Africa in union 50 years by All Media Africa International

THE MAGAZINE OF THE AFRICAN UNION COMMISSION

CELEBRATING 50 YEARS OF THE ORGANISATION OF AFRICAN UNITY 1963 - 2013

Partnerships to transform I

n 2008, the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) signed a momentous agreement with the African Union’s New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) to work towards increasing food production and food security in Africa. Agriculture has long been a top priority for NEPAD, and to translate that priority into action, it set up the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP). Under the NEPAD/ CAADP initiative, more than 30 African countries have agreed to increase public investment in agriculture to at least 10 per cent of their national budgets in a concerted effort to increase agricultural growth to 6 per cent annually by 2015. At the time of the signing, Mr Kofi Annan, former Secretary-General of the UN and AGRA’s Chairman, said, “the institutions will work together with governments and other agricultural investors to increase the productivity of smallholder farmers growing Africa’s staple food crops. They will focus particularly on plans to develop high potential

breadbasket areas in African countries.” He added that, “the new partnership will enable African countries to close the gap between intention and action on behalf of smallholder farmers.” AGRA has several highly integrated programmes that invest in the work of hundreds of grantees operating across the entire agricultural value chain. We invest in strengthening Africa’s seed systems and the development and delivery to farmers of improved, higher yielding varieties of important staple food crops. We work to improve the health and fertility of Africa’s severely degraded soils. We support efforts to improve smallholder access to better, more efficient input and output markets. We work with governments to enhance the development and implementation of evidence-based agricultural policies. Along with our financial partners, we have implemented risk-sharing facilities within a number of commercial banks that are leveraging some 160 million USD in more affordable credit for smallholders and the small agribusinesses

that support them. We have demonstrated the effectiveness of the concept, and are now working with several African governments to dramatically scale up agri-finance initiatives. Finally, we work closely with a large number of farmer associations – through our Farmer Organisation Support Centre in Africa (FOSCA) – to strengthen their business skills and their ability to respond to the needs and demands of their thousands of members.

to support the development and implementation of nationally defined agricultural development strategies and programmes. The two organisations agreed to do this by jointly strengthening country level public policy formulation and implementation capacity; creating a policy and regulatory environment conducive to private sector participation in the agricultural sector; and wherever possible, jointly mobilising and leveraging resources for sustained agricultural growth.

African Agriculture AGRA fully endorses the goals originally set forth in the CAADP framework, and is working with its many partners to strengthen support for achieving the agreed CAADP national-level targets. AGRA and its partners strive to buttress the collaborative relationships needed among national and international development organisations, as well as between private sector and civil society entities, to transform African agriculture. In 2010, the hand of NEPAD was strengthened by the AU’s decision to change it into the NEPAD Planning and Co-ordination Agency (NPCA) – a technical body of the African Union, whose core mandate is to facilitate and co-ordinate the implementation of regional and continental priority programmes and projects. CAADP remains an implementing programme under NPCA. AGRA quickly entered into a formal MoU with NPCA to clearly define how the organisations will collaborate to improve the performance of the African agriculture sector. The effectiveness of CAADP’s efforts at the country level is enhanced by NPCA and AGRA working together

Mrs Jane Karuku, AGRA’s President, notes that, “AGRA is dedicated towards achieving a smallholder agricultural transformation, and our strategy is to identify national breadbasket areas in priority countries and develop them through targeted investment plans that take CAADP agreements with governments as the starting point.” She adds, “NPCA continues to mobilise public support among African governments to prioritise and invest in agriculture. AGRA develops and disseminates the technologies needed by farmers; bolsters policy reform; builds markets, increases the availability of affordable credit, and helps to enable involvement of the private sector. Increased investment will help to make A frican smallholders farmers more productive and more profitable. There are technologies on the shelf today that, if made available to smallholder farmers, especially women, would dramatically improve their farming businesses. Investing in agriculture is investing in Africa’s future.” www.agra-alliance.org

EPWP Non-State Sector in Partnership with Communities The Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) Non-State Sector (NSS) was established in 2009 as part of the EPWP Phase 2. The Non-State Sector model is an innovative approach developed by Government to mobilise for the establishment of partnerships with Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). The purpose of the partnership is to offer NGOs a wage subsidy for the unemployed as a catalyst to increase the creation of work opportunities in communities. Two programmes exist in the Non-State Sector, namely: The institutionally-based, which is referred to as the Non-State Sector NGO Programme managed by the Department of Public Works; and the area-based, which is referred to as the Community Work Programme (CWP) and is institutionalised at the Department of Cooperative Governance. The Non-State Sector NGO programme establishes relationships with non-state entities to expand community projects that have the potential to employ large numbers of people. These non-state entities are Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), Community-based Organisations (CBOs) and Faith-based Organisations (FBOs). The non-state entities are contracted for a year in the EPWP Non-State Sector and are expected to become an extension of Government in the implementation of service delivery to locally-based communities. The partnership with NGOs is intended to ensure that there is a broadened reach of services provided by NGOs in communities. Furthermore, the EPWP Non-State Sector wage subsidy encourages NGO implementers to engage as many poor and unemployed people as possible in work opportunities within their local communities.

This wage subsidy is also utilised by NGOs to recruit unemployed people in the following substantial services:

• Cleaning and maintaining public spaces in under-serviced and under-resourced communities • Growing food that increases food security for the most vulnerable in society • Caring for children, the elderly, the sick and the vulnerable • Small-scale subsistence farming • Sport and recreation programmes for the youth • Improving the infrastructure of public facilities such as schools, community centres, sports grounds, clinics, parks, graveyards – to name just a few. In the 2013/14 financial year, the Non-State Sector NGO programme has set a national target to create 48 360 work opportunities. The sector further focuses on creating work opportunities for 55% of women, 40% of youth and 2% of people with disabilities. Government has further noted that partnerships established in the EPWP Non-State Sector have led NGOs to further expand their services and confidently approach private sponsors to collaborate with them. Over and above opportunities of expansion and sponsorship, Non-State Sector NGOs such as Itekeng Community Centre in the North West Province and Joint Education Project in the Limpopo Province have undertaken the role of mentoring newly-established NGOs. The purpose of the mentorship and incubation support provided by Itekeng Community Centre and Joint Education Project is to strengthen the management of newly-established NGOs so that these organisations can in the coming years apply to participate in the Non-State Sector programme. The above points prove that the Non-State Sector is a programme that assists NGOs to develop a culture of learning how to create work opportunities that are sustainable for people who are locally-based, through community-based projects.

For more information about the EPWP Non-State Sector, please visit the EPWP website on:

www.epwp.gov.za

contents

Auc Foreword

The AUCâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Deputy Chairperson

Editorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Note

prospects for development

Building Research universities in Africa

Oau Charter

Sports-Not just a luxury

Unity to the African Union

Auc Leadership

Birth of the O.A.U.

Infrastructure and growth in Africa

18 For a reason the AU had to be there 23 From the Organisation of African 28 6

34 Good Governance in Africa and

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

contents 65

Father of African Pan-Africanism

Prioritizing Health in Africa

egional Economic Communities R in Africa

The AUC & countries in conflict

OAU Leadership

All MediA Afr icA international managing EDITOR Grivin Ngongula editor@amafrica.net COPY EDITOR Pamela Makati

89 Monetary tools for reduction of unemployment

Publisher All Media Africa International The Avenues Office Park Media House,unit 3b2/3b1 1 Village Walk, Parklands Cape Town, 7441 Tel: + 27 21 0100 936 Website: www.amafrica.net

Rethinking regional intergration

100 Think: ACBF and the African Union Commission

CONTRIBUTORS Munyaradzi Makoni, Kerry Dimmer, Molly Tsitsi Chimhanda, Maurice Mashiwa design and layout Indio Design indiodesign@mweb.co.za operations Director Julian Moffat julian@amafrica.net

105

Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s strategic partnerships

Project Manager Malcolm Solomon

112

Noone should starve

118

Advertising Sales Bulelani Dyonase, Nina Ngandewe, Leroy Muguti

The Grand Vision Managing Director Graeme Mather graeme@amafrica.net

All work published in Africa in Union magazine is protected by copyright. Only with written permission from the publisher may any part of this magazine be reproduced or adapted in any form. The information provided and opinions expressed in Africa in Union magazine do not necessarily represent the opinions of this publication, the publisher or the editor. The publication, the publisher and the editor cannot be held liable for damages of any kind arising directly or indirectly from any facts or information provided or omitted in these pages or from any statements made or withheld by this publication.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

AUC Foreword

African Union Chairperson-Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma We pay tribute to the pioneers of Pan-Africanism, on the continent and in the Diaspora, and to the Founders of the OAU for their wisdom and foresight to lay the foundations for the unity and solidarity of Africa.We congratulate all African and Diaspora women, youth, workers, business, professionals, farmers, artists, intellectuals and civil society, for their commitment to the African cause. We salute the heroines who fought in the struggles against slavery, colonialism and apartheid, who founded the Pan African Women’s Organisation in 1962 and who demonstrated in words and action that human rights are indivisible and that the liberation of women is not an act of charity.We lower our banners as we remember those who made the supreme sacrifice in the struggle for the liberation of Africa, and who restored our dignity. These early generations embodied the Pan African values of selflessness, solidarity and service to the people, as in the part of the Oath taken by Amilcar Cabral in 1969 when he said:“I swear that I will give my life, all my energy and all my courage, all the capacity that I have… until the day that I die, to the service of my people, of Guinea and Cape Verde... and to the service of the cause of humanity… This is what my work is.” Africa’s struggle against colonialism, oppression and apartheid experienced solidarity and international support from all freedom-loving people of the world.The OAU exhibited the spirit of internationalism as it championed the African cause and supported the struggles of oppressed people in other parts of the world. We are therefore pleased to celebrate with all our friends from across the globe, and continue to reinforce our solidarity and cooperation. Across the length and breadth of Africa and in capitals of the world, Africa Day is being celebrated. Our 50th anniversary is a beacon of the spirit of internationalism, solidarity and cooperation.Fellow Africans, we re-dedicate ourselves to the total restoration of our dignity and independence. We pledge to restore the dignity of the African child, man and woman. We pledge to free ourselves from malnutrition and hunger, war and conflict, ignorance and disease, unemployment

and poverty. We pledge to take our destiny in our own hands, because “power resides in hard work, scientific investigations, in intellectual curiosity, in creative greatness and freedom, in the fullest exploration of our human powers, and in the truest independence.” We pledge to foster stronger bonds – educational, cultural, political and economic – with the Diaspora. As we start the journey of the next fifty years, we are clear about the task before us: to educate our populace, and ensure healthy bodies and minds; to modernize and expand Africa’s infrastructure and connect our peoples and countries; to grow our agriculture and agro-businesses so that we can feed ourselves and the world; to use our natural resources to industrialise and grow our shared prosperity; to invest in science, technology, research and innovation as enablers of rapid progress; and finally to empower women and youth as the drivers of Africa’s renaissance. As we therefore develop Agenda 2063, we call on all Africans and the Diaspora to contribute to this journey, so that Africa takes its destiny into its own hands, so that we become masters of our own fate. We are proud to be African. In this great task, let us think like men and women of action. And act like men and women of thought. My Brothers and sisters, this is your time. This is Africa’s time. Let us seize the moment. Shukran Asante sane Merci beaucoup, Obrigade I thank you.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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AUC Foreword

Erastus J.O. Mwencha, Egh; Mbs Deputy Chairperson of the African Union Commission

Summary of professional experience Mr. Erastus Mwencha is a Pan Africanist with over thirty years of progressive experience in policy formulation and institutional transformation at national, regional and continental levels in Africa. Throughout his career, he has been an ardent advocate and zealous engineer of regional integration as a leading principle for Africa’s development. He is passionate about Africa and believes in the continent’s rise and growth. Mr. Mwencha also believes in teamwork and his vision is to contribute to Africa’s growth and prosperity by empowering others to cultivate the capacity required to achieve economic, social and cultural development. Mr. Mwencha was elected in January 2008, as Deputy Chairperson of the African Union Commission by the Heads of State and Government of the 54 Member States of the African Union and re-elected to the same position in July 2012 with an overwhelming vote of 98%. During his first tenure as Deputy Chairperson of the AUC, Mr. Mwencha placed particular emphasis on supporting continental development agenda and programs as well as strengthening internal institutional systems. His strategic focus has been to upgrade those internal mechanisms that allow the organization to perform its role on the continent and in the world optimally. In this regard, he has paid special attention to reinforcing the result-based approach and adopting best practices to improve the AUC’s effectiveness. He placed the second and last term of his mandate under the theme: “It’s Africa’s time.” In this context, he has been leading the design and implementation of the Comprehensive Africa Agricultural a Development Program (CAADP) a tripartite forum for, among other objectives, promoting policy advocacy for agricultural development and food security. He has also focused on the implementation of a continental flagship projects including such as the Campaign for Accelerated Action for Reduction of Maternal Mortality in Africa (CAARMA) and the

control and eradication of HIV/AIDS and Malaria, with a view to raising living standards of people in Africa. Prior to his election at the AUC, he worked at Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) for over 25 years and served as Secretary General for ten years. Mr. Mwencha contributed to the transformation of the regional body into a viable economic integration entity, with the largest free trade area (FTA) in Africa. He was particularly instrumental in contributing to the expansion of intra-COMESA trade, developing programs for private sector cooperation and trade with the rest of world, spearheading regional hard and soft infrastructure programs in transport, communication and energy. He also developed the continental negotiating position for the Doha Round of negotiations of the World Trade Organization, Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and actively supported the programs to integrate women in development. Mr. Mwencha has also held several senior roles within the Ministry of Industry in Kenya

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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Editor’s Note

A case for growth opportunities in Africa In his contribution to the publication Africa In Fact, John Enders made some interesting observations about Africa, manufacturing and the GDP. His argument is backed by figures released by the World Bank that show that “not a single (African) manufactured product is found among the top three exports of any African country, according to the UN Comtrade database. Instead, raw materials and agricultural products head the lists—iron and gold, coal and oil, fish and hides”. He goes on to point that although there is manufacturing on the continent, they end up too expensive or unattractive on the international market. Generally, he argues that due to the small size and scale of many African economies, large investment will warrant scaling up in manufacturing. He also sites education as a factor that also plays a role in ensuring that Africa and her products are competitive on an international scale. As the world remembers 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity, I think it is important to take stock of how far Africa has travelled. Other continents have invested heavily in infrastructure. By so doing, this has had a positive spinoff for the local economies. Their goods compete well for prices on the international market. Can Africa not achieve the same? The answer is a resounding yes! Botswana adopted a direction that has all but guaranteed the country a say and place on the international market for her God given resources. This has been followed by investing in the industry that brings money. All countries in Africa can benefit if an aggressive approach to addressing challenges on the continent is adopted. John concludes his article with an interesting dimension. He says that “to keep growing their economies, they (African Governments) must boost manufacturing and industry by promoting business-friendly policies and investing in education and infrastructure”. As the continent moves into the future, I believe it is worth taking those directions that will ensure the continent becomes

competitive in all respects. What has been achieved to date has set the continent up for greater achievements. Africa is rich in many respects. A young, vibrant and growing population, human skills base. Mineral wealth. All and many other attributes speak of a continent that has what it takes to take care of her own. A brief look at conferences/events, for business and other interests paints a colourful image of a continent that is growing. In spite of all the pleasantries about Africa, the continent needs to move forward, aggressively so, with the time. Modernising the roads network presents a boom for African economies. The ICT sector, manufacturing among many sectors, present opportunities for growth for Africa. As the world celebrates with Africa, this is an opportunity for the continent to take a few steps back, reflect and forge ahead with policies at all levels of government, that will help the continent achieve successes in all areas, never imagined before. Happy reading! Grivin

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

For a reason,

oau had to be there

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

ÂŠwww.123rf.com/profile_rook76

OAU

Pan-Africanists knew what made Africa vulnerable to exploitation, who was engineering the continent’s political weakness and exploiting its riches. They knew what could be done to strengthen Africa’s resolve and crush the adversaries with good measure. They knew where to get fire arms, train soldiers and fight off the enemy. They had a head count of international figures that could lend moral and material support for their cause. by Munyaradzi Makoni

ABOVE: EGYPT - CIRCA 1983: stamp printed by Egypt, shows African trade union Emblem, circa 1983

It wasn’t just a group of disjointed Pan-Africanists. They were a new breed of leaders and intellectuals who had shared values and a revelation on what the total liberation of Africa could be. Their eyes were not only focused on political freedom, they hungered a united continent and a mover and shaker among the global economy. Africa had experienced it. The continent had endured being the source of cheap slave and raw materials producers for the international companies for too long. Many attempts were made to channel African aspirations towards freedom, equality, justice and progress. The initiatives of African brewed unity and independence dates back to 1900 when African diasporians embraced these ideas and saw them as a real possibility. The first recognised Pan-African gathering in Manchester, United Kingdom in 1960 gave credence to these efforts. The 60’s group had people like Dr Kwame Nrumah, the first President on Ghana, Abdel Nasser, Egypt and Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya among the front foot soldiers. The efforts eventually found expression in the establishment of the Organization

of African Unity (OAU) on 25 May 1963, with its headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Later years there was Sekou Toure of Guinea, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Houphouet Boigny of the Ivory Coast, and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia among others.

Continental identity

Pan-Africanism espouses a range of political views, beliefs that African peoples, both on the African continent and in the diaspora, share not merely a common history, but a common destiny and in a sense interconnected pasts and futures, especially in the creation of political institutions. Ethiopia under Emperor Halie Selassie became the home to drive this vision. The country had been unscathed by colonial rule, it gave a trusted base to the new organisation. 71-year-old Emperor Selassie in his first speech as president and host of the organisation said, Africans were no more and no less than other men because they possessed all human attributes, talents and deficiencies, virtues and faults. “Thousands of years ago, civilizations flourished in Africa which suffer not at

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

OAU

were overwhelmed in battle, and those who escaped conquest did so at the cost of desperate resistance and bloodshed. Others were sold into bondage as the price extracted by the colonialists for the ‘protection’ which they extended and the possessions of which they disposed. Africa was a physical resource to be exploited and Africans were chattels to be purchased bodily or, at best, peoples to be reduced to vassalage and lackeyhood. Africa was the market for the produce of other nations and the source of the raw materials with which their factories were fed.” Though not thrashed out how this was going to be achieved, more importantly, the case for the continent had been laid bare, issues at stake were outlined. Unavoidable history placed the struggle into perspective. What had happened is African

countries who had gained independence from colonial powers drew their strength regionally. The countries looked themselves through colonial experience as Francophone, Anglophone and Arab which hindered unity attempts, the thinking that Selassie challenged. “The commentators of 1963 speak, in discussing Africa, of the Monrovia States, the Brazzaville Group, the Casablanca Powers, of these and many more. Let us put an end to these terms. What we require is a single African Organization through which Africa’s single voice may be heard, within which Africa’s problems may be studied and resolved,” he said.

New era

The newly launched OAU had four main institutions, an annual assembly of heads of state, a council of ministers

ABOVE: Addis Ababa, Ethiopia May 25: H.E. Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission shaking hands with the Commissioners of the AUC at the opening ceremony of the 50th Anniversary of the OAU/AU at the African Union Commission Head

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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all by comparison with those of other continents. In those centuries, Africans were politically free and economically independent. Their social patterns were their own and their cultures truly indigenous,” said Selassie opening the OAU meeting in Addis Ababa attended by close to 2000 people representing 32 independent countries in Africa. That day, the emperor was unrestrainable. “The events of the past 150 years require no extended recitation from us. The period of colonialism into which we were plunged culminated with our continent fettered and bound; with our once proud and free peoples reduced to humiliation and slavery; with Africa’s terrain cross-hatched and chequerboarded by artificial and arbitrary boundaries.” “Many of us, during those bitter years,

a general secretariat and a commission of mediation, conciliation and arbitration and Addis Ababa would be the headquarters. The priority at hand was the era of Pan-African solidarity that mainly mobilised the anti-colonial and antiapartheid struggle of Africa. Member States were encouraged to combine their economies into sub-regional markets that would ultimately form one Africa-wide economic union. The launch of the OAU was preceded by a Charter which was meant to promote the unity and solidarity of African States, co-ordinate and intensify their co-operation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa. The Charter stood to defend their sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence; eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa; promote international co-operation, giving due regard to the charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; co-ordinate and harmonise members’ political, diplomatic, economic, educational, cultural, health, welfare, scientific, technical and defence policies. The Charter’s aim was to guide rather than lead an Africa that was still finding its feet. The emergence of a changed political climate and failure of some African leaders to democratise internally, the Pan-Africanist era resulted in the killing, removal or death of some of the founding fathers. These included Emperor Haile Sellassie, Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah, King Idris, Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, and Prime Minister Ahmed Ben Bella. When it was implemented some 13 African conflicts attracted interventions by the OAU but, only five out of these engagements led to the deployment of some type of OAU peacekeeping operation. These included Rwanda in August-October 1993 and Burundi in December 1993. Colin Legum, a researcher writing in the International Affairs journal in 1975 says although pan-continental aspirations have inspired movements

down the centuries, Africa is the first continent in which this idea has become anything like a reality. But the effectiveness of the reality is debatable. Legum says some critics were negatively, amazed, and disappointed, that an organisation, whose early demise they had so confidently and so often foretold, should still be in active business after nearly twelve years. In fact it is still going strong after 50 years. Others were naturally impressed by a continent going through a test of times just as other international bodies like United Nations of the European Economic Community would have done when they started off. The OAU provided the arena within which common African policies were

they staged coups, engineered rebellions and installed dictatorship. Contaminated by Stalinist ideology, they used state power without restraint. In the immediate aftermath of the cold war, the 26th Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government held in June 1990, expressed its determination to work for the speedy and peaceful resolution of all the conflicts in Africa. Three years later the OAU established a Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution, following a decision taken by African Heads of State during the 29th session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Cairo in June 1993. When the OAU transformed to African Union (AU) the charter was change to

“The commentators of 1963 speak, in discussing Africa, of the Monrovia States, the Brazzaville Group, the Casablanca Powers, of these and many more. Let us put an end to these terms”.

forged, or disputed, and where the tensions of inter-African relations could be released which led to annual summit meetings of heads of state becoming critical events. Africa equally became a bedrock of chaos when leaders like General Said Barre, Colonel Houari Boumedienne, General Mobutu Sese Seko, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, General Moussa Traore, Ibrahim Babangida, General Gafar Numeiry, and Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam - the African era of generals and colonels when they were in charge. The leftist groups of the 1970s and 1980s began to promote socialist ideals based on class as state ideology. In the name of nation-building and socialism

match the new circumstances. Namely achieve greater unity and solidarity between African countries and the peoples of Africa; defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states; accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent; and promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples. OAU triumphed over its pangs of birth, growth, transition and finding new direction. Though it might be deemed too early to assess it against Selassie’s first ever speech: “May this convention of union last 1,000 years,” 50 are gone, the continent is looking towards another 50 in a much better shape.

OAU

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BELOW: The New African Union Commission headquarters building in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

changeover From the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union

The existence of the Organisation of African Unity could have only happened with the vision and commitment of leaders who gained independence ahead of others in Africa, such action paved the way to a body, African Union, which continues to transform till today. By Munyaradzi Makoni

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

OAU

the spread of socialism and the Cold War conflicts the speedy political de-colonialisation of Africa happened. The end of the Second World War resulted in demands for independence from colonial rule engulfing Africa.

The early days The story is romantic, almost ebullient, yet true. A man from Ghana, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the president of that country, fired up by ideals on Pan Africanism, thought of continent less vulnerable to outside influence. In the late 1950s, Dr Nkrumah started a movement, which stressed the immediate unity of the African continent. He called for an audience with his peers. Mission accomplished? Not yet. There were others who steered for unity behind closed doors, notably, Ketema Yifru, an Ethiopian Foreign Minister from 1961 to 1971. History credits the man for negotiating with many African countries paving a way to creation the OAU. Among them were Ghana, Guinea, and Mali and later on Egypt, the Transitional Government of Algeria, and Morocco. The

countries joined the Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union to form the Casablanca Group which emerged in 1961, comprising seven countries: Algeria, Egypt, Ghana, Guinea, Libya, Mali, and Morocco. Other countries like Nigeria, Liberia, Senegal, Ivory Coast, Cameroon, Togo, took time studying the question of African unity. When the first regional meeting of the 32 African countries, which were independent at that time was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in May 1963 it was generally agreed that there was strength in the unity of purpose. Among this group, that became known as the Founding Fathers of the OAU, where the likes of Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Modibo Keita of Mali, Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt, Sekou Touré of Guinea, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Ben Bella of Algeria, Emperor Haile Selasse of Ethiopia, William Tubman of Liberia, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of Nigeria, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya. Dr Nkrumah led a group that supported total economic and political unity for the continent while another group was conservative seeking a gradual

ABOVE FROM LEFT TO RIGHT: Prime Minister of Ethiopia, UN Secretary General, AUC Chairperson and Commissioners, and Distinguished guests stand up for the AU anthem at the opening ceremony of the 50th Anniversary of the OAU/AU at the African Union Com

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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For every country that remained a colony on the African continent it became the duty of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to ensure that it was assisted to achieve its freedom and independence. Aspirations of the common people and the vision of African leaders became an excellent basis for working towards the greater unity of the continent. So, marking the 50th Anniversary of the OAU and the 10th Anniversary of the African Union is most apt at this time. In fact it is a befitting tribute to the efforts of the continent authenticating its identity. The entire African continent had been colonised by Britain, France, Portugal, Germany, Belgium, Italy and Spain in what is called the ‘Scramble for Africa’ by the 19th century. When the First World War ended, Germany and Italy had been defeated, they lost their colonies to the victorious powers. Colonial governments ruled African societies with impunity. They imposed their own laws which were brutal and denied Africans their basic human rights. The colonial economy mainly served to exploit local people and benefit the colonial powers. Thanks to the influence of

OAU

approach in dealing with the challenges. They all later agreed to fight apartheid and colonialism. The African leaders were fired up. Theirs became a classic African story of modern day activism, a discovery of medication for oppression, from peacefully negotiating with colonial powers to where to get military training and bomb out recalcitrant colonial leaders. Thanks to sharing ideas by people like Williams Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Edward W. Blyden and Georges Padmore amongst others, a clarity of purpose was discovered. The sharing of experiences even extended to people like President Sukarno of Indonesia, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India and President Marshal Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia, amongst others. It’s no surprise that after setting up of OUA in 1963 African leaders eventually established a military wing, the OAU Liberation Committee that had its headquarters in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

OAU at work Liberation of Africa, in fact, became one of the most powerful rallying points on the continent. There was unified front against foreign oppression. The combined military, political and diplomatic efforts jointly brought the spotlight about liberation in the remaining territories under colonial rule on the continent. Armed conflict between the guerrilla forces of the Mozambique Liberation Front and Portugal took place in Mozambique. The Angolans fought against South African Boers. War escalated in Zimbabwe against the British. Fighting raged against apartheid South Africa in Namibia a former Germany territory who eventually got their independence in 1990. There was more scrutiny and condemnation of apartheid in South Africa. Notably it was the OAU that saw the imposition of sanctions against both Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and apartheid South Africa by the United Nations. South Africa became the 53rd and last nation to joining the OAU after overcoming Apartheid and electing a new democratic government in 1994.

