Sociological motivations for using Andean elements in Peruvian rap

Laura Garbes

Sociological motivations for using Andean elements in Peruvian rap A comparison among Cusco, Lima, and Puno- Peru

The center of Manchay Alto, a town on the outskirts of Lima, during a rap freestyle (featured, Pedro Mo). Nov 2012. Photo by Laura Garbes Given the far-reaching global effects of hip-hop, this paper traces hip-hop’s growth in the U.S. context as a subversive social movement and its consequent commodification and transmission to the global south. Through fieldwork conducted in Cusco, Lima, and Puno, the present report explores the question: what are the motivations that underlie the use of Quechua and other indigenous elements in combination with Castilian Spanish in Peruvian hip-hop? The research utilizes three methods: interviews with rappers that use indigenous elements in their music, observations of regional activity, and a lyrical analysis of Andean rap songs. The report found there are similarities among the rappers of each region, including support for marginalized groups, use of online social networks to distribute their music, and the priority they give in their music to a social message that runs counter to a mainstream that has systematically oppressed indigenous populations. There are cross-regional differences in language usage and political motivations; rappers of Cusco and Lima use Quechua symbolically, while the rappers of Puno use both Quechua and Aymara more naturally, primarily because they have fluency in those languages that the other regions lack. Rappers in Cusco and Lima have overtly political motivations for their work; in Puno, the content of their lyrics is less political and more focused on the land, Andean artistic traditions, and allusions to the Incas. In all regions, the artists use hip-hop to subvert the mainstream, reflective of the U.S. underground hip-hop movement.

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Laura Garbes

Sociological motivations for using Andean elements in Peruvian rap A comparison among Cusco, Lima, y Puno- Peru INTRODUCTION

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Hip-hop culture has developed as a movement that subverts mainstream politics and gives voice to marginalized people of color. In this report, I will describe rap music and the culture of hip-hop generally in the east and west coasts of the United States, its commercialization, and subsequent transmission to communities in the global south.

In order for hip-hop to reach a global audience, it must pass through the filter of the larger record labels, resulting in a commercialized version of its original form. Thus, I will explore “glocalization” as a way to look at hip-hop’s translation and recontextualization in cultures outside the US; that is, I will follow the process by which commercial hip-hop received by marginalized communities in Peru are subverted again to make a new hip-hop underground specific to Peru. In recent years, the Peruvian underground music scene has developed a pro-indigenist hip-hop subculture that utilizes indigenous languages in its lyrics. The use of autochthonous elements by Peruvian rappers becomes a local specification to a larger leftist movement against right wing politics.

This paper is comprised of four sections: (1) a chronology of hip-hop’s growth, commodification, and globalization; (2) a brief historical overview of Peru’s history and pro-indigenous movements; (3) findings from 2012 sociological fieldwork in Cusco, Lima and Puno; and (4) a cross-regional analysis of Peru’s glocalized hiphop movement and its implications.

The Trajectory of Hip-Hop culture a. Hip-Hop in the United States

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Laura Garbes Hip-hop culture has served as a vehicle of expression for black marginalized youth since the end of the 1960s. The cultural movement has four key elements: DJing, MCing, b-boying, and graffiti. Though there are disputed accounts of hip-hop’s origins, many historians attribute the movement to a group of neighborhoods in the Bronx, New York. Poverty and gang violence were rampant within the Bronx at this time; hip-hop allowed residents to express themselves despite government negligence of blacks and despite the ignorance and fear felt among the the bourgeois regarding the impoverished black neighborhoods (Chang, chapter 1). Hip-hop arose around the radical political and social expression of black power in the 1960s, closely intertwined with organizations like the Black Panther Party, founded in East Oakland. West coast rappers were well entrenched in the language of social revolution, like Tupac Shakur, whose mother a Panther at the height of the movement. He took to rapping as a vehicle of expression for his radical sentiments.

We must also acknowledge the role that the “ghetto” plays in the hip-hop narrative. Emergent rappers in LA during the early years of the hip-hop movement focused on life for young black men trying to survive in the ‘hood, reflective of the West Coast urban black experience at the time that the Black Panthers emerged in full force. (cite Check Yo Self Before You Wreck Yo Self, Boyd--- the hip hop reader) Boyd, a hip-hop scholar, remarks that hip-hop in this era can be seen as a weapon of consciousness: “not a weapon to violate or not a weapon to offend, but a weapon that pushes the envelope that provokes people, makes people think." (Boyd, Hip-Hop) b. Hip-Hop’s Commercialization and Commodification Over the past three decades, hip-hop and the ghetto narrative has been on display in the mainstream and commodified by the U.S. music industry. Hip-hop as a brand in the United States allows for an “insider” culture for rappers who are more commercially viable to the mainstream. In turn, large record labels are able to co-opt the cliched ghetto lifestyle for mainstream audiences that reside outside the original context of the narrative (Charmas).

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Laura Garbes Ironically, it is through this commercialization that rap music has reached other communities that face marginalization. As a result, the communities abroad absorb rap music that in large part has passed through the filter of U.S. commercial interests. The music industry’s co-optation of the ghetto narrative as spectacle depoliticizes it to a certain extent, which plays a large part in how "gangster rap" is received negatively in Peru's underground hip-hop subculture and separated from rap that is described as “politically conscious” (Boyd, Check Yoself). c. Hip-hop’s Indigenous Recontextualization Rather than uncritically consuming the commercialized and depoliticized raps, the indigenous rappers in Peru that appear in the present study mix the music they are exposed to with their own environment. A new, recontextualized hip-hop culture emerges with its own underground movement that interacts with the imported mainstream hip-hop music scene.

The hip-hop artists construct their own underground movement by using local and politically charged themes as inspiration for their lyrics.

Indigeneity and Hip-hop Other research has been carried out that focuses on various indigenous communities using hip-hop to express their own culture.1 For instance, in a report by Warren and Evitt, “Indigenous Hip-hop: overcoming marginality, encountering constraints” Australian case studies are used to explore how the concept of glocalization-- the globalization and subsequent localization of a movement-- can be applied to indigenous hiphop. The research counters the claim that indigenous culture is static and that the traditional music is the only kind that can be considered “authentic.” In fact, they call hip-hop “a form of glocalised creative expression, a means to personal development, and simultaneously a politicised, transnational and anti-colonial creative industry” (Warren y Evitt 143). The research provides a framework from which to view Peru’s indigenous hip-hop

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Laura Garbes movement as a performance pushing against existing racist discourse or stigma against indigenous populations.

Through this lens, the indigenous hip-hop movement is a music movement inextricably linked to a sociopolitical assertion of power in response to historic marginalization. As an underground movement, the music is in part a counter to the mainstream commercial hip-hop that has reached Peru through a globalized, commercialized filter.

In addition, “Wayna rap” in Bolivia has received much attention in recent years as an identity movement.

Their process of hip-hop production is not blind imitation of the imported source; rather, the artistic elements fuse with the culture of their community. Ukamau y Ke, headed by Abraham Bojorquez, is a member of the Wayna rap movement whose songs focus on the struggle against government injustice in Bolivia. The lyrics are situationally specific, declaring Sanchez de Lozada2 a traitor and assassin, and condemning the country’s vice president. They play Andean instruments in their songs and codeswitch among Spanish, Quechua, Aymara, English, and Portuguese (Dangl). In Peru, the Quechua and Aymara-speaking population is found primarily in the Andean region closest to Bolivia, known as the Altiplano; however, one can find indigenous hip-hop throughout the country. Thus, the Peruvian case can be compared to that of Bolivia only in the Andean region, whereas the coastal region of Peru diversifies and complicates Peru’s indigenous hip-hop scene; rap used by those in the Andean region to reaffirm their identity as indigenous peoples is also used by those who do not live in the Andes Mountains.

II. INDIGENISM AS A TOOL OF SUBVERSION IN PERU In order to explore the motivations that explain the use of indigenous Andean languages and cultural elements in Peruvian hip-hop, we must first understand the existing body of research on the following: Peru’s historical social networks, indigenism as a subversive movement, and case studies in glocalization.

Peru

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Laura Garbes To compare across regions in Peru, we must first take into account the complex cultural history of the country. José María Arguedas gives a basic account of the historical contrasts between the coasts and the mountains of Peru in his essay “El Complejo Cultural en El Perú.” During La Conquista in Peru starting with the Spaniards’ 1532 arrival, the coast was taken as the commercial center of the region because of its proximity to the Pacific Ocean; conversely, the harsh conditions of the high-altitude Andes Mountains made it more difficult to conquer the region and easier for the existing peoples to retain their culture (Arguedas 19).

As a result, European colonizing forces had a more direct cultural influence on coastal cities, particularly Lima. The nation’s capital has been historically placed as the center of the country, not geographically but as a commercial and political hub. Consequently, Lima and the coastal region become the cultural port through which U.S. east and west coast hip-hop was distributed to Peru’s Andean population.

