Ubuntu in urban life - Marah Wagner

Ubuntu in urban life A research on the influence of urbanization on collective values in Tema Manhean, Ghana

Marah Wagner

Ubuntu in urban life A research on the influence of urbanization on collective values in Tema Manhean, Ghana MSc Architecture, Delft University of Technology

Marah Wagner 4351258 m.wagner@student.tudelft.nl Tutor: Dr.ir. H. Sohn Final version January 2019 Semester 1, 2018/2019

Abstract: During the last decades, the political and economic system of Ghana has embraced the individualistic neoliberal doctrine with a result of rapid urbanization. The collective values which are central in the African philosophy of Ubuntu are in contrast with this political and economic shift. This thesis analyses if the influences of this doctrine are reflected in the collective values of Ghanaian urbanites and how this becomes visible in socio-spatial perspective. This thesis analyses the concepts of urbanization and the philosophy of Ubuntu, then it clarifies these concepts by projecting them on the situation of Tema Manhean in Ghana. This former traditional fishing village is now part of an extensive urban network. It will be argued that its inhabitants’ collective values used to be based on the extended family and the traditional compound housing, however, in the current city this focus has moved due to the characteristics of urbanization. An urban version of Ubuntu is now present in Tema Manhean and Ghana in general, which is still based on the strong collective values but now centred around larger and more complex social networks.

Keywords: Ubuntu, Urbanization, Collective, Neoliberalism, Community, Informal housing, Tema, Ghana, African philosophy 1

Table of Contents Introduction............................................................................................................................................. 3 Urbanization of Ghana ............................................................................................................................ 6 Ubuntu and Ghana’s urbanites ............................................................................................................. 11 Case study: Tema Manhean .................................................................................................................. 17 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 23 Endnotes:............................................................................................................................................... 26 Bibliography........................................................................................................................................... 27

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Introduction African philosophy is rooted in the tradition of kinship, not only biological kinship but, if not more important, social kinship (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 13–18). Social kinship is very important in Africa, in that it determines one's humanity. Humanness is “The condition or quality of being human” (‘Humanness dictionary definition, 2018). Described in the Zulu language as Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu; this means that a human being can only be human through the humanity of other humans (Haenen, 2018, pp. 51–52). Zulu is a South-African language and this phrase became famous by Mandela and Desmond Tutu as part of their anti-apartheid activism (Haenen, 2018). The best known name for this philosophy is therefore the Zulu word Ubuntu1. This term will be utilised throughout this thesis to indicate the aforementioned African philosophy. The values which are central to this philosophy, will be referred to as collective values. Ubuntu will be studied in this thesis in relation to the neighbourhood Tema Manhean, in the South of Ghana. In the 1960’s this neighbourhood was still a small traditional fisher village. Now it is part of the densely populated urban network of Greater Accra.

The definition of urbanization is “an increase in a population in cities and towns versus rural areas” (‘Urbanization dictionary definition, 2018). In 2010 Ghana's population counted more than 24.6 million people, with an annual growth rate of 2.5%. At that point, for the first time in history, there were more urban than rural citizens, with the slight majority of 50,9 % of Ghanaians living in the city.

In 1931 the urban population was only 9.4 % and in 1960 23,1 %, which means that the percentage urban population has more than doubled over the last 50 years (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014b). As the population in general is growing and the number of people living in the city is growing, it means an intensive pressure on the city in terms of housing.

An important reason for the growing population rate in cities lies in the changes in economic model (Davis, 2006, p. 14) (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018). Since independence in 1957, the first President, Kwame Nkrumah believed in a state-led economic model. However, the external debt of the country kept growing and when the President was deposed the debt reached a total of $400 million (Haug, 2014). The state was forced to opt for the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) offered by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in the early 1980s and receive financial help. To adhere to the SAP, Ghana implemented free market policies and national markets were deregulated.

Farmers had difficulty to compete to the foreign traders and poverty led many rural residents decide to move to cities (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018).

It has been argued that instead of helping a country, SAP is a neo-colonial model which forces developing countries to obey “Western” regulation. This structure thus favors “Western” countries, 3

instead of the country itself. During the end of the 20th century, many countries globally chose to shift to neoliberal regulations. The so-called ‘Washington Consensus’, which takes the US and UK neoliberal system as example, was believed to solve the global wealth inequalities and especially help developing countries. For example, Chile, Mexico and Argentina in Latin- America and many African countries decided to restructure their political and economic system in believe of economic increase. Also, after the financial crises in 1980’s and 1990’s, many Asian countries, such as Indonesia and Thailand opted for the SAP. However, instead of improvement, stagnation and economic collapse have been common consequences (Davis, 2006, pp. 87-119). For Ghana as well, there have been negative effects in terms of wealth differences as result, as only a small elite class has profited from the new regulation (Harvey, 2007) (Ayelazuno, 2011) (Perkins, 2004).

The collective values which are central in the philosophy of Ubuntu are in contrast with the political and economic shift of the 1980s towards the neo-liberal doctrine. The neoliberalism is at odds with native African values in regarding “human dignity” and “individual freedom” as values that must be realized by “individual entrepreneurial freedom” and “strong private property rights, free markets and free trade” (Harvey, 2007). As the economic and political decision makers in Ghana embrace individual values, what does this mean for the collective ideas behind Ubuntu? Does Ubuntu fit in the urban context of Ghana? In this thesis the urbanization of Tema Manhean and the effect it has on the collective values of it citizens will be discussed. The main research question of this thesis is: Has urbanization influenced the collective values of Tema Manhean’s urbanites?

In order to answer the main question, explicit analyses of the different concepts are needed.

Therefore, the main question is divided into three sub-questions which will cover three chapters of this thesis: 1.

What are the characteristics of urbanization in Ghana?

2.