Apart from fighting for liberation OAU coordinated cooperation for development, preserved the sovereignty and territorial integrity of member states and promoted international cooperation in the framework of the United Nations. Since its creation, the OAU has given the peaceful settlement of inter-African conflicts a key place in its work. A mediation, conciliation and arbitration

platform to adopt coordinated positions on common issues in international bodies and to defend the continent’s interests a situation that paved the way for the birth of the African Union. During an extraordinary summit in Sirte, Libya, the OAU decided to set up a new organisation to replace it. Ten years have since passed when 24 presidents and one king presided over the

“Critics warned that too much faith was being placed in a document which made more sense in theory than in practice. African leaders were lambasted for rushing to create what should be a more effective political and economic union without enough thought.”

commission was set up for this purpose. However, its work has been stymied by limited financial resources. The organisation often resorts to using Councils of Wise People or ad hoc committees to try to find solutions to disputes. At the 1981 summit in Nairobi, an African Charter on Human and People’s Rights was adopted and led to the creation, in 1986, of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights. The collapse of the communist bloc, the end of the Cold War and East-West confrontation, Africa had to rethink its policy against the backdrop of a proliferation of internal conflicts. The creation of a mechanism to prevent, manage and resolve African conflicts was mooted and approved at the Cairo summit in June 1993. Its main body is made up of the heads of state of the member countries of the conference’s bureau in office.

The last summit The OAU has managed to create semblance of a united working Africa in spite of limited capacity for action and low levels of financial resources due to intense diplomatic work done by its officers. Member states have been given a

birth of the African Union on 9-11 July, 2001 in Lusaka, Zambia. Rather than weep over what appeared to be the demises of OAU, the leaders celebrated a base that had given them foundation to claim their identity in the world. The OAU and the AU co-existed for a two year transition period. The AU, officially launched at the Durban summit in 2002, was to be the spearhead tasked with accelerating and deepening the process of economic and political integration on the continent. Its founding act envisages bodies and institutions inspired in particular by the model of the European Union. This historic effort will require leadership, courage and willingness to depart from the ways of the past, if it is to do for Africa what the European Union has done for Europe, Kofi Annan, himself an African from Ghana who was the secretary-general of the United Nations said at the creation of AU in Lusaka. There was skepticism when the AU inspired by the European Union and styled on other global continental bodies in Asia and America was launched. Critics warned that too much faith was being placed in a document which made more sense in theory than in practice. African leaders were lambasted for rushing to create what

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particular at the heart of its concerns. In 2004, a Peace and Security Council was created. This new and key institution can, further to authorisation from the conference of heads of state, order military intervention in serious circumstances (war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity). In 2006 the AU opened the “Pan-African Parliament” in Midrand, South Africa. It now has 265 elected representatives from the member states. The parliament is to implement the politics and the goals of the AU and promote democracy and economic development. The parliament is only an advisory organ with no power to make laws. The AU’s new headquarters was opened in Addis Ababa in 2009. South Africa’s home affairs minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma becomes the first woman in the organisation’s history to be elected head of the AU Commission, the highest rank within the alliance, in 2012.

The road ahead

ABOVE: H.E. Ato Hailemariam Dessalegn, Prime minister of Ethiopia and Chairperson of the African Union delivers a key note speech at the opening ceremony of the 50th Anniversary of the OAU/AU at the African Union Commission Head Q

a dynamic force on the world stage”. The design is to move quicker along the path of unity. It is also about a change of perspective through the definition of common policies in priority areas: defence, peace and continental security, integration of African economies, the free movement of people, goods and capital, food security, the fight against poverty, development, trade, the environment, the fight against pandemics etc. The peaceful resolution of conflicts is in

Africa’s struggle against colonialism, oppression and apartheid experienced solidarity and international support from all freedom- loving people of the world said Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, the current AU commission chairperson on the occasion of addressing the Third Pan African Parliament on 6 May 2013 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Dlamini-Zuma said the OAU exhibited the spirit of internationalism as it championed the African cause and supported the struggles of oppressed people in other parts of the world. She said AU was pleased to celebrate with all its friends from across the globe, and continue to reinforce its solidarity and cooperation. Dlamini-Zuma said the 50th anniversary was a beacon of the spirit of internationalism, solidarity and cooperation as Africa strives to overcome the myriad socio-economic and political problems it confronts. “As we start the journey of the next fifty years, we are clear about the task before us: to educate our populace, and ensure healthy bodies and minds; to

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

modernize and expand Africa’s infrastructure and connect our peoples and countries; to grow our agriculture and agro- businesses so that we can feed ourselves and the world; to use our natural resources to industrialise and grow our shared prosperity; to invest in science, technology, research and innovation as enablers of rapid progress,” she said.

Unfinished business As much as AU shares it views on accomplishments and there missed opportunities of the organization which it will strive to achieve. The AU Constitutive Act of 2000 established 17 key institutions, some of which have overlapping mandates, while others continue to represent aspirations for future integration rather than serving present needs. For example, the planned setting up of the African Court of Justice never is yet to take off. Only five countries — far short of the 15 required — have signed the protocol for the African Court of Justice and Human Rights supposed to take its place. Some instruments, such as the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, are actively opposed by a vocal minority of countries. Other protocols — such as those on women’s rights and combating corruption — languish unsigned by many states. Some analysts say the extent of South Africa’s engagement in region-building in Africa bears testimony to a foreign policy shaped by a commitment to multilateralism over the past two decades. In particular, South Africa has recognised the importance of creating common markets to facilitate the continent’s economic development. To put it strongly in the words on Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem, a staunch Pan-Africanist who passed away in 2013, the issues, problems and developments that confront Africa have to be dealt with in a holistic approach. “Africa is a house with 54 rooms in it. When one room catches fire, other rooms are endangered.”

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should be a more effective political and economic union without enough thought. The observers concluded that the timetable for trying to achieve these goals is unrealistic and could backfire. The founding congress of the AU meets in Durban (South Africa). The headquarters of the organization remain in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia). The African Union’s vision is to “build an Africa that is integrated, prosperous and at peace, led by its citizens and constituting

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The birth of the OAU Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, was a passionate believer in African unity, and a living link with the historic PanAfrican movement which had promoted solidarity among people of African descent everywhere against colonialism and racism. Earlier Pan-Africanists had identified with Ethiopia as a historic African state that remained independent except for the Italian occupation of 1936-41, which aroused their strong protests. Pan-Africanism inevitably changed when the greater part of Africa became independent between 1957 and 1963. The Diaspora, previously prominent in the promotion of Pan-Africanism, no longer played such a role. At the same time, ideas of African solidarity and unity extended to the whole continent, not just sub-Saharan Africa. Notably, there was support for the Algerian war of independence against France, which ended in 1962. Prominent in the minds of those seeking greater unity was the continued subjection of millions of Africans to colonial or white settler rule in the Portuguese colonies, in Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), in South Africa and in South-West Africa (now Namibia). A few British and French colonies were not yet independent in 1963, but they became attained their independence in the next few years. On the need to seek fellow Africans’ liberation, there was a general basic agreement in principle. But on how independent African countries should progress further, there was disagreement. Some states with a more radical approach to foreign policy adopted the Casablanca Charter on 7 January 1961, at a meeting in that Moroccan city. They included, notably, Ghana under Nkrumah, Guinea under President Ahmed Sékou Touré – who had led Guinea into independence from France in opposition

to the programme set out by President Charles de Gaulle in 1958 –and Egypt under President Gamal Abdel Nasser. On the other hand, a meeting in Monrovia on 8-12 May 1961, led to the formation of the Monrovia Group of more conservative states, pro-Western at the time of the Cold War, and cautious about moves towards unity. Some other leaders were independent of both groups, such as President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania,

whose radicalism resembled Nkrumah’s but who advocated moves towards unity within regions as a first step. Nkrumah came to be isolated in his call for an early continental government. Even other Casablanca Group members did not support Nkrumah on this, and in fact it was largely through discussions between Sékou Touré and Emperor Haile Selassie that the gap between the two main blocs was bridged and the creation of

RIGHT: Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park KNMP is a National Park in, Accra, Ghana named after Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah, the founding father of Ghana

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

alliance of governments, and the principle of ‘non-interference’ was for long applied strictly. Nkrumah continued after 1963 to follow an alternative approach, seeking unity among peoples rather than governments, on the lines of the All African People’s Conference in Accra in 1958. Thus, his government gave asylum and aid to not only African freedom fighters, but also to political activists opposing some independent governments, such as those of Cameroon and Niger. This caused a serious crisis at the time of the OAU summit held in Accra in 1965. Presently, that dispute is largely forgotten and the memory of Nkrumah is revered everywhere. But the OAU continued as an alliance of governments and a defender of their sovereignty. annual summits held sometimes in Addis Ababa, sometimes in other capitals. Although its powers were limited, it did make an impact as an expression of a common African outlook on several subjects, including the end of colonial and settler rule.

OAU and liberation the OAU became possible. In practice this meant that the OAU. The OAU Charter did not reflect Nkrumah’s ideas, and created a grouping of sovereign states. The seven fundamental principles enshrined in the Charter were: • The sovereign equality of all member states • R espect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each state • The inalienable right to independent existence of each state • P eaceful settlement of disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation, and arbitration • U nreserved condemnation of political assassination in all its forms as well as of subversive activities on the part of neighbouring states or any other state • A bsolute dedication to the total emancipation of African territories which are still dependent • N on-alignment with regard to all power blocs. The OAU was formed through an

The day of triumph, when South Africa, under majority rule with Nelson Mandela as president, joined the OAU in 1994, was scarcely imaginable back in 1963. The apartheid regime seemed as solid as a rock then, and there was also the extension of South African white supremacist rule over South-West Africa, while the white settler regime in Southern Rhodesia was as determined to hold on to power as the Portuguese colonial rulers were in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde and São Tomé et Príncipe. But even against what seemed heavy odds, the OAU and its member states went beyond encouraging words in supporting resistance in those countries. It created the OAU Liberation Committee, based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, to channel assistance. Individual African states provided rear bases and training for guerrillas, notably Tanzania and Zambia. On the diplomatic front, in response to Britain’s failure to take effective action against Prime Minister Ian Smith’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence in

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

Rhodesia, the OAU called on all member states to break off diplomatic relations with Britain in 1965. Only a minority of states actually implemented this resolution; on this and other occasions African states were divided, as sovereign states have a right to be, and the OAU could not force any to abide by a resolution. But this did not mean the organisation was totally ineffective. In 1971, the OAU effectively put a stop to moves by President Félix HouphouëtBoigny of Côte d’Ivoire and Prime Minister Kofi Abrefa Busia of Ghana to start a ‘dialogue’ with South Africa. On Rhodesia, differing views on diplomatic relations with Britain did not prevent an overall commitment to helping African resistance. President Hastings Banda of Malawi rejected general African policy towards Rhodesia, South Africa and the Portuguese colonies with impunity; but in the long run this did not save the white regimes. The period 1974-1975, a revolution in Portugal was followed by independence for all the Portuguese territories. Regrettably, independence came in the midst of civil war in Angola, and at first, African states were evenly divided between supporters and opponents of the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) government headed by President Agostinho Neto. The situation was changed by South Africa’s intervention against the MPLA, and before long the OAU was on the side of the MPLA government as part of the liberation struggle. In this case, as in others, there were always some African states breaking ranks, openly or secretly; some broke international sanctions against Rhodesia and the OAU’s own 1968 resolution in favour of sanctions against South Africa. But the white supremacists always knew that Africa was generally against them. They did not succeed in winning acceptance of their policies through ‘dialogue’ — though the OAU did not reject dialogue altogether, and accepted the principle of it in the Lusaka Manifesto in 1969. Eventually, Rhodesia became the independent state of Zimbabwe under black majority rule in 1980, and joined the

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OAU

OAU with Robert Mugabe as prime minister and later president. In 1990, in the face of African resistance within the country, international sanctions, and world hostility, the South African regime granted independence to South-West Africa as Namibia (under President Sam Nujoma), and later it released Nelson Mandela from 27 years of prison, lifted the ban on the African National Congress (ANC), began the process which ended the white supremacist regime in South Africa and brought in the democratically-elected multiracial government in 1994. Following that, a special OAU minisummit was held in Arusha in Tanzania on 15 August 1994, which voted to end the mandate of the OAU Liberation Committee. With the unifying campaign for the liberation of the whole continent now completed, what could replace it as a focus of united efforts among OAU members? The new leaders of South Africa suggested an answer, agreed by many others. The first foreign minister under Mandela, Alfred Nzo, said: ‘The main challenge now of the OAU is to get into the next struggle which is one of economic development.’ He was echoing what Mandela had said at the 1993 OAU summit in Cairo, Egypt, and what should be the main priority of the OAU: ‘All of us know the brutal reality of a continent awash with hungry children, plagued by wars that devour human lives, confronted by millions of refugees and displaced people, economies in crisis, and by disproved theories and broken dreams.’

On the economic front In fact, those who suggested that after the end of the struggle against colonial rule and white settler regimes the OAU should concentrate on Africa’s pressing economic problems, were aware that the organisation had been paying attention to them for many years. Economic cooperation had been among its aims from the beginning, and it took many initiatives in the economic field. In April 1980, the first OAU Economic Summit was held in Lagos, and adopted the Lagos Plan of Action.

Five years later, the 21st OAU summit in 1985 issued a declaration on the economic situation in Africa which included (a) a programme of measures for accelerated implementation of the Lagos Plan; (b) special action for improvement of the food situation in Africa; (c) the rehabilitation of agricultural development; and (d) measures for a common platform for action at the sub-regional, continental and international levels. To this declaration was appended Africa’s Priority Programme for Economic Recovery (APPER), a five-year programme for the years 1986 to 1990. APPER was elaborated in a submission to a special session of the United Nations General Assembly on Africa’s economic and social crisis. The African countries estimated that

Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), founded in 1958 and based, like the OAU, in Addis Ababa. UNECA has contributed much to African economic cooperation through research, statistics, conferences, etc., but it is not a body that can lay down economic cooperation or concerted economic policies for the continent, and neither was the OAU. Whatever progress was made in that direction was, and has been, achieved by regional organisations such as ECOWAS in West Africa, and SADC in Southern Africa. Much more progress in that direction, ultimately leading to the economic union of the whole continent, was agreed among all OAU members when, during the 27th OAU summit in Abuja (2-6 June 1991), they signed the Abuja Treaty on the African

full implementation of APPER would cost $128 billion, of which $82 billion would be mobilised from within Africa, with the rest coming from external sources. Besides providing financial aid, the international community was called upon to assist Africa by improving its trade possibilities and easing its debt burden, which was already a major concern for African states then and has remained so. It should be noted that while the Lagos Plan of Action and APPER reflected the common aspirations of African states, they did not impose binding commitments on individual states (nor, of course, on aid donors). The OAU was not a forum for reaching binding, detailed agreements on any economic measures to be applied by African states. It never had any such power, nor, for that matter, does the UN

Economic Community (AEC). This laid down detailed stages for economic integration, first at the level of the existing regional groupings, and later at the continental level, to involve, eventually, not only free trade but also a common currency. The target date set for the effective creation of the AEC was 2025. Now the African Union, which took over from the OAU in 2002, has to pursue and hasten the programme laid down in the Abuja Treaty. Contrary to widespread belief, the Constitutive Act of 2000 setting up the African Union does not provide for an immediate creation of a political union. However, it does provide for an African Parliament, which was already provided for in the Abuja Treaty. Economically, the aim is to speed up, if possible, the programme of greater regional integration.

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governance in arfica “While poverty on its own may not be sufficient to wreck a democratic project, its persistence or even intensification certainly does contribute to the creation of conditions that could stultify the basis for democratic politics. Tackling poverty and related social injustices is, therefore, simultaneously an investment in democratic governance and in the prospects for its consolidation” Prof. Fantu Cheru on ‘Renewing and Restoring Democracy in Africa: A Herculean Task. By Maurice Mashiwa

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and prospects for development

How are we to understand Africa? Africa as a theme keeps many intellectuals, scholars, policy wonks, politicians, publishers and editors, business leaders and others of all manner of color and hue awake for a long time. Whether one is an African or non-African it is a tough engagement to take a geopolitical and panoramic view of Africa and get the best out of the morass that the continent is in with regard to peace, good governance and the prospects these have on the development and transformative agenda. The two decades of 1980s and 1990s have been billed as Africa’s ‘lost development decades’. Several African countries either stagnated or experienced a reversal of the gains already attained in the 1960s and 1970s. Part of the explanation is in the World Bank and IMF’s sponsored structural adjustment programs that many African countries embarked on. The details that describe our mother land as a ‘continent in despair’ are horrifying yet much has also changed lately with a band of countries such as Ghana, Uganda, Tanzania, Botswana, Mozambique and Kenya that have reformed to improve governance and spur a “sustained significant real per capita economic growth” (Cheru 2002:3).

AU’s NEPAD and African Governance The AU through NEPAD put in much effort in pushing forward the slow yet incremental economic growth in a handful of African countries the last few years but this does not qualify to represent a solid start of an ‘African Renaissance’ agenda. To attain significant transformation of development in Africa, the substantive content and character of governance in practice is necessary as it unleashes new impetus to sustain peace and stability within communities and helps in building the efficiency of public administrators to enhance their abilities in addressing pressing challenges within the continent of poverty and underdevelopment, the rule of law, human rights abuses, marginalization of certain groups and a real threat to

extermination of others as we have experienced in Rwanda and now in The Central African Republic. In the literature, “there is a difference between those who view governance as concerned with the rules for conducting public affairs verses those who see it as steering or controlling public affairs”. This is the substance viewpoint while on the character, “the difference is between governance as related to performance or process” (Hyden et al. 2004:12). Historically governance is employed with regard to: public administration, international relations, international development agencies and comparative politics. Because most Sub Sahara African states

economic governance which involves the management of the domestic economy and its relationships with other economies (Maathai, 2009 and AERC, 2007). Theorizing on Public Choice is essential to better appreciate how political and economic markets operate by thoroughly examining the rules that regulate socio-political interactions in society. This institutional framework outlook of governance within which government not only develops but also implements public policies, while entrepreneurs engage in productive activities for wealth creation necessary to address poverty and social deprivation must form the hallmark and aspiration of African leadership.

African hopes and possible futures require close nurturing from all stakeholders in business, government leaders, politicians, scholars, intellectuals and other functional groups to both create and increase awareness of other structural transformation needs, challenges and gaps.

don’t have the capacity to deal effectively with public issues (as is the case in DR Congo, CAR, new kid on the block - South Sudan, the bleeding Somalia, the cracking Mozambique and Burundi, Mali and long standing Sudan’s Darfur crisis among others), it is loosely seen that public administration is relying on governance theory to manage representation and participation problems and legitimacy particularly of democratic institutions and political control of bureaucracy. This outlook ends up with very limited outcomes.

Governance as a Three legged Stool Like a three legged stool, governance also has distinct arms: political governance that deals with the design of public policy; administrative governance that handles the implementation of policy and

Having celebrated 50 years of Africa in Union last year, many countries have a long way to go in translating the thematic issues of African Unity that have been attained the last five decades. The institutions of governance be they national government run on intergovernmental need to actively engage in the best standards and practices to deliver the African Hopes to its people. Examining region and country specific trends indicate across the continent, one draws a completely different picture about the “Africa Raising” narrative. There are countries that are fast improving while others are still disastrously weak in setting up properly function central governments. In the end, different political actors within the African polity (lawmakers, voters, civil servants, political coalitions, lobby groups, civil society groups, ethnic groups and

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other politicians) have useful roles and contributions to make in the design of rules used to effect governance.

Pressing Issues and Missing Fruits of Governance

Measuring African Governance The Mo Ibrahim Foundation spends a lot of time in measuring governance systems and performance of African leaders in their efforts to improve livelihoods and advance human development. The foundation works with AU’s NEPAD whose primary goal is to “aggressively fight poverty and deprivation in Africa, significantly improve living conditions for all population groups, enhance the region’s participation in global affairs, including the international economy, and promote peaceful coexistence” (NEPAD Document). To fulfill these objectives, African countries have to cooperate with NEPAD in attaining its five core principles: good governance; entrenchment of democracy, peace and security; sound economic policy making and implementation; productive and mutually beneficial partnerships and domestic ownership and leadership of

development initiatives. The assessment on the success and or failure of both NEPAD’s African Peer Review Mechanism and The Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s work in advancing good governance remains to be seen on the long term. The very notion of rewarding retired presidents for their exceptional performance while in office is not an incentive attractive enough to many long serving leaders to call it a day in high office. The Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership inter alia: Recognizes and celebrates African leaders who have developed their countries, lifted people out of povertyand paved the way for sustainable and equitable prosperity. It ensures that Africa continues to benefit from the experience and expertise of exceptional leaders when they leave national office, by enabling them to continue in other public roles on the continent.

Highlights exceptional role models for the continent Taking stock against the Selection Criteria for the award of Ibrahim Prize (former African Executive Head of State or Government, left office in the last three years, democratically elected, served his/her constitutionally mandated term and demonstrated exceptional

The alternative understanding of governance is a locally focused governance system that pulls all necessary tools required to deal with equity in the distribution of the benefits of economic growth and address development needs. Of import in this category is the whole gamut of: property rights and allocation of natural resources, the protection of individual and group values plus the environment from degradation, creation of space and peace necessary for economic freedom, the flourishing of ethnic and religious traditions, challenging issues of nationality, identity belonging and liberty, minority rights, accountability and creation of inclusive and cohesive societies. Issues of peace and governance and the experience of the two in Sub Sahara Africa show many layers. The most pressing points of governance for Africa include the regulation of socio-political interaction, critical decisions about the allocation of scarce economic resources (taxation, production, distribution of income); health care , clean water, access

to welfare enhancing and life saving goods and services, affordable housing, educational facilities and most important inter alia, peaceful coexistence of various ethnic population groups. To create this model of governance in Africa, it is essential to develop a polity which has active citizens who can work towards the establishment of effective states.

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leadership), there is a tall order given that there were no recipients in 2013, 2012 and 2009. It has been won by three times in 2007, 2008 and 2011. In 2010 it was awarded to the African giant Nelson Mandela as honorary.

Challenges to Africa Governance Popular mass participation of the African people in NEPAD’s work has been lacking terribly. Local acceptance of its ideals, goals and principles run a mock of being equated with the SAPs associated with the World Bank and IMF from which some African countries have never fully recovered. A continent-wide understanding and application of good governance is not easy given that governance is really about institutional frameworks that individual countries build. NEPAD cannot establish within each African country the kind of laws and institutions that can promote good governance. In fact, 20 years after this noble work started (transitioning Africa to democratic governance), very few countries have made solid progress beyond elections. Many Sub Sahara African countries are yet to deepen and institutionalize democracy which is the foundation of good governance and the fountain of peace and development. The extractive nature of African political and economic institutions have not created the right incentives to broaden the structural and fundamental governance institutions necessary in the realization of consolidated human development in Africa. The democratic deficit we continue to experience is partly due to the absence of peace and good governance. As Fantu Cheru aptly posits: “If sustained peace is the goal, conflict resolution in Africa must move beyond military response, and focus on addressing the root causes of conflict. At the most fundamental level, the absence of justice is frequently the principle reason for the absence of peace. Ethnic discrimination, denial of basic rights, extreme economic inequality and other manifestations of injustice are forms of ‘structural violence’ according to peace theorist Johan

Galtung. Structural violence plants the seeds of physical violence and, in many cases, deadly conflict” (Cheru, 2002: 204). Political violence is usually not an isolated issue, it stems from structural problems in the management of: • Control of resources • Determination of access to those resources • Beneficiaries from the utilization of the same resources The three issues form the breeding ground for mind boggling socioeconomic inequality perpetuated by extractive political and economic institutions. Until African leadership and society creates inclusive political and economic institutions, we will remain in the woods for a little longer. The African continent remains to discombobulate itself in the age of global leapfrogging on many fronts. Attaining the aspirations outlined above and overcoming the challenges, African Governance needs the engagement of many people with solid, collective and individual commitment to work towards peace building and good governance to make practical contributions within their communities on other areas that need better engagement, cross-cultural peace building and upholding the rule of law. Building inclusive political and economic institutions collectively works towards attaining equitable economic growth and development.

Conclusion The crucial task of building a democratic society cannot be dissociated from the renewal of economic prosperity and social justice. Taking the EAC member states as an example, the core element of the contemporary challenge of building democracy is tied to the task of eradicating poverty and many related social injustices devoid of good governance. The intensification of religious fundamentalism, terrorist leaning groups, the persistence of poverty and social inequality create conditions that could quickly stultify the basis of democratic

governance and politics. African hopes and possible futures require close nurturing from all stakeholders in business, government leaders, politicians, scholars, intellectuals and other functional groups to both create and increase awareness of other structural transformation needs, challenges and gaps. Better training on such tools as early warning mechanism, peace building negotiations and areas such as human rights, rule of law and the interdependence of different essential state, regional and non-state organizations work in closely towards building a better developed, peaceful society governed by the rule of law where people peacefully co-exist. Africa is not well cushioned from the vagaries of globalization which is hugely contradictory in nature and is depicted to be the greatest threat to human development by its critics (Stiglitz, 2006: 9 and Cheru, 2002). Though one thing is for sure, whatever the contradictory tendencies, globalization is an irreversible process and any vision of an ‘African Renaissance’ “must at the very least provide a coherent strategy on how to navigate this complex process successfully…African countries must be prepared to manage globalization to their own advantage through the adoption of key reforms at national and regional levels without heavy-handed intervention by the institutions of the world system” (Cheru, 2002: xiii). The conversation on the African agenda has to continue at all levels ranging from high policy making organs, to lecture halls across the continent, to inter-governmental agencies, corridors of international organizations, media houses and academic conferences. The bottom line is: initiatives to broaden good governance and stabilize peace in the continent cannot be left in the hands of governments alone. Development needs are for the benefits of the African poor people whose vast majority continue to lead a regrettably isolated existence totally unaware of alternative paths to attain better development outcomes.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

What Greenpeace Africa is all about Greenpeace is an independent global campaigning organization that acts to change attitudes and behaviour, to protect and conserve the environment and to promote peace.Greenpeace has been working in Africa to end environmental destruction and fighting for the rights of Africans to a healthy environment since early 1990s with the Africa office being established in 2008.Under the leadership of its Executive Director Mr Michael O’Brien Onyeka, Greenpeace Africa works with supporters, volunteers and activists to bring solutions to the environmental issues at hand.

Our visiOn:

An Africa where people live in harmony with nature in a peaceful state of environmental and social justice.

Our missiOn:

To work with others to foster environmental consciousness whereby Africa’s people seek social and economic prosperity in ways that protect the environment for the benefit of humans, the planet, and the future.

Greenpeace Africa in Action GreenpeAce AfricA fOcuses On 3 mAin issues: climate and energy

Greenpeace Africa endeavors to stop climate change and its effects by advocating for the significant reduction in our dependency on fossil fuels, particularly coal, through the adoption of energy [R]evolution to move us from a world powered by fossil fuels and nuclear to one running on renewable energy.

protecting Ancient forests

Greenpeace Africa calls for zero deforestation in the world’s intact tropical forests, the destruction of the international market for illegal timber and the lobbying of the DRC and Cameroonian government to get local communities involved in protecting their forests with the backing and protection of the government as part of an integrated national land use plan.

preventing the Degradation of marine eco-systems

Greenpeace Africa works to end illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing and the elimination of destructive fishing practices to enable fish processing operations to be managed and financed by Africans. This will ensure sustainable levels of marine life as well as sustainable fishing while providing food security and enabling poverty alleviation in Africa.