Indigenism as a social movement I argue that the use of Andean languages in rap music is an indigenist expression. Indigenism is an inherently radical movement, because to assert indigenous identity is to assert “an inalienable connection between community and land, and, by extension, between society and nature” (Dirlik 67). The expression is therefore anti-colonial and anti-capitalist, as it argues for indigenous self-determination.

In recognizing the radicality of indigenism, we must also recognize that indigenism is a modern phenomenon. Through globalization, the individuals that perpetuate indigenism as a movement are inevitably members of the global world who are susceptible to mainstream societal divisions-- e.g. class, gender, and racial/ ethnic diversity-- because of the global mainstream’s imposition on indigenous communities. According to Dirlik, we must acknowledge indigenism as a recent movement specific to the modern, globalized world “if harmony is to be more than an ideological cover for new forms of power” (70). In the present study, we will begin to explore this idea in Puno. Of the three regions, Puno is seen as the most closely linked to indigenous roots, and often

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Laura Garbes venerated by their counterparts as more authentically indigenous; thus, rappers from the region are least likely to recognize the modernity of the indigenism in which they engage.

Language Revitalization in the Andes Indigenism and language revitalization is concerned with use of marginalized, minority language and culture in an increasingly globalized world. In an era in which according to the Endangered Languages Alliance, “over 40 percent of the world’s approximate 7,000 languages are at risk of disappearing,”the attempts made to preserve minority languages run counter to the trend of conformity to usage of the languages of the world’s economic powers.

Indigenous communities in the Andes Mountains of Peru are in a paradoxical situation, where their pride in community elicits two simultaneous desires: a desire to pass to the next generation the community’s traditions, including the indigenous language of the region; and a desire for the youth of the community to have access to work and education, a goal that necessarily includes Spanish fluency.

In “Revitalization of Endangered Languages: Quechua in the Andes,” Coronel-Molina cites a few of the structural obstacles that keep Quechua in a marginalized position, including “asymmetrical power relations, negative language attitudes, competing language ideologies, language discrimination, linguistic shame, competing social, linguistic, and cultural capitals, social condemnation, and even worse, linguistic selfcondemnation” (8). Though there have been attempts to remedy the situation through language policy of Transitional Bilingual Education, the underlying goal of the policy is to transition students into a Spanishspeaking mainstream.

The Present Study As noted above, there are existing studies on globalizing hip-hop forms, the use of code-switching in rap, and indigenous identity rap. The present study combines these three threads of research to provide a new

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Laura Garbes insight into the corpus. The main research question- What are the motivations that explain the use of indigenous Andean languages and cultural elements in Peruvian hip-hop?

I compare three regions distinct in their culture and linguistic history: Cusco, a city both Andean and cosmopolitan, Lima, an international, coastal city, and Puno, a city with large amounts of the population in rural areas located in the Altiplano, where speaking Quechua or Aymara is common. The interviews conducted through this research give insight into the goals of indigenous rappers in Peru. The present study is the first sociological research conducted on Peru’s indigenous hip-hop movement.

III. FIELD RESEARCH Methodology I explore the fusion of the modern genre of hip-hop with Andean elements such as the use of Quechua and Aymara. I compare Cusco, Lima, and Puno because of each region’s relationship with Andean languages: in Cusco, residents of the rural area speak Quechua but it is rarely used in the city center; in Lima, a coastal city, Quechua is spoken by migrants from the Andean region on the outskirts of the region; in Puno, residents speak both Quechua and Aymara as their home languages.

First, I interview rappers from each region, chosen by their visibility on social media platforms like SoundCloud and MySpace. To ascertain their motivations for Quechua lyrics --or in the case of Puno, Quechua and Aymara-- I ask direct questions about their choice to use Quechua, Aymara, or a combination of the two (see annex 1 for interview guide)3. Second, to see how groups act in a more natural setting, I make observations from my direct interaction with the groups interviewed and the visits I make to concerts in which they perform. I attended three concerts in Cusco and two in Lima. Finally, I analyze the rappers’ lyrics by measuring the ratio of Spanish to indigenous language and the thematic content of the songs.

Methodological Considerations

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Laura Garbes There are a few limitations to the present study. First, as a researcher who does not know Aymara or Quechua beyond an elementary level, I was unable to do a deep linguistic analysis of these lyrics in their original form. Instead, I have analyzed the languages by examining the lyrics on two dimensions: (a) proportion of Spanish, English, Quechua, and Aymara in each song, and (b) the themes discussed in each language.

Furthermore, while the interviews were conducted in Spanish, for the purposes of this report, I have translated the quotes from interviews into English. Though the quotes have been meticulously translated and reviewed by both a native Spanish speaker and native English speaker, one always runs the risk of losing ideas in translation across languages. The reader can refer to Annex 2 for a list of quotes in Spanish that were translated here for the purposes of this report.

Out of respect for the subjects’ wishes, the names provided in this paper are the names as they wished to be referred; thus, I will in some cases be using first names or nicknames as an identifier.

Motivations of Indigenous Hip-Hop in Cusco Historical Context A strong division between the urban and rural parts of the region is key to understanding of Cusco, a region of 1,048,832 residents, according to the 2007 census in the INEI report (Quispe Llanos, Cusco, 94, chart 2.29). Spanish was the childhood language of 46.3% of the population; Quechua was the childhood language for 52.0% of residents; Aymara was the childhood language of 0 .2% of the population.

However, if one separates the urban and rural populations, a different picture emerges. In the urban area, 69.0% of the population reports Spanish as their childhood language, and 30.1% of the population reports Quechua. Meanwhile, 79.6% of the rural population cite Quechua as their childhood language, and 17.7% of the rural population cited Spanish as their childhood language (Quispe Llanos, Cusco, 94).

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Laura Garbes These statistics paint a vision of a place entrenched in Andean tradition that has been modernized with the flow of tourists through the region, in part because of the proximity to Machu Picchu. The traditional culture is exposed to the Western-driven tourism industry on a daily basis, and the appeal of the foreign influence can lead some youth to reject their roots in favor of the culture presented to them in part by its temporary visitors, who come precisely to experience what they would consider traditional or authentic indigenous customs. As Vich asserts regarding the Andean regional tourism, “tourists are eager to consume a different culture” (Vich 164, trans. Laura Garbes).4 Yet, from the emergence of tourism comes an accommodation of Western tastes, resulting in an English-driven tourism industry in order to facilitate the “authentic” experience desired by visitors, substantially affecting the linguistic makeup of the region.

Interviews The group I interviewed from Cusco is named Puka Qapally, and has five members: Almendra [Karia], Daniela, Supay Cienfuegos [Rony Trujillo], Adriel [Rasta], and Juvenal [Graffiti].

The two members I interviewed on November 1, 2012 were Rony Trujillo, better known to his audience as Supay Cienfuegos, and Almendra, a philosophy student at UNSAAC, a public university in Cusco. Rony’s grandparents are Quechua-speakers, and he learned the language both by hearing it spoken at home and from formal classes. Almendra works at Bembo’s, a fast food restaurant in the center of Cusco. Her grandparents are also Quechua-speakers, but she began learning Quechua in 2011 for the purposes of performing songs in Quechua with Puka Qapally.

Attitudes regarding hip-hop usage: The entire platform of Puka Qapally is based on the idea that hip-hop is a tool to raise social consciousness. Rony proclaims, "If the music doesn't have a deeper meaning it is not true hiphop. There are people that sing about love or money, easy and fun topics.. but that is commercial hip-hop, not true social hip-hop.” Puka Qapally prides itself on talking about more difficult topics, considering serious rap to be

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Laura Garbes more cerebral. On their website, the group describes itself as making "music with social content against this system that exploits us and makes us believe in false freedom, which is the reason we believe that in creating music we can contribute to the social struggle, not just to make you move your hips but move your brain!” (Puka Qapally- Facebook, 2012).

Quechua: By adding Quechua to their lyrics, Puka Qapally intends to reach the rural audience to help eliminate the stigma that comes with speaking the language. Trujillo adamantly states: “Quechua is not dying for lack of education or resources; it is dying due to the shame in speaking it. It doesn't make sense... it's like if you're in the US and you don't want to speak English. If the language dies, it should die with the land, not because of shame.”

Attitudes toward other groups: Almendra compares the youth attitudes in Cusco and in Lima: “ultimately we know that we come from Quechua, it is our identity. The shame is greater in Lima.” Still, one of her main inspirations to rap in Quechua is the influence of Pedro Mo, a Limeñan rapper whose Quechua usage in lyrics predates that of Puka Qapally.

Both Almendra and Trujillo speak of the rap groups from Puno as living in a separate sphere of indigenous hip-hop. According to Puka Qapally, groups from Puno collaborate with other regions occasionally, but are not as involved in conflicts or frequent communication.

Political element: The social message of most of Puka Qapally’s songs is in line with Peruvian leftist sentiment.

They seek to inform a wide audience of the struggle of marginalized people, for indigenous rights, and against corrupt institutions.

