(new cities, suburbs) and anti-sprawl (urban renewal) moved decisively in favour of the anti-sprawl movement in the 1980s and thus impeded urban sprawl by advocating the renewal of inner cities and city centres. This phenomenon was witnessed mainly in England, although examples are also found in France. Despite the severe criticism Jacobs (1962) made of urban sprawl in the United States, one can still identify the continuation of the tendency in the form of residential suburbs or the development of commercial corridors alongside the suburban road networks which accommodate vast facilities, industry or neighbouring organisms, such as malls and warehouses. Clearly, according to Conzen’s statements, they perform a role as units of a fringe belt. An intriguing question that has arisen from the tendencies described above is whether or not the original inner fringe belts are, in practice, being transferred to the more distant metropolitan fringe areas. In order to provide an answer this paper will examine the new urban conditions witnessed in the Brazilian city of Belo Horizonte, built to be state capital of Minas Gerais 115 years ago. The second objective is to present the characteristics of the current urban conditions that are occurring in London. Thus, a comparative case study, designed to ascertain whether or not such tendencies are really new or are simply cyclical movements seen since ancient times, will be provided.
The contemporary phenomena surveyed in two different Case studies – London and Belo Horizonte This case study uses two different cultural contexts to show how logistical imperatives have performed the same role by projecting traditional urban features to the outskirts of the cities. The major concern facing planners has been related to whether or not there is a real need to locate such installations in the new spaces and to thus leave the vacant areas left behind to be occupied by new urban features. Important functions that could be previously identified as an integral part of the urban scene have long gone. In contrast, contemporary logistical requirements dictate the type of development found in the outer spaces of the city and these areas are thus characterised by the same stereotyped uses with similar shops and houses. Consequently, the city loses its original character, vibrancy and diversity of functions. Two different urban locations will be used as examples of the phenomena: Covent Garden Market in London, UK and the original warehousing and wholesaling area in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Both cases belong to a distinct cultural background and were founded in different eras with the consequence that they exhibit distinct social, economic and political contexts. Despite these differences they present a similar process as can be seen in the following section. Covent Garden – London The area of London where the origins of Covent Garden market can be found was acknowledged in the walled city of Londinium in AD 410. The Saxons established a trading port in the place occupied now by Fleet Street and which covered the areas where the market once stood. The history of Covent Garden has been mapped since 1630 when it was used literally as the garden of a convent which belonged to Westminster Abbey. The main features of the area were preserved until the 17 th century (Richardson, 2003). Since this time, it has been the object of planning policy experiments, the first of which was carried out at the instigation of the Fourth Earl of Bedford who hired Inigo Jones to draw up the schemes for the first public square in London. Inigo Jones (1573 – 1652) was both keen on classical elements and influenced by the architecture of the Italian Renaissance, especially Palladio’s designs and projects, when visiting that country. On his return to England, he introduced this style into his practice adopting it in royal buildings and residences (Spreiregen, 1973). He borrowed Palladio’s ideas, proposing a grid pattern to locate Covent Garden square inside a set of winding streets. In this project he introduced uniformity into the urban landscape by building similar houses surrounded by arcade houses which belonged to the upper classes. The latter took exception to the character of the public spaces and complained about the lack of privacy that resulted from the square beneath their windows (Richardson, 2003). After it was
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