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Building research

universities Carving continental success for the next half a millennium Research universities provide an opportunity for Africa to define its path for the next fifty years, through the ability to provide postgraduate training and nurturing expertise that will provide answers to complex questions and as well as astute leadership. By Munyaradzi Makoni

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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know Africa has had universities. It has produced graduates from its universities, some of whom have gone to make fame and fortune. Some of whom have gone to become unparalleled international political leaders at home and abroad. Dr Zumaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lecture at the University of Pretoria in South Africa in April came in the year of the 20th Anniversary of South Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s transition to democracy and the 50th for the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union. The two milestones provided the setting to promote the need for ideas as Africa was shaping its integrated vision and framework for the next half century, the Agenda 2063. Zuma said renewed focus on building research universities in an African

perspective and the drive to increase the number of PhDs needed to take place within a broader unfolding process. The process was informed by the development lessons from the first fifty years since the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) now the African Union (AU) was formed and the agenda for the next fifty years and how it must be executed. With the deadline to sit and discuss the Agenda 2063 in June, Zuma knew there was no time to waste it was time to keep the dialogue going.

Work at hand First, she acknowledged that there was general consensus that Africa was in a much better position today than at the start of the new millennium, when

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Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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Why was she talking about building research universities? She must have had something extra ordinary planned. Universities in a continent where there was not enough infrastructure, no adequate skilled professionals and certainly not enough financial resources. She must have seen some visions of prosperity. The blacks, the whites, those of mixed parentage and all the other races in Africa working together? There must be means to an end, surely not a solution, but contributing towards it. Why did Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, specifically talk about universities at the University of Pretoria lecture? Not just any university but research universities? These were here reasons. For all we

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marginalisation and underdevelopment defined its place in the world. The reasons for the more positive view included sustained continental growth of over 5% for the last decade, with many countries growing in double digits, and increased investments not only in mining and energy resources (oil and gas), but also in infrastructure, services and agriculture. The success story hinged on the recognition that Africa’s young and growing population was its biggest resource, including its women and girls and its expanding middle, entrepreneurial and working classes. Africa’s share of the world’s labour force was steadily growing and by 2050 the continent will be the only region in the world where the number of working-age adults will be rising and the dependency ratio falling. Africa currently has a middle class of just over 300 million, and this has the potential to grow to 1.4 billion over the next five decades, with a potential 85% decline in the numbers of people in poverty. Analysis tips Africa to overcome its trailing of other continents.

She said across the continent, it is recognised that the current levels of growth needs to increase and be sustained to at least 7% and above, in order to double GDP in under a decade, to create jobs and reduce poverty within a generation. The call was for African economies to diversify beyond extractive industries and as exporters of raw materials. “Africa therefore needs its own endogenous industrial revolution, to beneficiate and develop its mineral, forest, and agricultural resources, to feed itself

including public research and industrial policy capacity. As a result the African expenditure per student in university dropped from US$6,800 in 1980 to US$1,200 in 2002. Despite poor investment in higher education across Africa, the headcount enrolment in higher education have increased by an average of 16% per year since 2000, and this was in spite of the fact that all our universities suffer from chronic infrastructure backlogs, high teaching loads, generally poor facilities such as libraries and laboratories, and

“Research and higher education institutions in developing countries need, therefore, to improve their ability to respond to current challenges and to the rapid transitions following changes in, for example, disease patterns, demography, economic and trade policies, climate, agricultural developments and urbanization,”

Addressing challenges Increasing investment in African people, especially its young people was important said Dlamini-Zuma. By 2025, a quarter of the world’s under-25 year olds will be African. An opportunity and a challenge that comes in equal measure. Currently less than 10% of African 18-24 year olds are in any form of post-school education, against the global norm of more than double this percentage. She said Africa has to meet backlogs and increase access to nutrition, shelter, water and sanitation as well as build health systems and services to deal with the burden of disease. Despite increased public and private investments in infrastructure across the continent, she said huge backlogs remain: road, rail, sea and air transport infrastructure to connect countries and capitals, to transport people and goods; energy infrastructure to power homes and industry; as well as other forms of social and economic infrastructure.

and the world, to develop its oceanic and energy resources, to develop services, including tourism and to grow its green, blue, cultural and knowledge economies,” Dlamini Zuma said. And the solution lay in skills, knowledge, research, innovation and technology, and a skills revolution to train thousands more professionals in a whole range of different fields. Generally, she said, the revitalisation of higher education and the universities in Africa was urged to deliver, more specifically tailored research universities.

Building research universities The two dead decades of structural adjustment - with its prescripts to disinvest from higher education and focus solely on primary education had led to destruction of the public sector

poor remuneration of academic staff. She said the global recognition that universities, and research universities in particular are critical to development and to building knowledge economies should open Africa’s eyes to another way of doing things. Economic growth and increased welfare require the availability of highly skilled professionals and a capacity in society to innovate and to adapt technologies and knowledge in national contexts. “Research and higher education institutions in developing countries need, therefore, to improve their ability to respond to current challenges and to the rapid transitions following changes in, for example, disease patterns, demography, economic and trade policies, climate, agricultural developments and urbanization,” she urged.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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Despite being home to some of the world’s oldest universities, including the University of Al-Karaouine in Morocco, Timbuktu University in Mali and University of Ez-Zitouna in Tunisia, less than half of today’s 55 African countries had universities in 1960. According to Akilagpa Sawyerr in his research titled Challenges Facing African Universities” published

public and private. And yet, Africa’s footprint in global knowledge production as defined today is negligible. The continent accounts for less than 1% of Science and Technology journals published globally, files only 0.24% of global patents and accounts for only 0.4% of global gross expenditure on R&D. Whereas the European Union annually

“We may not be able to develop a world-class university in every country, but we should build networks and pool resources, to build specific institutional centres of excellence as well as centres of excellence according to discipline.”

2002, the newly independent states regarded the establishment of local universities as a major part of the post-colonial national development project. The new universities were to help the new nations build up their capacity to develop and manage their resources, alleviate the poverty of the majority of their people, and close the gap between them and the developed world. Dlamini-Zuma said in this sense the establishment of the new universities should be seen in the same light as the various efforts at nation-building, including the setting up of national industrial and commercial undertakings, national airlines and shipping lines, and the whole notion of import - substitution industrialisation. The link between universities as producers, reproducers and disseminators of knowledge, and social and economic development has therefore been a consistent component of endogenous African development she said. Sixty years later, there are over 1000 post school and higher education institutions across the continent, both

produces about 200,000 engineers and China about 700,000, Africa only produces about 70,000 engineers a year. She said developed and developing countries alike today are scaling-up investments in science, technology, research and innovation more generally, and in their higher education systems in particular. Countries and regions are also moving towards differentiated higher education systems, with deliberate strategies to create and strengthen a core set of research universities or networks of research universities.

Research universities in time of Africa’s renaissance While research universities could play a significant role in providing answers to such difficult questions such as the most effective ways to eliminate malaria from the continent, the most efficient transport technology to connect all African capitals, what needs to be done to reverse the disappearance of Lake Chad and how to improve urban planning to eliminate slums they remain sources of new knowledge and ideas, of trained minds

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

and workers, and major contributors to the knowledge base for policy and development. Dlamini-Zuma said the universities should also be regarded as renewable producers of ‘the next generation capable of producing knowledge and innovation ’, through the training of masters and PhDs, researchers, professionals and academics, as well as their contribution to new knowledge production. She said much had been written about the requirements for building strong African research universities, such as adequate and predictable budgets, a differentiation higher education system, and the physical facilities linked to their mission. But the bottom line remained that, Africa needed a skills revolution with drastic increase in vocational, professional and academic training. While the rapid growth in African universities in most countries had been witnessed it was still failing to absorb all youths, the labour markets were slow in employing first time job seekers and the pressure on higher education was only likely to increase, as South Africa sees every January. “We are aware that the pressures of massification, of relevance and financial burdens have resulted in university leadership having to focus most of their attention on strategic planning, costcutting and income-generation, at the expense of their core business of ensuring improvements in curriculum, pedagogy and research,” said Dlamini-Zuma. She wanted these critical issues to be tackled in the continent-wide dialogue about the future of higher education in defining the agenda for the next fifty years. “It is for this reason that the Science and Technology framework under discussion by the African Union argues for drastically scaled-up investments in post-school education, in science, research and development, and in innovation, which should also directly benefit research universities,” she said. Other continent-wide dialogues on higher education transformation, including issues of differentiation, the

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building of continental centres of excellence, harmonization, access and building a core of strong research universities were also going on at it was critical for them to feed into contributions towards Agenda 2063. “The development of strong African research universities should also be seen as integral to the Pan African integration project. We may not be able to develop a world-class university in every country, but we should build networks and pool resources, to build specific institutional centres of excellence as well as centres of excellence according to discipline,” she said. In addition, these efforts should benefit from increasing mobility of African skills, including skills from our diaspora.

The AU project to work towards the harmonization of university training and professional skills and qualification is part of this, as is the drive to make movement of people across the continent easier. Our efforts to build individual and networks of research universities must also deliberately encourage collaboration amongst African universities, researchers, academics and scientists. We so often cooperate with researchers, academics, scientists and institutions from overseas, and yet to a lesser extent with scientists from the African continent. She said the information, communications and technology (ICT) revolution has presented challenges, but more generally great opportunities for the higher education sector. The opportunities

include making knowledge more accessible through online content, including journals, books and potentially entire libraries, and the use of ICT for teaching and research. She said although there is a growing distance education sector, was yet to explore how the creation of a virtual Pan African university can contribute towards massification of higher education on the scale required. “Higher education must help develop the skills to accelerate our development, to industrialise, to build and maintain our infrastructure, to manage our diversity and natural resources, to build shared prosperity, to strengthen and deepen our democracies and to building peaceful societies,” concluded Dlamini Zuma.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

AFCAC – CAFAC About AFCAC: The Constitutive Conference convened by the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union (AU) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in 1969, created the African Civil Aviation Commission (AFCAC). AFCAC was fully established and began functioning in 1969 and on 11 May 1978, became the OAU Specialized Agency in the field of Civil Aviation. From inception, AFCAC was technically, administratively and financially managed by ICAO through African member States’ contributions. AFCAC became autonomous from ICAO management on 1st January 2007. The 1969 AFCAC constitution was revised and the new AFCAC Constitution (2009) provisionally entered into force on 11 May 2010. AFCAC was entrusted with the responsibility of being the Executing Agency for the implementation of the Yamoussoukro Decision by the Ministers of Air Transport on 11 May 2007 and was endorsed by the Assembly of Heads of States and Governments on 29 June 2007. This has been codified in the new Constitution. AFCAC today comprises 54 African States and is managed through a triennial Plenary (consisting of all member States).The Bureau is made up of a President, 5 Vice-Presidents (representing North, West, East, Central and South African Regions) and the Coordinator of the African Group at the ICAO Council. The Secretariat is headed by a Secretary General. A. VISION To foster a safe, secure, efficient, cost effective, sustainable and environmentally friendly civil aviation industry in Africa. B. MISSION As the specialized Agency of the African Union responsible for Civil Aviation matters in Africa, AFCAC will facilitate cooperation and coordination among African States towards the development of an integrated and sustainable Air transport system; and foster the implementation of ICAO SARPs and development of harmonized rules and regulations consistent with international best practices in civil aviation. AFCAC Roles includes: • Coordinating civil aviation matters in Africa and cooperating with ICAO and all other relevant organizations and other bodies which are involved in the promotion and development of civil aviation; • Facilitating, coordinating and ensuring the successful implementation of the Yamoussoukro. Decision by supervising and managing Africa`s liberalized air transport industry; • Formulating and enforcing appropriate rules and regulations that give fair and equal opportunity to all stakeholders and promote fair competition;

• Promoting understanding on policy matters between its member States and States in other parts of the world; • Fostering inter alia the implementation of ICAO Standards and Recommended Practices for the safety, security, environmental protection and regularity of the aviation sector; • Ensuring adherence to and implementation of Decisions of the Plenary, Bureau and the AU Assembly of Heads of States as Governments. Strategic Objectives To implement its Vision and Mission, AFCAC has established ﬁve strategic objectives for the period 2011-2016: A Air Transport: To foster Sustainable Development of Air Transport in Africa; B Safety: Enhance Civil Aviation Safety in Africa; C Security: Enhance Civil Aviation Security in Africa; D Human Resource Development: Ensure Sustainable Human Resource Development for African Aviation; E Rule of Law: Strengthening the Rule of Law in African Aviation. AFCAC - CAFAC African Civil Aviation Commision CommissionAfricaine de L’aviation Civile Leopold Sedar Senghor International Airport Road Tel : +221 77 859 88 00 / Fax : +221 33 820 70 18 B.P: 8898 Dakar, Senegal secretariat@afcac.org www.afcac.org

OAU

OAU Charter

We, the Heads of African States and Governments assembled in the City of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Convinced that it is the inalienable right of all people to control their own destiny, Conscious of the fact that freedom, equality, justice and dignity are essentialobjectives for the achievement of the legitimate aspirations of the African peoples, Conscious of our responsibility to harness the natural and human resources of our continent for the total advancement of our peoples in all spheres of human endeavour, Inspired by a common determination to promote understanding among our peoples and cooperation among our states in response to the aspirations of our peoples for brother-hood and solidarity, in a larger unity transcending ethnic and national differences, Convinced that, in order to translate this determination into a dynamic force in the cause of human progress, conditions for peace and security must be established and maintained, Determined to safeguard and consolidate the hard-won independence as well as the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our states, and to fight against neocolonialism in all its forms, Dedicated to the general progress of Africa, Persuaded that the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to the Principles of which we reaffirm our adherence, provide a solid foundation for peaceful and positive cooperation among States, Desirous that all African States should henceforth unite so that the welfare and wellbeing of their peoples can be assured, Resolved to reinforce the links between our states by establishing and strengthening common institutions, Have agreed to the present Charter.

ESTABLISHMENT Article I 1. The High Contracting Parties do by the present Charter establish an Organization to be known as the ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY. 2. The Organization shall include the Continental African States, Madagascar and other Islands surrounding Africa. PURPOSES Article II 1. The Organization shall have the following purposes: (a) To promote the unity and solidarity of the African States; (b) To coordinate and intensify their cooperation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa;

(c) To defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity and independence; (d) To eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa; and (e) To promote international cooperation, having due regard to the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 2. To these ends, the Member States shall coordinate and harmonize their general policies, especially in the following fields: (a) Political and diplomatic cooperation; (b) Economic cooperation, including transport and communications; (c) Educational and cultural cooperation; (d) Health, sanitation and nutritional cooperation;

(e) Scientific and technical cooperation; and (f ) Cooperation for defence and security. PRINCIPLES Article III The Member States, in pursuit of the purposes stated in Article II solemnly affirm and declare their adherence to the following principles: 1. The sovereign equality of all Member States. 2. Non-interference in the internal affairs of States. 3. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each State and for its inalienable right to independent existence.

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4. Peaceful settlement of disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation or arbitration. 5. Unreserved condemnation, in all its forms, of political assassination as well as of subversive activities on the part of neighbouring States or any other States. 6. Absolute dedication to the total emancipation of the African territories which are still dependent. 7. Affirmation of a policy of non-alignment with regard to all blocs. MEMBERSHIP Article IV Each independent sovereign African State shall be entitled to become a Member of the Organization. RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF MEMBER STATES Article V All Member States shall enjoy equal rights and have equal duties. Article VI The Member States pledge themselves to observe scrupulously the principles enumerated in Article III of the present Charter. INSTITUTIONS Article VII The Organization shall accomplish its purposes through the following principal institutions: 1. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government. 2. The Council of Ministers. 3. The General Secretariat. 4. The Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration. THE ASSEMBLY OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT Article VIII The Assembly of Heads of State and Government shall be the supreme organ of the Organization. It shall, subject to the provisions of this Charter, discuss matters of common concern to Africa with a view to coordinating and harmonizing the general policy of the Organization. It may in addition review the structure, functions

and acts of all the organs and any specialized agencies which may be created in accordance with the present Charter. Article IX The Assembly shall be composed of the Heads of State and Government or their duly accredited representatives and it shall meet at least once a year. At the request of any Member State and on approval by a two-thirds majority of the Member States, the Assembly shall meet in extraordinary session. Article X 1. Each Member State shall have one vote. 2. All resolutions shall be determined by a two-thirds majority of the Members of the Organization. 3. Questions of procedure shall require a simple majority. Whether or not a question is one of procedure shall be determined by a simple majority of all Member States of the Organization. 4. Two-thirds of the total membership of the Organization shall form a quorum at any meeting of the Assembly. Article XI The Assembly shall have the power to determine its own rules of procedure. THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS Article XII 1. The Council of Ministers shall consist of Foreign Ministers or other Ministers as are designated by the Governments of Member States. 2. The Council of Ministers shall meet at least twice a year. When requested by any Member State and approved by two-thirds of all Member States, it shall meet in extraordinary session. Article XIII 1. The Council of Ministers shall be responsible to the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. It shall be entrusted with the responsibility of preparing conferences of the Assembly. 2. It shall take cognisance of any matter referred to it by the Assembly. It shall be entrusted with the implementation of the decision of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. It shall coordinate inter-African cooperation in

accordance with the instructions of the Assembly conformity with Article II (2) of the present Charter. Article XIV 1. Each Member State shall have one vote. 2. All resolutions shall be determined by a simple majority of the members of the Council of Ministers. 3. Two-thirds of the total membership of the Council of Ministers shall form a quorum for any meeting of the Council. Article XV The Council shall have the power to determine its own rules of procedure. GENERAL SECRETARIAT Article XVI There shall be a Secretary-General of the Organization, who shall be appointed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. The Secretary-General shall direct the affairs of the Secretariat. Article XVII There shall be one or more Assistant Secretaries-General of the Organization, who shall be appointed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. Article XVIII The functions and conditions of service of the Secretary-General, of the Assistant Secretaries-General and other employees of the Secretariat shall be governed by the provisions of this Charter and the regulations approved by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. 1. I n the performance of their duties the Secretary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive instructions from any government or from any other authority external to the Organization. They shall refrain from any action which might reflect on their position as international officials responsible only to the Organization. 2. Each member of the Organization undertakes to respect the exclusive character of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff and not to seek to influence them in the discharge of their responsibilities. COMMISSION OF MEDIATION, CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION Article XIX

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Member States pledge to settle all disputes among themselves by peaceful means and, to this end decide to establish a Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration, the composition of which and conditions of service shall be defined by a separate Protocol to be approved by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. Said Protocol shall be regarded as forming an integral part of the present Charter. SPECIALIZED COMMISSION Article XX The Assembly shall establish such Specialized Commissions as it may deem necessary, including the following: 1. Economic and Social Commission. 2. Educational, Scientific, Cultural and Health Commission. 3. Defence Commission. Article XXI Each Specialized Commission referred to in Article XX shall be composed of the Ministers concerned or other Ministers or Plenipotentiaries designated by the Governments of the Member States. Article XXII The functions of the Specialized Commissions shall be carried out in accordance with the provisions of the present Charter and of the regulations approved by the Council of Ministers. THE BUDGET Article XXIII The budget of the Organization prepared by the Secretary-General shall be approved by the Council of Ministers. The budget shall be provided by contribution from Member States in accordance with the scale of assessment of the United Nations; provided, however, that no Member State shall be assessed an amount exceeding twenty percent of the yearly regular budget of the Organization. The Member States agree to pay their respective contributions regularly. SIGNATURE AND RATIFICATION OF CHARTER Article XXIV 1. This Charter shall be open for signature to all independent sovereign African

States and shall be ratified by the signatory States in accordance with their respective constitutional processes. 2. The original instrument, done, if possible in African languages, in English and French, all texts being equally authentic, shall be deposited with the Government of Ethiopia which shall transmit certified copies thereof to all independent sovereign African States. 3. I nstruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Government of Ethiopia, which shall notify all signatories of each such deposit. ENTRY INTO FORCE Article XXV This Charter shall enter into force immediately upon receipt by the Government of Ethiopia of the instruments of ratification from two-thirds of the signatory States. REGISTRATION OF CHARTER Article XXVI This Charter shall, after due ratification, be registered with the Secretariat of the United Nations through the Government of Ethiopia in conformity with Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations. INTERPRETATION OF THE CHARTER Article XXVII Any question which may arise concerning the interpretation of this Charter shall be decided by a vote of two-thirds of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization. ADHESION AND ACCESSION Article XXVIII 1. A ny independent sovereign African State may at any time notify the Secretary-General of its intention to adhere or accede to this Charter. 2. The Secretary-General shall, on receipt of such notification, communicate a copy of it to all the Member States. Admission shall be decided by a simple majority of the Member States. The decision of each Member State shall be transmitted to the SecretaryGeneral, who shall, upon receipt of

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

the required number of votes, communicate the decision to the State concerned. MISCELLANEOUS Article XXIX The working languages of the Organization and all its institutions shall be, if possible African languages, English and French, Arabic and Portuguese. Article XXX The Secretary-General may accept, on behalf of the Organization, gifts, bequests and other donations made to the Organization, provided that this is approved by the Council of Ministers. Article XXXI The Council of Ministers shall decide on the privileges and immunities to be accorded to the personnel of the Secretariat in the respective territories of the Member States. CESSATION OF MEMBERSHIP Article XXXI Any State which desires to renounce its membership shall forward a written notification to the Secretary-General. At the end of one year from the date of such notification, if not withdrawn, the Charter shall cease to apply with respect to the renouncing State, which shall thereby cease to belong to the Organization. AMENDMENT OF THE CHARTER Article XXXII This Charter may be amended or revised if any Member State makes a written request to the Secretary-General to that effect; provided, however, that the proposed amendment is not submitted to the Assembly for consideration until all the Member States have been duly notified of it and a period of one year has elapsed. Such an amendment shall not be effective unless approved by at least twothirds of all the Member States. IN FAITH WHEREOF, We, the Heads of African States and Governments have signed this Charter. Done in the City of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 25th day of May, 1963.

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sport and development in Africa Not just a luxury but also an economic right By Evans Manyonga

developing countries in Africa, it could be questionable as to whether South Africa’s economic status has remotely anything to do with the country’s emphasis on sport. Can this influence be spread into other African countries? And is it possible for sport to maintain and strengthen its significance on a continent that is struggling to reach the economic level that the rest of the world is cushioned by? Could the minimal importance placed on sport be the cause of the economic hindrances that cripple the continent from reaching economic success?

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

The continent

In a continent that is striving for development, sport plays a significant role in the process of advancement. Although some may consider sport to be of purely recreational value, it actually contributes towards a country’s social and economic development. The African Union Commission (AUC) is an institution that focuses on the development of African countries and that values qualities like team work to pursue the end goal of implementing integration and efficiency within Africa. Seen as a major economic initiative, sport may seem like an abstract

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South Africa’s love of sport has been an influential factor in the country’s transition into unity. Its influence extends from the famous interaction between former president Nelson Mandela and the captain of the Springboks at the time, Francois Pienaar, at the 1995 Rugby World Cup. This unity and common purpose exemplifies how a country can be brought together through sport. The national pride shared when the country hosted the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup and the economic benefits of that event also highlight the power and economic potential of sport. As one of the fastest

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sector. Accepting the need for plans for development in Africa, it is important to test various methods of creating the nation that all African countries seek – one of peace and development. In addition to the projects run by the AUC, other institutions also attempt to initiate change, differing slightly in their emphasis on sport as an important factor. Institutions like SCORE and The Sports Trust which operate in Africa use sport as their medium of change. SCORE has a direct dependence on sport as a way of changing lives, boasting with the slogan: “Changing lives through sport”. Making use of volunteers and donations, the organisation hosts programmes for the youth that include them in sport and also allow them to practise their leadership skills through peer-training. With a large presence in South Africa, other African countries are not excluded as the organisation includes programmes in Namibia and Zambia. The Sports Trust also adopts the youth as their target-group. The focus on youth development is significant as it creates well-rounded individuals who are able to think and behave in multi-faceted ways. In affiliation with the Nedbank Group, The Sports Trust makes an active contribution to the lives of many young South Africans and their efforts have been recognised by the Department of Sport and Recreation. The Trust is a prime example of how business and sport connect in the greater good of the community. Institutions play an important role in creating a movement that promotes sport; but sporting heroes also act as an example of how sport can aid development.

Icons Didier Drogba, an Ivorian footballer and captain of the Ivory Coast football team, has earned a remarkable reputation during his career at English football club, Chelsea. The player started his career by OPPOSITE: Dusi canoe race action drama at Inanda Rapids with paddlers going through rushing river waters.

joining youth teams before joining local clubs. His rise to fame has placed him in a position of power within his country. In a country that had been facing civil war for five years, peace was not felt amongst the communities. Drogba made a plea for the war to draw to an end, and his request was surprisingly heard. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) recognised his efforts and he was soon appointed as a Goodwill Ambassador. Using his fame to the advantage of his country, Drogba was able to succeed in creating awareness and positive attention to certain issues experienced not only in the Ivory Coast but on the entire African continent. Making it to the list of the 100 most influential people by Time magazine in 2010, it is clear that Drogba has had a positive influence on the social and economic sectors of not only his country, but the African continent.

on the international community as well as how liquid their reputations are. Placed in a position of recognition, stars could either use their influence to benefit those around them, or disregard their influence and continue living their lives isolated from others. However controversial Pistorius’s case may be, South Africa is placed in the spotlight. The country is now in the prime position to make their economic, governmental, and legal weaknesses known or to impress the world with their level of development.

Sport and the economy While sport is essential to human development, it also contributes to economic development. The economic potential of sport is highlighted by its economic weight, resulting from activities such as the manufacture of sporting goods, sports events, sport-related

Qualities such as loyalty, hard work and perseverance are “excreted into the lives of Africans whilst team work remains the crucial foundation from which success grows

Using a more recent and pressing case study of a sports star’s influence on the greater community, we could look at the case of fallen sporting hero – Oscar Pistorius. Initially, the South African had created an impressive profile for himself – after having both his legs amputated while he was a child, he continued to compete as a sprint runner in able-bodied races. Truly an inspiration to many, Pistorius continuously collected awards and gasps of admiration from his worldwide audience. All Pistorius’ accolades came to a halt in 2013 when he was charged with the murder of his girlfriend. The vast amount of attention awarded to the athlete suddenly spiralled into a web of accusations. Pistorius is an ideal example of the major influence that sporting stars have

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services and the media. In the United Kingdom, for example, the value of sports activities is estimated to be 1.7% of GDP, in other words sport-related turnover is actually comparable to that of the automotive and food industries. Besides being an active economic contributor sport also contributes to a healthier population which is more productive. In Africa, sport has the potential of actually cutting down on juvenile crime and unwanted social ills. The youth can learn the core values of teamwork and working towards a common goal. Above all, sport can also create employment opportunities. Through various sports more facilitators, mentors and coaches can get active employment. This of course will also require some investment from both the private and public sector.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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Sport as a tool for development and peace

Maximising the positive aspects of sport Many of the core values inherent in sport are compatible with the principles necessary for development and peace, such as fair play, co-operation, sharing and respect. The life skills learned through sport help empower individuals and enhance psychosocial well-being, such as increased resiliency, self-esteem and

ABOVE: The 13th Edition Ethiopian Great Run, the biggest road race in Africa, and the winner of the inaugural AIMS Social Award, with over 37,000 runners 24 Nov 2013 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

connections with others. These features of sport are beneficial to people of all ages, but they are especially vital to the healthy development of young people. Sport, however, is a reflection of society. It should be acknowledged that sport, like many aspects of society, simultaneously encompasses some of the worst human traits, including violence, corruption, discrimination, hooliganism, excessive nationalism, cheating and drug abuse. However, these negative aspects of sport by no means outweigh its potential positive benefits. The United Nations has the ability to help governments and communities harness the positive aspects of sport and channel them in a co-ordinated way towards the pursuit of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Ultimately as Africa continues on its pursuit of development, sport remains an integral part of introducing skills and qualities to the people of the continent. It enables an improvement of the mindsets of those who call Africa home, which in turn leads to a greater understanding of what makes the process of development work on a continent that is burdened with poverty. Qualities such as loyalty, hard work and perseverance are excreted into the lives of Africans while team work remains the crucial foundation from which success grows. Rejecting the thoughts that sport has no value aside from its

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

recreational goodness, Africa is recognising sport and sporting heroes as a way to guide development. The power of sport also makes it additionally compelling as a tool for advocacy and communication. The UNDP has appointed sporting personalities as Goodwill Ambassadors with the objective of creating public awareness about development issues, while promoting tolerance and peace. Some of these sports champions are: Ronaldo Nazario, Zinédine Zidane, Didier Drogba, Iker Casillas Marta Viera da Silva and Maria Sharapova. They have all agreed to give their time and their image to promote sustainable development through sports and they are now joining the United Nations and the global sports community to celebrate the International Day of Sport for Development and Peace, highlighting how sport can contribute to education, health, gender equality, social inclusion, solidarity, tolerance, development and peace. The power of sport cannot be underestimated. Although there are many underdeveloped countries in Africa, the potential of sport as an advocate of economic development cannot be underestimated. If sport can calm tempers, stop wars and bring entire nations together while boosting these country’s GDP then it is surely worth more investment, time and effort.

