Dialogue | Middle East
Syria’s Domestic Situation As a result of the myriad of issues facing Syria, the country has been caught in an incessant cycle of political fragmentation, lack of social services and economic stagnation, compounded by an estimated 7.6 million displaced people according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 5. In the face of an ever-rising influx of refugees, Lebanon, Jordan and Iraq have imposed stricter regulations on entry, whereas Turkey is increasingly ‘managing’ its border to make sure entry is only granted for humanitarian relief; these measures are seen as necessary in the light of the significant toll the refugee situation is taking on the demographic makeup and societal cohesion of these neighbouring states. With 25 percent of its population being Syrian and/or Palestinian, Lebanon is only one example where this extraordinary figure has perpetuated resentment from locals, who have become jaded with mounting refugee numbers in an environment where employment and social services were already limited to begin with.
Any humanitarian aid intending to enter Syria is bound to be impeded due to shifting frontlines and bureaucratic obstacles. The pervasiveness of terrorist networks and continued fighting between opposition groups and the government has only intensified western powers’ security concerns, hurting the case of those calling for the use of humanitarian corridors as relief for the Syrian people. For this reason, it has become increasingly challenging for the Syrian people to find recourse and a permanent safe haven in this unabating conflict. However, the international community can no longer close their eyes and ears to this issue, as the consequences of this conflict are arriving on Europe's doorsteps, in the form of migrants fleeing persecution from their war-torn countries. As a result, doing nothing, no longer remains an option. SEHR SAIRA NAWAZ is a final year BA International Relations Undergraduate, at King’s College London.
Saudi Women are Registering to Vote for the First Time Ever. So What? by Josephine Moreau
Learning that a country’s women are finally being allowed to participate in elections instinctively calls for celebration by human rights proponents all over the world. But in Saudi Arabia, this step transpires to be more cosmetic than transformational. December 2015 will mark Saudi Arabia’s first municipal election since the late King Abdullah granted women the right to vote and run for office in 2011. Since women’s registration as voters and candidates in mid-August, Saudi politics have been preparing for change, with an estimated seventy women running for office. In addition to candidates, another eighty women have registered as campaign managers, a sight inconceivable prior to King Abdullah’s 2011 ruling.1 Nonetheless, this seemingly massive leap in Saudi women’s rights hardly stands up to scrutiny because of the little significance municipal elections hold in face of the Kingdom’s decision-making structures. The nation remains an absolute monarchy ruled by the Saud family, whose political stronghold and lawmaking powers transpire in all spheres of society. With regards to the constitution of
municipal councils, the King has retained the power to appoint half of municipal officials, leaving only half of the seats to be determined by vote.2 And ultimately, the municipal council’s responsibilities do not go beyond overseeing urban and development projects.3 In other words, women’s votes will only impact upon 50 percent of a body with limited powers compared to that of the House of Saud. And this would not be the first time policies allegedly supporting increased female political participation end up being little more than symbolic initiatives taken to convince Saudi women – and all those watching – that they are gaining access to the nation’s political sphere and on the path to institutionalizing their rights, when in fact they are merely presenting them with positions void of any political weight. In January 2013 for example, King Abdullah announced his decision to appoint thirty women to the Shura Council, claiming it was symptomatic of a “balanced modernization in line with [Saudi Arabia’s] Islamic values.”4 He also ruled that, thereon, women must constitute no less than 20
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