www.proquest.com.proxyau.wrlc.org/ (accessed March 28, 2010).

Smuts, Dene, and Shauna Westcott, ed. The Purple Shall Govern: South African A to Z of Nonviolent Action. Capetown: Oxford University Press, 1991.

Thรถrn, Hรฅkan. Anti-Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

Zunes, Stephen. "The Role of Non-Violent Action in the Downfall of Apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1999): 137-169. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed March 28, 2010).