What are the collective values of Ghana’s urbanites during urbanization?

3.

How specifically have the collective values of Tema Manhean been influenced by urbanization?

The characteristics of urbanization in Ghana will be analysed and the effect it has on the collective values of the people living in Tema Manhean. An urbanite is “a person living in a city” (‘Urbanite dictionary definition, 2018). To clarify and to gain a deeper understanding of the concepts of Ubuntu and urbanization, this thesis will also consider Tema Mahean as a specific case study. This 4

situation will be analysed on both social and spatial characteristics. It will also clarify the influence of the state on social and spatial matters in historic perspective. Throughout the thesis, the focus will shift from African- to Ghanaian- and the neighbourhood-perspective to gain a thorough understanding of the context of the case of Tema Manhean. The overarching African philosophy Ubuntu will be used to understand Tema Manhean’s collective values. However, in terms of housing policies and neoliberal political ideas it is necessary to focus on Ghana’s specific regulations as those differ throughout Africa.

It is important to stress that Ghana is a mix of multiple cultures, with tribal groups such as the Ashanti, Ewe, the Ga, Adele and many more. Also, during the period of urbanization, many inhabitants from other (African) countries moved to the cities in Ghana. Before the colonial times, the borders of states in Africa went along cultural groupings, however between 1914 and 1919 the colonial rulers of Ghana and surrounding countries outlined the current borders based on geographical markers (like rivers and mountains) and on straight lines. The result was that in some places borders cut right through ethnic groups and in other places ethnic groups were forced together, making Ghana a mix of many African cultures (Cogneau & Moradi, 2014).

In the first main chapter, this thesis will dive into the topic of urbanization in Ghana. It will focus on the housing stock which is largely established outside the province of the law and is of poor quality. The second chapter analyses the collective values of Ghana’s inhabitants and will link this to the theory of Ubuntu. It will acknowledge the link to the traditional extended family structure and the traditional compound housing. These topics will be considered in the delineation of urbanization. In chapter three, the theoretical framework that is created in chapter one and two, will be strengthened by the reality of Tema Manhean. This will make a clear representation of how the population deals with urbanization and how much the living environment has changed. This will not only show how Ubuntu and urbanization have influenced the socio-spatial environment of Tema Manhean, it will also build a deeper understanding of how the two concepts, Ubuntu and urbanization, are interrelated.

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Urbanization of Ghana Increasing urbanization rate All over Africa, the urban population is growing rapidly. Since Africa is the poorest continent, this puts a lot of pressure on city governments to act carefully to handle the growing demand for housing (Davis, 2005). In Ghana, for the first time in history, there were more houses in urban areas than in the rural areas; the percentage of urban housing grew from 47.2 percent in 2000 to 55.8 percent in 2010 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014a). However, the number of urban citizens grew even faster than the number of houses, frequently forcing multiple households to move-in together (Davis.

2005).

One of the main reasons behind the increasing urbanization rate is the implementation of the neoliberal doctrine into Ghana’s political and economical system (Davis, 2006, p. 14) (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018). Ghana started implementing free market policies and deregulated its national markets.

Funds for health, education, agriculture and housing were withdrawn (Ayelazuno, 2011). As a result of the SAP, subsidized agricultural funds decreased and farmers became part of the global commodity markets, where it was hard to compete. Also, there was nothing to rely on during drought, inflation, illness, growing interest rates or a decline in the market value of their products. As a result, Ghanaian farmers had a small chance to survive the competition and ended often in poverty. Despites urban economic decline, cities were seen as the best place to escape poverty. Yet, also cities generate a shortage of jobs (Davis, 2006, p. 16). Especially youth migrated from rural Northern Ghana to urban South Ghana (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018). Thus, urbanization was driven by poverty and not of a quantity of available jobs in the city (Davis, 2006, p. 16). As poverty is the main driver behind urbanization in Ghana, one can imagine that one of the problems is that people have minimal funds to spend on their new urban houses.

Nkrumah’s housing provision During Nkrumah's administration, which lasted from 1952 until 1966, state provision of housing was of key importance (Provoost, n.d.). This included the experimentation of housing typologies for different income groups, in which the state decided who could live where. However, after the implementation of the SAP and the change to a free market economy, the role of the state changed completely. The state withdrew itself completely from the provision of housing and changed its strategy in such a way as to enable the private sector to provide housing. Hence the provision of housing ended-up in the hands of private investors, which brought a lot of new typologies on the market, but only for the middle- and high-income classes; housing for the poor did not provide enough 6

profits. The poor were, and are still, not able to afford the housing offered by private developers since rents are high and need to be paid in advance (a month or a year). Buying a house is out of the question with a low income (Provoost, n.d.). Already during Nkrumah’s rule, the number of houses created through Ghana’s formal policies was far lower than the number of houses needed, as is the case in most African cities (Hansen & Vaa, 2004). Therefore, many new city dwellers were compelled to live in “informal housing”.

Informal housing The terms “informality” and “informal housing” have been widely discussed in recent years.

However, this thesis adopts the definition used by Karen Tranberg Hansen and Mariken Vaa in their book Reconsidering informality (2004). “Informal housing” will be considered as being all housing built or directed in violation or not entirely in compliance with legal regulations (Hansen & Vaa, 2004).

After the implementation of the new economic system, the poor (who used to live in by the state provided houses during Nkrumah’s administration) were pushed out of the formal housing stock.

They needed to find ways to accommodate themselves, beyond the realm of the law. Throughout Africa informal settlements have been growing twice as fast as cities in general (Davis, 2006, p. 18).

Although informality was not a new phenomenon, when the neoliberal agenda was adopted in Ghana, the formal housing market became smaller while the informal market grew (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018).

