gentrified society

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Conclusion

Public space in a gentrifying neighbourhood’ -a statement that is seemingly selfcontradictory – could be a reality that serves as a driver for change and inclusivity. This is reflected by how varied users are in its public spaces which serves as indication of the society’s economic and socio-spatial health. Inclusion begins by design and as Jane Jacobs emphasises- a mix of primary uses. A city also needs to respond to the resulting diversification of users, their needs and potentials by allowing flexible yet varied secondary uses to juxtapose on its long-term primary program.

Chapter 2: Heterotropic appropriations of space and the influence they have on a gentrified society

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How does ‘appropriating space’ relate to ‘informality’?

People have an inborn right to occupy space (Lefebvre 5) which is a need implicit of topophilia; a term promoted by Yi-Fu Tuan as a condition that includes “all of human being’s affective ties with the material environment” (Tuan 93). This is expressed in the form of spatial appropriations- the action of taking “exclusive possession” of a place and often without permission of the relevant authorities (“Appropriate”) which can be regarded as a long-term condition but when it becomes temporary it implies “borrowing space” (J.A. Lara-Hernandez et al. 2) and “an essential element of urban flexibility, on the one hand it grants a citizens rights as a social being living within an urban context while on the other it transforms a public space into a place with the potential to generate an additional source of income.” (J.A. Lara-Hernandez et al. 4) The term “informal” has been defined as “not according to the prescribed” as oppose to its antonym “formal” that can be expressed as “being in accordance with the usual requirements” (“informal”). TA could be a result of informal use but sometimes it is a pre-cursor for formal uses that were previously an ‘informal’ part of society. Fig 17 for example, illustrates activities that began as method of occupying space informally but became a cultural concept accepted by regulation overtime and can be seen as formal temporary appropriations of public space(Lehmann). The subtle differences between TA and informal use of urban space boil down to a definition highlighted by ‘J.A. Lara-Hernandez et al’ who regard temporary appropriations as “an urban phenomenon that emerges as an expression of local dynamics and relations within a local context, and as something deeply rooted in our human nature”(4) rather than simply using a public space arguing that TA is provoked by sense of belonging. Appropriation is therefore a result of an individual’s motivations to either use a space deemed suitable for their immanent needs or as an act and a need to change one that, at its current state, does not appeal to them (Nochis et al.).

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Fig.17. An example of informal appropriations of space that became an accepted part of the community: The london Trafalgar square with spectators watching a choir sing Christmas carols under the Christmas treeSource:https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/trafalgar-squarechristmas-tree.html

Heterotopias as a form of placemaking

The character of place can either encourage or discourage use. Feeling identified in a space by physically being welcomed through design and/or psychologically accepted by its users plays critical to its appropriation. When this doesn’t occur, dissatisfaction is expressed through forms of ‘vandalism’ or loss of interest (Nochis et al.) in some cases while in others, people begin to conform with the existing through make-shift unconventional interventions while transforming these places into entities typical of heterotopias (Bruchansky; Foucault). The term “heterotopia” which literally means “other places” was coined in the 1960s by Michel Foucault where he pointed out how various places “interrupt the apparent continuity and normality of ordinary everyday space” (Dehaene and De Cauter 4) because they introduce deviations into the normal functioning of an everyday society. In today’s societies, variations of heterotopias which Foucault regards to as ‘heterotopias of deviation’ (Foucault and Miskowiec 5) exist in complex ways that follow six principles: 1. The behavioural characteristics of such places must be atypical of the accepted societal norm. 2. Changes in the surroundings can affect and cause them to function differently. “Each heterotropia has a precise and determined function within a society and the