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Sport is far more than a luxury or a form of entertainment. Access to and participation in sport is a human right and essential for individuals of all ages to lead healthy and fulfilling lives. Sport – from play and physical activity to organised competitive sport – has an important role in all societies. It is critical to a child’s development. It teaches core values such as co-operation and respect. It improves health and reduces the likelihood of disease. It is a significant economic force providing employment and contributing to local development. And, it brings individuals and communities together, bridging cultural or ethnic divides. Sport offers a cost-effective tool to meet many development and peace challenges, and help achieve the MDGs. The potential of sport as a tool for development and peace is yet to be fully realised. The use of sport remains outside the mainstream of thinking among United Nations agencies. While sport and play are repeatedly acknowledged as a human right, they are not always seen as a priority and have even been called the ‘forgotten right’. Sport is seen as a by-product of development, not as an engine. In essence, sport should be an active vehicle of development especially in Africa. The UN General Assembly declared 6 April as the International Day of Sport for Development and Peace. Created at the initiative of the International Olympic Committee and officially announced at the United Nations headquarters in 2013, the International Day of Sport for Development and Peace promotes the role of sport as a tool at the service of society and a universal tool for peace.

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AUC Leadership 2012 to 2016

Leadership at the AUC plays a pivotal role in achieving set objectives. These men and women have been instrumental in steering the AUC over the past decade.

H.E Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma Chairperson

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

H.E Mr Erastus Mwencha Deputy Chairperson

H.E Dr Mustapha Sidiki Kaloko Commissioner for Social Affairs

H.E Dr Aisha Abullahi Commissioner for Political affairs

H.E Dr Elham Mahmoud Ahmed Ibrahim Commissioner for Infrastructure and Energy

H.E Amb. Ramtane Lamamra Commissioner for Peace and Security

H.E Mrs Rhoda Peace Timusiime Commissioner for Rural Economy

H.E Dr Fatima Haram Acyl Commissioner for Trade and Industry

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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Infrastructure development as a key to economic growth in Africa Improvement in regional infrastructure in developing countries has the potential to boost continental integration and economic growth on the continent. Infrastructure investment therefore plays a big role in boosting and stimulating commerce.

According to a study on the Programme for Infrastructural Development in Africa (PIDA) conducted by a SOFRECO Led Consortium in 2011, “The lack of infrastructure in Africa is widely recognized. The road access rate is only 34%, compared with 50% in other parts of the developing world, and transport costs are higher by up to 100%. Only 30% of the population has access to electricity, compared to 70–90% in other parts of the developing world. Water resources are underused. Current levels of water withdrawal are low, with only 4% of water resources developed for water supply, irrigation and hydropower use, and with only about 18% of the continent’s irrigation potential being exploited. The Internet penetration rate is only about 6%, compared to an average of 40% elsewhere in the developing world”1. In general, this paints a picture of an Africa that has many resources at its disposal but is limited in terms of use of these resources. The answer? To create competitive countries that are able to fully utilise their resources through infrastructure, which is one of the SOFRECO in consortium with Ascon Africa, MWH, SYSTRA NATHAN, CABIRA: Study for Infrastructural Development in Africa (PIDA) Phase III- PIDA Study Synthesis

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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By Molly Chimhanda

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infrastructure gaps in a manner consistent with the agreed strategic framework based on long-term social and economic development visions, strategic objectives, and sector policies - and buttressed by an implementation strategy for the Priority Action Plan (PAP), 2012–20. There is a historical context attached to the need for Africa’s countries to turn to regional integration if the PIDA is to be successful. The continent’s colonial past – resource extraction, roads, railroads, ports

Corporation stated, “In completely underdeveloped countries, infrastructure investments have enormously important returns over time. Those of us who study infrastructure see the returns coming from longer-term reductions in the cost of doing business and of traversing space… Roads would be the first thing one would turn to in order to help. They’re so flexible. They provide access to so many things: education, health care, jobs and markets.”2 Accessibility is even more important in

“In completely underdeveloped countries, infrastructure investments have enormously important returns over time. Those of us who study infrastructure see the returns coming from longer-term reductions in the cost of doing business and of traversing space… Roads would be the first thing one would turn to in order to help”.

most important factors that has been holding African countries back for years. PIDA is grounded in regional and continental master plans and action plans as well as other relevant work undertaken by the African Union (AU), the regional economic communities (RECs), the regional and continental technical agencies (including the lake and river basin organisations (L/RBO) and power pools (PP)), and the concerned countries. The proposed infrastructure development programme articulates short- (2020), medium- (2030), and long-term (2040) priorities for meeting identified

were built for political control rather than for bringing economies together economically and socially. Given this scenario and that most countries have populations of less than 20 million and economies of less than $10 billion, RECs stand as the building blocks for the continent. Regional infrastructure has the potential to slash transport costs, establishing connectivity so that goods can reach markets and people can exchange information and reach jobs; providing reliable, lower-cost energy for agricultural, industrial, mining, and communications; and developing and sharing water resources in ways that simultaneously increase food production, generate electricity, and protect the continent’s natural environment. In an interview with IIP Digital, Martin Wachs, professor emeritus of transportation planning and policy at the University of California, Berkeley, and senior principal researcher at the Rand

areas where such doe not exist and even the most modest increase in accessibility is bound to make a real difference in such places. Africa’s continental (AUC/NPCA) and regional organisations (RECs and their technical agencies) have been keen to assist in promoting and developing regional infrastructure. They have been successful in implementing “soft projects” (policy, planning and feasibility studies) financed by donor grants. Due to the existence of donor grants, the African Development Bank (AfDB) is the Executing Agency for the PIDA and the African Union Commission (AUC), NEPAD Secretariat and the Bank lead the initiative. The Bank’s role as Executing Agency covers the responsibility for contractual, financial, technical and administrative management of the programme including responsibility Article by Katherine Lewis, “Better Infrastructure Brings Economic Growth” http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/ article/2012/05/201205246230.html#ixzz2qFvS42WN

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Modern buildings construction in Casablanca Marina, Morocco

for procurement procedures, in conformity with its existing regulations, budget management and disbursements. The overall goal of PIDA is to promote socio-economic development and poverty reduction in Africa through improved access to integrated regional and continental infrastructure networks and services. The PIDA Sector Studies will assist in developing a vision on Africa’s infrastructure based on strategic objectives and sector polices; prioritised regional and continental infrastructure investment programmes (Energy, Transport, Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and Trans-boundary Water Resources) over the short, medium, and long term, up to the year 2030. In addition, the studies will recommend the required

institutional arrangements, legal frameworks, and the financing mechanisms for the implementation and monitoring of the programmes. Key development issues addressed by PIDA include the significant deficit in Africa’s infrastructure, which is resulting in increased production and transaction costs, reduced competitiveness of businesses, negative impact on foreign direct investment flows to the continent; therefore affecting the rate of economic and social development on the continent. PIDA was designed to address these constraints by establishing a common vision and global partnership to put in place an adequate, cost effective and sustainable regional infrastructure base to promote Africa’s Socio economic development and integration into the

global economy.3 PIDA is a continent-wide programme to develop a vision, policies, strategies and a programme for the development of priority regional and continental infrastructure in transport, energy, trans-boundary water and ICT. Growth in these areas will require that choices be made on how this will be achieved. Infrastructure can be supplied in an uncoordinated way as needs arise, or in a coordinated and programmatic manner that promotes regional integration and, in so doing, optimises long-term growth, which depends on continental integration. Africa has hardly been able to efficiently exploit its existing resources 3 Taken from African Development Banking Group website http://www.afdb.org/en/topics-and-sectors/initiativespartnerships/programme-for-infrastructure-development-inafrica-pida

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and compete effectively in world markets due to inadequate and poor conditions of transport, communication, and energy and water infrastructure. The African Union Commission, through the Infrastructure and Energy department, has committed itself to implementing policies and programs for infrastructure development in order to promote creation of a viable African economic market in collaboration with all African stakeholders and development partners. Of course the challenges of coordination and harmonisation have been met along the way, given the differences in needs across the various countries, but mitigating measures have been ensured through visiting major stakeholders on energy issues (African Petroleum Producers Association, Inga site in DRC, Cabora-Bassa and Mphanda Nkuwa project sites in Mozambique and RECs (SADC and COMESA), with the primary objectives of exchanging experiences and discussing ways of strengthening cooperation in matters of energy infrastructure. Four decades ago a continental network of roads linking the capital and the key cities of Africa was defined by African leaders to improve connectivity between African regions in the form of nine Trans-African Highways (TAH). Today about 25% of these TAHs are not, as yet completed, one key objectives of PIDA is to complete the construction of these TAHs during the next 30 years. This is not to say that the infrastructure is not there. In some cases, the non-implementation of trade facilitation measures and transport sector policies by member states has resulted in inefficiency along the corridors rather than to the physical condition of the infrastructure. Improvements have to be made to unlock the actual potential of this means of infrastructural development for the economic growth of states on the continent. There are also policy issues raised by regulatory reform in air transport in sub-Saharan Africa. Its basic premise is that improving air infrastructure is of paramount importance for the region as it tries to integrate more thoroughly into the world economy. On the basis of the

experience of OECD countries with privatisation, liberalisation, and regulatory design, progress has been made in sub-Saharan Africa and three important case studies: the restructuring of the regional airline of Francophone Western Africa, the sell-off of the state-owned airline of Kenya, and the overall reform process in South Africa are just but a few of the key areas that can be explored to assess the impact of air transport on economic growth and infrastructural development. The importance of regional dynamics in the upgrading of the air transport industry in developing and

Africans have access to improved sources of drinking water and more than half still do not have access to improved sanitation facilities [APR Report 2010]. An adequate system of infrastructure services is required as a key ingredient in the success of economies in Africa. Africa’s abundant energy resources in oil, gas, coal, and especially hydropower have the potential to create a platform for rewarding exploitation, that will not only assist Africa’s human development as well as its businesses. Taking advantage of present opportunities will help assist African governments in their quest to

New terminals area under construction in Port Tanger-Med 2 The Tangier-Med Project will contain the biggest port in Africa

emerging areas are issues of priority that may become powerful bargaining tools for African countries to press for more open access into global markets for the their traditional exports. In terms of access to water and sanitation improvements, there is a global goal of halving the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation by 2015. Whiles this may be met, at current rates, Africa will achieve the targets only in 2040 with some of the poorer countries not meeting them before 2050. Only 60 per cent of

increase economic integration and ultimately, provide their economies with benefits that will span over decades. The PIDA is the tool relevant for this transformation and efforts by the AUC, AfDB and NEPAD are essential in ensuring the full success of this initiative. Exploration of public-private partnerships is also worth noting if these initiatives are to be a success. In the long- run, African governments must be willing to maintain the infrastructure at their disposal for future use and the sustenance of their economies in years to come.

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W.E.B. Du Bois The father of modern Pan-Africanism?

As 2013 came to a close, we remembered Dr William Edward Burghardt Du Bois (better known as W.E.B. Du Bois), the father of modern Pan-Africanism and a leading African-American intellectual of the 20th century, who died 51 years ago in Ghana. Though his death was barely noticed by the world, occurring a day before the 28 August 1963 march on Washington at which Martin Luther King gave his ‘I have a dream’ speech, Du Bois still stands tall in the memory of the people his life affected in the USA and around the world, Leslie Gordon Goffe reported from New York. by New African reports

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

Dr William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was disliked by his own country, the United States of America, and so when he died, aged 95, on 27 August 1963 at the home that Ghana’s President Kwame Nkrumah had kindly provided him and his wife with in Accra, the world barely noticed. ‘Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois … died as he had lived – alone, unloved, and underappreciated by the masses of Negroes he had tried all through life to help’, reported the Chicago Tribune. But that was a lie. A founder of America’s oldest and

largest civil rights organisation, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Du Bois found refuge in Ghana in 1961 after being hounded out of America by the US government because he demanded not just civil rights for African-Americans but freedom for Africa and an end to capitalism, which Du Bois said was the cause of racism and all human misery. Sadly, many of Du Bois’ long-time friends in the US civil rights movement, afraid of the wrath of the US government,

PREVIOUS PAGE: The statue of the head of former president Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, the father of Pan-Africanism ABOVE: ETHIOPIA - CIRCA 1958 A stamp printed in Ethiopia shows portrait of emperor Haile Selassie on a red background , with the inscription in Amharic , series, circa 1958

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

abandoned him. It was in Ghana, where Dr Du Bois had been invited by President Kwame Nkrumah, that he died a day before the historic march on Washington, an event that Du Bois had tried to organise 60 years before. It was Du Bois’ bad luck to have died just as the march, at which Martin Luther King would deliver his landmark ‘I have a dream’ speech, was getting underway in the US capital. Du Bois’ death, at the home given to him by the Ghana government at 22, First Circular Road in Accra, went mostly unmentioned by the American media. All the headlines went to King, who would later describe Du Bois, admiringly, as ‘this restless, militant black genius’. Du Bois had been an admirer of King, too. In 1958, he called him the ‘American Gandhi’. But Du Bois later withdrew his praise, saying King’s movement focused too little on economic equality. Nonetheless, King never lost his regard for Dr Du Bois. He counselled critics in the civil rights movement to ‘cease muting the fact that Dr Du Bois was a genius and chose to be a communist’. Interestingly, the night before the march on Washington, Du Bois sat down in his library in Accra and wrote King a letter praising his courage and leadership. A few months before this, perhaps sensing he might not be alive when the march he had long dreamt of was held; Du Bois sent the organisers of the march a letter that had a strange finality about it. ‘Always I have been uplifted by the thought that what I have done well will live long and justify my life,’ wrote Du Bois, who at the beginning of his political life was a moderate who believed a ‘Talented Tenth’ should lead the race and by the end of his life had become a Marxist preaching world revolution. ‘What I have done ill or never finished can now be handed on to others for endless days to be finished better than perhaps I could have done,’ he added. Honouring Du Bois, who became more radical, not more conservative, with age, was opposed by a key figure at the march on Washington. Roy Wilkins, the head of the NAACP, an organisation that was started by Du Bois, refused when first

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asked to lead a moment of silence and say a kind word in his predecessor’s honour. ‘I’m not going to get involved with that communist at this meeting,’ Wilkins spat scornfully. ‘I’m not going to announce that communist’s death,’ he added emphatically. Wilkins had been among those in the NAACP who in 1948, had forced Du Bois out of the organisation, partly because Du Bois had praised Karl Marx in an article and, in part, because Du Bois had pressed for the NAACP to organise a march on Washington, which the group’s timid leadership of the time rejected as a bad idea that would upset white people and hurt the civil rights movement. Eventually, Wilkins relented and put aside ideological differences to deliver a stirring remembrance of Du Bois. ‘Regardless of the fact that in his later years Dr Du Bois chose another path,’ Wilkins told those gathered at the march on Washington, ‘it is incontrovertible that at the dawn of the 20th century his was the voice that was calling you to gather here today in this cause.’ Wilkins, if reluctantly, offered an important history lesson for those who did not know, or who had forgotten, exactly who William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was. Most knew him as a larger than life figure, even though he was only five foot five inches tall and slight of frame. They knew, too, that he always sported a distinctive trademark goatee, a twirled waxed moustache and an expensive walking cane. Few, however, knew that Dr Du Bois, who was born near Boston in 1868, three years after the end of slavery, and was the first African-American to receive a Ph.D from Harvard University in 1895. ‘An exceedingly bright young man,’ a newspaper reported, ‘but black as the ace of spades.’ After Harvard, Du Bois eventually took up a job as a professor of economics, history and sociology at a black university in the American South. It was there that he, who had not grown up under segregation in the South, found out what it felt like to be called a ‘boy’, and what life was like under what he came to call the ‘veil’.

Du Bois’ time in the South was the inspiration for his 1903 literary masterpiece, The Souls of Black Folk, which has been reprinted 25 times and sold more than a million copies. In 1903, the same year he published The Souls of Black Folks, Du Bois made the bold proposal that African-Americans should march on Washington. In 1905, Du Bois, and others, formed the Niagara Movement, which he hoped would seize the leadership of Black America from Booker T. Washington, a man considered by Du Bois and others as an ‘Uncle Tom’, who believed in a ‘softly-softly’ approach and encouraged African-Americans to submit, for a quiet life, to second-class status. Du Bois rejected this. ‘We will not be satisfied to take one jot or tittle less than our full manhood rights,’ he insisted. By 1909, Du Bois had founded the NAACP and was at the forefront of the fight for civil rights. He was concerned not only with race but also with class. In 1911, he became a member of the Socialist Party of America. Du Bois was concerned, too, with colonialism in Africa. In 1919, he organised the first Pan-African Congress, which called for an end to European domination. His interest in Africa was not new. In 1900, Du Bois had attended the PanAfrican Conference in London and given a stirring closing address. ‘Let not the natives of Africa be sacrificed,’ he said, ‘to the greed of gold, their liberties taken away.’ In the 1920s, Du Bois’ Pan-African credentials and his leadership of Black America came under attack from Marcus Garvey, the Jamaican-born, Harlem-based black nationalist. Garvey’s Back-to-Africa movement was locked in a battle with Du Bois’ NAACP for the hearts and minds of African-Americans. Du Bois described Garvey as ‘a little, fat black man; ugly, but with intelligent eyes and a big head’ and ‘the most dangerous enemy of the Negro race in America and in the world.’ A country of Cold War paranoia and fear of ‘reds under the bed’. After the use of the atomic bomb in World War II, Du Bois

became active in the peace and antinuclear weapons movement. This led the FBI to ramp up its surveillance of him. Unable to catch the ‘Red’ red-handed, the FBI trumped up charges against him in 1951. Du Bois was arrested and indicted on charges that claimed him to be an agent of a foreign power. His passport was confiscated in 1952. When it was returned six years later, in 1958, he immediately set off on a defiant visit to the Soviet Union, where he received a hero’s welcome, and to China, where he was so revered his birthday had been made into a national holiday. The following year, on Mayday 1959, the Soviet Union, which he called the ‘most hopeful country of earth’, awarded Du Bois the International Lenin Prize for Strengthening Peace Among Peoples. In 1960, the ‘Year of Africa’, a year in which 17 African countries became independent, Nnamdi Azikiwe invited Du Bois to his inauguration as the first African governor-general and commander in chief of the federation of Nigeria. At the state banquet, Azikiwe praised Du Bois as ‘the cornerstone of African freedom.’ In 1961, President Kwame Nkrumah invited Du Bois to live and work in Ghana. Nkrumah hoped to give Du Bois, who was 93, sickly, and suffering from extreme depression, relief from harassment by the FBI and rejection by former friends in the civil rights movement. Nkrumah also wanted Du Bois to work on his Encyclopedia Africana. Nkrumah knew Du Bois had begun work in the 1930s, but not finished, an Encyclopedia of the Negro. He asked Du Bois to come to Ghana to help produce, with funding from the Ghana government and support from the OAU, the first comprehensive guide to African history and culture. It would, Nkrumah said, ‘set the world straight’ on Africa. He, and his second wife, Shirley Graham Du Bois, an African-American author and long-time Communist activist, 20 years his junior, were given a comfortable seven-room government house situated on an acre of land in the wealthy Cantonments suburb of Accra. Visitors marvelled at the busts of Marx,

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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Lenin and Chairman Mao that decorated their home. Du Bois and his wife were also given a staff of four by the Ghana government: a steward, a cook, a night watchman, and a driver responsible for the upkeep of the residence’s two cars, one English and one Russian. While Du Bois worked on the Encyclopedia Africana, his wife Shirley was busy as the first director of Ghana’s national television. Appointed to the post by President Nkrumah, her job was to get the new station off the ground and on the air. In 1963, hopeful he would be well enough to travel to the march on Washington, Du Bois and his wife went to the US Embassy in Accra to renew their passports; but the US government refused to renew them. This prompted Nkrumah, who had described Du Bois as ‘a great son of Africa’, Ghanaian citizenship that entitled him to a Ghanaian passport. Du Bois’ life in Ghana would be short, but important. His coming to Africa made others come too. Soon, a cadre of radical African-American intellectuals and artists (the locals called them ‘Afros’) followed Du Bois, whom they affectionately called ‘the Old Man.’ Among them was Julian Mayfield, an activist and writer who was a fugitive wanted by the FBI when he moved to Ghana in 1961 and became a speechwriter and aide to President Nkrumah. Also among them was the writer Maya Angelou, who was offered employment at the University of Ghana. Although Du Bois was 95 years old and frail, and had been recently hospitalised in Romania and in Britain, it was still a surprise when he died, of natural causes, at just after 11.30pm on 27 August 1963 at his home in Accra. To many, it seemed Du Bois would live forever. He had lived to see Africa achieve independence and see European colonialism defeated all around the world. But sadly, Du Bois died before the historic march on Washington took place and before the landmark 1964 Civil Rights Act, which outlawed segregation

in US schools, in the workplace, and in all public facilities. In Accra, on 28 August 1963, the day of the march on Washington, streams of visitors came to Du Bois’ home to pay their respects to the father of Pan-Africanism. Among them were members of the African-American expatriate community, who had held protests outside the US embassy in Accra, to coincide with the Washington march. ‘Down with American apartheid’ and ‘America, a white man’s heaven and a black man’s hell’ were some of the signs they carried. With the march on Washington over,

There was a large wreath at the funeral from the African-American expatriate community which said, simply, ‘From the Afros’. Also, Chairman Mao and Premier Chou En-lai sent telegrams of condolence. President Nkrumah, who had known Dr Du Bois for more than 20 years, said he was ‘a friend and father to me’ and that he should live on in their memories not only as a distinguished scholar but as ‘a great African patriot’. Strangely, the hymn, ‘O God, Our Help in Ages Past’, was sung, yet Dr Du Bois had been a confirmed atheist since a boy. And when he was finally lowered into the

‘The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color-line – the relation of the darker to the lighter races of men in Asia and Africa, in America and the islands of the sea.’

it was time, on 29 August 1963, to say goodbye forever to Dr William Edward Burghardt Du Bois. President Nkrumah ordered a state funeral with full state honours for this adopted son of Ghana at the old Christiansborg Castle at Osu in Accra, the seat of Ghana’s government. At 4 pm, before the metal coffin bearing Du Bois’ body was driven from his home in Cantonments to the funeral ceremony at the Castle, the Ghanaian artist Kofi Antubam, a Du Bois family friend, poured traditional libation to the gods in memory of the departed doctor. The funeral procession then made its way from Du Bois’ home, three miles away from the Castle, driving down 28 September Road and through Black Star Square. Thousands filled the streets to bid him goodbye. Ambassadors from all the countries with embassies in Ghana attended; except for the United States of America which alone did not send a message of condolence.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

ground at the burial site, the Last Post bugle call, long used at British military funerals, was sounded. Those who attended the funeral remember a brief and powerful rainfall that stopped as suddenly as it had started. Du Bois had been, people said happily, welcomed among the gods. When Du Bois became a citizen of Ghana in February 1963, five months before his death, it was a very moving occasion for him. He said becoming a citizen of Africa’s first independent country south of the Sahara, was the happy end of a journey back to an Africa his great grandfather had been stolen away from into slavery in America. ‘I have returned so that my remains may mingle with the dust of the forefathers,’ Du Bois said. ‘Now my life will flow on in the vigorous young stream of Ghanaian life which lifts the African personality to its proper place among men. And I shall not have lived and worked in vain.’

Five and Alive: Let us reduce preventable deaths of children All children deserve to live healthy lives, but every year 6.6 million children worldwide do not survive to the age of 5 years. Thousands of mothers also lose their lives during child birth. Although the number of under-five deaths worldwide has declined from 12.6 million in 1990to 6.6 million in 20121, this still means that nearly 18,000 children under age five die every day. The leading causes of death among children under age five include pneumonia, preterm birth complications, HIV and AIDS, malaria, undernutrition and diseases resulting from poor access to clean drinking water, sanitation and hygiene promotion. World Vision is a Christian humanitarian organisation dedicated to working with children and their communities to reach their full potential by tackling the causes of poverty and injustice. For the past 56 years, World Vision has been partnering with African communities, governments and people like you to help children and families break free from poverty. World Vision started operating in Africa in 1958, in the former Belgium Congo (now Democratic Republic of Congo) by giving US$1,500 to a home for abused children. Regionally, countries in Africa have made significant progress in reducing the number of preventable deaths among women and children. The decline in maternal and child mortality has been as a result of implementation of interventions such as supporting women to attend full ante-natal visits, training health workers, having skilled birth attendants, promoting exclusive breastfeeding and nutritious food to babies, as well as providing immunisation and timely treatment for diseases such as diarrhoea, provision of clean water, sanitation and hygiene promotion, malaria and HIV prevention. These interventions are in line with the continental Campaign on Accelerated Reduction of Maternal Mortality in Africa (CARMMA). In collaboration with its partners, World Vision is increasing access to clean Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) services in the Southern Africa region through a combination of participatory approaches and targeted interventions at household, community, schools and health facilities levels.This has tremendously helped to remove obstacles that prevent the communities and children from enjoying life in all its fullness. You too can make a difference and contribute towards the prevention of mothers losing lives while giving birth and of children dying of HIV, malnutrition and preventable diseases. World Vision is calling on you to join a campaign to increase access to quality health services for women and children. Every mother and child everywhere in Africa deserves clean water, sanitation and hygiene promotion. The Child Health Now campaign is a global movement aimed at reducing preventable deaths of children under the age of five years and it focuses on women, family and community health. The Campaign also advocates for improved budget allocation and expenditure to ensure that there is adequate long term funding and resources for the health and WASH sectors in line with the African Charter on Children’s Rights and Welfare (ACRWC), as well as the Abuja Declaration on strengthening health systems, financing and disease prevention. How can you get involved? It is easy – learn more about the campaign at www.childhealthnow.org to see what action you can take. Take part in commemorative events in your country during Survive 5 Day (5 May), World Water Day (March 22) Africa Day (May 25), Day of the African Child (June 16), World Breastfeeding Week, Universal Children’s Day (20 November; World AIDS Day (1 December) and International Day of Persons with Disabilities (3 December), World Toilet Day (November 19).