The informal housing sector depends on the informal economy, which is defined according to Tranberg and Vaas as “unregistered economic activities” (2004, p.7). The latter is interpreted as a permanent part of the total economy and thus linked to its formal counterpart; the formal economy.

Three quarters of Ghana’s population works in the informal economy (Haug, 2014). Ignoring laws and regulations can sometimes provide a more accessible environment for bussiness and is thus an easier way to generate wealth. However, this informal economy is riddled with exploitation of the work force, and there is nothing even resembling social or work place security (Hansen & Vaa, 2004, p. 8).

However, it is not only low-income houses that are being built informally. People who currently live in informal settlements are more heterogeneous in terms of income than the ones living in formal settlements. Houses for the middle- and high-income groups are sometimes built informally as well.

However, the major difference between formal and informal settlements are lack or absence of clean water, power, sanitation, drainage, waste management, schools, good roads and medical institutions.

On top of that, the informal housing stock is characterized by poor quality structures, in a decaying neighbourhood with an overabundance of people per dwelling. Since most of Ghana’s urban residents have had to resort to informal housing, many Ghanaians live under these circumstances (Hansen & Vaa, 2004, p. 18).

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Typologies of informal settlements According to the Ghanaian National Development Planning Commission, there are four forms of informal settlements in the city for low income groups, which can be divided based on regional origins of the urbanites and their purpose for settling (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018). The first type of informal settlement is formed by indigenous people of that place, their land is commonly owned by them. The housing typology common here is the family compound houses, this type already exists for a long time but is currently often very deteriorated. The second type of settlements are created when migrants come to the city and locate themselves on land of the state or of indigenous families who have shared land ownership. In this case they do not own their land. Their houses are mostly semipermanent. The third form of informal settlement is a combination of the two forms described above and thus, consist of a mixture of housing typologies. The fourth settlement type consist of temporary houses on land of the state and are constantly at risk to move.

Housing for middle- and high-income groups In contrast to the housing stock of low-income groups, for middle and high-income groups there is a more than sufficient number of good houses available. Moreover, the quality of the houses and the infrastructure around it has been increasing (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018). One typology which has emerged since 1980s, and has been growing since then, is the gated community. This typology is characterized by a longing for security behind closed gates and high walls and with security cameras and armed guards. Those who find themselves marginalised from the people living in gated community, often react with violence, causing even more insecurity. This typology divides the urban fabric and makes the gap in wealth even more visible (Simone, 1998) (Obeng-Odoom, ElHadary, & Jang, 2014).

The traditional family compound housing The notion of family compound housing was and is a Ghanaian tradition but it has lost its dominance over the past several decades (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 17–23). This compound housing is arranged to fit a household composed of a traditional Ghanaian extended family. This family structure is made up of blood relatives and in-laws. This house is family-owned and is passed on to the descendants. A compound housing is 100m2 average and contains ten to fifteen rooms located next to each other in a U-shape. The open end of the U is closed with communal facilities, such as the kitchen and the bathroom. The centre of the compound is left open for the family as an open-air common room. This form of housing requires no rent as it is located on communal land or land purchased by an ancestor (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018). In indigenous parts of the city, this rent-free compound housing is still the major type. However, in the other parts of the city, various new 8

typologies have become established. One of these is the rental form of the compound housing (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018). In this case the rooms are rented informally to people who do not (necessarily) have family ties. The inhabitants do share facilities, like in the traditional compound houses. This typology differs greatly from settlement to settlement, however, there has been an increase in recent years of 5% in the number of this typology of housing (much of it in the area of Accra and Tema) (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018).

Social mechanisms in land ownership When living in the rental form of the compound housing, one needs to pay only the rent of a single room. The cheap rent of a single room in comparison to a whole apartment explains why this typology gained popularity. Furthermore, the lower prices in such communities may result from social reasons. Property owners prefer to rent or to sell their rooms/land to friends or people with the same ethnicity. Friendship or kinship ties often will make the land owner reduce the rent (Danso-Wiredu E.Y., 2018).

Social mechanisms in Ghana’s land ownership used to be important in the past as well. When the World Bank started to implement land reform in Ghana, the clashes between the old social mechanisms and the opposing World Bank's regulations became clear. The World Bank’s position is completely based on profit-making and involved land titling and division based on systems rooted in Western colonial ideas. Land used to be secured by the community with non-written contracts on the basis of mutual trust with the elders in the community acting as witnesses. This customary land system was fully recognized by the communities. With the introduction of land reforms, and the existence of both systems next to each other, traditional owners could no longer be sure of their title to the land anymore. The old legal system and the new land reform policies would often conflict and which legal system would prevail in which case is hard to predict (the top tier in the political administrative system are mostly the favoured group) (Amanor, 2001, pp. 9–10). What is noticeable, is that neither the traditional nor the informal housing provision are static, yet it is clear that in informal and traditional communities the system is based more strongly on social mechanisms than on the national market economy.

The neoliberal doctrine implemented by the state sped up the urbanization rate. This urbanization is characterized by an accumulation of informal settlements with poor living conditions, in contrast to the emerging well-organized gated communities for higher-income groups. In informal settlements the traditional compound housing is still present, both in the traditional rent-free model and a new rental version. This informal rental form is, like the traditional land policies, more based on

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social mechanism than on the national market economy. Land ownership now is very complex due to multiple co-existing legalities.

So, how are the changes in housing typologies and land ownership interrelated with the collective values of Ghana’s urbanites? The next chapter provides an answer to this question.