Their audience: Almendra emphasizes that they are trying to reach the outskirts of Cusco in addition to those within the city's crowded center. Their choice to use Quechua and Andean instruments are concerted efforts to include the rural areas of Cusco into their audience base.

Lyrics

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Laura Garbes Puka Qapally has produced three songs with Quechua in them thus far, two of which have Quechua titles: “Alalao” and “Yana Maccanakuy.” The two are critiques of governmental systems that do not work for the people of rural communities. Yana Maccanakuy is a harsh criticism of government officials that take advantage of poverty in small towns, after making campaign promises to these Peruvians. They indict the politicians as criminals, which makes their prejudice against youth with criminal charges hypocritical.

In the Quechua section of the song, Cusco is painted as a region filled with poverty and sadness, where there are dreams for a better reality. The Quechua portion also has a more personal note, talking of families in villages and the plight of violence rather than politicians and their corruption. It is clear through these verses that Puka Qapally writes with a regional audience in mind, rather than a universal one.

Observations When they perform a freestyle in Cusco’s Plaza de Armas, they reiterate that they are still learning Quechua. Since Quechua is their second language, it is much more natural to think in Spanish. Thus, during the ninety-second freestyle, only about ten seconds were Quechua verses. They explained that since they do not know enough Quechua yet, they are limited to lyrics they have already created beforehand; there is not spontaneity, but rather a recitation of memorized Quechua lyrics.

Quechua usage can be seen in this case as a symbol of their political stance and an act of solidarity with indigeneity. In Quechua, “Puka Qapally” means “red scream,” a declaration in itself of socialist inclinations. They combine Quechua with their political messages as an act of solidarity with towns outside the center of Cusco.

Cusco’s Regional Narrative of Indigenous Hip-hop For Puka Qapally, hip-hop is a form of resistance, following a tradition of socially conscious hip-hop in the US context. The group has a reverence towards what they call more serious hip-hop: that is, hip-hop that involves talk of social struggle. They feel some solidarity with Tupac Shakur, Ice Cube, and other rappers from the

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Laura Garbes early US hip-hop movement, but the group distinguishes itself from these artists by focusing on issues specific to Peru. On the other hand, they dismiss contemporary US rappers as being too commercial. This negative reception could be attributed to: a) having a limited corpus as filtered by larger record labels; or b) not being able to pick up on US specific political issues within lyrics due to of lack of context.

The limited Quechua ability of the two rappers interviewed manifests the symbolic nature of their language use. The ease with which they freestyle in Spanish provides a striking contrast to their use of Quechua, a language very different with respect to grammar and pronunciation. To use a language that one is still grappling is indicative of a purpose other than making the smoothest lyrics; the group spoke about lifting up the status of Quechua-speakers in Peru as the primary goal of their art, more so than the stylistic elements of their music.

Motivations of Indigenous Hip-Hop in Lima Lima is the largest city in Peru, with 7,605,742 residents, of which only 9,684 live in a rural area.

According to the 2007 census, 92.7% of this population cites Spanish as a primary childhood language, compared to 6.5% citing Quechua and 0.4% of the population citing Aymara--- (Llanos Quispe, Lima, Cuadro 2.24, 107).

One must also consider the individuals without a Unique ID Number. The number identifies those registered with the city government of Lima as official residents. Within the groups without a Unique ID number, 2.5% of the population speaks Quechua as a primary childhood language, and 1.5% of the population speaks Aymara as a first language. (Llanos Quispe, Lima, Grรกfico No 2.26, 122). Thus, the proportion of undocumented people that speak a native language is larger than that of the general population. These statistics indicate that the group is marked with a marginalized status with respect to political and social rights in Lima, which may be a motive for rappers in Lima to use traditional Andean elements in their music.

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Laura Garbes The migrants, in fact, have maintained many of their Andean customs long after their arrival to the coast of Lima. “Cultura, racionalidad y migración andina” by Jürgen Golte explains the strong links between migrant groups and their sending communities, to the point where even their children born in Lima feel a connection to the traditional Andean worldview through exposure by parents. The phenomenon manifests itself economically in the two distinct commerce models within the same city. Golte asserts that there are “two republics” of Lima: (1) the Spanish European culture which derives its business tactics from the bureaucratic character of Western Europe; and (2) Pre-Columbian culture maintained by Andean migrants who are accustomed to producing for their own community (Golte).

Though the migration has caused them to assimilate with the regimented business practices of Lima, there remains an unofficial flow of both ideas and commerce in migrant communities. Golte gives historical context to explain the different worldviews of the migrant population and the longtime Limeñans. The division gives rise to Andean elements underneath the more visible European surface.

Interviews I interviewed three rappers in Lima: Kahuay Pitaj, Shery Lee, and Pedro Mo. None of the rappers speaks Quechua fluently. The first two rappers, Kahuay Pitaj and Shery Lee, form the group Sipas Crew, not well-known in the hip-hop scene, especially outside of Lima. I interviewed them together in Plaza San Martin in the center of Lima, before their university classes. Kahuay Pitaj has no parents or grandparents that know Quechua. Shery Lee’s mother once spoke Quechua but has since forgotten. They do not claim to speak Quechua. They know the basics and would like to learn more.

Sipas Crew Attitudes about hip-hop usage: In their own use of hip-hop, for Kihuay Pitaj, hip-hop “it is the way I can express my ideas. It is the way to say my thoughts in a radical way.” Shery Lee adds, “it is a tool of lucha[struggle] for us.”

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Laura Garbes Their vision places a priority on political vision, which they believe is opposed to commercial rap. They assert that “gangster” rap is the type that sells, and they would rather make the art that matters to them, although it is not as commercially successful (Pitaj).

Therefore, they derive content primarily from Peruvian issues although the medium of hip-hop is a US invention. “The thing with US rap is that it started out with lyrics about the struggle, with blacks against racism expressing topics from their hood. When white folks began to produce the music, it started to be commercial, with all its machismo and violence” (Pitaj). Lee and Pitaj cite Lauryn Hill as a model for good lyrics, and they liken Nicki Minaj to Britney Spears: fun, but not music they want to imitate.

Quechua: For these women, Quechua represents el pueblo and the leftist fight. Ultimately, they speak of the language as a political tool. They also mention their intention to add Andean instruments to their music in the future. It is an element they are not very familiar with, but they hope that in appropriating it they can culturally support a leftist political movement. The rappers use Quechua as a way to connect themselves to their desired audience. For instance, “Sipas” in Sipas Crew means “young woman” in Quechua.

They decided to use Quechua because although they do not speak it, they believe that it “is part of our cultural patrimony. It is a Peruvian thing to do” (Lee).

Attitudes about other regions: Having just entered the world of hip-hop, they did not have strong opinions about other groups using indigenous languages; their focus, rather, was on their desire to want to get to know the scene more.

Both rappers stressed the dependence on the internet to collaborate. They met each other through HiFi, an online social network, and when they realized that they both rapped, they teamed up. On an interregional level, attendance at hip-hop events is dependent on Facebook as a way to spread the word.

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Laura Garbes Political element: They define their music as political rap, and they are self-proclaimed leftists. Pitaj noted a tendency in hip-hop culture as a whole to have socialist leanings. Shery Lee laments that sometimes there is negative reception, saying “there are misunderstandings about our political viewpoint, because there are people that think socialism or the view from the left is terrorism. It’s not so. They are people that do not know much of the true situation of Peruvian politics, of Fujimori’s legacy and of history.”

Audience: These women seek to reach those who “do not want to open their eyes” (Lee), implying a desire to reach the mainstream and raise general consciousness of leftist movements. However, they insist they have no specific age or region in mind, saying that by combining their liberal political ideas with traditional languages, the lyrics can resonate with people in all parts of Peru.

Observations The comment conflating gangster and commercial rap bears similarity to Puka Qapally’s comment that easy hip-hop is not worthwhile; the sentiment values what the group considers serious social topics over pure entertainment.

Lee and Pitaj’s work makes clear their politics. They are working on their next project, an attempt to inform the public about Fujimori’s wrongdoings by king a song about Fujimori and his dictatorship5 to remind Peruvians, especially those that did not live through the Fujimori era as an adult, of his corruption as a leader.

Lyrics Sipas Crew’s song Uyarikuna means “listen” in Quechua--- Trying to raise awareness in the mainstream while reaching the Quechua-speaking community. There is a line of Quechua at the beginning, a line at the end, and Spanish for the rest of the song. The content is very political, saying that supporting the activist struggle is important for society’s advance. The song seeks to combat ignorance of issues such as inequality; they want to send this message to youth audiences, which they say explicitly in the lyrics (see Annex 2). The song also tackles

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Laura Garbes the issue of environmental degradation, using the Andean image of protecting the Pachamama. It touches on the dangers of television’s influence, imperialism, and institutions that oppress communities in poverty.