Join the conversation Facebook: Child Health Now Twitter: #Survive5 / @childhealthnow For more information visit www.wvafrica.org

Prioritising

Health Campaign for Accelerated Reduction of Maternal, Newborn and Child Mortality in Africa (CARMMA) and fighting the scourges of HIV, tuberculosis and malaria

in Africa

By Molly Chimhanda

Maternal mortalityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the death of women during pregnancy, childbirth, or in the 42 days after deliveryâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; remains a major challenge to health systems worldwide. In Africa, maternal mortality, child mortality, malaria, HIV and Tuberculosis (TB) stand as the burdens in terms of health on the continent.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

The three make up Millennium Development Goals 4, 5 and 6, and present challenges for a continent that has for so long been at the centre of attention for its high levels of poverty, civil wars, poor governance and accountability in most of its states. Despite Global initiatives to intensify

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policy intervention for maternal mortality starting as early as 1987 with the Safe Motherhood Initiative (a response to growing recognition that primary health-care programmes in many developing countries were not adequately focused on maternal health), Africa continued to lag behind. In 2005 the UN Millennium Project, Investing in Development, Main Report (2005: 2, 19) stated: ‘‘Sub-Saharan Africa, most dramatically, has been in a downward spiral of AIDS, resurgent Malaria, falling food output per person, deteriorating shelter conditions, and environmental

degradation, so that most countries in the region are on a trajectory to miss most or all of the Goals . . . The region is oﬀ-track to meet every MDG.” Sub-Saharan Africa, then, was just a reflection of the challenges Africa was facing with regard to prioritizing the health of its people. There was therefore a need to prioritize quality to reinforce the value of a human-rights-based approach to women and children’s health (as well as the responses to malaria, HIV and TB) through making the quality of care the route to equity and dignity for women and children and people on the continent. The target for MDG 5 is to reduce the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) by three-quarters from 1990 to 2015. There is a widespread perception that progress in maternal mortality has been slow, and in many places non-existent. Recognizing these gaps the African Union (AU) launched the Campaign for Accelerated Reduction of Maternal, Newborn and Child Mortality in Africa (CARMMA) on 7th May 2009, during the 4th Session of the Conference of AU Ministers of Health (CAMH4) held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, within the context of the Maputo Plan of Action (MPoA). The MPoA underscores the need to reduce maternal mortality and progress towards attaining the MDGs. Through the use of policy discussions, advocacy and community social mobilization to enlist political commitment and increase resources and societal change in support of maternal health, CARMMA is largely a countrydriven undertaking. All African countries are expected to launch CARMMA and have a follow-up implementation plan, as well as to monitor progress. At the continental launch of CARMMA by the African Union (AU) Ministers of Health in May 2009, eight African countries were selected by governments, the AUC, UN and other partners to launch CARMMA at the national level that year. The eight countries selected were Ethiopia, Malawi, Mozambique, Ghana, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and Chad. Their selection was based on high maternal mortality ratios,

low gender development index, and ready political commitment. As of June 2013, Nigeria has trained and deployed 2000 midwives to rural areas. President Goodluck Jonathan made saving lives of women and children the “yardstick for measuring…one of the dividends of democracy”. Ethiopia has reduced the rates of childhood underweight stunting through an effective health sector development plan focused especially on child survival, reproductive health, school heath and nutrition strategy, improved water and sanitation, and a food security and agricultural growth programme. Such commitments by member states demonstrate that maternal mortality reduction could be accelerated. In conjunction, many other countries strengthened their efforts to reduce maternal mortality, with support from UN agencies and other development partners. Assistance from development partners also saw the launch of a roadmap adopted on 16 July 2012 by African Heads of State and Government to chart a new course for the continent’s responses to AIDS, tuberculosis (TB) and malaria. Developed by the African Union Commission (AUC) and the NEPAD Planning and Coordinating Agency (NEPAD Agency), with support from UNAIDS, the Roadmap on Shared Responsibility and Global Solidarity was endorsed at the 19th Summit of the African Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The Roadmap emphasizes the importance of robust policy, oversight and accountability frameworks for investments in AIDS, TB and malaria. AIDS Watch Africa—an African advocacy and accountability initiative—will play a key role in measuring progress and holding national, regional, continental and global stakeholders accountable to their commitments on AIDS, TB and malaria. The Global Fund has supported malaria programs in 97 countries around the world. And with a total of US$8.8 billion in funding that has been approved since 2002, 70% has been for countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It is apparent that all these initiatives

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

OAU

on maternal and child health, combating HIV, malaria and TB are focused on building on already ongoing efforts based on awareness raising, shared responsibilities through mobilizing political and local commitment and a growing need for accountability for health programmes in Africa. Zambia for example, has tried to provide holistic services for pregnant mothers and infants through improved access to contraception, increased antiretroviral drugs for women living with HIV to address maternal and child mortality as well as HIV. In addition, Zambia’s 2013 MDG Progress Report states, “maternal mortality is rooted in gender inequality, which manifests itself as poor education for girls, early marriages, adolescent pregnancies, and lack of access to sexual and reproductive health information and services.” This means that sustained progress on maternal and reproductive health requires progress on gender equality. This is reflective of another group of individuals that should be addressed to reduce the risk of maternal mortalityadolescents. These possess many distinctive features and they endure unique risks. Further projections have stated that by 2050, 1 in every 3 births will be African. Under-5 deaths will continue to concentrate in Africa as a result of some of these issues. The efforts by the AU come with their own challenges. In some of the countries that had not yet launched CARMMA, the issue has been too-frequent changes in Ministry of Health personnel, including Ministers or Director Generals. In some countries, it has been difficult to secure a launch date due to the tight schedules of the presidents or first ladies who wish to launch CARMMA personally. In others, civil wars have affected access to quality reproductive healthcare; health facilities have been damaged resulting in a reduction in stocks and lack of qualified health personnel. The World Health Organization’s 2010 Trends in Maternal Mortality (1990-2008) for example cited the Democratic Republic of the Congo as one of the 11 countries that accounted for 65% of maternal deaths worldwide with

an estimated 19 000 maternal deaths in 2010 the civil war being part of the cause. In Zimbabwe, political instability and uncertainty that hovered over this State for the past 14 years have seen shocking results in statistics regarding maternal mortality in the country. The Herald (31/10/13) quoted Minister of Health and Child Care Dr. David Parirenyatwa stating, “A sobering fact is that in Zimbabwe the maternal mortality rate stands at 960 maternal deaths per 100 000 live births – three times higher than the global average & almost double that of the Sub-Saharan averages.” There is a need to monitor

It is imperative therefore that all countries with high mortality ratios be supported by international systems such as the UN to fight scourges that affect the lives of their populations. In early 2013, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon set out the challenge facing the future for women’s and children’s health: “We have made much progress. But time is passing and we must urgently accelerate our work…much more remains to be done. Every two minutes a woman dies in pregnancy or childbirth and 200 million women and girls do not have access to the family planning services

Assistance from development partners also saw the launch of a roadmap adopted on 16 July 2012 by African Heads of State and Government to chart a new course for the continent’s responses to AIDS, tuberculosis (TB) and malaria

trends in maternal mortality for planning and assessment of the MDGs in all countries to gauge progress in meeting these. It is clear that policy attention is required in some states and shared learning has to be prioritized to link performing countries to those that are underperforming. According to the Every Woman Every Child Independent Expert Review Group, “MDG 5 is the most off-track Millennium Development Goal of all. The failure to make more rapid progress on reducing maternal mortality is the most serious wound on the body of global health. The nations of Africa are farthest from achieving the targets set in MDG 5; only three African countries –Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea and Egypt – are currently on track. Though maternal mortality has declined by nearly half since 1990, some 800 women die each day in pregnancy and childbirth – one every two minutes. The vast majority of those deaths are entirely preventable. More than half take place in Africa.”

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

they need; 19 000 children under 5 still die every day from largely preventable causes; malnutrition is the underlying cause of 3 million child deaths. Around the world, millions of people are dying as a result of infectious diseases. If we want to see women and children survive and thrive, we must address inequalities and reach the most vulnerable in poor and underserved areas. We have the technology and know-how to save and improve women’s and children’s lives— and we need to join our good ideas and efforts [to do so].” The above stipulates a position whereby all States in Africa should promote the inclusive participation of all necessary stakeholders from governments, UN agencies, other development partners, NGOs, including community institutions and organizations, professional associations, schools, health training institutions and the media to drive country-driven, countryowned action. These actions will in the long run see an improved Africa, capable of prioritizing health for all.

Delivering sustainable infrastructure that improves our world. DOING GOOD WHILE DOING BUSINESS

“Making a difference in Africa?”

“Partnerships”

Contact www.bigenafrica.com, or the office most convenient to you: Pretoria (012) 842 8700; Johannesburg (011) 802 0560; Bloemfontein (051) 430 1423; Cape Town (021) 919 6976; Durban (031) 717 2571; East London (043) 748 6230; Gabarone gaborone@bigenafrica.com; Kuruman (053) 712 2882; Mafikeng (018) 386 2111; Mthatha (047) 532 5234; Nelspruit (013) 755 1421; Port Elizabeth (042) 373 4270; Rustenburg (014) 597 3655; Windhoek +26 461 237 346.

OAU

Regional Economic Communities:

The answer to Africa’s economic and political challenges? In envisioning an Africa better able to manage its integration and stability, the African Union (AU)’s Constitutive Act adopted in 2000 at the Lome Summit (Togo), made it possible for African leaders to work towards revamping and establishing new African institutions to better address conflicts and political instability, and to accelerate Africa’s economic integration. By Molly Chimanda

‘Diverse and dynamic communities’ are words that are bound to resonate if asked to describe the African continent, which is filled with vast resources enough to make it the envy of any country in this world, but, it still remains marginalized in the global community. In envisioning an Africa better able to manage its integration and stability, the African Union (AU)’s Constitutive Act adopted in 2000 at the Lome Summit (Togo), made it possible for African leaders to work towards revamping and establishing new African institutions to better address conflicts and political instability, and to accelerate Africa’s economic integration. This result-Regional Economic Communities (RECs)- are recognized as a cornerstone and building block for this twin mission. The AU and the RECs share the goal

of a peaceful and a socially and economically advanced Africa. Indeed Africa’s regional economic integration is seen as an essential for accelerated development in Africa. Article 88 of the Abuja Treaty and article 3 of the AU Constitutive Act envisioned RECs as the “implementing arms” of the AU’s goal of a peaceful and prosperous continent. They are the key building blocks for economic integration and key actors in ensuring political stability in their geographical areas. The RECs have the immense challenge of raising the standard of living of the people of Africa and contributing towards the progress and development of the continent by achieving economic growth, promoting peace and security and evolving common political values as well as systems and institutions among African countries. (Briefing to the United

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

Nations (UN) Member States by the AU Permanent Observer Mission to the UN). The role of the RECs as building blocks of the African Economic Community (AEC) is evidence of their enormous potential. As the key implementing arms of the AU and development agents in their respective regions they can promote inter-regional trade and trans-border social and economic cooperation; address the causes of conflict in their areas, prevent and resolve violent conflict and respond to new and emerging challenges. These formally recognized roles of RECs and their importance in achieving the global goals of the AU however have to consider the capacity of each REC to achieve its mandate, which largely depends on the level of resources and political commitment from its member states. The mother body, the AU has its

own institutional and resource limitations, and within this context it is imperative to note that the assistance of the international community remains key. This is critical to strengthen the roles of the AU and RECs, which will help them to meet the capacity constraints and foster the effectiveness of sub-regional organizations in peace and development efforts. The driving force behind the formation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) (like other RECs in Africa) was the promotion of co-operation and integration in economic, social, political and cultural activity, ultimately leading to the establishment of an economic and monetary union through the total integration of the national economies of member states. ECOWAS also aims to raise the living standards of its peoples, maintain and enhance economic stability, foster relations among member states and contribute to the progress and development of the African Continent. However, the components that are supposed to guarantee this anticipated full integration outlined and agreed upon by the member states are facing a lot on implementation challenges. Another REC, the East Africa Community (EAC), has the largest number of RECs and intergovernmental regional bodies. Nearly all of the countries are members of four of the eight RECs. Most belong to at least two RECs while some belong to up to f our RECs and Inter Governmental Organizations (IGOs). This multiple membership often results in duplication of resources and conflicting goals and policies. In addition, these countries are also members of development finance institutions that span across different regional groupings. These include among others the PTA Bank, East African Development Bank and Agency for Trade Insurance. But this REC has had its own caveats. Civil wars, cross-border conflicts, social strife, and arms trafficking have plagued Eastern Africa. Current security concerns in the region include the volatile situation in Somalia, conflict in Darfur, stalemate between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Djibouti-Eritrea conflict, piracy off the

coast of Somalia and the Gulf of Aden and some outstanding post-referendum issues between Sudan and South-Sudan, including border demarcation. Kenya has not been left unscathed with the recent Westgate Mall terrorist attack. There are also intermittent outburst of civil conflicts among the various constituent islands of Comoros and restive situation along the border between Rwanda and DR Congo. All these factors pose threat to private investment in East Africa. So, it is vital for the countries to consolidate peace and stability for deepening regional integration. Consolidating peace and security and strengthening democratic process are critical to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), enhance growth and reduce poverty. The number of conflicts helps little in ensuring the growth of the EAC, as it has become a drawback in meeting greater integration and political stability. On the other hand, the EAC is implementing several regional initiatives including the sustainable development of Lake Victoria Basin, Lake Victoria Transport Project, Joint Concessioning of Railroads, East Africa Power Master plan, East Africa Submarine System, East Africa Infrastructure Master Plan, and joint tourism marketing and standardization of hotels. Other initiatives include the AUC/ NEPAD African Action Plan launched in 2009. It provides harmonized framework for continental infrastructure development and the Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa (PIDA). The joining of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) with the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the EAC on October 22 2008 to form the African Free Trade Zone is another noble cause bound to rake in billions in trade if adhered to. The Africa Free Trade Zone consists of 26 countries with a GDP of an estimated $624bn (£382.9bn), bringing with it a hope to ease access within the zone and end problems arising from the fact that several of the member countries belong to multiple groups. Furthermore, cross-border informal or unrecorded trade is quite important in Africa and this figure

may well surpass what is already noted here. Informal trade also demonstrates that there is significant potential to increase official cross-border trade. Intra-regional trade is also larger when the partner economies are larger. The examples for Africa’s regional economic integration are not exhaustive. Africa’s other RECs include the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Southern African Customs Union (SACU), Common Market for East and Southern Africa (COMESA) and Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). These regional initiatives could help the African countries participate more effectively and take fuller advantage of the global economy if clear, coordinated positions on their political and economic goals and the strategies for achieving them in relation to external economic actors are considered. Observations made in an International Colloquial Report by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) state that this move would help in relation to China in the context of the Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), Japan in the context of the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), the BRICS economic bloc (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), and contentious negotiations on the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with the EU.1 Political will and commitment remains key in building and nurturing Africa’s regional integration arrangements toward the aspiration and vision of a continental union. Countries should demonstrate this by going beyond just attending meetings to active involvement in aspects of regional institutions’ operations, meeting their financial obligations and provision of support when it is required. However, with a consensus-based and focused approach countries should be able to properly assess the costs and benefits of integration, and facilitate the formulation and pursuit of clear and well-thought positions on their rights and obligations therein. FES THE AFRICAN UNION AT TEN: PROBLEMS, PROGRESS, AND PROSPECTS

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

RETHINKING Preamble Due to the complexity and dynamism reticent in the nature of the AU system, with its retinue of institutions and its building block integration strategy, organising and co-ordination will always demand continual attention and review. Apart from inter-institutional relationships within the AU, there are also extra-institutional relationships between AU organs and other regional and national institutions such as that of the PAP and other African parliamentary bodies. It must be noted that the PAP’s place and responsibilities in terms of the AU system should be seen in the context of an equally emergent AU. The article views these relationships as a complex phenomenon until institutional roles and responsibilities of major African stakeholders are clearly defined and operationalised towards dealing with the expected outcomes of Africanwide parliamentary democracy in whose platform the PAP was established. Introduction At present, there seems to be no established and operationalised working organogram of the PAP representing formal responsibilities, duties and relationships in the AU system. Thus, there seems to be no agreed organisational representation of AU institutional relationships. This presents some challenges. For instance, while some representations (PULP 2007,144; ISS 2005,15) assume a closeness in the institutional relationship between the PAP and the AU decision making and executive organs in practice, the PAP is far from the decision-making axis of the Assembly/Executive Council/Permanent Representative Committee/AU Commission. The PAP in practice is so distant from this sphere of influence, that it has to go through the PRC or the AUC to have the Executive Council’s ear. This has resulted in a lack of complimentation between the recommendations of the PAP and the decision of the Executive Council, thus compromising the advisory and consultative powers

Professor EOC Ijeoma | Chair and Head: School of Public Administration, University of Fort Hare And Dr O I Nzewi | School of Public Administration, University of Fort Hare

of the PAP as provided for in legislation. Technical capacity of the PAP On inception, the PAP organogram showed the technocratic or expert slant of the PAP human resources needs (PAP 2005). Technocrats and experts play a crucial role in deepening integration as pointedly manifested in literature on regional integration (Haas 1961, 1970; Schmitter 1969). Schmitter (1969:162) identifies the creative talents of political elites, especially the administrators of regional institutions who take advantage of frustrations and crises, to redefine or expand tasks at the centre. The PAP organisational system as seen in the PAP internal organogram, makes provision for a functional organisational system, which should avail the PAP the knowledge and skills of expert parliamentary supervisors. However, in practice, there are challenges to implementing those, firstly, the perennial problem of weak capacity and administrative services is compounded by highly visible holdups to its institutional building, of which the PAP’s strategic plan identified as finance, legal mandate and limited access to value added information (PAP 2005a, 28). Secondly, there is the problem of the insufficient support structure for the PAP committee system, the core of decision making body in the Parliament and thirdly, the shared collective experience of the OAU over the years has spawned a value system entrenched in the legacy of

Opposite the Eastern Cape Legislature Independence Avenue, Bisho, 5601 South Africa Tel: +27 40 608 3426 Fax: +27 72 672 6276 www.ufh.ac.za/departments/publication adewafrica@yahoo.com

centralised power and rivalry between the OAU and institutions that show supranational promise (Franke 2007; Onwuka 1985). Therefore, notwithstanding the governance principles that the PAP represents, the highly statist and centralised culture of African institutional integrative experience threatens its very existence. The Parliamentary mandate In a democracy, the core function of the legislature is to pass legislation (Cloete 1998:42). At the regional level, in particular the AU and RECs, this legislative role has not been forthcoming. Since inauguration, the PAP has

THE INSTITUTIONAL MANDATE AND REPORTING OF THE PAP made efforts towards this mandate by undertaking parliamentary tasks such as organising debates on a range of issues affecting the AU like NEPAD, APRM and migration (PAP 2005e, 2005f). The PAP has also adopted independent positions in certain issues, especially as they relate to governance and human rights issues, as it did in the resolution on the unconditional release of Dr. Kizza Besigye, leader of the Ugandan opposition in 2006 (PAP 2006a). Additionally, the PAP has made many recommendations and resolutions on different matters to the AU interest. The issue, though, is that there is little evidence that the Executive Council or the Assembly has referenced or utilised these recommendations or resolutions as a basis for any decision making. Additionally, the PAP seems to have failed to develop an effective mechanism to obtain information from other AU institutions, especially where some, like the Executive Council and the Permanent Representative Council, are used to centralise decision making. The issue is that in reality, not only has the PAP failed to have a voice in any sort of decision coming from the Executive arm, so far, it has also not managed to make policy relevant recommendations to the Executive due to poor information sharing arrangements in the AU. Procedural challenges There are internal procedural bottlenecks which also challenge the growth of a democratic institution like the PAP. These can limit the quality of committee decisions. Decision making within the AU has over the years been by consensus building majority, but the majority vote approach is beginning to permeate into the AU structures. Decision making in the PAP is also by consensus or a two-thirds majority as the provision of Rule 22 (8) of the PAP Rules of Procedure requires (PAP 2004). The down side of this type of decision making is that consensus building is sometimes a lengthy and negotiated process. Thus complex decisions, which have great potential for change, may be abandoned. Secondly, consensus building takes time and thus in this form, decision making may be time-consuming. Furthermore, the quorum requirement of an absolute majority for voting in Rule 22(7) of the PAP Rules of Procedure may also pose a challenge due to the absenteeism and high turnover of MPs. Additionally, the PAP’s Rules of Procedures marshals out the modalities for exercising consultative powers through questions, investigations and reports from any organ of the AU. These activities are intended for the PAP to not only provide input in policy issues, but also to be primed for constant developments in the AU. This will mean an increase in the PAP’s power of its voice, as its recommendations will always have relevance to Executive decisions. Nevertheless, this is not the case as capacity and the AU’s present institutional culture puts limitations on the PAP’s operations. End remarks As far as the task of harmonisation and co-ordination of the AU policies by central institutions like the PAP is concerned, the fragmented structure of regional integration experiments also presents a hindrance, thus it perpetuates stumbling blocks for democratic and supranational leaning institutions, which poses a genuine obstruction to the growth and independence of the PAP. As national parliaments are considered the highest policy-making institution at the country level, the PAP deserves to play such a role at the continental level. The PAP’s inability to execute such mandates has created a proliferation of regional and national ideas and approaches that continues to create social and economic divides among the committee of nations in Africa. However, previous experiences with moribund regional institutions show that African members states need to commit to the strengthening of institutions such as the PAP and continue to strive to find a balance between the short-term dictates of national sovereignty concerns and the long-term commitment to regional integration for Africa’s development in the rapidly globalising world.

OAU

the african union â&#x20AC;&#x153;If sustained peace is the goal, conflict resolution in Africa must move beyond military response, and focus on addressing the root causes of conflict. At the most fundamental level, the absence of justice is frequently the principle reason for the absence of peace. Statement made by Prof. Fantu Cheru on Rebuilding War-torn Societies and Preventing Deadly Conflicts By Maurice Mashiwa

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

ÂŠwww.123rf.com/profile_pdreams

and countries in conflict situations

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There are clashing views on the role conflicts play in shaping how society is managed. Most of the time, conflicts occur due to bad and or poor governance institutions that lead to the mismanagement of access, control and utilization of resources by leaders. Africa’s endless list of conflicts right from Katanga to Kivu, South Sudan, Chad, Darfur, the Central African Republic, to Mogadishu have many common salient features, some of which lead to total retardation and stifling of growth within these societies. Writing in Taking Sides: Clashing Views on African Issues, Moseley argues that no single sided response can be adequate in responding to the many critical woes that Africa is suffering from: African issues cannot be fully appreciated without a deep knowledge of the region and a broad understanding of its connections to the rest of the world. ……….and policymakers with an interest in Africa must both seek to understand the specific geographic milieu in which an issue is being debated, as well as the extent to which a local level problem is connected to broader scale dynamics at the national, regional or global level1 The different conflicts Africa has been facing and is likely to continue facing form a good working background for all who are genuinely interested in helping to transform Africa in progressive ways. The issues that have always featured in lecture rooms, conferences and media publications and among scholars and policymakers are important because they are critical tools in both evaluating possible futures of development and growth mechanisms in the continent. It is no easy fate to transmute a conflict like the long standing DR Congo conflict or the Somalia crisis into a goldmine for building peace and the eventual realization of justice. The intention to translate chaos into something more productive requires the use of and application of principles for preventing and resolving conflicts. Moseley G. W, Taking Sides: Clashing Views on African Issues, Second Edition; McGraw-Hill Contemporary Learning Series, New York; p. xvii.

The causes of conflicts in Africa There are different causes of conflicts in Africa, “the region from the Southern Sudan through Northern Uganda to Rwanda, Burundi, CAR and Congo – now the scene of brutal civil wars and genocide – has a long history of colonial violence in the form of slave trading, slave labor, plantation labor, plantation terror, and a violent gun culture which all have to be taken into account when explaining the contemporary situation.”2 The many issues that partly lead to situations of conflict in Africa have to be taken into context. Whatever form of conflict be it ethnic, political, civil or any other leads to criminal and political violence. Political Violence stems from structural problems in the

understanding of the causes of conflict and conflict management exists. The concept of security dilemma in international relations only explains why states are insecure but falls short of providing elaborate details on the reasons why conflicts break out. The analysis of any war be it the Angola, Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea, the ongoing Somalia and CAR conflicts among others shows that there are a variety of reasons responsible for the outbreak of violence. One way of explaining this is by the use of the international framework as the core reference point in International Relations and how it shapes the different actors and their levels of analysis. Kenneth Waltz in Man, the State and War posits that the

The tank on the city street in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo, Africa. October 5, 2013,Brazzaville, Congo, Africa

management of control, access and usage of both political and socio-economic resources. The three issues form the breeding ground for mind boggling socio-economic and political inequality perpetuated by extractive political and economic institutions that guarantee exclusive rewards to the elite. Other different perspectives that can best explain the process and deepen our

traits of individuals, masses, and the internal structure of states are some of the powerful forces that operate within the limitations of the international system3. The three levels of analysis that can be used to explain in terms of application the causes of conflicts and war in Africa as elsewhere are: Individual Framework; Society and State in the Radical and Liberal Frameworks and the International

Zeleza Paul and Nhema Alfred; te Roots of African Conflicts: The Causes and Costs, Ohio University Press, 2008, P 1-2.

3 Kenneth Waltz, Man, The State and War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1954).

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

System in the Realist and Radical Frameworks. Beyond the question of causes, what has the Africa Union and several integration arrangements done to move forward stability within countries in conflict situations to advance commerce and development?

The AU in the Context of Regional Integration It is easy to justify that regional integration forms a single answer to economic and political development challenges, but caution should be taken before qualifying such an assertion. While regional integration has played and will continue to form part of a core role in the creation

performance of the community perfectly fits here. The AU has played a key role in facilitation of mediation and working with different inter-governmental organizations such as IGAD in peaceful negotiations to end the current spate of conflict in South Sudan. In the Central African Republic, much work still needs to be done given the meager troop numbers, funding and other technical challenges. Different militia groups have mutated into sectarian violence and turning once peaceful Central African Republic into a butcher’s den. The AU must do more and move with speed to enforce the ‘right to protect’ innocent civilians who have turned against each other.

Graves of Kigali Genocide Memorial Centre, Rwanda

of stability within different African regions, it is not a panacea to failed political governance as has happened recently in CAR and South Sudan. A system of political and economic governance devoid of elaborate mechanisms and structural institutions that allow room for wide participation and adequate representation of ideas undermines consistent legitimacy and long term political-economic commitment the EAC urgently demands. The political economists’ classical answer “more research is needed” about the stability and actual

Principles for Resolving and Preventing Conflicts in Africa The African situation needs a very balanced review to ascertain the direction the badly bruised African people can take for the future. Cheru aptly opines that: “undemocratic and oppressive regimes were supported and sustained by the competing superpowers in the name of their broader foreign – policy goals…. Ending violent conflicts in chronically unstable African countries, and building a foundation for preventing future violent conflict, are the prerequisites for

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

sustainable social and economic development. Moreover, violent conflict poses a number of problems for Africa’s transformation agenda”.4 The major issues that emerge as the key challenges caused by the continued civil strife in Africa include but are not limited to massive ecological degradation, unprecedented displacement of people and loss of life as has happened in the Darfur conflict, the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the continued conflict in the eastern DRC (North Kivu province and Ituri regions), the long Angolan UNITA gorilla conflict, and the never ending LRA problem of northern Uganda; the disintegration of the social fabric, misused and badly managed human and economic resources right across Africa from Liberia, Sierra Leone, Angola, Mozambique, the former Zaire, and Ethiopia. The said issues basically prod us the carefully look for possible grounds of establishing principles for the realization of peace and justice.5 This is a critical role that the AU has to steer together with other regional economic organizations. Besides, the real issue seems to lie in development failures, governance breakdown and marginalization of several groups from mainstream political participation. The AU and the many fragmented regional groupings have to closely work towards addressing these challenges in the continent. An outright position about the examination of African civil wars indicates that the “gross economic and political inequalities that prevail in many African countries must be addressed if the territorial integrity of those countries is to be preserved.”6 The African development agenda can adequately address these challenges and turn around the prospects of the fast rising continent where foreigners are flocking into to get a piece.