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Ubuntu and Ghana’s urbanites One African philosophy Africa consists of more than 1000 different ethnic groups with an immense diversity in cultures in terms of belief- economic- and political-systems. When newly defined borders were set out in the colonial period, deep-rooted ethnic groups were assigned to a specific country. Some borders cut right through ethnic groupings. Nonetheless, according to W. Emmanuel Abraham (1992), it is empirically justified to speak of an overarching African culture based on a common philosophy. Also, Kwame Gyekye, an influential Ghanaian philosopher, labels his concepts of Ghanaian philosophy as part of African philosophy (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, p. 9). According to him, there are strong affinities between Ghanaian understanding and perception and that of other parts on the continent, although there might be cases of differences in details. Moreover, he argues that Ghanaian culture is very philosophical since everyday life and traditions reflect concepts of a greater understanding of, for example, human personality, god, destiny, goodness and consciousness (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, p.

1). The overarching African philosophy is Ubuntu. With the origins of the word based in South Africa, it is a recurring theme in Ghanaian philosophy as well. Kwame Gyekye, studied the concept thoroughly and also Nkrumah (Ghana’s first President after independence) based his political agenda on the ideology. The word Ubuntu is made out of two parts: ubu and ntu. Ubu stands for the reality and ntu stand for animating power. It is not possible to find a perfect English translation for these words, because all words in Zulu have a far reaching connection with humanity, cosmos and nature. The philosophy of Ubuntu is explained, based on the perception of a person becoming a person through the network of other people but also through the network with nature and the all-encompassing cosmos (Haenen, 2018, pp. 15–21). However, to simplify, this thesis will focus on the relation between people. In other words, this thesis consults African philosophy of Ubuntu to theorize the collective values of Tema Manheans urbanites, which is centred around the notion of community. Therefore, to further discuss this, firstly the notion of African community needs to be thoroughly understood.

Community in African context What is community? Two factors are important in understanding the African notion of community. First, it is morally agreed that one has to be thoroughly concerned and emotionally touched about all others in the community, so one will always help those who are part of the community. Second, one needs to see oneself always from the perspective of the community as a whole. Thus, African philosophy sees a community as being a ‘we’, as giving to and receiving from the community and so forming their identity, their humanness (Haenen, 2018, p. 23) (Metz & Gaie, 2010) 11

(Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, p. 104). In this perspective, in contrast to Western views on humanness, a person does not immediately achieve humanness when one is born. A person only achieves humanness when being adopted into a community. When one fails to function in a community, one loses one’s humanness. Community values are thus more important than individual values (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, p. 102-104). In the perspective of moral theory based on Ubuntu, this means that an action is right if it advantages balanced relationships. Moreover, these relationships must include solidarity and empathy. To illustrate Ubuntu, Metz and Gaie give some examples of situations where the community of Ubuntu becomes clear in African life and where it contrasts to the Western notion of community. First, big differences in wealth within a family are less accepted. Second, to correct criminality, reconciliation is more important than retribution or deterrence. Furthermore, because one's health is as important for the sick as for others in the community, the sick and others from the community have a similar weight in the decision-making with the doctor. Lastly, the more one contributes to the community, the more one is honoured. Therefore, elderly people are always seen with a lot of respect and have the authority within the community (Metz & Gaie, 2010).

Nkrumah’s ideas on Ubuntu Ghanaian politics are deeply influenced by traditional philosophy. Traditional philosophy is therefore the subject of many studies and discussions. For example, Menkiti is one of the most influential philosophers regarding Ubuntu, he labels his philosophy communitarianism (Metz & Gaie, 2010). It was Menkiti’s philosophies upon which Nkrumah’s political agenda was based, like many other first presidents of African independent states. He argued that because communitarianism was part of African social structure, socialism was politically the best political system for Ghana. This ideology became known as African Socialism (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, p. 102-104). It is important to see Nkrumah’s political position in the time of the cold war, in which he did not want to choose for either the Soviet communism or the American free market capitalism. However, his thoughts and also his choice to base his ideas on Ubuntu, are influenced by his Western education. He studied both in the UK and later in the US. Also, during the negotiations about the independence of Ghana, Nkrumah built strong ties with Great Britain. Moreover, with his political focus on a Pan-African structure during his rule, he lost the support of Ghanaians majority as he failed to improve the lives of the poorer Ghanaians (White, 2003).

Communitarianism Ghanaian Gyekye criticizes the strict African traditional philosophy of Menkiti and Nkrumah, which he names strict communitarianism2. Gyekye disputes part of the strict communitarianism, in his own philosophy, alias moderate communitarianism. Both philosophies of strict communitarianism and 12

moderate communitarianism agree on the importance of community in one's humanness, yet they disagree on the position of the individual (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, p. 102-104). Strict communitarianism regards humanness as wholly dependent on the community. Therefore, it is solely the degree of input towards the common good of the community that makes a person, a person. In Ghana this philosophy can be recognized in the fact that in Akan language one speaks about someone being a person or not to speak about one personality. The term onnye’ nipa (literally: you are not a person) is used to speak about the person’s selfishness, bad-behavior and cruelty. On the contrary, oye’ nipa (literally: you are a person) refers to a person’s humbleness and respect towards others and his/her kindness (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 101–121).

Another argument Menkiti uses to strengthen his view on communitarianism is that in many African languages use the word “it” (in contrast to “he” or “her”) to refer to babies. In his view this means that a baby still has to acquire his humanness. However, according to Gyekye, this argument does not hold in Ghanaian traditional culture. In the language of Akan and Ga-Dangme (two important Ghanaian traditional languages) a baby would be referred to differently than the English “it”. In Akan, a baby would be referred to in the same way as to adults or children and animals. In Ga-Dangme there is only one word which refers to either human beings as well as to things; the same word is used for inanimate and animated objects and thus also to refer to babies (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 101– 121). Also, Gyekye argues that people are able to make moral decisions for the good of the community. Thus, a person can make its own decisions. For this reason, he argues it is not only the community which defines the humanness of a person. So, in the perspective of moderate communitarians individual values and collective values both equally contribute to one’s humanness (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 101–121). Yet, the principles of both courses of communitarianism dispute extreme individualism, in which the community has no value. Ubuntu can thus not be understood without the notion of community which is, in Africa, strongly associated with the extended family.