Pedro Mo Pedro Mo, well known within the Peruvian rap circuit, is the only rapper interviewed that has reached fame outside Peru. He travels internationally to play hip-hop shows; while the rest of the interviewees cited Immortal Technique as inspiration, Pedro Mo knows the group personally. Born in Lima, his parents are from Cusco and the two generations before him speak Quechua fluently. He is currently a member of Comite Pokoflo, a rap group based in Lima.

Attitude toward hip-hop usage: Pedro Mo stresses the need to “educate the people.” He never overtly maligns the commercial world of hip hop, but he wants to make sure he states that his own rap is political, and thus its primary goal is to spread a social message. He goes on to say that everyone who chooses to use indigenous languages in this medium necessarily has “a shared indigenist vision.” That is, they try to use their art to promote indigenous peoples’ rights.

Quechua: Pedro Mo has a clear vision of why using indigenous languages is a strategic move. “I use it to respond to a political issue... sociopolitical. The fact is that education in the country is biased, and, if you are a person out in the provinces, they teach you a language that is not your first language. And so, these people want to forget Quechua. It is necessary to reach the Quechua speakers out in the provinces with my music in order to rescue, revalue, and show their cultural identity.” He points to the medium of hip-hop and how it works well with Quechua, saying that “the modern medium helps to revalue the language more than traditional music.”

Since he is not fluent in Quechua, he only writes a few Quechua verses within his Spanish songs. For Pedro Mo, “it is more difficult in Quechua, because creating a song is three times longer of a process, constantly

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Laura Garbes translating in my head between Quechua and Spanish.” He is the only member of Comite Pokoflo to use Quechua, so he does not get help writing these lyrics.

Attitudes about other regions: When Pedro Mo speaks of Peruvian hip-hop outside of Lima, it is with an attitude of optimism for the future. He has seen the spread from Lima to other regions in a short period of time: “Starting in 2008, hip-hop grew in provinces outside Lima: Arequipa, Huancayo, Trujillo. There are a ton of artists in Lima, but the provinces has also grown substantially. My group has traveled all of Peru, and it is a nourishing process.

There is centralization in Lima, but despite Lima’s influence on the provinces, each province has their own unique internal process of hip-hop growth.”

The political element: Pedro Mo has strong opinions about former President Alberto Fujimori and his administration. He is against followers of Fujimori, but these same followers have influence on the government and other institutions of power: “there is power in their hands, and they can spread biased information, bad information as a control mechanism, when, in reality, there was a genocide” (Pedro Mo). Much like the rap of Sipas Crew, his lyrics fight the narrative of Fujimori supporters.

The interview took place in a cultural house called Casa Poco Floro, a communal space organized by Comite Pokoflo known for spreading and supporting more extreme leftist ideas, as well as a space for hip-hop and punk events that complement these political ideas. From time to time Casa Poco Floro leads campaigns; most recently, the members launched a campaign against a presidential candidate, Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of former president Alberto Fujimori.

Audience: As a nationally known artist, Pedro Mo is able to reach other provinces from his base in Lima. He uses this status to raise political consciousness, particularly to drum up support for pro-indigenist movements. His focus is clear- as mentioned before: It is necessary to reach the Quechua speakers out in the provinces with my

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Laura Garbes music in order to rescue, revalue, and show their cultural identity.” He points to the medium of hip-hop and how it works well with Quechua, saying that “the modern medium helps to revalue the language more than traditional music.” The focus of raising political consciousness in the youth of Lima’s outer provinces is exemplified in the concert described below.

Observations Pedro Mo performed as an event in Manchay, a district outside the center of Lima. The district is composed of migrants and descendants of migrants from the mountains that fled internal conflict about three decades before. The community of Manchay has grown from eight thousand to seventy thousand within thirty years. Of these residents, 40% have come from Ayacucho Junín, Apurímac, Huancavelica, Huánuco, Áncash, Cusco and Cajamarca (Gonzales).

All the artists at the event mentioned directly using their rap as a poetic weapon. There was a stress on the fight against mainstream hip-hop. The rappers at the Manchay show insist that real hip-hop is nothing like what is on television, but rather a “fiesta de conocimiento.” The majority was political rap, not personal; that is, they sang of topics like government, marginalization of pueblos, and promotion of the underground hip-hop world.

During the concert, Pedro Mo was clearly the person in charge. The adolescent audience of Manchay recognized him, and his fellow rappers looked to him to see who should hop on the mic next. He is also the only rapper I have seen that has a following such that the audience knew all the words to many of his songs.

Lyrics Looking at the structural breakup of the song “Hip-hop” by Pedro Mo, there is one verse in Quechua and the remainder in Spanish. Within the Spanish lyrics, however, there are words in Quechua [taita, aka, chacra] and English [bro, business].

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Laura Garbes The content reveals his beliefs and motives. By denigrating APRA (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana) in the line that asserts that hip-hop is more a tool of the pueblo that helps much more than APRA6, “mucho más que el APRA,” takes a political stance against a specific party.

He also talks about hip-hop on a personal and societal level within his lyrics. He considers hip-hop a reason for him to keep living and a good influence of his life, as he demonstrates when he assures the listener that his passion for hip-hop is real, and it is a part of him: “Hip hop is not my bitch/ It is my limb, a psychopath/ Without money, it ties us/ like a couple of sparring partners” On a societal level, Pedro Mo first outlines some issues in Peruvian society and goes on to refer to hiphop as a way to organize and progress in society: “Because today it is my turn to organize/forward, bro/hip-hop hip-hop/ Because today it is my turn to rise up/straight ahead/hip-hop hip-hop” [see annex for original] There is one verse in Quechua, which is more personal in nature than the political lines. For instance, it describes a tender image of his mother making crema de maiz; they lyrics in this verse also make mention of the blood shared by all Peruvians, a theme that is common in rap puneño.

The same Quechua verse mentioned above is used in another of Pedro Mo’s songs “Vivir Sin Control”; he also uses it embedded in one of his freestyles in the November 2012 concert in Manchay, Lima, Peru. The repetition is reflective of the difficulty for Limeñan artists to create new verses in Quechua.

Lima’s Regional Narrative of Indigenous Hip-hop Rappers living in Lima are at the national center of hip-hop, a cosmopolitan, globalized city where the use of Andean elements is rare. Rappers in Lima typically do not speak Quechua, but a few intend to support the language by incorporating it into their lyrics.

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Laura Garbes None of the rappers interviewed knows the language fluently. But the Quechua verses that they do use, as well as pre-Columbian cultural images, serve as a tool of identification with the migrants on the outskirts of Cusco, and a signaling of support to supporters of the movement to end linguistic discrimination.

The lyrical content is similar to that of Cusco, because both tackle politics and institutional discrimination. But Lima’s content differs in that there are more specific allusions to political leaders. There is strong anti-Fujimori sentiment in Sipas Crew and Comite Pokoflo, which they emphasize in their songs and their interviews.

Their attitudes toward commercial rap are negative and directed towards artists in the US, as well as gangster rap in Peru.

Puno Historical context Puno has the most prominent native language usage of all three regions. According to the 2007 INEI census, out of Puno’s 1,148,885 residents, 38.5% learned Quechua as their first language, more than Spanish, which was cited by 33.8% as a first language. There is a significant presence of Aymara speakers too: 27.5% of Puno’s residents cite Aymara as a first language (Llanos Quispe, Puno, Chart No 2.29, 95).

In contrast to the other two regions, the community of the Puno region is not as concentrated in the city proper. The number of residents in the urban area in 2007 was 629,891, while 638,550 lived in the rural part of the region (Llanos Quispe, Puno, 95). Since there tends to be less Western influence outside of town centers, the large rural population is reflected in the rap groups I interviewed, whose focus on land dependence and connection to spirituality is a much more prevalent theme in the music of artists living in Puno.

Interviews

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Laura Garbes Puno’s Indigenous hip-hop scene is the most united of the three regions studied. I interviewed four rappers born and raised in Puno. All had Quechua-speaking parents, and one, Pa’wila Dos Sangres had an Aymara-speaking mother.

Two of the rappers were from the group Doble H Urbano, founded in 2007. The official mission explained in their mission statement: “we note that many of our brothers would rather forget their Andean roots, we fight against this, rescuing our identity.” They use a combination Spanish, Quechua, Aymara, and English. The rappers available for an interview were Oswaldo Arpasi Huaquisto A.K.A “Pawila Dos Sangres” and Yimi Denis Guzmán Vega A.K.A “Timi.”

Two rappers are from a group called Ayllu Rap, from the nearby town of Juliaca, who use Quechua and Aymara. I interviewed two, Alex Mamani Coila A.K.A “Wayra Ayllu” and Carlos Edwar Velarde Conde A.K.A “Coyote Ayllu MC.” Two interviews took place, one on November 1, 2012 in Cusco, the day after a concert called Hip-Hop Evolución. The rappers wanted to do a group interview; and another on November 23, 2012, when I met with Yimi and Pa’wila in Puno to review and discuss their lyrics. Below is a synthesis of interview responses from both meetings.