Conclusion Whatever form of negotiated solutions to conflicts in Africa, lasting peace can only Fantu Cheru, African Renaissance: Roadmaps to the Challenge of Globalization (New York: Zed Books, 2002). Ibid p. 193-196. 6 Ibid 4

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OAU

be attained if the substantive causes of violence are addressed either by the polity within the affected countries, or with the help of the AU which enjoys legitimacy and has capacity to mediate as it spearheaded Kenya’s 2007/8 post election conflict in Nairobi, Zimbabwe’s political power sharing and other regions. This is core because the primary objective of all efforts to both prevent and resolve African conflicts should be about the establishment of peace with justice. Again in reference to Cheru’s work, “in contrast to the real politic conflict management approaches that have generally served to obstruct Africa’s transformation, a bottom up approach is offered.”7 Africans have to manage their own problems has become the new mantra in town (read Addis Ababa). This aims at keeping the International Criminal Court out of African boarders also given the recent clarion call to rejects the court’s attempts at holding the high and mighty criminally responsible for conflicts in Africa. Efforts to form the African Court of Justice, The East African Court of Justice and the like are welcome in this regard. The question is: which African judge will pull a sitting Head of State (the appointing authority) to court to be held culpable for causing violence and deal a blow to impunity? The proper solutions to the problems of Africa need serious and not imagined political solutions. The issues that need the collective attention of all stakeholders include but are not limited to strengthening the bond between peace and democracy through empowering the civil society, sustaining the active participation of the civil society in seeking to both find and implement political solutions; negotiating the issues related to gender disparities plus the broad reality of rehabilitating the economy as has been the case in Rwanda right after the 1994 genocide is important; in the areas of civil and political liberties, their real use is to have a functional and improved institutional capacity of monitoring the quality of governance among the African peoples so as to realize and stabilize civilian control of the military. 7

Ibid; P, 205

To have a republican system where the civilians control the military is critical not only in maintaining peace but also in ensuring the whole important process of peace-building, democratization, state formation, transformation and nation building. It is also very essential to not only develop homegrown capacity for preventing and resolving conflicts but also to build local knowledge through research to identify the structural risk factors and their immediate and long term resolutions such as ethnicity, economic development, equitable utilization of natural resources, institutionalizing the process of democracy and democratization and governance. Addressing the many social issues that surround the reintegration of refugees and former combatants to those of economic development like reconstruction and rehabilitation of societies require the provision of timely solutions to serious unemployment related problems and initiating and expanding income generating activities to better shield groups from rolling back into conflicts.8 All these are serious engagements that the African Union is committed to better develop Africa’s development profile. As a matter of fact, the establishment of regional security structures like the Eastern Africa’s IGAD and the West Africa’s ECOMOG is important in helping to make the African people more responsive to their challenges before fully relying on the UN or even getting it involved in African conflicts as has been the case with the Somalia conflict where the UN funded UNISOM only came in long after the African Union had sent into Somalia African forces to support the Transitional Federal Government (TFG). This forms the blue-print of African Solutions to African Problems. Most if not all of Africa’s conflicts are very complex because they have a multiplicity of factors that cause them in the first place. From this conversation, it is Fantu Cheru, African Renaissance: Roadmaps to the Challenge of Globalization (New York: Zed Books, 2002), Chap. 7 on ‘rebuilding War-torn Societies and Preventing Deadly Conflicts’,; and The World Bank, Can Africa Claim the 21st Century (Washington D.C, The World Bank, 2000), Chap. 2 on ‘Improving Governance, Managing Conflict, and Rebuilding States’.

Tunisian people on the streets for protest

possible to draw up a conclusion on Regional Integration and African countries in conflict situations: “the absence of justice is the principle reason for the absence of peace. Acute injustice typically gives rise to popular struggles, which are met by systematic repression”.9 Much political energy has to go into the process of rebuilding African societies and above deliver on the requirement of properly institutionalizing constitutionalism, democracy and the rule of law, respect for human rights, allowing and broadening political practical participation of the majority of the African people to make them own the governance processes of society is key towards succeeding in the post conflict peace-building. A properly functioning central state system is also necessary to avert conflicts and to enable Africans to enjoy the fruits of living in their beautiful motherland compared to dying in ramshackle boats across Lampedusa. Fantu Cheru, African Renaissance: Roadmaps to the Challenge of Globalization (New York: Zed Books, 2002, 218).

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

OAU

Secretaries General of the Organisation of African Unity

1963 to 2002 Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

Kifle Wodajo (Acting)

Took office 25 May 1963 Left office 21 July 1964 Country Ethiopia

Diallo Telli

Nzo Ekangaki

Took office 21 July 1964 Left office15 June 1972 Country Guinea

Took office 15 June 1972 Left office 16 June 1974 Country Cameroon

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

William Eteki

Took office 16 June 1974 Left office 21 July 1978 Country Cameroon

Edem Kodjo

Took office 21 July 1978 Left office 12 June 1983 Country Togo

Peter Onu (Acting)

Ide Oumarou

Took office 12 June 1983 Left office 20 July 1985 Country Nigeria

Took office 20 July 1985 Left office 19 September 1989 Country Niger

Salim Ahmed Salim

Amara Essy

Took office 19 September 1989Left office 17 September 2001 Country Tanzania

Took office 17 September 2001 Left office 19 July 2002 Country Côte d’Ivoire

Banking

the Economy to Manage Unemployment National success in the global marketplace depends on coherent long-term strategic action by states and the construction and maintenance of a dense web of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;intermediateâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; institutions (banks financial and technical services, training, and infrastructure of all kinds) and sufficient social protection for the poor that the market needs but does not itself provide (Leys Colin; 1996, p 195). By Maurice Mashiwa

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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OAU

Social, solidarity-based economics represents a set of economic initiatives with the social goal of helping build a new way of experiencing and considering the economy. It grows out of the practical experience of hundreds of thousands of projects done in developing and developed countries. The group of initiatives a bold step towards basic economic development by means of which participation in the market can actually foster a better economic and social organization of communities. Basically, they encourage setting up new institutions, show and share the capacity of local initiatives to have an impact on the development process at local, national and international levels. This is how employment is created in creative ways during the age of globalization. Today with the recent unprecedented rise of both positive and negative effects of globalization, the role of any government in the economy extends far beyond its activities as a regulator of specific industries. The government also manages the overall pace of economic activity, which seeks to maintain high levels of employment and stable prices in the market system. There are two main tools it can use for achieving these objectives: fiscal policy, through which it determines the appropriate level of taxes and spending; and monetary policy, through which it manages the supply of money in the economy. Fiscal policy implies to the policy the government receipts and expenditure should be consciously and prudently planned in aggregate amounts for budgeting so as to effect beneficial changes in the over-all levels of incomes, prices, employment and structural development. Fiscal policy is controlled by the government. Monetary policy is only concerned with the lowering of the cost and increasing the availability of money or credit for business investments. Monetary policy function is exercised by the Central Banks.

Fiscal Policy and Economic Stabilization The government uses fiscal policy not just

to support itself or pursue social policies but to promote overall economic growth and stability as well. Policy-makers are influenced by John Maynard Keynes, an English economist who argued in The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1936) that the rampant joblessness of his time resulted from inadequate demand for goods and services. According to Keynes, people did not have enough income to buy everything the economy could produce, so prices fell and companies lost money or went bankrupt. Without government intervention, Keynes said, this could become a vicious cycle. As more companies went bankrupt, he argued, more people would lose their jobs, making income fall further and leading yet more companies to fail in a frightening downward spiral. Keynes argued that

early 1970s, the nation was hit by a sharp rise in international oil and food prices. This posed an acute dilemma for policymakers. By the late 1990s, policy-makers were far less likely than their predecessors to use fiscal policy to achieve broad economic goals. Instead, they focused on narrower policy changes designed to strengthen the economy at the margins and periphery.

Money in the Economy While the budget remained enormously important, the job of managing the overall economy shifted substantially from fiscal policy to monetary policy during the later years of the 20th century. Taking the example of Kenya, Monetary policy is the province of the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK), an important economic government agency.

“The market and the state are not the only poles governing development. Social, solidarity-based economics adds to both by society itself taking economic action which embodies prospective group interests”.

government could halt the decline by increasing spending on its own or by cutting taxes. Either way, incomes would rise, people would spend more, and voila, the economy could start growing again. If the government had to run up a deficit to achieve this purpose, so be it, Keynes said. In his view, the alternative -deepening economic decline - would be worse. Keynes had argued that during such periods of excess demand, the government should reduce spending or raise taxes to avert inflation. But anti-inflation fiscal policies are difficult to sell politically, and the government resisted shifting to them. Then, in the

The Central Bank has three main tools for maintaining control over the supply of money and credit in the economy. The most important is known as open market operations, or the buying and selling of government securities. To increase the supply of money, the Central Bank buys government securities from banks, other businesses, or individuals, paying for them with a check (a new source of money that it prints); when the Central Bank’s checks are deposited in banks, they create new reserves -- a portion of which banks can lend or invest, thereby increasing the amount of money in circulation. On the other hand, if the Central Bank wishes to reduce the money supply, it sells

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

OAU

requirements. The rate on such loans, known as the “CBK funds rate,” is a key gauge of how “tight” or “loose” monetary policy is at a given moment. The CBK’s third tool is the discount rate, or the interest rate that commercial banks pay to borrow funds from Central Bank. By raising or lowering the discount rate, the CBK can promote or discourage borrowing and thus alter the amount of revenue available to banks for making loans. These tools allow the CBK to expand or contract the amount of money and credit in the Kenyan economy. If the money supply rises, credit is said to be loose. In this situation, interest rates tend to drop, business spending and consumer

spending tend to rise, and employment increases; if the economy already is operating near its full capacity, too much money can lead to inflation, or a decline in the value of the shilling. When the money supply contracts, on the other hand, credit is tight. In this situation, interest rates tend to rise, spending levels off or declines and inflation abates; if the economy is operating below its capacity, tight money can lead to rising unemployment. Many factors complicate the ability of the Central Bank of Kenya to use monetary policy to promote specific goals such as those of radically reducing unemployment, however. For one thing, money takes many different forms, and it often is

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government securities to banks, collecting reserves from them. Because they (chartered commercial banks) have lower reserves, banks must reduce their lending, and the money supply drops accordingly. The Central Bank can also control the money supply by specifying what reserves deposit-taking institutions must set aside either as currency in their vaults or as deposits at their regional Commercial Banks. Raising reserve requirements forces banks to withhold a larger portion of their funds, thereby reducing the money supply, while lowering requirements works the opposite way to increase the amount of money supplied in an economy. Banks often lend each other money over night to meet their reserve

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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OAU

Most important of all, the greatest threat to Africa transformation is the very nature of extractive political and economic institutions that do very little to create and build inclusive social, economic, cultural and political cohesion throughout different polities.

unclear which one to target. In its most basic form, money consists of coins and paper currency. To use the American dollar as an example, coins come in various denominations based on the value of a shilling (dollar): the penny, which is worth one cent or one-hundredth of a dollar; the nickel, five cents; the dime, 10 cents; the quarter, 25 cents; the half dollar, 50 cents; and the dollar coin. Paper money comes in denominations of $1, $2, $5, $10, $20, $50, and $100. A more important component of the money supply consists of checking deposits, or bookkeeping entries held in banks and other financial and non financial institutions. Individuals can make payments by writing checks, which essentially instruct their banks to pay given sums to the checks’ recipients. Time deposits are similar to checking deposits except the owner agrees to leave the sum on deposit for a specified period; while depositors generally can withdraw the funds earlier than the maturity date, they generally must pay a penalty and forfeit some interest to do so. Money also includes money market funds, which are shares in pools of short-term securities, as well as a variety of other assets that can be converted easily into currency on short notice. The amount of money held in different forms can change from time to time, depending on preferences and other factors that may or may not have any importance to the overall economy. Further complicating the Central Bank’s task of controlling the government’s monetary policies, changes in the money supply trend heavily affect the economy

only after a lag of uncertain duration.

Monetary Policy and Fiscal Stabilization The growing importance of monetary policy and the diminishing role played by fiscal policy in economic stabilization efforts may reflect both political and economic realities. The experience of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s suggests that democratically elected governments may have more trouble using fiscal policy to fight inflation than unemployment. Fighting inflation requires government to take unpopular actions like reducing spending or raising taxes, while traditional fiscal policy solutions to fighting unemployment tend to be more popular since they require increasing spending or cutting taxes. Political realities, in short, may favour a bigger role for monetary policy during times of inflation. One other reason suggests why fiscal policy may be more suited to fighting unemployment, while monetary policy may be more effective in fighting inflation. There is a limit to how much monetary policy can do to help the economy during a period of severe economic decline, such as the United States encountered during the 1930s. The monetary policy remedy to economic decline is to increase the amount of money in circulation, thereby cutting interest rates. But once interest rates reach zero, the CBK can do no more. The country has not encountered this situation, which economists call the “liquidity trap.”

Conclusion In the end, to move beyond the political

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

rhetoric is economic bubs to better manage the ticking time bomb of massive unemployment across many Africa countries, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda name them require a coherent strategy on how to navigate structural market and development failures. Be it as it may, the process will no doubt be complex given huge knowledge gaps, technical skills deficits, cut throat competition from developed countries markets and corporations for the African pie. Most important of all, the greatest threat to Africa transformation is the very nature of extractive political and economic institutions that do very little to create and build inclusive social, economic, cultural and political cohesion throughout different polities. It is appalling to note that Central Banks across Africa are doing little to better manage the Africa economies hoping that politicians have better ‘political gimmicks’ to offer. The new development outfits in the name of regional integration arrangement’s monetary policy has to face head on national development failures if the larger markets theory for integration has to make sense on the long term. We must have alternative and broader avenues for inclusive economic development to expand the freedoms of Africans and make better their livelihoods as a whole. Not for a select few and political elite who loot from the public purse. In the end as we have seen, social, solidarity-based economics may need the active participation of Central Banks and other big and small commercial banks to operate as part of a pluralist economy. The market and the state are not the only poles governing development. Social, solidarity-based economics adds to both by society itself taking economic action which embodies prospective group interests. Banking the economy should take a pluralistic approach which is more disposed to putting the economy in the service of society by promoting an ‘economy with a market’ rather than a ‘market economy’.

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International Criminal Court and Africa By: Judge Sang-Hyun Song, President of the International Criminal Court

Participants of the second African Union - International Criminal Court Joint Seminar in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) © African Union

On behalf of the International Criminal Court (ICC), I would like to extend sincere congratulations to the African community of nations on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the formation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) – which gave rise to the African Union (AU) in 2002. The nations of Africa can be truly proud of this momentous achievement. Reflecting on the history of Pan-African cooperation, we can see that the primary goals of the OAU and the AU – including cooperation and solidarity, ensuring human rights and raising standards of living – have been a cornerstone of Africa’s vital support for the ICC and the development of its guiding principles. Africa’s influence on the ICC has been and continues to be indispensable. Without the unity, determination and support by African countries during the process leading to the adoption of the ICC’s founding treaty, the Rome Statute, the ICC most likely would not be in existence today. And at this moment, many of the Court’s key officials are from Africa: the Court has four African judges, including the First Vice-President of the Court, an African Prosecutor, and an African Deputy Registrar. States created the ICC to help end impunity for atrocities that have plagued humankind for far too long – genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. This is

a joint quest for all of humanity. The unity and activism of African States was instrumental in securing a strong and independent ICC, guided by a Statute that places a previously unforeseen emphasis on the rights of victims, just as it endeavours to prevent impunity for the perpetrators. At the ICC, victims have the right to participate in the proceedings and to seek reparation for the harm they have suffered. Thirty-four African countries are States Parties to the Rome Statute, this being the largest regional group among the ICC’s member states. Nine other African States have signed the Rome Statute. I take this opportunity to call on them, as well as other States not yet party to the Rome Statute, to join the growing community of ICC States parties. This would offer their citizens legal protection against the most heinous crimes and their highly skilled professionals the possibility of engaging with the Court. It is worth noting that the momentum of States joining the ICC has continued ever since the Rome Statute’s adoption and that in the last three years four African countries have joined the ICC: Seychelles, Tunisia, Cape Verde, and most recently Côte d’Ivoire. The ICC and the Pan-African Institutions – the African Union, the Pan-African Parliament and others – share common goals: tackling shared challenges in order to secure peace, rule of law and stability.

The ICC is currently conducting investigations, prosecutions and trials in relation to eight situation countries: Uganda, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Sudan (Darfur), Kenya, Libya, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali. How did the ICC become seized of these situations? Four African countries – Uganda, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic and Mali – referred their own country situations to the ICC’s Prosecutor, essentially asking the ICC to investigate alleged crimes that had occurred on their territory. Côte d’Ivoire, too, called on the ICC to intervene in the country’s conflict, although it could not make a formal referral as it was not a State Party at the time.

justice paradigm in which national and international institutions complement each other. Here, the connection between justice and development is clearly visible. The two are mutually reinforcing. The rule of law is an essential ingredient of stable, prosperous and democratic societies. Conversely, the assistance of development actors is essential for building strong, impartial and independent justice institutions. The Pan-African institutions and the ICC are built on shared values of equality and the fair representation of populations, cultures and genders, as well as on the need for broad cooperation to help societies to progress and prosper in peace.

Over the years, the relationship between the African Union and the ICC has advanced and developed, although some inevitable Two situations – Darfur difference of views exists. and Libya – were referred Over the last three to the ICC’s Prosecutor by years, the African Union the United Nations Security supported the election Strengthened cooperation Council, the latter being of African candidates as between the Pan-African referred by a unanimous vote Judges and Prosecutor which included the African of the Court. It has twice institutions and the members of the Council. The welcomed the ICC into International Criminal investigation into the situation its headquarters in Addis Court will be crucial in in Kenya was initiated by Ababa to hold technical order to build a more the ICC Prosecutor after conferences, and a number coordinating with the Kenyan of mutual official visits humane and prosperous government. have taken place. The 21st century, especially ICC was also honoured for the most vulnerable As a judge and President of to receive visits of African among us. the ICC, I want to stress that judges, including judges the fairness of proceedings is of the African Court on ICC President Sang-Hyun Song a fundamental principle at the Human and Peoples’ Court at all levels. Evidence, Rights. Regional seminars arguments and motions will on cooperation were also be presented by the Prosecutor, the Defence, victims and in some held in Senegal, Cameroon, Tunisia, and in other countries cases States and other participants, but the ultimate decisions around the world with important African participation. The ICC are in the hands of the judges, and judges alone. Judges decide has consistently received strong support from a large number of on guilt, innocence, arrest warrants, the confirmation of charges African States, which has been critical to the Court’s ability to and so forth. Like national trials, international criminal trials can fulfil its judicial mandate. lead to convictions or acquittals. The ICC looks forward to strengthening these relationships, so The ICC is not a substitute for national justice systems; quite the that we may assist each other in fulfilling our common goals contrary. The Rome Statute system of international justice is built and objectives: providing justice for victims, ensuring the on the premise that the national jurisdiction – police, prosecutors accountability of perpetrators, preventing the repetition of the and courts – of each State Party is primarily responsible for gravest crimes, and helping build peace and development. investigating and prosecuting any acts of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity. Over the past 50 years, significant developments have been seen first by the Organization of African Unity and, for just over This is called the principle of complementarity, which means a decade, the African Union and the International Criminal that the ICC is a court of last resort that can only intervene Court. Africa is today the fastest growing continent, in terms of when national jurisdictions are unwilling or unable genuinely to economic and human development, and the ICC has become a investigate or prosecute the alleged crimes. The strengthening cornerstone of the new international legal system. Strengthened of national justice systems is a central goal for the ICC family of cooperation between the Pan-African institutions and the nations, and the Assembly of States Parties to the Rome Statute International Criminal Court will be crucial in order to build a is an important forum for enhancing international cooperation more humane and prosperous 21st century, especially for the to that end. Together, we will continue to develop this new most vulnerable among us.

OAU

Rethinking Regional Economic Integration

Regional groupings are primarily concerned with promoting economic co-operation and eventually economic integration between their members. Or, when the main objective is political rapprochement and the elimination of the recurrence of military conflict, the creation of close economic relations is the principle means to that end (Baudot 2001:140). By Maurice Mashiwa

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

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to advance Trade: East African Community

OAU

Building the Case for Economic Integration The appalling living conditions in Sub Sahara Africa are a cause of worry to development and policy practitioners. The people in these countries need to constantly adapt to change the terrible situation for purposes of human survival. Sustainable development is an endeavour that leads to good conditions of living both now and in the future (Neil 2000). For the reason of failed national economic growth policies and initiatives like Parastatal formation, Privatisation and providing agricultural incentives, fiscal policies of IMF and World Banks’ Structural Adjustment Programmes, regional integration becomes a possible viable alternative. It is easy to justify that the EAC is the right answer to economic and political development challenges, but caution should be taken before making such an affirmation. A system of political and economic governance devoid of elaborate mechanisms and structures that allow wide participation and adequate representation of ideas, different interest groups undermines consistent legitimacy and long term political and economic commitment the EAC urgently demands. The political economists’ classical answer “more research is needed” about the stability and actual performance of the EAC perfectly fits here. The urgent political and economic freedom that is wanting in the EAC prods us to accept Regional Economic Integration (RTI) as the basis of macroeconomic transformation at the present day. This position, however, holds little water due to the myriad bottlenecks hindering the process of reconstructing the East African Community. Institutional malfunctions, multiple memberships, escalating levels of poverty, education and brain drain crisis, the democratic gap, population surge, bad culture of relations and poor energy infrastructure in majority rural regions among others culminate in an unstable economic base to encourage the process of regional integration. Regional Economic Integration often

stagnates because this key aspect is weak. A stable economic base is one that can be relied upon to generate the production of resources necessary for the satisfaction of human development needs.

Regional Integration as a Fluid Development Trajectory Understanding regional integration is like trying to hit a moving target. Each time we think “the process is in our sights, it moves on, it changes and the mark is missed again” (Bromley 2001:144). Regional integration is “thinking of relationships that go beyond normal diplomatic, treaty, trade, or alliance relations and involve some intermeshing of governments, institutions, or societies” (Plattner and Smolar 2000:31). Regional economic integration refers to the “agreements between groups of countries in a geographic region to reduce, and ultimately remove, tariff and non-tariff barriers to the free flow of goods, services, and factors of production between each other” (Hill 1998: 222). Common norms are set up like those of the EU and NATO’s standing political and economic institutions, shared law making, executive institutions and the joint military planning force. These are fast taking hold in the EAC as an ongoing process. African development needs close integration of economies to withstand unstable but infused capitalist systems of dependency. Self - reliance and sustainable development are possible through the strengthening of integration both at national and regional levels. Regionalism posits a collective action plan to “ameliorate the effects of the national disengagement process by replacing North-South vertical relations with South-South horizontal relations among underdeveloped countries” (Adetula 2004:4). Collective self-reliance is a strategy against dependence on external aid aimed at promoting the principle of autonomous development. With renewed pressure from globalisation and free global trade characterised by oligopolistic competition, regional groupings primarily

co-operate in order to “strengthen their autonomy; increase their bargaining position in disputes about distributive issues, and to promote other political or economic objectives” (Gilpin 2001:357). Regional integration is then seen as a means of replacing failed national initiatives of development. However, regionalism in Africa has failed to upgrade development. It needs a Herculean effort to streamline political economic policies. The first EAC between 1967 and 1977 was an experience of failure. The idea of an immediate formation of common projects was impractical. It faced an ideological obstacle between the members of the EAC Summit.

Economic Interests The conversation whether or not the EAC will ultimately succeed heavily depends on the economic and political developments that hold the fabric of regional integration together. There is critical need to make common economic policies that can be used as building blocks in establishing RIAs. Different interests and decisions largely affect the nature of economic problems of development, which call for government priority in reorganizing the dominant ideology. Forming RIAs is a call to formulate the EAC bloc with constructive institutions that can spur economic growth systems for the common good expected to benefit people. It is essential to note that: Regional groupings are primarily concerned with promoting economic co-operation and eventually economic integration between their members. Or, when the main objective is political rapprochement and the elimination of the recurrence of military conflict, the creation of close economic relations is the principle means to that end (Baudot 2001:140). There are three main areas of concern in the EAC about development. First, is political underdevelopment characterised by poor public policy, differentiated government institutions that effectively

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carry out popular functions like raising revenue, maintaining political stability and vulnerable dependency on international aid. The second issue is social underdevelopment, which refers to sub-standard housing among the rural poor, urban slums, shorter life expectations, high rates of infant mortality and malnutrition, lower levels of education attainment for the majority, lack of social equity, depleting the

persistence or even intensification certainly does contribute to the creation of conditions that could stultify the basis for democratic politics. Tackling poverty and related social injustices is, therefore, simultaneously an investment in democratic governance and in the prospects for its consolidation (Cheru 2002:62). In the EAC, the transformation and significant reform agendas of economic and political renewal entails the awareness

“Understanding regional integration is like trying to hit a moving target. Each time we think …..the process is in our sights, it moves on, it changes and the mark is missed again”.

environment and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The third area is broad based economic development problems.

Equitable Economic Growth Put together, the complex designs of the East African economies have good revenue base that should be systematically controlled. The rate of economic growth is very slow. Acknowledging the positive aspects and achievements of the EAC such as elimination of trade barriers, tariffs, quotas, easy movement of goods and people across borders among others is important. The barriers to economic growth of East Africa are many and they are mainly reflected on the way people develop their welfare. The crucial task of building a democratic society cannot be dissociated from the renewal of economic prosperity and social justice. In the EAC, the core element of the contemporary challenge of building democracy is tied to the task of eradicating poverty and many related social injustices. This is not an easy task to merge, but it is equally important to note that: While poverty on its own may not be sufficient to wreck a democratic project, its

that it is costly to design and implement any radical strategy. The complex issue of reviving economic growth supported by coherent policies and an enabling domestic environment should be taken seriously by all stakeholders. Regional integration is an appropriate vehicle that can be used to pull myriads from the dilemma of poverty and underdevelopment. However, caution must be taken not to misconstrue regionalism as a scapegoat for failed national economic growth strategies. If the national economic development agenda is off track then the EAC should expect little or nothing at all in terms of gains. Expanding capitalist market systems in the region may superficially be seen as a way of leading to greater production but the local majority have almost no produce to trade on or worse they are in a situation of austerity. Ambitious approaches on economic and political integration can primarily make meaning by initiating reforms that lead to socio-economic transformations aimed at improving peoples’ life sustenance, self–esteem, and freedom to determine their destiny.