The extended family To the extended family is usually it is referred to in contrast to the nuclear family. A nuclear family consists of a man and a wife and their children (Magezi, 2018; Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 17– 23). The extended family in Ghana traditionally consists of three generations living together in a traditional compound house. After marriage, the married and later also their children, will typically continue living in the household of the father's side3. Wives in the extended family will take care of the education of traditions, society, religion, morals, social behaviour. This is not strictly the task of the biological mother. Often, children call all adults in their extended family mother and father. The eldest of the family, the grandmother and grandfather have a special (more friendship-based) relation with 13

their grandchildren and have a highly respected role in the family. They represent the communal wisdom of the extended family. Marriages, in their traditional form, start in most African cultures with the man asking the prospective bride’s father for permission. He must show his wealth and his suitability to be linked to the family. When there is an agreement, economic responsibilities and mutual rights for man and wife are settled. Marriage, in this way, means not only linking man and wife but also linkage of the two families. So, marriage contributes to the fact that extended families have strong social (and economic) relations with other extended families. This forms a network of extended families with deeply-rooted kinship as connection (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 17–23).

Threats and opportunities of Urbanization Urbanization, modern technologies and globalization have brought profound changes in many African cultures. Historical African cultures clash on many fronts with modern life in cities. This is not strange with the history of colonialization. Political structures have not evolved from traditional cultures but are mutations of foreign structures brought to Africa during colonization (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 13–18). Urbanization and global influences have led to a cultural transition in which the idea of family and kinship also introduced tension as it found itself now a home close to the homes of innumerable strangers. As stated above, the life of extended families was centred around their traditional form of compound houses. Also, previously discussed in this thesis is that this typology of houses went through a transformation. The question then arises: what happened with the collective values of the extended family in the city? Did the family structure change? And, is Ubuntu still part of urban life?

Although there are arguments for a shift away from the extended family, Ubuntu can still be found in the strong social structures existent in the city. Functionalist perspectives, on the effect of urbanization on family structures, have argued that the shift from rural to urban also constituted a shift towards the nuclear family. Arguments are, firstly, that the nuclear family was more flexible to find a house. Secondly, the city’s housing corporations launched one-family-house typologies, so the families were forced to shrink. Also, migration results in weaker family ties. For example, a chosen member of a rural family is sent out (financed by his family) to earn money for the rural family, yet when he comes to a city he soon will be adopted by a new family network. Then it is hard to satisfy both families, with clashes and weakening of family ties as result. Frédéric Le Play, already in 1855, noted change in family structures as a result of urbanization, during his research in Western emerging cities. He noted that urbanization resulted in an increase of the nuclear family, which he named, unstable families (Magezi, 2018). It is clear that poverty, the inability to meet basic needs, everyday corruption and marginalisation all put pressure on the extended family. It is harder to keep harmony in families, when, for example, there is only one person who can find work to provide a livelihood for the 14

whole family. Also, the potential freedom of the city makes the extended family unappealing. The nonnegotiable family obligations are in contrast with the possibilities of the city. It seems attractive that the city could offer a job that would possibly make a person financially independent. So, a person could break with his family and survive and live autonomously (Simone, 1998). However, it is not easy to survive in a city individually. To compete in the free market system is hard when the majority of urbanites are excluded from the formal system in terms of job provision and social security (Russell, 2003) (Simone, 1998). Simone argues that extended families are therefore still an important social system to rely on (1998). The extended family system is the centre of an extensive network of social relations on which the marginalised people in an African city position themselves outside the formal system. The extended family structure offers someone security in exchange of activities in the economic structure that a specific family relies on. This goes together with obligations and rights.

There are boundaries in what is possible for ‘a member’ in terms of his ‘spot’ in the system, yet one is assured of a livelihood, food and shelter, etc. (Simone, 1998). Due to migration and the lack of housing provision, many families with ethnic kinship move together into one room and new ties within the family structure are built. The extended family system is thus still present in the modern city and is getting bigger and more complex.

Social urban networks Simone argues that next to (or together with) the extended family structure, very important other social networks have emerged in the city: the neighbourhood, religious associations and informal economic structures (Simone, 1998). Neighbourhoods are the places where urbanites meet and where powerful social ties can form. Collaboration then, can help each other to create a better livelihood. Informal economic networks are huge where the formal economy is shortcoming, informality is mostly based on strong social ties as well. Also, these transactions are not always settled with money, but in resources which an extended family needs (Simone, 1998). An example of this is discussed by Mary Njeri Kinyanjui in her research on markets in Africa (2016). She argues that the African city is founded on social relations which she saw in markets. These clusters of people take care of each other and empower each other what she describes as “nurturing” (Kinyanjui, 2016).

Furthermore, religious associations have seen an increase in number and size of (young) members throughout Africa4. These associations are a provider for education, health services and social work, as the state does not provide this for most of the population. These religious unions are mostly an important factor in the forming of social ties within a neighbourhood, yet it also can provide individuals a chance outside their family. Notwithstanding, these social urban networks tend to centre around the extended family, if not an adjusted form of the extended family (Simone, 1998).

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With the new social urban networks and the new and old household types, all living together in the Ghanaian city, it is not easy to discharge traditional collective values for Ghana’s urbanites and displace them by capitalist inspired values (Russell, 2003). It leads to a struggle for identity: what kind of person are you in the city and how can you live up to the expectations of your family? A research on black families in South-Africa shows that urban black families are not like white urban families, but also not like rural urban black families (Magezi, 2018). The research concluded that there were very large differences in values between the researched black urban families. What can be said according to her is, that urban African families are in a new place in which they do not have freedom to choose from many forms of lifestyles due to poverty and are thus forced in their new lifestyles (Magezi, 2018).