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same heteropia can, according to the synchrony of the culture in which it occurs, have one function or another.” (5) 3. . The heteropia can juxtapose conflicting spaces in a single place.(5) 4. Heterotopias are fragments of time yet pauses in what Foucault refers to as “traditional time” and function fully only when used during these intervals. (6) 5. They are an entity that can be penetrated but at the same time behave as a closed system in the context of their societies.(6) 6. Their function is also strongly tied to the spaces that are left unused (8). Heterotopias are founded on a sense of ‘place’ that could come in many forms depending entirely on the occupiers. They may persevere through time or behave as an ephemeral system ( Bruchansky 2). For a ‘non-place’ to become a ‘place’ it must be easily appropriated. Identity is ever changing and the possibility of changing locations are higher now because people are more nomadic than ever before as result of technologies such as the internet (2). Christophe Bruchansky uses the example of designing for a playground for a child. Planners do not write narratives for how children should utilize it but place concrete objects that not intricately defined and allow the child to evoke their own narratives such as placing simple lines on a concrete ground and giving one the freedom to associate it with activities such as soccer and hopscotch converting it into their very on heteropia(see fig.18).

fig.18.. children appropriating a walkway and transforming it into a playground by simply drawing lines source: https://secondlineblog.org/2018/06/all-summer-18/

Case study: skateboarding in exclusive public spaces 25

Another good example of a heterotopic sense of place is one of skaters. Skateboarding has been regarded as “illegal” (see fig. 19.) by many who claim that this activity is a form of vandalism and trespassing (Vee) with many owners claiming that the activity’s hazardous nature is harmful to both the skaters and other users. Landowners are also most likely to be held liable for any injuries that result if they occur on their property. The negative connotations associated with the sport have resulted in small nomadic communities that serve as deviations of the accepted norm in public spaces.

Fig.19. A sign prohibiting skaters in a public park –greenport village Source:https://suffolktimes.timesreview.com/2014/08/ greenport-village-considering-no-skateboarding-code/

A study done by Karsten Lia and Eva Pel illustrated the unconventional appropriations of a public space that was burden by regulations in Amsterdam after observing a group of skaters who regularly occupied public spaces that prohibited the activity. It was noted that skaters brought temporary life to public spaces that were less likely to be occupied and used. Their preference seemed to be towards inner-city spaces during the times they weren't used which were most of time privately owned. It seemed “that many 'skate travellers' concede to the demands of residents, shopkeepers or police and look for a place or a time that others have little interest “(Karsten and Pel ). The study was further conducted in Rotterdam where it showed how barriers such as railings that were ignorantly placed did in fact make the space more suitable for skaters (see fig. 20.). The

nomadic nature of their community allowed them to occupy space only temporarily in sporadic periods of time that did not interfere directly with the other users but served as a significant element of that park.

Fig.20. A skater skating on handrails in a public space.Source: https://www.redbull.com/us-en/athlete/gustavoribeiro

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Squatters in gentrified cities as ‘Heterotopias of Change’

An introduction to Squatting and its relation to gentrification In chapter one, changes in gentrifying neighbourhoods were noted to result in a dilemma that either pushes away low-income residents due to a rise in the cost of living or by indirect displacement by discouraging them from moving in. Areas prone to gentrification are often poor but depict an attractive ratio between their actual and potential value if used to their maximum also known as the rent- gap theory. A response by dissatisfied citizens, especially in industrialized countries, expressed through housing protests such as occupying private land as a form of activism but also as a necessary reaction by the marginalized who cannot afford to property due to high rents is known as squatting. It is the action of occupying land that is not being used without owning, renting or acquiring any form of permission for it . It usually occurs in (but not limited to) abandoned residentials and/or public spaces in general. In some countries such as Wales, England and the Netherlands (“Squatters”)- before public properties became increasingly privatised- if a piece of land/residential could be proven by the squatter to lack use during a specific period of time, their actions were not unlawful (Dadusc). The law also required them to avoid general crimes associated with squatting such as: 1 . vandalism 2. theft which included consuming any commodities associated with the property 3.failing to evacuate the property if ordered by the court to do so.