Attitudes about the use of hip-hop: When these rappers began their respective groups to spread their language and make hip-hop, they had a common goal that they believe has been somewhat successful thus far: “recognition of their culture” which “is the biggest prize” (Mamani Coila). They have faith that this recognition will continue to expand; when I asked whether they have reached the youth audience in a significant way, all of the artists gave me an unequivocal yes. Yimi Denis Guzman Vega adds “I do it for passion, but there is almost no money in it. Our music is not widespread enough to produce money or fame. What I gain is respect, applause. In this way, I gain happiness and that is enough” (Yimi). Aside from hip-hop, he works in a tourism company in Puno in order to make money for his family.

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Laura Garbes Rappers from Puno refer to their specific type of rap as “Autóctono Rap,” or autochthonous rap, a term that comes from the use of the word autochthonous to describe the traditional indigenous dances of Puno. They consider their hip-hop more real and pure than commercial hip-hop. There is a bigger presence of autochthonous rap than in other regions, which they believe lends itself to a more progressive lens. Doble H Urbano is supported

by Carlos Campos, both a member of the group and a producer of CaneRec, a hip-hop record label that supports indigenous hip-hop groups. Mamani Coila lauds the group for understanding their mission, instead of other companies in the music producing business that are purely out for profit. Their regional studio, QUechumara PRoduccIones, is led by Pa’Wila Dos Sangres.

While the other regions first talk of lyrics as their way of sending a social message, rappers of Puno cite the melody as the most important element. As Yimi explained, “Andean instruments make our music Peruvian.

The melody helps create the lyrics.” Since this melody is an expression of their culture, they do not see it as merely a complement to poetry. The groups of the Altiplano are united by their shared mission of instilling a sense of pride in their own culture. Yimi says, “we are brothers with the same goal.”

Attitude toward other regions: Rappers from Puno consider themselves separate from the hip-hop artists in Lima, who they believe are involved in more conflict. They do not wish to give concrete examples of this because they do not wish to malign these groups. Yimi explains, “we avoid bad people and we do not fight.”

Yimi goes on to say that the linguistic situation of other regions is different, because there is more shame in speaking Indigenous languages. He attributes this to the media, that the younger generations “want to live the life they see on TV.” Quechua and Aymara: They stress that both Quechua and Aymara are still being used by rural communities as primary languages of communication. But in the city of Puno, Spanish has become the medium of instruction. Yimi and Pa’wila speak of their interest in pre-Columbian history stemming from their people’s

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Laura Garbes history of discrimination faced by using Indigenous languages. Yimi explains that the Quechua he and his parents speak comes with a complex history, saying, “it’s our identity- my mother’s race, my father’s race, the race of my grandparents, The language was here before the Incas, and there is a history to it.”

Alex Mamani Coila adds that the effort to preserve his language is a necessary struggle, citing the difficulties of his own parents as a primary motivator: “Peruvian culture is beautiful. My parents are from rural communities, but when they went to the city to seek work, they experienced discrimination and a need to assimilate for work. It should not be this way.”

I noted that the groups also listen to traditional Andean music, with wind instruments and stronger melodies than bass. These instruments carry over to the raps produced by the artists in Puno.

The political element: Puno is the only region that does not speak of politics directly. None of the five referred to their music as “rap político.” Still, one can see a political consciousness in their lyrics similar to the political sentiments of other regions. When I asked them the most important themes in their music, they cited two primary subjects: revolutions and history.

While the word “political” is never used in the interview, they do state that their art complements revolution and social change (Dos Sangres). In regards to history, their pre-Columbian roots are a source of pride.

Mamani Coila says that for this reason, references to historical figures are common in their music. Yimi adds that Viracocha7 and other ancient gods of the Andean religion are also common, due to a sense of pride in tradition.

When Yimi mentions Incan elements, he elaborates by saying that this culture has respect for the land and the pre-Columbian gods. He then asserted hip-hop culture and Incan culture have similarities in their warrior-like tendencies.

Their audience: Using Quechua and Aymara is a method of spreading the languages. Yet, they are aware that a large part of their audience are people that already speak one or both of these languages. Thus, they think not

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Laura Garbes only of the symbolism of using the language, but also the practical usage. Alex Mamani Coila compares the lyrics of his region with others and explains, “it is important for us to make music that has an intelligible composition for Quechua and Aymara speakers. There are times in which singers use Quechua words just to say they do it, but their lyrics don’t actually make much sense.”

Lyrics I received lyrics from three songs, two of which were written and performed by Doble H Urbano.

Homenaje a Mi Tierra and Autóctono Rap contain the most lyrics in Indigenous languages, which they translated into Spanish so I could better understand and analyze the verses. About half of their lyrics are in Quechua and Aymara. Interestingly, they also use English phrases like “you’re welcome,” “let’s go,” and “feeling.” They attribute this phenomenon on the influence of tourism on their lives. They infuse the lyrics with an advanced knowledge about the story of their people; they use words in languages that preceded Quechua and Aymara in a way of reaching back deeply and comprehensively to all past roots [words marked with an asterisk in annex 2]. Pa’wila tells me that this history is not the common knowledge of many in the pueblo, and that the majority of Puno’s youth are not aware of the rich cultural history that spans centuries.

With respect to content, there is a focus on Puno-specific topics. They express what Puno is like and its own traditions, with references of the Altiplano’s elements. They use the zampoña, a type of pan flute commonly found in the Andes Mountains, and other Andean instruments. Rappers from Puno make allusions to the patron saint of Puno, Mama Candelaria, to the pro-indigenism flag known as the wiphala, and to Andean gods.

The two groups wish to reclaim the Incan culture on behalf of Puno, referring to their laws and culture in tandem with speaking of elements of the Altiplano where the groups live. Both groups use the image of blood shared with the Incas to assert this further; in Autóctono Rap, the group proclaims “Warrior blood is in my beins/ Gringos, understand, that the strength of/Tahuantinsuyo don’t come in a chullo8 .” These lines show identification

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Laura Garbes with Incas in solidarity [“sangre guerrera”], differentiating themselves in this way from spectators, particularly tourists, who want to learn about the culture. Possession of the region by indigenous peoples is key; one common word used is “our, ours” and other possessives to show the community’s connection to the land, a connection they feel that outsiders do not have with Puno and cannot acquire if not born and raised in the community.

Observations Beyond having a common goal expressed in the interviews, the rappers I spoke to tend to romanticize life on the Altiplano. Mamani Coila speaks of the land in the region as the real Peru, differentiated from the more international urban centers, which he views as somehow less authentic. There is a pride in their roots as a response to their marginalization, and an avoidance of certain topics in order to enhance their narrative. As a result, contradictions abound. While they fight against the majority mainstream that has oppressed their Quechua and Aymara speaking parents Yimi and Pa’wila embrace globalization as a way to spread their own message.

The reclamation of Incan culture is also complicated. By using “Incas” as a reference point instead of generally saying Indigenous farmworkers, they reclaim the roots admired in the lens of history. Yet, Indigenous and Inca are not synonyms. Incas no longer exist, and although there is a certain lineage, those with indigenous heritage today are indigenous descendants of the Incas rather than Incas themselves.

To avoid stigmas of the terms indigenous or Indian, rappers from Puno tend to describe their rap as autochthonous. Avoiding the use of certain words is a recognition that discrimination against their culture continues, and emotionally charged vocabulary is a part of this discrimination.

Puno’s Regional Narrative of Indigenous Hip-hop There is a sense of deep pride in Puno of being from the Andean region. All the groups in Puno are united because indigenous identity is not something that they are lifting in status for the sake of others; rather, they consider it their own identity. They can see their pre-Columbian roots by living in a more rural region. In this

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Laura Garbes sense, their audience is their own people, culturally speaking. Thus, their desired audience is those who do not know much about the Indigenous culture, so as to inform them of Andean people and their connection with the land.

Several aspects of their lyrics show their advantage in being fluent in the indigenous languages they employ. First, they are able to produce a higher proportion of lyrics in Quechua. Second, Puno is the only region with artists who employ Aymara, another indigenous language of the Andean region. What’s more, they use words in Incan languages preceding Quechua and Aymara, indicative of their ability to play more with indigenous language usage and therefore deepen the historical richness of their songs.

For groups in Puno, regional issues matter more than those of national scale. This specificity is similar to Bolivian rap of Ukamau y Ke, studied in Dangl’s research. Similarity in environment is a possible contributing factor, as is Puno’s proximity to Bolivia, increasing the likelihood of contact between groups.

IV. ANALYSIS Cross-regional Narrative Now that the fieldwork has been presented according to region, I will explore regional differences that further serve to make the point that indigenous hip-hop culture is an underground movement localized in a unique way by each community. The lyrical differences between regions, as well as differences in motivation to use Andean elements in their art, reflect differences in how Andean culture has affected each region. Hip-hop serves as a vehicle to express the complex reality of Peru as a nation marked by mestizaje and cultural and linguistic fusion.