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

Conclusion Government dedication to negotiations oriented toward establishing strengthened South-South bilateral trade links have to be given priority. Proper foundations of EAC must cut the erroneous colonial trade links by evaluating specific economic policy targets and the proper means of achieving them such as modernizing the agricultural sector, manufacturing food products for local consumption instead of relying on the importation of expensive goods, improving infrastructure and controlling the exportation of primary agricultural raw materials. A practical dimension points towards a regional integration that concentrates on equitable gains and is necessarily supported by the public rather than forming a fragmented integration based on fragile institutions. The EAC bloc should harmonize different economic, social and political policies at the national level to strategically create smooth linkage at the regional level. Pursuing closer and meaningful integration should pay attention to comparative advantage so as to pull together weaker economies like Burundi and Rwanda through specialization. Institutional development that stems from intergovernmentalism is critical in addressing economic stagnation and high incidences of poverty in East Africa, which is largely attributed to failure of public institutions’ bureaucracies. Formulating and executing realistic growth measures should be an optimal option. Economic and political institutions should seek to promote the common good philosophy and translate into better expanded trade and living standards. The realistic manner of setting workable and incremental strategies that can be achieved in a linear progressive model makes sense if the EAC is to move away from the traditional straitjacket plans of regional integration to a more open and heterogeneous one. At the centre of this process is a sound economic policy and political coordination to take significant reforms fundamental for the future.

think! Of all the factors required to ensure Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sustainable development, there is one common denominator that is so crucial, the absence of which would mean absolute failure. This is the opinion of the new Executive Secretary of the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF), Professor Emmanuel Nnadozie, who shares his thoughts, concerns and enthusiasm for human capacity development on the continent. By Kerry Dimmer

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“There is a saying in development circles that “development is meant for people but it takes people to bring about development.” This statement, by newly appointed Executive Secretary for the African Capacity Building Foundation (ACBF), Professor Emmanual Nnadozie, is a reminder that you can’t have one without the other. “Humans have to be at the very centre of all development whether we are talking about the creation of infrastructure, exploring energy resources, institutional or societal growth, economic transformation or investment. On the other side of the coin you will always, and must, find human capacity development because it reinforces and motivates what is being built.” Five decades ago there was certainly not enough human skills development when Africans inherited their nations from colonial powers, “we had at that time but a handful of well-educated men and women,” is how Nnadozie puts it, “but look at the tremendous progress we have made. Not only does the continent today offer excellent high-level educational institutions, but the standard of our graduates is world-class.” Having said that, and understanding that Nnadozie is a realist, he points out that Africa still experiences high levels of poverty, conflict, basic human needs issues, and these problems are worsened by populations of people who lack skills and formal education. “Is Africa where it should be, or even wants to be?” he asks. “The answer is NO!” ‘Many’ is the phrase that Nnadozie uses when he clarifies his answer. “Many countries have a high ratio of women versus men that are still uneducated. Many countries, while they may have a high number of educated people, do not have or create employment opportunities. Many countries need to provide conducive environments for employment and self-employment.” Some of the areas where such problems exist have well-endowed political and social conditions yet struggle to maximize the impact of

human capacity development which proves what the ACBF, and Nnadozie, have been saying for years: that a nation may have the best political conditions, peace and security and so on, but if it doesn’t have human capital, it is not going to attract investment, its growth will not be sustainable and worse, could even plunge economies back into decline. This is easily understood but what is puzzling is that while anticipated and predicted growth rates for Africa have been rounded off at around five percent plus, with some countries already hitting that mark, why have issues like inequality not declined, nor poverty eliminated? Nnadozie explains that there is a huge difference between growth and development and too often the two are thrown together as a single concept. To clarify he explains, in simple terms, that growth is related to an increase in the income of a country, which can be derived from any source. “It may be that the price of maize increased dramatically or there was an oil discovery, the point being that often the output of a country increases because market conditions are favourable, but be warned, such conditions can be seasonal or temporary and may not benefit everyone. If care is not taken during those peak and sudden output peaks, and we have seen some cases of mismanagement, situations can worsen beyond any previous experience, so we have to ensure that we remind countries to not be too euphoric about high and sudden bursts of economic growth. “Development on the other hand, usually comes from what people produce and how it benefits them,” continues Nnadozie. “Skills are required to enable production, be that industrial, agricultural or service, and across all sectors of society, whether we are talking government, civil or private. When there is optimal production, individuals improve their own wealth, and not just from a financial perspective. They have higher incomes, become healthier, better educated, more informed and acquire new skills and knowledge. This motivates a change in

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the structure of an economy where growth becomes more inclusive. “So while a country can experience growth without developing, it cannot develop without growing.” Many

African countries are beginning to realise, if not experience, this concept and are paying attention to building the capacity necessary for growth to lead to development. The ACBF and Nnadozie

Prof Nnodozie Executive Secretary – African Capacity Building Foundation

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have prioritized, for his term of office, that capacity development is brought back into the centre of the development debate of Africa. There is, says Nnadozie, a wonderful array of local, national, sovereign and continental ideas and initiatives that are not being effectively implemented or monitored because there is a lack of capacity. “There is not enough attention being paid to understanding and evaluating problems because, again, there is a deficiency in capacity. There have been many well intentioned initiatives that have not solved the problems for which they were launched. This is because the demand-side and capacity requirements of such projects were never factored in. “ This is where the ACBF really excels because it works in partnership with other organisations like the African Union, in providing support to help improve capacity development structures. ACBF focuses on building co-operative relationships in the interests of capacity development as a sustainable enabler of growth with governments, civil society and the private sector. “Over the past two decades the ACBF has determined that co-operation among these three segments is crucial to social and economic progress,” says Nnadozie. “This translates into each of those needing to develop their own crucial capacities and it is here that the ACBF-led initiatives make a valuable contribution.” Nnadozie will be driving the ACBF to take a more intense look at the different levels within the civil and private segments, much in the same way as it has done in the past with national governments, where it has achieved excellent results in helping to build public sector capacity for economic policy, management and governance. ACBF will also strongly support capacity development in the Regional Economic Communities which are considered by the African Union as essential building blocks for Africa’s transformation. The ACBF is looking very seriously at the capacity development issues around

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the AU’s regional integration motivations and tailoring its own strategic analysis programmes combined with the undertaking of studies, in support of the priorities of the AU and its organs, particularly NEPAD, the regional economic communities, and the Pan African Parliament. Such support also includes the continued publication of the African Capacity Indicators Report (ACIR), which is hailed as an invaluable capacity building policy tool based on rigorous and intensive analysis and is, confirms Nnadozie, “one of the most valuable ways in which the ACBF shares knowledge that benefits others.” However, as is often the case, we do not always learn from history or from the experience of others. With all the most well meaning and comprehensive research available, some governments and industry-leaders continue to formulate policies that fail, thinking perhaps that if handled in a different manner success will follow. Designing and implementing policies without evidence is somewhat like navigating in the dark and one might end up anywhere. This is why ACBF creates and supports Think Tanks that are well positioned to conduct rigourous analysis of political, economic and social problems and provide evidence that ensures that the right policies are made by governments. The first African Think Tank Summit on “Think Tanks and the Transformation of Africa” was recently held in Pretoria on 3-5 February 2014. This Summit was a partnership between the ACBF, the University of Pennsylvania and the Institute of Security Studies. The ACBF supported Think Tanks are designed to bring together thoughtleadership motivators, policymakers, and other parties, who share lessons that enable growth. The value of Think Tanks is often neither well known nor acknowledged, yet since 1991, ACBF has established 35 Think Tanks in Africa, 19 of which are still ACBF supported, and 15 recognized among the top 50 policy think tanks in sub-Saharan Africa by the 2013 Global Go to Think Tank Report.

“Think Tanks help us to focus attention on the crucial challenges of society and enable evidence-based policies to be formulated,” says Nnadozie. Think Tanks also enhance other initiatives, enabling them to become stronger by providing a platform for dialogue and debate. “The sharing of knowledge at these summits influences governments and civil society and so Think Tanks have become highly valued as an independent resource on how to conduct, evaluate,

those focused on development, but he points out that unless such actions are inclusive, then growth will not be sustainable. “Whatever we build, be that infrastructure or industry, we must constantly reinforce human capacity to create a value for everyone.” For Nnadozie working within development circles is not just a career choice, it is a life passion. With 20 years in the sector – his career path has taken him through teaching roles, as an

When there is optimal production, individuals improve their own wealth, and not just from a financial perspective. They have higher incomes, become healthier, better educated, more informed and acquire new skills and knowledge. This motivates a change in the structure of an economy where growth becomes more inclusive.

recognize, guide and strengthen policy-making decisions.” Yet African Think Tanks face a number of challenges as they promote knowledge and advocate economic and social change. The most important challenge is sustainability and finance. “For example we have proven that if the ACBF had to withdraw support just from 19 of its beneficiaries, 80 percent of those initiatives would collapse. In the creation of organized society, you have to think seriously about sustainability and the achievement of long-term results, and you have to communicate the results, which in turn attract further endowments.” Like the AU, the ACBF is driving development and Nnadozie emphasises that the ACBF is fully behind the AU’s Africa Agenda 2063, which aims to ensure that the continent’s future is driven by policies and programs that are driven mainly by African institutions, especially

economist, and an author of several books – he is recognized as an expert in the field. He is driven to guide people and projects by leading by example. “When you take a leadership role in an organization you are essentially married to that organisation, the job never stops, and in my case I am on a capacity development crusade. “I am enthusiastic about working with the men and women of Africa in championing capacity development which is central to the development of the continent,” Nnadozie continues. “In doing this I believe that the ACBF will become ever more instrumental in ensuring that growth is sustainable and will ultimately lead to massive employment for, in particular, the youth; that it will lead to a serious decline in inequality and poverty; and of course help Africa to achieve its transformation agenda.”

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Africa’s pivot of success Since 1994

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Africa’s Strategic

Partnerships In the period between 2004 and 2008, Africa developed a number of ground breaking partnerships with the rest of the world aimed at enhancing cooperation and consolidating growth of the continent. These include the Africa-South America, Africa-India, and Africa-Turkey partnerships. By – African Union Commission

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particular emphasis on speeding up industrialization, development of infrastructure, development and acquisition of technology and know-how and development of human capital, all of which are outlined in the Commission’s Strategic Plan and the AU’s NEPAD programme. (i) Africa-European Union (EU) Partnership The Africa-EU partnership is a traditional form of partnership, which has gestated over a long period of time. Institutionally, it began with the first Africa-EU Summit in Cairo, Egypt, in 2000, followed by the 2nd Summit that took place in Lisbon, Portugal, in December 2007, which adopted an Africa-EU Joint Strategy (JAES) and its Action Plan. The third AU-EU Summit was held in Tripoli, Libya, in November 2010. The JAES reflected the wider processes

of integration in both continents as well as geopolitical changes occurring in the wider international landscape, particularly, the challenges of globalization. Significantly, this partnership is one of the most productive and has produced concrete outcomes in the areas of peace and security; democratic governance and human rights; trade; migration, mobility and employment; climate change, as well as regional integration and infrastructure. (ii) The Africa-South America Summit (ASA) The Africa-South America Summit (ASA) is relatively new and gradually gaining momentum. The first ASA Summit was held in Abuja, Nigeria, on 30 November 2006 while the second one took place in Isla de Margarita, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, on 27 September 2009. The third summit was to be held in Malabo,

ABOVE: Water is not surfaces some in Africa, but with 40 meters under ground. Humanitarian associations finance and make install pumps in order to draw this water for the life of the village.

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During the same period, existing cooperation between Africa and its traditional partners were re-defined, invigorated and strengthened. These include Africa-Europe Partnership, the China-Africa Forum and the TICAD process led by Japan. The philosophy underpinning Africa’s new partnerships is predicated on specific objectives with pre-determined “Win-Win” outcomes for the mutual benefits of the parties involved. It is based on the principle of trust, equality and mutual respect. It aims at obliterating the age-long pattern of donor-recipient relationship, to one founded on reciprocal obligations and responsibilities. These partnerships are consistent with the clearly defined vision and development strategy of the African Union (AU), with

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Equatorial Guinea, from 15-16 May, 2012. Not much has been achieved so far in this partnership as attempts are currently being made to put in place the necessary mechanisms that would ensure the effective implementation of the process. The partnership is inclined towards political solidarity, perhaps because of the shared historical background of the two sides. However, concrete projects could be realized and Africa needs to define its core interests and propel the partnership towards economic sustainability. The ASA partnership faces some challenges. These include the need to clarify outstanding issues such as the role and functions of the Strategic Presidential Committee, the Permanent Secretariat and its Executive Secretary as set up in Isla de Margarita, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and their working relationships with existing ASA structures. There is also need to identify the financing mechanism of the projects/programmes of the partnership in order to achieve concrete deliverables. In this respect, a financing mechanism has been proposed by the African side and a Working Group of both sides has been mandated to study it and submit a Report to the third ASA Summit. Some progress has been made in tackling some of these problems with the ASA Ministerial meeting in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, in November 2011 having adopted the Regulations which will guide the operations of both the Strategic Presidential Committee and the Executive Secretariat. The Regulations will come into force once adopted by the Summit. (iii) China-Africa Cooperation Forum (FOCAC) The China-Africa Cooperation Forum is a platform established by China and friendly African countries for collective consultation and dialogue and as a cooperation mechanism among developing countries. The characteristics of the Forum are twofold. First, it is to strengthen consultation and expand cooperation within a pragmatic framework and second, to promote political dialogue and economic cooperation with a view to seeking mutual reinforcement and

cooperation. The Forum, which was established at Ministerial level, has held four sessions in Beijing, China, from 10-12 October 2000; in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 15-16 December 2003; again in Beijing, from 4-5 November 2006; and in Sharm El Sheikh, Arab Republic of Egypt, on 8 November 2009. The 2006 session was at the level of Heads of State and Government to celebrate 60 years of diplomatic relations

member and no more as an Observer, during the Senior Officials meeting held in Hahgzhou, China. It will therefore attend the 5th Ministerial FOCAC meeting taking place in Beijing, China, mid-July 2012 in that capacity. (iv) Africa-Japan (TICAD) Process The Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) began as a Japanese initiative. The initial design was

“These partnerships are consistent with the clearly defined vision and development strategy of the African Union (AU), with particular emphasis on speeding up industrialization, development of infrastructure, development and acquisition of technology and know-how and development of human capital, all of which are outlined in the Commission’s Strategic Plan and the AU’s NEPAD programme”.

between Africa and China. The FOCAC is a strong partnership, which has gestated over a long period of time. It is doing very well and has the potential of bringing various advantages to the two sides. In many areas, the partnership has delivered some concrete outcomes that are beneficial to Africa although Africa needs to utilize the partnership to the fullest in terms of the potential of the available market and the business opportunities. There is also need to align the partnership to the strategic objectives of the African Union. The magnificent new AU Conference and Office Complex built by the Chinese government free of charge to the AU and commissioned in January 2012, is testimony to the real value this partnership brings to Africa. Of significance is the fact that the African Union Commission was admitted into FOCAC on 26 October 2011 as a full

to create a consultative forum to provide development assistance to Africa. It was launched in 1993. Since then three TICAD Conferences have been held, TICAD II in 1998, TICAD III in 2003 and TICAD IV in 2008, according to a five yearly schedule. TICAD was not a classic partnership endeavor. It was initially designed to provide assistance to Africa, rather with Africa, with a focus on assumed development needs and priorities. There was need to promote high level dialogue between African leaders and Japan and mobilize support for African “owned” development initiatives. TICAD IV held in Yokohama, Japan, from 28-30 May 2008, was a critical point in the development of the process because it promoted the full involvement of the African Union and its Commission in the process that could pave the way for its evolution into a broad based partnership. The Yokohama Declaration

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and Action Plan produced with specific actions to be undertaken within a five year period. Also for the first time, a TICAD Follow-up Mechanism was adopted upon the request of African Head of States who wanted the process to be institutionalized. The Follow-up Mechanism comprises a three-tier structure comprising a Secretariat, a Joint Monitoring Committee and a follow-up meeting. The AU Commission has now also been admitted by Japan and other co-organizers, as a co-organizer, with effect from 2012. It is expected therefore that the AU Commission will play a more active role in the organization of TICAD V coming up in 2013. (v) Africa-US (AGOA) The African Growth Opportunity Act

Investment Incentive Act (AGOA), referred to as “AGOA IV”. The legislation extends the third country fabric provision for an additional five years, from September 2007 until September 2012; adds an abundant supply provision, designates certain denim articles as being in abundant supply; and allows lesser developed beneficiary African countries export certain textile articles under AGOA. An AGOA Implementation Subcommittee of the Trade Policy Staff Committee (TPSC) was established to implement AGOA. Among the most important implementation issues are the following: • D etermination of country eligibility; • D etermination of the products eligible for zero tariff under expansion of the

TICAD was not a classic partnership endeavor. It was initially designed to provide assistance to Africa, rather with Africa, with a focus on assumed development needs and priorities

(AGOA) was signed into law in May 2000 by the President of the USA. The Act offers tangible incentives for African countries to continue their efforts to open their economies and build free markets. It is the most bilateral access to the U.S. market available to any country or region with which the United States does not have a free Trade Agreement. It supports U.S. business by encouraging reform of Africa’s economic and commercial regimes, which will build stronger markets and more effective partners with U.S. firms. Since its establishment, AGOA has gone through three amendments; AGOA II in 2002, which substantially expanded preferential access for imports from beneficiary African countries; AGOA III, which provides for an Acceleration Act, extends preferential access for imports from beneficiary countries until September 2015 and the African

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Generalized System of preferences (GSP); • D etermination of compliance with the conditions for apparel benefits; • E stablishment of the U.S.-Sub-Saharan Africa Trade and Economic Forum; and • P rovisions for technical assistance to held countries qualify for benefits. Taking into account that this cooperation is governed by an Act of the United States Congress and it is bilateral in nature, AGOA is not considered within the context of the African Union’s Strategic Partnerships. The African Union aims to develop proper partnership with the U.S. to reflect the on-going Strategic Engagement between the two sides, including AGOA. (vi) Partnership between Africa and the Arab World Formal relations between Africa and the Arab world were launched in March 1977 with the Cairo Summit in Egypt. The

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solidarity between the two sides is necessary, especially as Africa is home to about two-thirds of the world’s Arabs. An attempt was made at revamping the partnership with a second Summit that was held in Sirte, Libya, on 10 October 2010. The Summit adopted four Resolutions as follows: I) Resolution on Africa-Arab Partnership Strategy and the Joint Africa-Arab Action Plan 2011-2016; II) Resolution on the Establishment of the Joint Africa-Arab Fund for Disaster Response; III) Resolution on the Support for the Peace Efforts in The Sudan; IV) R esolution on the Date and Venue of the 3rd Africa-Arab Summit. The Summit also issued a Sirte Declaration summarizing the common positions on major regional and international issues. The Second Africa-Arab Summit, though convened after a long break of more than three decades, clearly manifested the renewed commitment and readiness of the contemporary African and Arab leaders to follow the footsteps of the leaders of the 1970’s by confirming the need to revitalize and further consolidate the long standing solidarity between the brotherly peoples of the two regions. The convening of the Summit was indeed a continuation of the high level political dialogue between the two regions, which had been missing for the past thirty three years, and provided a new vision and direction to the Africa-Arab Partnership. (vii) Africa-India Partnership Forum The Africa-India Cooperation was launched in New Delhi, India, from 8-9 April 2008 by a Summit of African and Indian leaders. The Summit was held at three levels – Senior Officials, Ministers and Heads of State and Government. The Summit produced two major outcome documents, namely the Delhi Declaration and an Africa-India Framework for Cooperation. The 2nd Summit was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on 25 May 2011 and followed similar format. The first Africa-India Plan of Action (2010-2013) was launched in New Delhi,

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on 10 March 2010. Under this Plan, India offered concessional Lines of Credit to African LDCs, provided scholarships to African post-graduate students in the field of Agriculture to study in Indian Universities and institutions, offered to establish various Institutions, vocational training centers and prototype housing schemes in the various regions of the continent as well as the establishment of the Pan-African E-Network project for tele-medicine and tele-education. This Plan has been revised and many more proposals have been made by India, within the framework of the revised Plan, aimed at building Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacities, human resource development and productive capacities to increase its own ability to achieve the Millennium Development Goals and higher levels of growth. The Africa-India partnership has potentials for expansion and for evolving into an effective partnership. Commitments made under it are capable of delivering substantial benefits to the peoples of the two sides, as they have been backed with concrete projects and earmarked funding. (viii) Africa-Turkey Partnership The Summit establishing the Africa-Turkey Partnership was held in Istanbul, Turkey, from 18-20 April 2008. The Summit was the outcome of preparatory meetings held successfully in Ankara and Addis Ababa. The objectives of the Summit were to consolidate and develop areas of cooperation at all levels and in all areas; establish between Africa and Turkey a stable, long-term partnership based on mutual interests and equality and to enhance promotion of Africa-Turkey cooperation in specific areas of interests. The first Summit adopted two outcome documents, namely the Istanbul Declaration and the Framework for Cooperation, which spelt out the areas of cooperation between the two parties. An Implementation Plan 2010-2014 has been jointly developed that took into account the strong bilateral relations between many African countries and Turkey. The Africa-Turkey Partnership has enormous potentials, but its rate and scope of implementation will need to take off

ABOVE: UN Humanitarian Aid Transports de Havilland Buffalo displays on June 18, 2011 in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. Hamilton Airshow at John S. Munro Hamilton International Airport.

because, as of now, not much progress has been made in terms of the implementation of the Istanbul agreement. (ix) Africa-Korea Partnership It is recalled that the Republic of Korea decided to organize the first Korea-Africa Partnership Forum immediately after the China-Africa Summit in November 2006. This took place in Seoul on 8 November 2006 and was attended by five African Presidents and Ministers from 25 African countries. The Forum was crowned with a Declaration, which, among other things, decided that it would hold every three years, at Ministerial level. Three years after that Seoul meeting, Korea hosted in Seoul, on 24 and 25 November 2009, the 2nd Korea-Africa Forum. The 2nd Forum was held under the auspices of the African Union as subsequent fora will be. The AU and Korea are in the process of preparing an Action Plan based on the Declaration of the 2nd meeting to facilitate implementation of commitments. A senior officials meeting will examine this Plan in the near future, but certainly before the 3rd Forum takes

place in October 2012. (x) Institution to Institution Partnership/ Relationship The African Union, through its Commission, also has partnerships or relationships with institutions and bodies similar to the African Union. These include: (i) The League of Arab States (LAS); (ii) The Organization of American States (OAS); (iii) The Organization of Islamic Cooperation; (iv) The Commonwealth; (v) La Francophonie. The African Union Commission collaborates with these organizations in a number of areas which are considered extremely helpful. With the exception of the Organization of American States (OAS), many Member States of the African Union also belong to the other four, especially the League of Arab States with which the AU has a special relationship and a vibrant one at that. Good partnerships with these organizations can only but enhance the relationship with the AU and benefit its Member States.

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MOZAMBIQUE 路 OLYMPIC VILLAGE

no one should

starve

How a continent-wide agriculture programme has become Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s engine for growth BY Munyaradzi Makoni

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The African Union (AU) is convinced. Agriculture has huge benefits for the continent. It’s no surprise that the organisation is marking 2014 as the Year of Agriculture and Food Security. Promoting a continent-wide programme, that encourages African governments to dedicate 10% of their national budgets to the sector, it’s no longer a puzzle how Africa can feed itself. Agriculture is the best vehicle to pull Africa out of starvation, malnutrition and poverty, most analysts say. The continent is on the brink of cracking it, but food isn’t exactly its primary need. Why then sing long and wild about agriculture. The answer lies in what constitutes agriculture. What it means for Africa. What Africa needs to do agriculture competitively? It is the most accessible employer on the continent. There are huge tracts of unused arable land. For many Africans agriculture runs deep in the blood. Generations upon generations have survived on tilling the land and rearing animals. As the world has developed, agriculture has moved away from being a small time subsistence affair, technology has come and revolutionised the way of farming, innovations continue to be rolled out, it is now more organised. People study to be agriculturalists at universities. (Though not many enough see the walls of classroom just for agriculture itself ). It is this culture of matching theory and practice that Africa has realised it can use to solve a host of problems through adopting, implementing and practising agriculture professionally.

Driving a continental agriculture programme Close to half a century of economic stagnation, with the current food crises in the Horn of Africa, Southern Africa,

and in Central Africa, African leaders are applying themselves to finding sustainable solutions to hunger and poverty. The African Union’s development agency, the New Partnership’s for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) started an innovative programme called the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Programme (CAADP) which marked its 10th anniversary last year. The Second Ordinary Assembly of the Africa Union in July 2003 in Maputo, Mozambique, endorsed the Maputo declaration on agriculture which has changed the fortunes of many Africans. The agreement led to the creation of the CAADP with a target of 6% annual growth rate in agriculture. CAADP has four pillars which guide governments on sustainable land and water management; building trade and marketing infrastructure; increasing food and nutrition security; and promoting research in agriculture, extension and training for adoption and dissemination of new technologies. Housed within the NEPAD Planning and Coordination Agency, CAADP calls for African governments to sign ‘Compacts’ that outline their strategies to increase national investment in agriculture and establish a framework for systemic engagement with the private sector toward national and regional agricultural investment. A decade has passed since African heads of government agreed that they should allocate at least 10% of the national budgets to agriculture by 2008. Eighteen countries now allocate more than 5% of the national expenditure to agriculture development, only eight countries have complied with the 2003 AU-Maputo decision. A typical story in Africa, governments agree that agriculture plays important role in their development but, many needs compete for funds with treasuries.

The agenda OPPOSITE Ancient desert well in the Sahara Desert, Libya

CAADP is one home-driven programmes that can rescue its people from poverty,

but to hammer the message home, African leaders need to talk with a clear, concise and united voice to inform these platforms on the priorities and challenges of national farmers and agri-processors as well as on the political realities at the country level say its architects. “Africa is now repositioning agriculture as an engine for transformation,” says Martin Bwalya, the head of CAADP. “CAADP promotes and allows policymakers to engage with an array of stakeholders such as farmers and producers to optimise growth. This triggers wider impact stemming from sound agricultural policies,” he adds. The overall goal of CAADP is to help African countries achieve food security and higher economic growth through agriculture-led development. As a framework to contribute towards poverty reduction in Africa it also helped to tackle the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of halving poverty and hunger by 2015. Bwalya says the NEPAD Agency is spearheading expert support to member states on CAADP implementation which has proven to be one of the critical value-additions of CAADP. “There are marked improvements in countries’ capacity to plan, especially as relates to data and data analysis, thereby giving strong evidence to justify the set country priorities and action. Countries now have concrete and objective basis to follow results based programming as well as streamlining accountability goals,” he says. According to Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and the World Bank women produce 80% foodstuffs for household consumption and sale in local markets, yet few of them are adequately trained for the highest professional positions that can propel agriculture developments. Other statistics mention an ageing cohort of agriculture academics who should train the next generation of farmers. Carlos Lopes, executive secretary of the United Nation Economic Commission for Africa, wrote in Africa Renewal, January 2014, a UN publication that cereal yields for Africa averaged

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A voice for eﬀective policies and innovations in biotechnology The provision of safe, healthy and adequate food is one of the most pressing challenges of our time, not to mention the effects of climate change on agriculture. Africa can harness the growing science of agricultural biotechnology to boost food security. Agriculture is the backbone of economic development for most African countries. It accounts for 25 to 30 per cent of their GDPs. More than 70 per cent of the continental population lives in rural areas and depends on agriculture for its livelihood. However, Africa has underperformed in agricultural productivity over the last three decades. For example, cereal yields have stagnated at around 1 ton per hectare compared to averages of 2.5-3 tons per hectare in Asia. “Africa missed the green revolution that pulled countries in Asia out of the food crisis in the 1960s. Plant biotechnology holds the promise to produce resilient and high-yielding varieties that can address the needs of African farmers. Biotech crops are now the fastest adopted crop technologies, increasing by more than 25 times since their introduction in 1996. Around the globe, biotech crop-producing countries have benefited from improved agricultural productivity, food security and quality of life. Thus, biotech crops would significantly contribute to meeting the rising food needs in Africa.” says Dr. Nompumelelo Obokoh, the Chief Executive Officer of AfricaBio, a biotechnology stakeholder association based in Pretoria, South Africa that was established in 1999. AfricaBio is a non-political, non-profit biotechnology association that promotes safe, ethical and responsible research, development and application of biotechnology and its products. Its membership comprises

Small scale farmers in South Africa are beneﬁtting from increased crop productivity. farmers, farmer organizations, researchers, scientists, consumers, retailers, industry associations, research and tertiary institutions. The Association thus serves as a forum for informed dialogue on biotechnological and biosafety issues in South Africa and throughout Africa. AfricaBio’s objectives are to keep key biotechnology stakeholders informed by providing accurate information on biotechnology and platforms to interact and discuss emerging biotechnology issues. Through its various projects, AfricaBio also empowers its target groups by providing outreach materials and training in biotechnology and biosafety. Dr. Obokoh, a plant molecular biologist, with a PhD degree from the University of Cambridge took over the helm of AfricaBio in February 2012 and believes that biotechnology adoption in Africa can thrive on disseminating accurate information and training about the technology.