Squatting however does not necessarily result from a gentrifying society nor does it lead to it. Both ideas involve people moving into new neighbourhoods (Vasudevan) . In some cases they share similarities when it comes to regeneration. Regardless of the negative connotations associated with gentrifying neighbourhoods, they brought along some form of urban regeneration that allowed the current low-income residents to indulge in services that previously did not exist such as schools, hospitals and security. On a smaller scale- squatters achieve a similar dynamic. In areas such as the abandoned stevedoring companies in Amsterdam the only difference was that the changes in the architecture were “a hands-on affair – experimental, makeshift and subversive.” (Vasudevan) And interview done by Alexander of a long time squatter in new york once noted that The hands on process also allows many to engage with the building process.

Case study- Squatting in a gentrifying society as a form of rehabilitating an exclusive city: The case of ‘Køpi’ In west berlin during the 1980s, repairing and rehabilitating spaces was done collectively by squatters. Their efforts were later legalized and recognized such as ‘Køpi ‘ - an autonomous housing project located in Mitte, Berlin.(“Køpi”). The project started as a squatter camp with people living in cars in the courtyard of an abandoned building that was bombed at the end of world war 2 (see fig.21 and 22.). By re-appropriating and re-rehabilitating the building it became it into a cultural centre that hosts various cultural activities such as concerts, dance performances while incorporating community-based

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actions such as soup kitchens. For around 30 years, they have offered affordable living space temporarily for those who need it while hosting self-organized projects by locals that bring together and exchange ideas from a diverse range of people. The organizations efforts also remain devoid of profit while thriving as independent entities such as self-established businesses allowing them to remain a detached yet functional entity in a gentrifying society. (“Demo KØPI & Wagenplatz Bleibt.”)

Fig.21. Squatters in the courtyard of 137 Köpenicker Straße. Source: https://www.discogs.com/label/360380-Kopi-Squat

Fig.22. 137 Köpenicker Straße. Source:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K%C3%B8pi

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Acceptance into an industrialized society however is a painstakingly slow process for marginalized communities. Even with efforts done to promote diversity and inclusiveness their unconventional ways of life remained a liability. This was illustrated by a statement recently posted on their online platform that read: “...With the very recent eviction of Syndikat, a space not only vital for our community but a beloved neighbourhood fixture for 35 years, the threat looms larger. None of us are safe from the ugly profiteering of landlords backed up by cops and officials as vicious enforcers of their well-oiled machine. These bullies have and will use any means necessary to silence us...” (“Demo KØPI & Wagenplatz Bleibt.”) The letter not only indicated their dissatisfactions towards the real-estate developer’s disregard of the overall efforts put it by squatters in order to re-rehabilitate and bring about inclusivity but also as 1. an indication of their disapproval of a gentrified and exclusive society and 2. a request to be acknowledged as significant and functional part of this society even though it deviates from its norms. The evoked protests were also a significant indication of how influential these communities can become over-time. and serve as means to voice those who aren't recognized as a vital part of society without changing them to suit the society’s utopian narratives.

Fig. 23. An open call against eviction and demolition of the building source:https://koepi137.net/welcome.html

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Fig.24. An protest organized by kopi against demolition Source: https://en.squat.net/tag/koepi/

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Case study- Squatting in an already gentrified city as a trigger for inclusion: the case of ‘the female space invaders’

Another related example of a heterotopic entity is a testimonial curated by Marisa Gonzalez- ‘female open space invaders/ them Philippines’. It is particularly interesting in that it occurs centrally in an already established, already gentrified business district with a particular set of rules, clientele and expected behavioural patterns. The project explores the lives of Filipino migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong (Castillo) while looking at Hong Kong's capitalist crisis and more specifically at how major financial centres have adapted to its economic boom and influx of migrant domestic workers.