Simone agrees on the notion that families in urban territories adhere to a mix of rural and urban values, he stresses that especially in the periphery of the cities, values are very divergent (1998). With all this diversity in mind, are the urban Ghanaians still thoroughly concerned and emotionally touched by their community? Do they still see live with the perspective of the ‘we’ of the community? It is hard to compare all these new urban lifestyles to the values of Ubuntu. There is a transition persistent in which the values of many are changing, so some have moved away from the fixation of the community and for some collective values are still the centre of one’s life. However, in urban Ghana social ties are still very persistent, although not solely based on the extended family structure anymore.

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Case study: Tema Manhean Moving the fishing village In 1961 Ghana’s first President Nkrumah decided to build a new harbour to advance Ghana’s economy.

He chose Tema, a small fisher village, 25 miles out of Ghana’s capital Accra.

The fishermen's village had to move to a new location since precisely at that spot the port was going to be built, along with housing (d’Auria, 2015).

See figure 1 for the new location of the fisher village and where it had to move to, now named Tema Manhean (Manhean means “new”). Fry and Drew, two English architects who had been working in building projects in the West African colonies, were asked to design the new fishing village (Provoost, n.d.). The architects took a

Figure 1: Location of Tema Manhean and the new harbour. Reprinted from “From 'live projects' to 'lived-in' environments: learning from six decades of re-design in Tema Manhean, Ghana” by V. d'Auria, 2015 Charrette, 2(1), 106-118.

very cautious approach to their design, which would have to fit the lifestyle of the inhabitants. They first analysed Tema's social and spatial aspects, talking to the villagers and adapting their design accordingly. They worked on a design especially focused to favour compound living with extended families. In the compound structure there was space left free where new rooms for new family members could be built. Also, a veranda (for the family to come together) and use of traditional materials were part of the design. The extensive collaboration between the villagers, the government and the architects led to many clashes which made the whole process take over seven years (Provoost, 2015). Interesting here is that this project shows the far-reaching support of the government and the comprehensive attempt to fit the inhabitants’ lifestyles to their new home. First the government’s influence in the situation will be discussed, then the thesis will continue with the spatial reaction of the inhabitants during and immediately after the building of the new village and the socio-spatial situation of the village at present.

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A new location and a new design The first proposed design by Fry and Drew received a lot of opposition from the inhabitants of the fishing village, which made Fry and Drew adjust their design multiple times (d’Auria, 2015). For example, the inhabitants belonged to the Ga ethnic group, who at that time divided housing based on gender; women lived in separate compound from the men of the extended family. The design of Fry and Drew had to be changed to fit this type of living. However, when the village was finished it was less suited to the inhabitant’s lifestyles than expected, this was partly because of the design but also partly because the inhabitant’s lifestyles and desires had changed. The design lacked the possibility to expand the houses to their own desire. Many wanted to have a shop in the house which inhabitants were used to. Also, the expansion of rooms within the compound was not as easy as expected. The new village contrasted strongly with the old village which had consisted of randomly located houses with corrugated sheet rooves, located on green hills surrounded by palm trees and right beside the ocean. The new houses were neatly located next to each other in half curves and the settlement lacked any vegetation (Provoost, n.d.). More importantly, the resettlement itself caused a lot of friction within the community structure. Also, it was criticized that the lack of ability to expand the houses and the new arrangement of houses changed the relationships within the village and within family structures (Provoost, 2015). The second problem, paradoxically, was that the inhabitants did not want their houses to be as traditional anymore; traditional lacked electricity, a bathroom and running water. Neighbouring communities which were built to house the (migrant) harbour workers did have these facilities and this contrast made the inhabitants of Tema Manhean dissatisfied with their own new buildings. When the harbour started working, the city of Tema grew such that Tema Manhean became part of the urban structure of Tema. Many family members and other migrants from rural areas moved to Tema Manhean to find jobs in either the harbour or the economic activity created by the building of this New Town5. Five years later migrants had arrived from more than eighty locations in within Ghana but also from outside of Ghana, forming together more than half of the population. To house all these people, single rooms became sleeping rooms for one or multiple families, or self-built expansions were created. Extensions and transformation of the buildings were not solely a result of immigration but also of desires to fit the lifestyles of the inhabitants. Later it would turn out to be the beginning of an accumulation of shortcomings of the neighbourhood (Provoost, 2015).

The influences of the government The government’s influences on the city planning and support has strongly changed over time.

The resettled villagers gained property rights of their compound houses. However, in response to the migrants, the state constructed provisional rental houses. In the beginning the government tried to 18

stop people modifying their houses and encroaching on the land next to the houses for extra rooms or shops. Nonetheless the inhabitants completely changed the houses to fit their social and spatial habits and the government gave up (Provoost, 2015). The governments influences shifted to the public facilities, especially the public toilets for which a sewage system was constructed (Chalfin, 2014). In the initial design large toilet blocks were centrally located in between the compound housing.

Employees of Tema Development Corporation (TDC, part of the state housing corporation and thus funded by the state) were employed to clean the buildings and the use of the toilets was free of charge. After the fall of Nkrumah, the state funds to TDC stopped. The formerly state-funded corporation had to concentrate on profit making with the result that the toilets in Tema Manhean became neglected. Under the reign of Rawling in the 1980-1990 the toilets were brought back to operation after people of the community stood up for their rights and raised money. Groups of people from the neighbourhood got the permission to take care of the toilets and users had to pay only a small fee. However, soon the neoliberal economic principles took over and the successor of TDC, Tema Municipal Assembly (TMA) made sure that the public toilets became one of their profit-oriented projects. The user fees and dividends were to be directly paid to TMA and in the middle of an unauthorized settlement the public sphere found its profit-making place (Chalfin, 2014).