I will then elaborate on a few key similarities across regions: the dichotomization of political rap and gangster rap; the centralization of Lima and veneration of Puno; indigenous subversion of mainstream through hip-hop; the use of hip-hop as a deliberate teaching tool.

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Laura Garbes Cross-regional differences The motivations for those groups differ according to region due to their unique regional backgrounds.

Art as aspiration vs. Art as reflection: What’s more, the struggle to revalue the indigenous roots of Puno is less theoretical, less political, and more personal. The hip-hop de Puno is unique in that they had used indigenous languages outside their art. Their art reflects their daily practices.

Identification with political movements vs Identification with la Pachamama: Rappers from Puno are quick to demonstrate the importance of their identification with the land. Hiphop artists in Puno consider their region to be the united south, brothers united by the land of Puno (Doble H Urbano). This fact differentiates them from those who have migrated to the larger cities of Cusco and Lima; given that their ancestors have been living in the same place as them for generations, they have a shared element of land by which they identify themselves with their ancestors, evidenced by how they refer to themselves and what values the rappers of each region have emphasized in interviews.

Cross-regional Similarities Indigenous reinvention of a modern medium: Created in the US, hip-hop came to Peru by way of globalization. For the most part, the rappers interviewed heard rap in English before Spanish. However, the interviews, observations, and lyrics all provide support for the idea that Peruvian hip-hop is a glocalized movement.

The use of hip-hop to resist injustice caused by institutional oppression is a similarity shared with hiphop’s roots in the US. Yet all the rappers interviewed in this study distance themselves from US based hip-hop.

Though they cite good US influences, the majority of these artists achieved fame pre 21st century, like Tupac Shakur, Public Enemy, Ice Cube, and Lauryn Hill.

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Laura Garbes When the rappers speak of current artists such as Nicki Minaj and Eminem, they do so to distinguish this music from Peru’s rap underground. The rappers interviewed did not show interest in exploring Minaj or Eminem’s works beyond the radio hits, because the songs of these artists that they have heard in the mainstream do not in their opinion constitute social or serious hip-hop. Their critical eye points to two phenomena: first, the Peruvian rappers’ exposure to hip-hop through Top 40 hits skews their vision of today’s US hip-hop industry, showcasing primarily the more commodity-focused music; and second, the reaction against rap that they receive through the US hip-hop industry’s commercial filter speaks to the skillful localization of hip-hop by indigenous rappers.

Rather than regurgitating the the themes of Top 40 hits by contemporary rappers, they adapt the modern medium to advance their own local themes, issues, and political ideals. In other words, the type of current U.S. hip-hop disseminated throughout Peru is a result of globalization; however, its adaptation by pro-indigenist artists is a work of localization that utilizes a language of subversion.

The Political and the Gangster: The invention of gangster rap came out of a very politically motivated time, when the Black Panther movement emerged and discontent in black urban neighborhood was giving way to more radical and violent tactics; however, rap undergoes a dichotomization of the “political” and the “gangster” types in Peru due to the association of “gangster” with the more recent cliched narrative of violence and drug use that has either (a) has a void of political context and critique due to the record label’s tendency to pick up works that are less political in nature but still conform to the ghetto narrative; or (b) does provide political context but one that is U.S. specific, making the deeper meaning inaccessible to listeners only exposed to the Peruvian political landscape.

The rappers interviewed thus felt a connection with the political and a disconnect from the gangster rap they heard.

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Laura Garbes Lima’s centralization; Puno’s veneration: The interplay between hip-hop and the existing culture in each region explored in this paper is a testament to Peru’s cultural complexity. The Limeñan influence on other parts of Peru is apparent when Puka Qapally refers to Pedro Mo as their inspiration for using Quechua in their lyrics. The continued existence of Limeñan centralization is apparent upon examination of the language used in comments about Lima, calling it “the center” even though it is geographically coastal.

On the other hand, Puno’s rappers are venerated by their peers for being separate from other regions in their true indigeneity. The notion of their authenticity is perpetuated in their assertion of a connection with the ancient Incan gods. Yet, there was no mention of their interaction with the mainstream to balance a romanticized idea of pure indigeneity. Engagement with globalized society necessarily means that the rappers are not impervious to the divisive societal constructs of the globalized mainstream.

Hip-hop as a deliberate teaching tool: One can see that music is a medium by which these hip-hop artists spread their own thoughts and visions of the world, their affiliation with the minority. A tool to cultivate awareness, educate and inform are the phrases the groups use to classify what their music is. Their didactic lyrics serve as a compliment to these comments. Their social goal to lift up the oppressed is more important than the merits of the music itself.

In fact, all groups speak with a tone of at least differentiation and at most derisions about the more commercial rappers that focus on “easy” topics. They focus more on the additional motivation, the outcome of advocacy for a cause they are passionate about. This could be the reason for didactic rap, made to give others a call to action or inform them of the need for respect for indigenous rights.

V. CONCLUSION

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Laura Garbes The nuanced differences among these three regions support the hypothesis of glocalization. Hip-hop is at its core a subversive culture. The globalization of rap was the first step that allowed for the existence of Peruvian Indigenous hip-hop. However, in this process of globalization, the hip-hop industry has controlled the mainstream dissemination of the medium, curating the music that reaches the global south to mostly reflect commodity-focused radio hits, more so than the subversive tracks. Across the three regions, the use of indigenous elements in Peruvian raps serves the function of bringing a distinctly Peruvian language of subversion to the medium of hip-hop in the three regions described the present study.

We would benefit from future studies that explore audience reception to indigenous hip-hop, which has not at the time of this research received much publicity in the mainstream hip-hop world. We have established that this movement is a chance at self-expression and assertion of pro-indigenous sentiment. However, is it a tool for social change? Does it affect those that are not already involved in the pro-indigenist movement? With more time and resources, one could explore the questions through larger surveys of the intended audiences of groups interviewed in the present study, as well as demographics of and interviews with those who download the music disseminated by these groups.

References Arguedas, José María. "La Sierra." Formación De Una Cultura Nacional Indoamericana. México: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1981. 10-25. Print.

Boyd, Todd. "Check Yo Self Before You Wreck Yo Self: The Death of Politcs in Rap Music and Popular Culture." That's the Joint!: The Hip-hop Studies Reader. Ed. Murray Forman and Mark Anthony. Neal. New York: Routledge, 2012. 325-40. Print.

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Laura Garbes Boyd, Todd. "Hip Hop: Today's Civil Rights Movement?" NPR. NPR, 1 Mar. 2003. Web. 03 May 2013.

Charnas, Dan. The Big Payback: The History of the Business of Hip-hop. New York, NY: New American Library, 2010. Print.

Chang, Jeff; D.J. Kool Herc (2010-04-01). Can't Stop Won't Stop: A History of the Hip-Hop Generation. Macmillan. Kindle Edition.

Coronel-Molina, Serafin M. “Revitalization of Endangered Languages: Quechua in the Andes,” Droit et cultures, 62 | 2011-2, 04 May 2012. Web. 02 March 2014.

Dangl, Benjamin. "Rapping in Aymara." Indian Country Today: 11. Apr 29 2009. Ethnic NewsWatch. Web. 12 Oct. 2012.

Dirlik, Arif. "Globalization, Indigenism, Social Movements, and the Politics of Place." Local Localities 1 (2011): 47-90. Web. 3 Oct. 2015.

Dyson, Michael Eric. "Son of a Panther." Tupac Shakur: Holler If You Hear Me. London: Plexus, 2001. Print.

"Endangered Languages- About." Endangered Languages Alliance. Catalogue of Endangered Languages.

Web. 15 May 2015.

Gonzales, María I. "Los Hijos De Manchay." LaRepublica.pe. La República, 7 Mar. 2010. Web. 13 Nov. 2012. <http://www.larepublica.pe/07-03-2010/los-hijos-de-manchay>.

Quispe Llanos, Renán, comp. Perfil Sociodemográfico Del Departamento De Cusco, Lima, Puno. Rep. Instituto Nacional De Estadísticas E Informática, 2007. Web. 5 Nov. 2012. <http://www.inei.gob.pe/biblioineipub/bancopub/Est/Lib0838/libro26/index.htm>.

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Laura Garbes Trujillo, Rony. "Puka Qapally." Puka Qapally. Facebook, 28 Apr. 2011. Web. 10 Nov. 2012. <http://www.facebook.com/pages/Puka-Qapally>.

Warren, Andrew, and Rob Evitt. "Indigenous Hip-hop: Overcoming Marginality, Encountering Constraints." Australian Geographer 41.1 (2010): 141-58. Web. Vich, Victor. "La Nación En Venta: Bricheros, Turismo Y Mercado En El Perú Contemporáneo."

Cultura Y Neoliberalismo, CLASCO (2007): 159-68. Print.

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Laura Garbes Annex 1: Interview Guide, in Spanish 1.

En tu música, ¿qué idiomas usas?

2.

Por qué?

3.

Cuándo estás escribiendo letras, en qué piensas?

4.

