Status, Quality and the Other Trade-off: Towardsa New Theory of Urban Residential Location

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HOANG HUU PHE AND PATRICK WAKE LY

Figure 11. Population density in Hanoi, 1995. Source: Hoang Huu Phe and Orn (1995).

level. This may be attributed to both the egalitarian housing provision policies of recent decades and cultural habits. Contrary to the common perception of a centrally planed economy, Hanoi has quite a high proportion of privately owned houses: more than 50 per cent in the central area and 43 per cent for the Greater Hanoi area (1989 Census). State-provided housing units make up less than 30 per cent of the total stock. Although all land ofÂŽ cially belongs to the state, private transactions in property were legalised in 1991, making explicit what has always been an active, if volatile, housing market. Among the limitations of the ÂŻ edgling housing market in Hanoi, two issues stand out: the lack of appropriate hous-

ing ÂŽ nance institutions and the need for enforceable planning regulations. A household survey for a study on home improvement in Hanoi was conducted on a random basis in 1993 (Hoang Huu Phe, 1997). Of the 84 phuongs (city wards), 8 were selected to represent the 3 urban form zones mentioned above (Figure 12). Overall, a sample of 243 households was selected for detailed interviewing and observation. The data set collected included variables which are divided into 7 categories: household characteristics, dwelling characteristics, home improvement and related attitudes, locational characteristics, impact of planning, neighbourhood characteristics, and preference and taste. For the purpose of this paper,


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