Figure 2: Four different transformation of a courtyard in the family compound housing in Tema Manhean. Reprinted from “From 'live projects' to 'lived-in' environments: learning from six decades of re-design in Tema Manhean, Ghana� by V. d'Auria, 2015 Charrette, 2(1), 106-118.

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Redesigned houses through habitation The design of Fry and Drew is not recognizable anymore in the current state of Tema Manhean (Provoost, n.d.). The city has grown to 40000 inhabitants, which stands in sharp contrast with the initial plans to design the for only 5000 inhabitants (d’Auria, 2015). The village now has been called ‘a slum’ as people were poor as well as houses and goods were the cheapest of the area. Many people lost their jobs as their traditional economic activity was fishing or farming. As discussed before, farming became non-productive in the competing open market economics and also fishing became subject of the challenging foreign fishing industry of the new harbour (Provoost, n.d.). The neighbourhood which is located between the industrial area with factories and the industrial area of the harbour, looked unattractive with sandy and rocky roads, polluted air from old cars and charcoal fires as well as waste water in open sewage systems (Chalfin, 2014). Buildings are marked with many adjustments and new structures have emerged to allow the dwellings to fit their inhabitants’ social and spatial demands. Figure 2 shows the transformation of four of the same courtyards, redesigned through habitation (d’Auria, 2015). Also, the infill of rooms differs greatly, see figure 3. Here the differences in collective values become visible, whether more moved towards living individually or still part of a strong and extensive extended-family network or somewhere in between (d’Auria, 2015).

The rooms and courtyard show the flexibility of space. It is not only used for sleeping but can also be the place of a business, or for both. Alternating between a sleeping place, a working place and a place to come together, all types of use are common within one day.

Figure 3: Two different arrangement of rooms, the left one fits a couple and the right one fits a family. Reprinted from “From 'live projects' to 'lived-in' environments: learning from six decades of re-design in Tema Manhean, Ghana” by V. d'Auria, 2015 Charrette, 2(1), 106-118.

Collective values of Tema Manhean’s urbanites What has to be noticed is that the condition of Tema Manhean also makes painfully clear that many of the citizens are living on the edge of poverty (d’Auria, 2015). This becomes spatially visible through the densification of the houses and the living standards. Social networks are, for many people, important to bypass poverty and this explains the enduring importance of the family compound 20

housing. The compound housing concept is currently one of the most of affordable housing concepts in Tema and a variety of rental and other ownership arrangements of the family compound housing is existent (d’Auria, 2015).

Although kinship ties may reduce costs, these arrangements show a shift away from the harmony which marks Ubuntu and traditional life in the compound houses.

Figure 4: View from inside of a toilet building on a “Ghetto” in Tema Manhean.

Reprinted from “Public things, excremental politics, and the infrastructure of bare life in Ghana’s city of Tema” by B. Chalfin, 2014 American Ethnologist, 41(1), 92– 109.

However, the collective values of Ubuntu become spatially clear in new elements of the village. There is a strong tendency for the community to come together around two elements in Tema Manhean called Tsoshishi and Ghetto’s in Ga language (Chalfin, 2014). Tsoshishi are trees made sacred with medicines buried underneath or fixed on the branches. These trees, which are recurrent in the neighborhood, are places to gather and discuss everything from leisure to work to important subjects needing community decision making.

The Ghetto’s are self-built sheds of all kind of leftover materials (of for example neglected canoes or fishing nets), often fixed to another building for a rigid structure. See figure 4 for a view on a Ghetto from outside a toilet block. These are larger places than the Thoshishi and are more suitable for gatherings like traditional ceremonies and collective diners. However, they are also the location for a nap, bible studies or card games and they provide a spatial environment to strengthen social relations which are important for the survival in this poor settlement (Chalfin, 2014).

What is remarkable in the development of Tema Manhean as it exists today is the contrast to Government requirements, as if the formal is contested by the informal. The case of Tema Manhean shows that the social constraints of inhabitants’ life are so strong that the informal culture wins over formally imposed conditions by the state. This shows the resilience that Ubuntu provides in Tema Manhean’s inhabitant’s lives. Urbanization and poverty have put tension on the traditional life of Tema Manhean’s urbanites. However, although family compound housing and the extended family structure are moving towards new structures which are adapted to city life, collective values are very important in the current city. Social structures, based on deeply rooted collective values, are an 21

important economic survival strategy which is needed to deal with the results of poverty. Tangible evidence of the collective values centered around Ubuntu and visible in daily life of Tema Manhean’s citizens, is seen in their gatherings under Tsoshishi and in Ghetto’s. The original design concept did not allow for these places; the neighborhood has been redesigned by the inhabitants and it now illustrates the alternation between change and traditions.

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Conclusion During the last decades of the 20th century, the political and economic system of Ghana has embraced the individualistic neoliberal doctrine with a result of rapid urbanization. Due to this complex transition in the era of globalisation, the notion of life has changed for many people. This thesis aims to analyse the changes in the collective values of Ghana’s urbanites as a result of urbanization and how these changes are spatially reflected in their living environment.

Traditionally, Ghana’s inhabitants lived collectively in compound houses in which the household consisted of an extended family. Urbanization, which is characterized by the absence of state provision of housing, altered the traditional housing typology and the traditional compound housing became just one out of many typologies of housing. After implementation of the new economic system based on neoliberal values, the informal housing stock became the largest sector in Ghana. The houses in this sector lack many basic services and most of the inhabitants live in poverty.