Hay otros elementos indígenas en tu música?

5.

Para quién escribes tus canciones?

6.

Cuándo creas música, ¿qué elementos para ti son los más importantes?

7.

Cómo es la comunidad de rap peruano?

8.

Cómo son las relaciones entre raperos que usan las lenguas maternas y los que no las usan?

9.

¿Tienes letras escritas? ¿Es posible accederlas en internet?

Annex 2, Lyrics analyzed in report Yana Maccanakuy. Puka Qapally, Quechua verses translated by Puka Qapally.

Lucky Strike, Karia, con sola red, yanabola mafia, que se escuche y como quieres, que vive tranquilidad si salgo a la calle ya abuso de la autoridad si los congresistas solo piensan en robar mientras que los disque tombos solo se dejan coñar dime con que cara ofrecencia curedad dicen deben ser cruzados aquí te piensas que dar acerca tus derechos no piensas reclamar por esta burguesía que nos quieren aplastar y me pregunto, tengo derecho a reclamo si los dos somos iguales porque quieren ser los amos porque ellos alimentan de lo voto de les damos y el gol no les importa ni siquiera como estamos

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del pueblo va sufriendo y ustedes cable robando el pueblo va muriendo y el apoyo facturando mientras ellos van riendo y a su pie vamos llorando de que lo están haciendo hasta el perro van matando coro: y nos dicen delincuentes que es el presidente y nos dicen delincuentes que son sus dirigentes el tener saque corbata no te hacen diferentes y solo robas y robas y no te importa tu gente (bis) El pueblo se subleva de un sistema que envenena falacia que condena matanza que sució mi verma suficiente contorgar promesas con sabor a mierda

Laura Garbes esta cáncer social que tiene mi sombra inquieta provocada por corrupta refugiándose sus leyes para no hacer juzgados los tienen colocados transbaratos de mi dejándonos a medias de ser mundista somos una comedia libertad efímera eso es la subjetiva aquí no están los sueños quizás en otra vida mundo paralelo pero la política la misma por Karia Hatun ayllu qosqo yachaynilloc puka qapally yanamaccanacuy nanakuq manatukurikuy llaatanuna llaqiscca maypi apu upallaychis runacamachiy maypi llapan waqchas kunan punchay yoqo tukuyku sapamka cusi kashanqi amachay aylluchismanta Región grande mi Cusco sabio el grito rojo y la pelea negra un lamento interminable pueblo fantasma y triste donde dios calla y el humano manda todos los pobres hoy día la violencia acabaran y cada uno alegre estará por defender su familia. coro: y nos dicen delincuentes que es el presidente y nos dicen delincuentes que son sus dirigentes el tener saque corbata no te hacen diferentes y solo robas y robas y no te importa su gente (bis) “Hip-Hop” por Pedro Mo, estrofas quechuas traducidas a castellano (en cursiva) por Luz María Zúñiga Estrada Hip hop no es mi puta Es mi pata un sicópata Sin plata nos empata Por un par de chata No sé achata Ni es muy alharaca Es de chacra de cloaca Apuesta por la justa Nos asusta de una placa Quedo la marca en tu ropero Comunero defendiendo al pueblo

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A punta de huaraca Porsiaca No será taita Pero aquí sus palabras son la patria de mi chacra La terapia de tus hijos La utopía en cada lata Usa la boca como aka y mata (mata) Más que el alquitrán y el crack Mucho más que el apra Que la leche de hambrona Que te idocrasa se mata que Atan acá su corbata Su moral barata Se levanta Prende llanta marcha por el mapa No lo atrapan los discursos Mucho menos los del papa Esta es la etapa en que No aguanta hipocresía Soy escribe poesía Por la autonomía en chiapas Porque hoy me toca organizarme Siempre pal ante mi bro Hip hop hip hop Porque hoy me toca levantarme Siempre de frente mi bro Hip hop hip hop Porque hoy me toca organizarme Siempre pal ante mi bro Hip hop hip hop Porque hoy me toca levantarme Siempre de frente mi bro Hip hop hip hop Disparan siempre Comparecientes Están presentes No pasaran Los militares en calles vitales canales Es quitarles y darles verdad Pan libertad Mediocridad La calidad de tu vida Si el medio denigra Que quita las sobras de migas Que olvidas gastar en el bar

Laura Garbes De esquina a esquina Movida la vive Es la acogida masiva que piden Música libre Fuera de business Como si fueras hacer gánster Criado pa ser libertario No esclavo Un mercado que quiere gaste Hasta el banco Que quiere cobrarte En cámara lenta colonizarte runa qero llaktamanta hampisunkicha chay wiracocha sinchi yana caicca tukuy yawar ninchis kespin caicu chay qolqemanta chillpin kutimuranchu sonqo cusis pacca tukuy atikun pampachuamuni apullay uyahuanquichu manachu ay mamallay mama sara lagua ruaskayquimanta yuyaspa llakikamuni hiphop runasimi pa mi simil El hombre de la comunidad Q'eros te curará.

Ese caballero había sido muy negro Somos los sobresalientes de todas las sangres. ¿De ese dinero, sobró sencillo?

Para el que vive feliz todo es posible.

Mí apu ya le perdoné, ¿me aceptarás, o no?

Hay madrecita linda Cada vez que me acuerdo de lo que preparabas cremita de maíz, me angustio Idioma quecha, Hiphop, él es Misil. este es misil junto Arguedas y Mariategui Porque hoy me toca organizarme Pa lante mi bro Hip hop hip hop Porque hoy me toca levantarme Siempre de frente mi bro Hip hop hip hop Porque hoy me toca organizarme Pa lante mi bro Hip hop hip hop Porque hoy me toca levantarme Siempre de frente mi bro Hip hop

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Uyarikuna. Sipas Crew, Quechua verses translated by Luz María Zúñiga Estrada AJA! contemos ya conciencia mis hermanos los de arriba tratan de pisarnos, no son santos; abre los ojos pueblo, entra en acción sin miedo, la vida no es color de rosa, gobierno trolero que nos engaña y nos roba (Y NOS ROBAN!) Nos roban, nos mienten, nos juzgan, no sienten mascata munanqui, imata ranjanqui, imata ruanqui ¿Qué quieres mucho más, qué buscas, qué vas a hacer ? juntamos voces para detenernos y poner un punto aparte cultura mezclada con el arte conozco métodos sociales somos maza de etnias nacionales el pueblo esta cansado de desigualdades componemos música para racionales, jóvenes pensantes.(yiiia!) apoyando la masa haciendo semblanzas un junte de razas no a la matanza y si nos apoyas chévere! si la juventud peruana no evoluciona créeme! que te seguirán vendiendo y robando, defiéndete (defiéndete)!

CORO: REGIONES UNIDAS; una sola fortaleza EL PROLETARIADO; armando la protesta SE—ORES, SE—ORAS; jóvenes de ahora La perseverancia es nuestra aliada y te lo digo de cora!, por tantas promesas que el gobierno dio me hago la pregunta, el Peru ya avanzo?

Con constante esfuerzo, lo conseguiremos, actitud hip-hop, con los puños hacia el cielo, revoluciónate!, indígnate!, coge coraje , infórmate, oriéntate, refuerza tu aprendizaje, escucha sin lucha no hay victoria; campos de batalla por defender la Pachamama, el medio ambiente no se vende téngalo presente señor presidente...

Los progresos no se amilanan , acojinan, desafían, salen de rutina Socorro, auxilio, galopan los burgueses pidiendo subsidio(exquisito) orden del capital, si nos movemos, levantamos, caen al precipicio , que esperamos

Laura Garbes salgamos a tomar las calles, SUBLEVACIÓN, SOLUCIÓN, REBELIÓN, que no te incumban escuchar tantas blasfemias por demás , tapa oídos para no caer, apaga la TV no te infectes la plaga llamada Imperialismo , que nos empalaga, que nos acorrala destruyen como laba, destruyen como laba (y como diceeee) CORO: REGIONES UNIDAS; una sola fortaleza EL PROLETARIADO; armando la protesta SE—ORES ,SE—ORAS; jóvenes de ahora La perseverancia es nuestra aliada y te lo digo de cora!, por tantas promesas que el gobierno diooo me hago la pregunta, el Perú ya avanzo? ¿PORQUE CERRAR LOS OJOS, YA NO INTENTES TAPAR LA VERDAD, LAS PROMESAS SE ESFUMARON, RAZONES, CONSECUENCIAS DEJARON DE LADO? munani llaqtayquita mana munanichu huacha mana munanichu llollaqun Òujaicu sipascuna jaquichcan maytacuna llojayco kunan tuta locaukana Quiero a tu pueblo No quiero Jovencita No quiero, porque le decimos mentiroso las jovencitas están de pena Ahora donde vamos a ir esta noche Homenaje a mi Tierra. Pa’wila Dos Sangres and Doble H Urbano. Quechua and Aymara verses translated by Pa’wila Dos Sangres (Quechua in bold, Aymara underlined)