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Context: Hong Kong’s space dilemma and domestic workers 1. Domestic workers in Hong Kong The 336,000 +/- foreign domestic workers (Ernst) in Hong Kong are a marginalized and exploited part of its developed business district. The increasing numbers began as an initiative implemented by the Hong Kong government that allowed its citizens to hire foreign domestic workers only if they could provide accommodation, allowances and reimburse mandatory expenses such visa processing fees (Siu). Some rules however were not concretely set by the Hong Kong government such as working hours with a justification that claimed that determining the work done by a domestic worker is subjective and falls in the hands of their employer. Extremely long working hours and low wages became common; “many domestic helpers work anywhere from twelve to sixteen hours a day with only one day off a week”(Ernst).

Fig.25. workers marching against exploitation demanding better legal protection from abuse Source:https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/economy/article/212468 9/hong-kong-domestic-helpers-march-demand-stronger-legal

2.the space in Hong Kong Public spaces in Hong Kong such as parks, public plazas and playgrounds make up 40% of its total land. They have amenities that encourage use by multiple publics such as Wi-Fi, sitting areas and shading (see fig.26.) Spaces like that have been noted in chapter two to have an inclusive nature where people use them during different times for different uses. Ironically, this is usually not the case in Hong Kong. A closer look at the dynamics of the city observes that one-fourth of its land is

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used as residential areas leaving the less populated sections for these parks. Access is a major problem for most city-dwellers.” It takes on average up to an hour for a resident to reach a large country park, according to Carine Lai, a senior researcher at a Hong Kong think tank Civic Exchange.” (Lee). As oppose to many large cities, accessible public space is extremely small. According to a study from Civic Exchange conducted in 2017, city-dwellers have 2.7 square meters of accessible recreational space- the approximate size of a toilet cubicle (Lee). Living space (see fig.27.) is as limited as its accessible public space but still the cheap labour force offered by foreign domestic workers outweighs the burden that comes with accommodating them (Moss) .

Fig.26. A city park in hong kong with adequate lighing, sitting areas and shading source: https://thehoneycombers.com/hong-kong/parks-in-hongkong-city-gardens/

Fig.27. Low-income Living space in hong kong. “A man eats dinner in his flat.” Source:https://www.theguardian.com/world/gallery/2013/feb/22/hon g-kong-flats-tiny-cubicles

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An introduction to the “little Manila”s in Hong Kong For Hong Kong's Filipino domestic workers , Sunday is the only day-off given by their Chinese employers. It’s a day that allows them to congregate in areas widely known as “little Manila” (see fig. ) (which in many cities serve as form of squatting) within the city’s CBD as oppose to the larger green spaces outside. For the observer these places are weekly disruptions of a local routine that host “a disorderly crowd of unruly foreign women” however when observed from within they become a comfort zone for migrant workers where they meet and reminisce (law 283). These enclaves also allow them to “recover from more subtle forms of sensory reculturation that occur in Chinese homes” while encouraging these women to express their creative potentials and lead to new ways of engaging with local urban dynamics (law 266). They stretch back to the 1980s where thousands of women would gather and sit on make-shift card-box mats amidst luxurious buildings in Hong Kong's central business district (CBD). (guardian cite) Women do mundane activities that they usually cannot do at their jobs such as dancing, packaging items to to their relatives, sharing local delicacies and/or hosting prayer groups.

Fig.28.A sunday gathering in hong kong’s CBD Source:https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/mar/10/sun day-sit-in-inside-hong-kong-weekly-domestic-worker-resistance

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The ‘little Manila’ under the Hsbc Building: Hong Kong's female space invaders The HSBC building (see fig.29.) in Hong Kong is one of the most significant gathering points. The tower was designed with Hong Kong’s public space dilemma in mind. The building’s elevation from the ground ensured a pedestrian-flow across its atrium (fig.30.) which constantly allows light through (see fig). (Saieh). Although it was intended as a thoroughfare and urban shortcut for Hong Kong’s bustling pedestrians (see fig), on Sundays, from 5:30 to 11pm , it becomes a gathering point for a group of Fillipino domestic workers who transform it temporarily into a social space that accommodates their habits and traditions (Gonzalez) .