The traditional compound housing embraced a new rental form because of the poverty and the densification of settlements. In the case study of Tema Manhean this development becomes visible in a new use of the compound housing, in which whole extended families are now pushed in a single room. On the other hand, the rooms of the compound housing are sometimes occupied by just one person. The way rooms are used in Tema Manhean mirrors the variety of collective and individualistic values of Tema’s current inhabitants. So not only the traditional compound housing became subject to change but also the traditional extended family.

The collective values which are central in the African philosophy of Ubuntu became threatened in the era of urbanization, especially as these are centred around the extended family. This becomes socio-spatially clear in the variety of household types living in single rooms of the traditional compound house in Tema Manhean. However, tangible evidence of the still-existing collective values in Tema Manhean are seen in the meetings of its urbanites under Tsoshishi and in Ghetto’s. Also, nowadays other complex urban social structures have replaced the extended family’s position with respect to Ubuntu. These social structures are complex and can occupy economic sectors, neighbourhoods, religious associations and other structures based on social kinship. The social structures, which still maintain strong collective values, are found in the different corners of the city which is challenged by poverty.

Urbanization, however, is not the only reason of the decline of importance of the extended family and the traditional compound house. Poverty and the shrinkage of the formal market (which now excludes the majority of Ghana’s inhabitants) due to neoliberal ideas in the political and 23

economic system, are other main reasons. Whether members of this new complex urban social structure are equally concerned about each other as the philosophy of Ubuntu entails, is uncertain.

The individual values, which are introduced by the free market economics, have influenced the ideals of many Ghanaians and cannot be ignored.

So, has urbanization influenced the collective values of Tema Manhean’s urbanites? Yes, it did.

However, an urban version of Ubuntu still exists in the city. The concept of Ubuntu originally gained its recognition in Ghana because of Ghanaian philosopher Gyekye’s ideas and because President Nkrumah formulated his political ideas based on the philosophy. Gyekye disputes part of Ubuntu philosophy -namely- that one’s humanness completely depends on input to the collective. He argues that since individuals can make their own morally -based choices, individual values and collective values both equally contribute to one’s humanness. With this in mind and the fact that urbanization has influenced the collective values of Ghana’s urbanites, an argument can be made.

This thesis leads to the conclusion that Ubuntu (in which only the “we” is valued, and individual ideals are neglected is a too romanticized construct about African collective life. Collective values differ greatly in a neighbourhood of 40.000 people with so many diverse backgrounds.

However, an alteration of Ubuntu, an urban version of Ubuntu is present in Tema Manhean and in Ghana in general. This urban version of Ubuntu is based on the strong collective values within complex social networks which are existent in the current Ghanaian city. The urbanites within these networks all have to deal with different problems regarding urbanization, for example poverty, exclusion of state’s provision of housing and an overabundance of people living in a single dwelling. However, these problems tend to bring people closer together, which forms the Ubuntu in their urban life.

Further study There is evidence of strong social structures in the city, yet the question arises whether this is only rooted in African traditions. Is this social accumulation not a result of urbanization, poverty and lack of state provision of social schemes? As there are many developing countries which shifted neoliberal economics and politics, what happened in those countries in comparison to Ghana? This subject could be interesting material for further investigation.

Furthermore, this Ghanaian case study is only a small investigation, to get a full understanding of the Ghanaian or even African situation, more settlements need to be researched. Interesting would be to analyse wealthy settlements in comparison with poorer settlements in order to understand the impact of poverty on collective values with more solid examples.

Because Ghana’s housing sector inadequately provides houses to all layers of society, it might be useful for the formal housing providers to understand the social system of the informal housing 24

stock, which is briefly discussed in this thesis. When anticipating the social systems on which the informal housing provision in based on, a study could be undertaken to assess what the private developers could do to start finding a way of profit-making in providing houses for those in need. This is likely to be full of challenges and is especially important in view of the current rapid urbanization of the south of Ghana.

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Endnotes: 1. The term ‘Ubuntu’ is in Zulu language, Zulu is the most widely spoken language in South Africa (Haenen, 2018). In the language of Sotho-Tswana the term is known as ‘Botho’ (Metz & Gaie, 2010).

2. The philosophy of strict communitarianism is based on the ideas of philosophers John Mbiti and Menkiti and is disputed by Wiredu and Gyekye in their moderate communitarianism. See for moderate communitarianism: Wiredu, K., & Gyekye, K. (1992). Person and community.

Washington D.C.: The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy. See for strict communitarianism: Mbiti, J.S. (1970). African Religions and Philosophy. New York: Doubleday and: Menkiti, I.A. (1984). “Person and Community in African Traditional Thought”, in: Wright R.A.(ed.), African Philosophy: An Introduction, 3rd ed., Lanham University Press of America.

3. Whether the African coupled joined the man’s of woman’s family differs greatly per culture or ethnic grouping. Also the naming of father and mother to exclusively biological parents or to the extend that to all adults will be referred to mother or father, differs widely. There are also ethnic groups, o.a. Mukongo, Kitera, Yao and Huana, were woman can marry other woman and where thus a woman can be called father (Wiredu & Gyekye, 1992, pp. 19–20).

4. Especially youth is often engaged on a daily base in Christian of Muslim associations for all kinds of activities, religious activities but also other social activities. Even the many urban hiphop groups and crime gangs which emerge throughout Africa are mostly in some sort connected to a religion. These crime gangs operate under the cover of Robin Hood’s excuse (Simone, 1998).

5. New Towns are cities planned and constructed completely from ideas of architects and urban planners. At the place of construction often no city existed before and the new inhabitants were the ones to proof whether the cities were functioning. Many New Towns build in Europe and the United Sates but also many in Asia and Africa, for example in Tema, Ghana. Many of these cities did not functioned as the designers had hoped, however with these precedents, many new New Towns are still erected throughout Africa see: Provoost, M (2013).Why Build a New Town?. Volume #34: City in a Box, 34, 6-9.

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