“A considerable number of African countries lack functional biosafety frameworks that would allow the full exploitation and commercialisation of biotechnology in a safe and responsible manner. This means that African farmers and consumers are denied the opportunity to access crops that are nutritionally or Dr. Nompumelelo Obokoh environmentally enhanced. Sciencebased and practical biosafety regulatory systems that are able to assess the risks should be encouraged. It is imperative for African countries to emulate the regulatory approaches pursued by developing countries like China, Argentina, Brazil and India, which have adopted agricultural biotechnology instead of promoting overly stringent regulations that stifle use of the technology” said Dr. Obokoh who is also a registered Professional Natural Scientist in South Africa. South Africa is currently the leading producer of GM crops in Africa, after Burkina Faso and Sudan and is the 8th largest producer of GMO’s globally with planting of 2.9 million hectares in 2013. The country has cultivated, imported and exported GMOs since 1998. The GMO Act [Genetic Modified Organism Act, Act 15 of 1997], passed in 1997 and implemented in 1999, paved the way for the introduction and commercialisation of GM crops in South Africa. The act which was revised in 2007, legislates for the approval for the import, use and supply of the infrastructure required to utilise and evaluate genetically modified seed in South Africa. About 86% of the maize produced is genetically modified and over 90% of soya and cotton 100% is GM. Up until 2010 South Africa produced a surplus of 4 million tons and has subsequently exported nearly 6 million tons of GM maize to counties like Mexico. According to the recent Agricultural reports, Biotech crops are now the fastest adopted crop technology in the history of modern agriculture, with over a 100-fold increase in hectarage from 1.7 million hectares in 1996 to 175 million hectares in 2013. Thus millions of farmers globally elect to adopt biotech crops due to the socio-economic and environmental benefits they offer. Dr Obokoh further asserts that the continent’s vision of agriculture as the engine of economic growth calls for urgent strategies to improve the livelihood of rural populations in order to achieve food security and to increase growth in the agricultural sector. Innovation is one of the key elements required to unlock Africa’s potential as an agricultural powerhouse. Research and development and public-private partnerships across the entire agricultural sector are essential for Africa to improve its agricultural productivity. African governments need to expand domestic production through scientific research, increased farm inputs, investment in infrastructure, human resource capacity development, science-based biosafety regulation and introduction of systems to harness and protect intellectual property rights. With increased investment, better agricultural policies and more support for Africa’s farmers, the continent can achieve an agricultural revolution.

Contact details: Suite U9, First Floor, Enterprise Building, Mark Shuttle worth Street, The Innovation Hub, Pretoria, 0087 Email: info@africabio.com • Switch board: +27 12 844 0126 • Fax: +27 86 619 9399 • www.africabio.com

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1.2 tonnes per hectare, compared with more than 3 tons per hectare in Asia and about 5.5 in the European Union. Lopes says Africa spends $40bn to $50bn annually importing agriculture products. These are areas that CAADP is and should redress. Bwalya says through CAADP, the NEPAD Agency, provides access to Africa’s own expertise, highly skilled analytical capacity and quality data, positively impacting on the quality of plans, policies and programmes.

CAADP score card

“Through dedicated support, countries are also strengthening and aligning their monitoring and evaluation systems that are often fragmented across several government entities,” he says. Bwalya says through CAADP countries are accessing expert support on various aspects in the country CAADP implementation process. The expert support ranges from the initial situational analysis including stocktaking and establishing the baselines on key agriculture development parameters, through to designing investment plans and technical reviews.

increased productivity and wealth creation by embracing efforts to enhance growth. NEPAD also undertakes its work in an alliance with the African Union Commission and the Regional Economic Communities. Collectively, the three institutions have supported CAADP implementation with a record, at the end of 2013 of 40 countries having launched CAADP implementation. The last decade was marked by changes in the situation on agricultural markets and a reversal of the downward trend in prices to the point that African agricultural production by value, increased by more than 10 per cent a year on

The implementation of CAADP has since created space for inclusive participation of all relevant sector players — from within and outside the state and at the grassroots level. CAADP has raised the profile of the agricultural sector in national domestic politics, and the attention to agriculture has significantly increased. NEPAD’s work through CAADP is yielding two main results: Agriculture transformation through building capacity and an enabling environment, and

average against less than 2 per cent a year during the decade prior to the adoption of CAADP. Key outcome and impact issues which can be attributed to the NEPAD Agency’s specific functions and work are measurable. Expert support: The NEPAD Agency has been facilitating expert support to African countries on of exercises ranging from stocktaking and development of baseline at the start of the country CAADP implementation process, through to design of the Investments plans and independent technical reviews. Through this exercise, the NEPAD Agency is facilitating member states’ access to Africa’s own expertise, highly skilled analytical capacity and quality data. This is directly impacting positively on the quality of their plans, policies and programmes. Strengthening and aligning capacity on Agriculture Public Expenditure Reviews and Joint Sector Reviews: As countries focus on implementation of their National Investment Plans, one of the key elements relates to strengthening and aligning capacity to undertake the necessary reviews. Tracking of the 10% and capacity for monitoring and assessing implementation: Through dedicated CAADP implementation support, countries are advancing the efforts to strengthen and align their country Monitoring and Evaluations systems that often exist in a fragmented manner across several Ministries and Government Departments. In these efforts, Governments have also come to recognise and embrace the monitoring and data generation capacity. Eight countries namely Tanzania; Malawi; Burkina Faso; Rwanda; Uganda; Ethiopia; Ghana and Mozambique have also moved to establish country Strategic Analysis and Knowledge Support System nodes, emerging as critical parts of national level capacity for analytical work in agriculture. Furthermore, and specifically within the frame of decentralisation, South Africa is undertaking a budget tracking study, and has a substantial focus on

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provincial-level data and processes. The study, largely undertaken by government provincial staff, in-part purposes to build local capacities at provincial level in data generation, processing and general monitoring. Nutrition programmes: Countries are using their National Investment Plans (NAIPs)and country CAADP implementation process to define and design nutritional programmes aimed at eradicating hunger and

as a top priority in development planning in Africa, but challenges remain.

Challenges The last several years have seen significant growth in African economies, says Bwalya. However, the continent still faces major challenges including food and nutrition insecurity, and unemployment. Agriculture can and should significantly contribute to addressing these challenges, he adds.

Through dedicated CAADP implementation support, countries are advancing the efforts to strengthen and align their country Monitoring and Evaluations systems that often exist in a fragmented manner across several Ministries and Government departments

malnutrition with special consideration for most vulnerable groups (pregnant and lactating women, children and elderly). Actual programme interventions include increased financing to social safety net programmes for example, through School Feeding Programmes in Botswana, Namibia and South Africa. Mainstreaming issues on gender, youth and the marginalised: Within the framework of the NEPAD Gender strategy, the conceptual framework for Gender mainstreaming has been reviewed. A four-year action plan to guide mainstreaming interventions into priority programmes and processes at continental, regional and national levels, including CAADP, has also been developed. CAADP provides the drive to address food and nutrition insecurity, as well as unemployment. To date, 50 out of 54 countries in Africa are using the CAADP structure in agricultural planning. Prior to 2003, agriculture was not seen

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“It is now clear that CAADP must be an agenda for transformation,” Dr Ibrahim Mayaki said in his key note address at the 10th CAADP Partnership Platform. Mayaki said that Africa is urbanising rapidly and the urban population is expected to reach 50% by 2035 and rapid urbanisation will bring consequences in terms of increased demand for marketed food, control of rural-urban migration and pressure on Africa’s natural resources. “The goals for transformation in Africa can only be through the handling of natural capital, by reducing inequalities, increasing capacities, empowering women and youth and creating a conducive investment environment for farmers,” said Mayaki. Not all countries have managed to set 10% of their budget towards agriculture, but Dr Mayaki said 2003 decision continues to serve as an important pillar to galvanise political interest and commitment to agriculture. He said even though the number of

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

countries that have sustained an “above 10% public budget allocation to agriculture” is small, majority are recording a positive trend over the last five years. “Obviously, if we look at the figures in terms of volumes, we still stand below the 6 per cent target that we set for CAADP since the increase for cereals for instance was only 3.7% per year… Nonetheless, this is still a positive development when compared to the 2.3 per cent before the setting up of CAADP in 2003,” said Dr Mayaki.

Partnerships After the structural adjustment period that was forced on many African countries by the west the major shift made in the approach to development aid was the notion of partnership. “Partnerships should support the development of African agriculture led by Africans is at the core of NEPAD,” says Bwalya. Private Sector Investment Financing and Public-Private Partnerships have emerged as one critical priority area in terms of both rallying implementation capacity as well as attracting the desired volumes in investment financing for instance the NAIP implementation, and initiatives such as the Grow Africa Partners who are supporting the catalysing of private sector investment financing to agriculture. Bwalya says the next decade of CAADP implementation, the issue is more on how to accelerate and expand attainment of the CAADP goals to ensure desired levels and rate of transformation of African agriculture are realised. Future developments, will, indeed be better executed by heeding the words of Olusegun Obasanjo, former president of Nigeria. “CAADP is a dynamic document and must remain open to continued improvement and interpretation by each of Africa’s sub-regions in order to best address our continent’s diverse needs.”

Savings revolution T

hroughout Africa poor people are showing both a desire and a capacity to save. Despite limited incomes, demand for accessible and affordable financial services is high.

Understanding this need, and the potential of savings to boost economic development, South African-based NGO SaveAct has been at the forefront of a savings revolution among poor rural communities in South Africa, offering an empowering alternative to debt-based financial services. Since its establishment in 2008, SaveAct has enabled over 28 000 members – mainly women – to reduce debt, improve their livelihoods and, in many cases, establish their own enterprises. Through structured support and financial education programmes, SaveAct-led savings and credit group members acquire the basic skills to manage their own finances, save, and make loans among themselves, while earning high returns to build capital. After completing the SaveAct enterprise development programme, many members go on to start their own micro-businesses. Since inception, growth of the organisation has been entirely demand driven and SaveAct has attracted the interest of FinMark Trust – an independent Southern African financial services research and policy advocacy group – which commissioned research to show the real impact of the groups on people’s lives.

30% return on investments The SaveAct savings model mirrors the stokvel – a widespread indigenous, informal method of saving in South Africa which has variations throughout the continent – but with some significant modifications.

“The SaveAct model brings transparency to all transactions and gives control to all members,” says SaveAct Director Anton Krone. According to Krone, the organisation is struggling to keep up with demand for its services. And it’s little wonder: on average members earn 30% interest on their investment and repayment rates are close to 100%. As groups mature they tend to schedule their annual shareouts to capitalise on economic opportunities such as the bulk-buying of agricultural inputs. The groups are proving highly sustainable. Almost without exception savings groups continue, once they have graduated from SaveAct’s training. They are supported by communitybased promoters.

Changing lives Research shows that savings groups assist people with HIV/AIDS to manage their household economy and their illness better. They generally enable members to reduce debt and develop sustainable livelihoods. “We witness people taking control not only over their money but their lives,” says Krone. “If there is no silver bullet to eradicate rural poverty, self-sustaining savings groups come about as close to it as one can get.” Although currently working in South Africa SaveAct is exploring options to extend the model into other countries in Africa. For more information contact Anton Krone, founder and director of SaveAct: anton@saveact.org.za. Donations may be made through PayFast on SaveAct’s website at www.SaveAct.org.za.

OAU

the grand vision Agenda 2063

A continent looking back to see its future, a rich habitat teeming with poor inhabitants, a home driven by divergent opinions glued together by common prosperity aspirations, and an educated manpower in search of wisdom. These ideals have crossed paths in the past 50 years as Africa framed and shaped its identity on the global map. By Munyaradzi Makoni

It is out of this mixed bag that Africa sharpens and refines its focus as the continent embarks on a journey for the next half of a decade. The conversation is African Union’s (AU) vision of “An Integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa is driven by its own citizens ‘ and representing a dynamic force in the global arena”. Twenty years are gone since Africa celebrated success in its fight to rid itself from colonial domination and racial oppression. The success ushered a new era. New mechanisms had to be put in place to shape new political and economic priorities. A bold move was made to change the continental institutional architecture. The change included the transformation of Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU) at the turn of the century. This route was geared towards setting up new frameworks to improve the management of conflicts, and improve political governance and economic management. Africa’s economic performance which saw a marked and sustained improvement throughout the early 2000s, though from a very low base should not, therefore be a surprise. Statistics reveal that the continent’s economic growth has now averaged 5% per year for more than a decade, higher than at any other period since the early 1970s. Between 2000 and 2011, six of the world’s fastest growing economies were in Africa—Angola, Chad, Ethiopia,

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Mozambique, Nigeria, and Rwanda. Africans have been asserting their voice within the international community and setting the agenda, direction and pace of change in the region. Internationally, Africa is also soundly spoken of as a continent of oozing with untapped potential assured to play a more significant role in the global arena. It is noteworthy that African countries have been following different externally inspired approaches, but a consensus vision and framework for the structural transformation and the socioeconomic development of the continent was first elaborated in the Lagos Plan of Action in 1980. As the continental and global context changed, and projected through the Abuja Treaty in 1990 and later the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) at the start of the new millennium the vision has been further been shaped by these developments. In its assessment, UHY International, a network of independent accounting and consulting firms headquartered in London says the stereotypical image of African countries till now among Western investors has been of a continent wracked by poverty, where electricity is intermittent, corruption consumes development funding, political instability and tyrannical governments undermine confidence, and where kidnapping of Westerners is rife. But the potential of Africa’s imminent boom in consumer spending, which according to the McKinsey Global Institute is set to rise from USD 860 billion in 2008 to USD 1.4 trillion in 2020 is changing the perception of Africa presents another picture. Analysts say Africa now has the fastest-growing middle class in the world. The African Development Bank says 34 percent of Africa’s population, about 313 million people, spend US$ 2.20 a day, a 100 percent rise in less than 20 years. The AFDB’s definition of middle class in Africa is people who spend the equivalent of US$2 to US$20 a day — an assessment based on the cost of living for Africa’s near one billion people. The AFDB says, African economies grew by 3.4 percent in 2011 and are expected to grow at

an average of 5 percent over the coming years. African exports are increasing and African markets are diversifying. African trade has increased and trade with the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has increased from $10 billion in 2000 to 160 billion in 2012. However, AU can testify, the extent to which Africa can achieve its development aspirations and vision will very much depend on the capacity of its institutions which have militated against its ability to deliver on its programmes has been seriously undermined by its institutions. Well-intentioned continental plans and programmes have not been executed

equity, inclusiveness, the preservation of natural capital and creation of decent jobs, especially for the youth and women.

WHAT IS AGENDA 2063? Simply it the addition of 50 years from 2013 the year the union attained 50 years, but it’s far much more than that. The thinking that had produced the groundswell for “African Union Agenda 2063” draws upon experience, intellectual capacity and wisdom. At the heart of this new roadmap is emphasis on the importance of rekindling the passion for Pan-Africanism, a sense of unity, self-reliance, integration and solidarity

“If African countries do not move from cooperation to integration, Agenda 2063 will be a stillborn project. To move from cooperation to integration is transferring powers of the States to regional and continental organisations”.

well. Nationally inadequate funding of state institutions has hurt programmes. Governments have in many cases failed to honour their funding while at the same time expecting good results. Institutions were in most cases forced to operate on very limited budgets spreading resulting in limited impact. Tackling the road ahead Africa needs a conducive environment with a legal and regulatory framework that facilitates contract enforcement, property rights encourages jobs and helps create a more stable and secure society, nonetheless, political will. But the glowing tale of economic growth alone is insufficient to ensure another 50 years filled with explosive success AU admits. Large numbers of the populace out of the new growth trend must come to the party. The impact of the positive growth rates must be more widely felt promoting greater

that was a highlight of the triumphs of the 20th century.

Key agenda drivers • H ow can the current African growth trajectory be sustained for another 2-3 decades to ensure that it transforms the structure of economies and addresses unemployment? • How to ensure inclusive growth that leads to poverty eradication, shared development and social inclusion? • Does the growth trajectory meet the medium to long term development needs of Africa, or is it simply based on external demand for our raw materials? • Is Africa making optimal use of its comparative advantages – especially in natural resources, and how should it achieve this? • Are we addressing the underlying causes of conflict (resources and identity issues)?

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• I s the state of democracy and inclusion on the continent conducive to development? • D o we have an endogenous African development agenda that will lead to prosperity and peace? The prize for answering these questions will be a fully functional African common market, free movement of people, goods, capital and services, as well as the rights of residence and establishment. Africa will have established single domestic market, Pan-African Economic and Monetary Union, single African Central Bank, Single African Currency, and a Pan-African Parliament. A prosperous Africa by 2063 means that countries on the continent will have graduated from being predominantly in the group of low income countries, that is, having a Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of $1,025 or less to becoming middle income countries with per capita GNI ranging between $1,026 and $12,195. Currently at least 26 African countries are in the low income group.

Key Drivers of Change The Agenda 2063 vision a will only become reality as a cumulative result of various critical factors at play The promotion of science, technology

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and innovation will drive Africa’s sustained growth, competitiveness and economic transformation. Investments in new technologies and innovations in the areas of education, health and bio-sciences, agriculture, and clean energy will however be needed.

with an emphasis on non-scientific disciplines which were only available to a small minority of students. Today, we need to reverse that trend, to allow Africa to take its rightful place in the fully integrated global economy,” Diop said.

Investing in human development: Science and technology African science and technology should give initiatives such as the Pan African University, the African Science and Technology Observatory and the African Space Programme, as well as the Pharmaceutical Manufacturing Plan for Africa space, direction and resources to grow. African countries should also put in place incentives to retain high calibre individuals who excel in science, research and technology to contribute to Africa’s development. Makhtar Diop, World Bank’s Vice President for the Africa Region, speaking at the High-level Forum on Higher Education, Science and Technology in Africa Kigali, Rwanda in March captured this spirit. “The university systems in many African countries still reflect the legacy of our colonial past – the curricula were designed to produce a cadre of civil servants to administer the government,

Celebrating 50 years of the Organisation of African Unity 1963 - 2013

The continent’s population of one billion people, most of whom are youth, continues to grow. It will necessarily become an economic and social burden if they are not empowered to take part in the development process. Converting this population bulge into a “demographic dividend” will require aggressive job creation, with corresponding innovative investments in health and education (particularly education in science, technology and skills development). In the same way, advancing and protecting the rights of women, children, and vulnerable groups must assume a more elevated policy role in Africa. In 1980, only 28 percent of Africans lived in cities. Presently, it is estimated that 40 percent do – which is a share close to China’s and larger than India’s – and the share is projected to increase. Africa has more than 500 million people of working age (15 to 64 years). By 2040, Africa’s labour force is projected to reach 1.1

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Harnessing regional integration: Regional integration is critical in promoting peace and security. Furthermore, regional cooperation in the development of infrastructure will lower transaction costs, enhance the development of regional markets, and make manufacturing production and exports more competitive. Regional integration can also contribute to reducing the regulatory burden facing African firms and boost intra-African trade.

Reality of challenges

billion, overtaking China’s or India’s.

Managing the natural resources: Africa is endowed with approximately 12 percent of the world’s oil reserves, 40 percent of its gold and vast arable land, water and forest resources. The natural resource sector is expected to generate, in net present terms, more than US$600 billion (US$30 billion per annum) in government revenue over the next 20 years. Proper management, including value addition and beneficiation of these resources will translate into substantially improved fiscal positions for governments, the private sector and households that can be used to create other forms of wealth and accelerate poverty reduction.

Pursuing climate-conscious development: Growing climate change concerns imply that Africa may need to take a different development path from that followed by other regions of the world. This being a global public good, African leaders must engage other global partners to ensure that the continent has resources and sufficient capacity to pursue a green path to industrial development, based on low-energy intensity, low-carbon, and clean technologies. In Africa and

elsewhere, countries may soon be confronted with resource scarcities, and huge costs for adaptation and mitigation, and will have no choice but to factor in environmental concerns in their long-term development strategies.

Creating capable developmental states: In all cases where structural transformation has succeeded, the state has played a crucial role in the process. African countries must accordingly build developmental states that are able to mobilize the population and build national consensus around a common development agenda, and ensure that adequate resources are committed to achieve it. Above all, the African developmental state must be accountable and responsive to the needs of its population. The continent is already making progress in this regard. Today, Africa’s governments have improved the continent’s macroeconomic stability significantly. The continent reduced its collective inflation rate from 22 percent in the 1990s to 2.6 in the 2000s. Governments cut their combined foreign debt from 82 percent of GDP to 59 per cent. And they shrunk their budget deficit from 4.6 percent of GDP to 1.8 percent.

According to Dr René N’Guettia Kouassi Director of Economic AffairsDepartment, the Agenda 2063 may be structurally handicapped in its implementation if Africa does not change from simple cooperation to integration. “If African countries do not move from cooperation to integration, Agenda 2063 will be a stillborn project. To move from cooperation to integration is transferring powers of the States to regional and continental organisations. It is ceding some or all of national sovereignty for the execution of integration projects. It means taking initiatives to integrate and translate them into reality. Projects such as the Customs Union and the Common Market, the Economic Union , Economic and Monetary Union; alternative sources of funding , generation and validation of statistics , the Pan-African Parliament elected by direct universal suffrage, the Common Defence etc. are seed projects whose implementation is subject to the dynamics of shared sovereignty. And this is the kind of projects that make visible the integration process and gives it all its nobility. To refuse to execute these types of project, is to prefer cooperation to integration or favour “intergovernmentalism” or the “sovereignty “at the expense of “supranationalism”. Such a situation leads us to conclude that the United States of Africa, an integration model so dear to Nkrumah and adopted by the Accra Summit in 2007 in a Declaration will not see the day of the “supranational.”

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Nestlé’s Commitment to Rural Development in Central and West Africa

estlé has a long history in Africa, which can be considered as an early commitment to the fortunes of the continent. Decades of commitment and a vision of future growth has enabled the company to build a successful business that includes several factories, distribution centres and offices. In meeting the nutritional and developmental needs of the people on the continent, the company seeks, in many ways, to work with local communities and stakeholders in the business value chain (farm, factory and the consumer), exploring the economic and social impact of its activities on the livelihoods of the people.

Mr. Kais Marzouki, Head of Nestlé Central and West Africa Region.

“

Nestlé maintains a very long-term perspective on business development while Creating Shared Value in Nutrition, Water and Rural Development.”

Established in Switzerland in 1866, the company has been present in Central and West Africa since the 1950s and set up its Central and West Africa Region (CWAR) division in 2005, which oversees its operations in 22 countries. It manages seven factories and employs around 5,300 people. Nestlé leads an integrated enterprise in Central and West Africa Region that allows expertise among its various entities to be shared, while respecting diversity in cultural practices.

Rural Development is a pillar of Nestlé ‘Creating Shared Value’

As a core company business principle, Creating Shared Value is the way Nestlé does business. The company believes that to have long-term success with its shareholders, it does not only have to ensure sustainability of its activities but, additionally, has to create significant value for the society in which it operates. At Nestlé, we have chosen three areas where value can best be created for both society and shareholders: Rural Development, Nutrition and Water. To ensure a sustainable supply of raw material for our factories and our business at required quality and safety specifications, we engage in developing sustainable agricultural practices and systems that contribute to long-term production efficiency, viable incomes for farmers and the transfer of agricultural knowledge to suppliers. The company’s rural development strategy is its contribution to improvements in agricultural production, the social and economic status of farmers, rural communities and in production systems to make them more environmentally sustainable. We equally support the application of new technologies and advances in agricultural science, with a positive effect on food safety, environment, agricultural practices and production efficiency in a bid to improve the livelihood of farmers and rural communities. In Central and West Africa Region, Nestlé aims at increasing the share of raw materials sourced locally. To address the challenges we are facing with regards to the quality of grains and cereals, the division initiated the Grains Quality Improvement Project.

Nestlé is increasing access to markets and improving revenue opportunities for around 50,000 farmers in Ghana and Nigeria.

We work with 50,000 farmers in Ghana and Nigeria to source locally the cereals used in the processing of GOLDEN MORN and CERELAC. The farmers benefit from training in reducing the levels of mycotoxins in cereals, dried fruits and

A long term commitment

Mr. Kais Marzouki, Head of Nestlé Central and West Africa Region operations notes: “Nestlé maintains a very long-term perspective on business development while Creating Shared Value in Nutrition, Water and Rural Development. In the last few years, we have invested hundreds of millions of dollars to consolidate our operations in the Region. These investments will help the company to continue to do well and in the hope that the communities in which it operates will thrive as Nestlé gains more successes.” In 2009, the company established a Nestlé Research and Development Centre for Africa in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire. Through the Abidjan R&D Centre, the company leverages natural Nestlé enables more than 100,000 people to have access to clean water in Côte d’ Ivoire. raw materials and ingredients grown in Africa, combining bioscience and nuts to improve the quality of grains the farmers which suffered from farmers’ disinterest in technology to develop innovative solutions supply to the company and other customers. favor of some crop such has rubber trees. In to improve the nutritional benefits of African Côte d’Ivoire, the coffee beans we use in our staples such as maize, millet, and cassava. This results in sustainable incomes. factory for NESCAFÉ products are fully sourced Nestlé will continue to strengthen its business In 2009, the company launched the Nestlé locally. in Central and West Africa while serving Cocoa Plan, an initiative which aims at supporting farmers for a better chocolate. Nestlé is also engaged in Nutrition education. nutritionally rich products - Good Food - to its Nestlé is committed to distributing 12 million A global programme which aims at educating consumers for a better life - Good Life. high-yielding plantlet varieties to farmers by kids for healthier 2020 so as to help contribute to renewing eating habits has ageing cocoa plantations. The farmers are been rolled out in trained in best agricultural practices to ensure Ghana, Nigeria good quality and quantity of the cocoa beans and Cameroon, and the improvement of cocoa farm profitability. r e a c h i n g thousands of Fighting against child labor is another focus kids. of this global initiative. The contribution of the company is to facilitate children’s access This programme, to education. We are committed to build 40 which enables the schools by 2015 in Côte d’Ivoire and to improve company to join the livelihoods of the people in the communities in efforts towards ameliorating the in which we operate. increasing burden Nestlé provides more than 100,000 people in of under-nutrition as cocoa-growing communities in Côte d’Ivoire with s u c h access to clean drinking water and sanitation malnutrition and facilities. The initiative is a partnership between obesity, is being Nestlé and the International Federation of Red i m p l e m e n t e d in partnership Cross and Red Crescent societies. with ministries Nestlé has also initiated the NESCAFÉ Plan of health and under which it is going to hand over 20 million education in disease-tolerant high-yielding seedlings to the the respective Our scientists at the Nestlé R & D Center in Abidjan help farmers over a 12 year period to revamp their countries. improve local varieties. farms and encourage the cultivation of coffee,

PASSIONATE ABOUT AFRICA’S

FUTURE CITIES

Using solar chimneys to naturally ventilate the University of the Witwatersrand’s John Moffat Building, ensuring energy efficiency and optimising cost by eliminating the need for air conditionin

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