Munay llaqta ya chai man ia kay ñarita Puri taita inti sumay llaqta tusuykusun Wiphala, wiphala Pueblo bonito tenemos orgulloso estoy Vamos hacia el padre sol, en este pueblo bonito bailaremos Levantando la wiphala Runa quechua amuskai, iskay yawar aymara Mamacha candelaria, kausachun mama qocha Runay cuna kay llaqtay uk yawar iskay ya chay Jackay llaqtay patapis pukurimunku Ayarachicuna Hombre quechua ha llegado, dos sangres y aymara Mamita candelaria, que viva nuestra madre lago Somos personas del pueblo una sangre dos costumbres Vamos allá encima en el pueblo hay música Los jóvenes tocan CORO: Sillustani, amantani, taquile los uros Puñoc marka tierra de los qollas lupacas Llaqta, llaqta de los sueños Una fuerza en mi corazón, una fuerza en mi corazón Jallalla Puno Vive Puno Es mi pueblo, es mi gente Una sangre, dos costumbres En la cumbre, las islas pukina* los pueblo pasajes Dos culturas, en la altura Al amanecer de la mama qocha Puñoc tierra, puñoc fuerza, puñoc candelaria Desde Chucuito a los Uros, desde el puma hasta el condor Chay zampoña cuna, takirimun kuntur wasi, puma uta Dedicado a mi casa a los de mi raza, a los de mi raza

Esta es mi tierra, esta es mi tierra Desde el lago azul, kausachun, jallalla Esta es mi tierra Pa pa`wila

Munay llaqta ya chai man ia kay ñarita Puri taita inti sumay llaqta tusuykusun Wiphala, wiphala Pueblo bonito tenemos orgulloso estoy Vamos hacia el padre sol, en este pueblo bonito bailaremos Levantando la wiphala

Las zampoñas suenan al compas de los bombos Como suena en el latir de mi corazón, con devoción A la madre candelaria dedico esta canción, dedico esta canción Una foto congela el tiempo y eso hace que se vuelva eterno Mi puno bello, mi puno bello tierra de recuerdo, tierra de recuerdos

Puno tus templo son una bella obra histórica Reliquia de los qollas let's go, ven pa aca Las leydis son hermosas Los malkus* tocan las zampoñas El feeling corre por mis venas La luna me contempla

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Laura Garbes El hanan pacha, el ukhu pacha El pago a la pachamama CORO: Sillustani, amantani, taquile los uros Puñoc marka tierra de los qollas lupacas Llaqta, llaqta de los sueños Una fuerza en mi corazón, una fuerza en mi corazón……

Auctoctono Rap. Pa’wila Dos Sangres and Doble H Urbano. Quechua and Aymara verses translated by Pa’wila Dos Sangres (Quechua in bold, Aymara underlined).

Tusuyninchis qallariña makiykitsa oqarichis Qalamanta tusurisun puno llaqta manta-pacha Chay runancunac hui chay manta pacha kay takita ñisuta Hui chay manata kay taki Tusuyninchis qallariña makiykitsa oqarichis Qalamanta tusurisun puno llaqta manta-pacha Chay runancunac hui chay manta pacha kay takita ñisuta Hui chay manata kay taki Bailaremos todos levantando nuestras manos Todititos bailaremos, en puno nuestra ciudad puneña Los hombres fuertes de mi tierra, Todas nuestras hermanas que bajen todos los pueblos.

Bailaremos todos levantando nuestras manos Todititos bailaremos, en puno nuestra ciudad puneña Los hombres fuertes de mi tierra, Todas nuestras hermanas que bajen todos los pueblos. (coro) You’re welcome, you’re welcome Peru satawa (arriba el peru) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puñoc satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puno satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Altiplano satawa (arriba el altiplano) Estoy tocando cielo las estrellas escarchan mi techo Bendecido por los dioses cruces huaycos llega el lago En lo mas alto con los apus entono mi canto De norte a sur todos somos hermanos Sangre guerrera esta en mis venas Gringos entiendan la fuerza del Tahuantinsuyo no viene en un chullo Se hereda la sabiduría no se compra con un dólar Puno, puñoc ciudad de plata Hogar protegido por la madre candelaria

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Orgullosos de nuestras raíces Esta es mi gente, gente humilde que la lucha De corazón dedico estas líneas Para todos los que esta ciudad provoca orgullo puno.. (coro) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Peru satawa (arriba el peru) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puñoc satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puno satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Altiplano satawa (arriba el altiplano) Malku-llaqta del Tahuantinsuyo, qollasuyo Es el orgullo de los que practican Amaquella, amasua, amallulla Dos razas alrededor de la mamacocha Dos idiomas que salen por mi boca Dos pawilas que corren por mis venas Padre sol, madre luna de la cosmovisión Apu cultura andina darle vida al relajante lago mistiko mitico Manan campis puripuychu Kaytaki qampactaña qallarisum Kay takita manan chinqa nanpaq Rikcharihuaynas cha yan muicuña Takirisum kay llaqtapi kalamanta Puno llaqta de los qollas Tu no puedes ir porque Esta canción ya es tuya tu no te puedes ir Empezaremos a cantar esta canción para que no se pierda Aquí los jóvenes despiertan hemos llegado Vamos a cantar entre todos esta canción en el pueblo Puno ciudad de aymaras (coro) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Peru satawa (arriba el peru) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puñoc satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puno satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Altiplano satawa (arriba el altiplano) De la firmeza y patriótica identidad

Laura Garbes Ciudad de plata quiero bailar La noche entera bebiendo chicha de jora De mi vasija a tu copa Llena de esperanza Aspirando el aroma que sana corazones Junto al cielo y las estrellas Silencio y soledad, silencio y soledad Autóctono-rap, autóctonorap Pawila y yimi coro: You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Peru satawa (arriba el peru) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puñoc satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Puno satawa (arriba puno) You’re Welcome, you’re welcome Altiplano satawa (arriba el altiplano)

Tengo dos pueblos, dos costumbres Dos corazones eternos quereres amores Pawilawa hachinhana ayansqui Pa arunanckaua lanqanhata mistusky Pa marckañictawa pa sutiny pa chuimani Pawilara munirini, pawilawa munirini Dos sangres están corriendo por mis venas Dos idiomas están saliendo de mi boca Tengo dos pueblos, dos costumbres Dos corazones eternos quereres amores, Dos corazones eternos Tener por padre al sol Por madre a la luna Por hermano a estrella Que el llanto de mis padres Sea mi llanto y que su risa se mi risa Brisas del lago QUECHUMARA production Desde el altiplano Doble H Urbano

Dos sangres están corriendo por mis venas Dos idiomas están saliendo de mi boca

Endnotes For more scholarship on indigenous hip-hop and musical expression, see: Mitchell, Tony. ‘Doin’ Damage in My Native Language: Resistance Vernaculars in Hip Hop in France, Italy and Aotearoa/New Zealand’, in Harris M. Berger and Michael Thomas Carroll (ed.) Global Pop, Local Language, Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 2003, 3-18.

1

Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, ex-president of Bolivia, is infamous for his role in the Gas War a Bolivian social conflict in 2003 in response to his administration’s plan to sell unprocessed gas to the United States through a Chilean port.

Source: Democracy Center, web. <http://democracyctr.org/blogfrombolivia/getting-action-black-october-memorial-recalls-adecade-of-impunity-in-bolivia/?

2

For a more detailed outline of my grounding in research methodology in lyrical analysis, see: Jacobson, R. (1998). ‘Conveying a broader message through bilingual discourse: An attempt at contrastive codeswitching research.’ In Jacobson, Rodolfo (Ed.), Codeswitching Worldwide. (pp. 51-76). New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

3

4

Original text: “Los turistas se encuentran ávidos de consumir una cultura diferente.”

5

Fujimori’s dictatorship

6 APRA,

in full Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (“Popular Revolutionary American Party”), political party founded by Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre (1924), which dominated Peruvian politics for decades. Largely synonymous with the so-called Aprista movement, it was dedicated to Latin American unity, the nationalization of foreign-owned enterprises, and an end to the exploitation of Indians. Supported by workers and middle-class liberals, the party wielded significant power, but conservative forces took extraordinary measures to prevent Haya de la Torre from ever gaining the presidency. An APRA candidate, Alan García, finally became president in 1985; he won election again in 2006.

Source: Encyclopedia Britannica <http://www.britannica.com/topic/APRA> Viracocha, also spelled Huiracocha or Wiraqoca , creator deity originally worshiped by the pre-Inca inhabitants of Peru and later assimilated into the Inca pantheon.

Source: Encyclopedia Britannica <http://www.britannica.com/topic/Viracocha> 7

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Laura Garbes Chullo is an Andean style of hat with earflaps, made from vicu単a, alpaca, llama or sheep's wool.

Source: Leslie, Catherine Amoroso (2007). Needlework Through History: An Encyclopedia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 101. ISBN 978-0-313-33548-8.: 8

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