Fig.29. The HSBC building, Hong Kong Source: http://dragageshk.com/project/hsbc-mainbuilding/

Fig.30. The HSBC atrium Source: https://theforeignarchitect.com/blog/hsbcbuilding-hong-kong/

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Their unexpected presence was initially shunned upon. Letters such as chulani’s, written on july 8th 1998, were regularly sent to public new papers. The letter(brought forward by Lisa Law) regarded them as an eyesore in the city and went as follows: “ I used to enjoy going for a stroll around Statue Square and the neighbouring Charter Garden on Sundays. Thanks to the Filipino maids who practically monopolise all the open areas and roads in Central, I now hate to come down to Central on Sundays ... I would suggest that the Government immediately implement the following measures: prohibit squatting, hawking and eating in public areas; open normal traffic on all roads in Central so that the Filipino maids have no place to sit, squat and sleep . . . The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank should erect barriers round its headquarters, to prevent crowds of Filipinos from gathering” (law 272). Dissatisfaction expressed by the locals also presented them as an obstruction for passers-by (law 272) illustrated in Fig. 31 and 32 by Dr Hee Sun Choi. The figure shows their presence within the atrium that justifies the obstructiveness complained about . Passers-by (represented by the black figures) used to be restricted towards the peripherals with access into the building (see diagram B) deterred by the presence of these women (represented by the grey figures). Their weekly congregations on the other hand were perceived by Abbas (highlighted by Lisa Law) as a romanticized concept where “diversions of a space of power “become “ a space of pleasure” yet could be "an example of the fascination that the symbolic spaces of power exert on those excluded from them. The powerless are allowed to see Central - like looking at so many goods through a shop window - but not to touch it.”

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Fig.31. Filipino domestic workers' presence (grey) in the HSBC atrium compared to that of the passers-by (black) before renovations Source: https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space

Fig.32: Fillipino domestic workers occupying space under the HSBC building before renovation Source:https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space 39

The HSBC renovations however seemed to counteract the negative perceptions of these women. Although many regulations were established after its renovation, the area began to acknowledge their ephemeral gatherings in such a way that would also allow others to use the space they occupied as a thoroughfare.(see fig.). They were allowed to utilize the side-walks within proximity in order to clear the central space which hosts the main entrance allowing pedestrians to walk directly towards the major circulations leading into the building with ease. The design proposal by Dr Hee Sun choi also went further by proposing ways in which their new uses of space could become properly integrated into the Hong KOng’s urban fabric (see fig.x ) as a response to the evolution of this cultural phenomenon. On an urban scale,their activities were also recognized as a significant part of hong kong’s financial district . An interview done by Marisa Gonzales revealed that cars for example are prohibited from the area with traffic lights remaining red (Rhine).

Fig.33: Filipino domestic workers' presence (grey) in the HSBC atrium compared to that of the passers-by (black) after rennovations Source:https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space 40

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Fig.34: Dr Hee Sun Choi’s interventions to further integrate Hong Kong’s ‘Little Manila’s’ into its business district Source:https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk/HK_Public_Space

The female space invaders and protest Efforts placed to recognize these congregations as a significant part of Hong Kong’s society played a vital role that allowed them gather and empower their marginalized community. Their Sundays during recent times have served as spaces where protests could be organized and hosted by labour unions against the injustices that foreign domestic workers face in the community (Joles and Chu) . The overwhelming hours domestic workers have to work do not allow them to meet therefore the day-off becomes an important part of their everyday lives that allows them to speak out about their unfair treatments. These unconventional informal appropriations of a formal space and acceptance as an integral, adaptable and temporary yet different part of the city’s dynamics has allowed them to face the difficulties that come with their marginalized condition as domestic workers in Hong Kong.