我們來自工廈 From the Factories by Kaitak, Centre for Research and Development

start from zero 上書局 Up Publications Littledate Handmade Workshop 1/1 Leather Workshop 308 Tattoo Lesha Studio The Cave Wide Closet Graphic Airlines Hidden Agenda 維港唱片 Harbour Records Good Morning / Slam Dunk - 4814 Days After fragile UNiXX Fretsmith Guitar Lab LAB by Dimension+ HeadHunter Nerve's Studio 盧鎮業 Siuyea 尺八研修館 Shakuhachi Studio 香港藝術創作室 art house in Hong Kong 奇想偶戲劇團 Fantasy Puppet Theatre The Salt Yard 墨斗喳咋 Print Studio - INK'CHACHA

我們來自工廈 From the Factories

這個出版，是關於在觀塘工廈的用戶 —— 設計師、藝術家和文化工作者的狀況。因為政府土地和活化工廈政策的問題，令觀塘工廈樓價近年番了兩番，因此危害到原有豐富和 . 精彩非常的社區。讓我們看看什麼人已把從前的工廠區好好的活化了？ This publication explores the creative reuse of Kwun Tong industrial buildings by designers, artists and cultural workers. Industrial property prices have doubled in recent years due to problematic government policies regarding land use and "revitalization." The trend threatens a vibrant and wonderful community. Let's read closely on people who have already revitalized the factory area.

目錄 Table of Content

序：過去．將來──現在

麥海珊

Preface: Past and Future is Now

Anson Hoi Shan Mak

觀塘社區被連根改造之前傳

袁小仙

Prequel Uprooting Community from Kwun Tong

Cynthia Yuen

藝術家工作室

14 22

Artists' Studios start from zero

Lesha Studio

上書局 Up Publications

The Cave

Littledate Handmade Workshop

Wide Closet

1/1 Leather Workshop

Graphic Airlines

308 Tattoo

Hidden Agenda

寫於「窮」成為「工」之間──觀塘藝術村十年

黃津珏

Relinking Poverty and Art: A Decade in Kwun

ahkok

Tong's Industrial Art Village 藝術家工作室

Artists' Studios 維港唱片 Harbour Records

Nerve's Studio

Good Morning / Slam Dunk – 4814 Days After

盧鎮業 Siuyea

118

fragile

尺八研修館 Shakuhachi Studio

122

UNiXX

香港藝術創作室 art house in Hong Kong

126

Fretsmith Guitar Lab

奇想偶戲劇團 Fantasy Puppet Theatre

130

LAB by Dimension+

104

The Salt Yard

136

HeadHunter

110

墨斗喳咋 Print Studio – INK'CHACHA

140

香港需要工廈

麥海珊

144

Hong Kong Needs Factory Buildings

Anson Hoi Shan Mak

154

社區攝影工作坊學生作品

114

168

Students' Works of the Community Photography Workshop 從認識、理解到介入──社區攝影工作坊的實踐

伍偉昌

234

Learning, Understanding, Intervening: A Reflection on

Stanley Ng

238

the Practice of Community Photography Workshops

序：過去．將來－－現在

麥海珊

投身（心）與社區有關的，特別是與市區重建有關的計劃，總是不容易的。了解街坊的生活狀況，閱讀政府文件，計算租金爆升數字，看到我們自己的生活越來越被壓垮到趨向單一化的文化狀態，總是令人困惑。因為，看著他人，也就是見到自己，「大家真係坐埋同一條船」，就算不是獅子山下，總在太平山下…… 如果，這些比喻都總有其重新演譯之可能。

正正是問題多多，困難重重，更需要做多一點事。一直想著，可以怎樣紀錄 / 再現觀塘工業區（已改名成商貿區）的處境？這個計劃的合作伙伴「自然活化合作社」的黃津珏曾經有過出書的計劃（另見他的文章談及觀塘工廈街坊近年面對的問題），後來沒有成事，但現在已到了一個不得不做的時候了。想著，觀塘工業區那麼大，我們選擇以藝術 / 設計 / 文化工作者為走訪對象，至少為多元豐富的工廈風景勾畫輪廓，雖然，只是那麼一丁點（觀塘多元的活動不能在小小的書本中完全紀錄）。我們確確實實的看到，工廈並不是閒置空著，更不是浪費土地，反而，各式各樣非常有活力的文化 / 經濟 / 日常活動天天在進行中。

進行中，是現在式。日常，是民生最重要的。我們的日常生活精彩，我們的文化就精彩；我們的日常生活單一沒生趣，我們的文化就悶如死水。香港不能窮得只有錢。

這個相片集包括兩部分：一，與幾位攝影師合作，拍攝 24 個藝術家 / 設計師 / 文化工作者單位。攝影師謝曉渝、伍偉昌、梁仕昌都是一直關心和熟悉觀塘發展的朋友，多年下來都有參與裕民坊重建的影像紀錄，非常高興他們能夠幫忙參與計劃，感謝。二，與兩間中學合作（有關社區攝影計劃詳情另見導師伍偉昌的文章），讓同學落區直接經驗觀塘工業區的社區風景、工廈街頭、街坊生活、工作理想、客人友人、談哭與笑、日常精彩。同學們拍下照片，不只是紀錄他人，也是啟發自己。我們討論了很久應該怎樣表現同學的相片，後來想到，他們參與工作坊落

2 3

區後的經驗和反應才是最重要，所以這本書是以個別同學為單位去展示相片，以他們寫對觀塘和對攝影意義的回應文字為主線，希望盡量表現同學的經驗、感覺、參與過程，而不只是相片作為結果。

讀到攝影工作坊同學寫的回應文字，好一些都會談到將來 —— 希望自己也可以擁有那麼樣的工作室，希望畫畫像那大哥哥那麼好，希望可以成為藝術家，希望與有共同喜好的同伴一起創作，希望……還有一個同學，提到夢想。那刻，我呆了一呆，是呢，那我們成年人的夢想呢？

近年香港的城市風景時常演繹一種故事—— 新的是未來願景，舊 / 現有的必須犧牲。他們口中的「活化」並不是從實際有什麼人在這個地區做著什麼（實在當下的文化 / 經濟狀態）去再發展，而只是拆掉樓房，重新起過，而街坊，就不得不散落四方，社區特色，也隨之而去。這就是新的願景嗎？若新的不是建基在「舊的」已存在的歷史之上，那又何來承先

後的真正持續發展呢？談將來，重點其

實是現在和過去，我們從來都不能斷裂時間空間的延續。那「現在」我們可以做什麼呢？也許，這個出版就是提供點點資料給我們去思索答案。

非常感謝開放工作室給我們作訪談和拍攝的街坊、排檔老闆和員工、街上走過跟我們閒談的街坊，感激你們的分享和啟發。你們的熱誠、努力和日常的精彩，是這個計劃骨子裡的能量。再一次衷心感謝。

最後，也是很重要的，本相集是何鴻毅家族基金與香港浸會大學視覺藝術院合作的首個出版計劃，旨在將學術研究、社區藝術計劃和攝影出版結合為一，謹此再次多謝基金會對視覺藝術院的信任，對攝影藝術、年青人教育和香港文化發展的大力支持。

Preface: Past and Future is Now

Anson Hoi Shan Mak

It is never easy to devote oneself to community projects, in particular when they are related with urban redevelopment. The more we understand living conditions of a neighbourhood community, the more we read into government documents and calculate the skyrocketing cost of rent, we eventually come to realize that our own lives have been pressed and entrapped in a mono-culture. We cannot help but feel bewildered because we see ourselves through others. We are all in the “same allegorical boat”. Even if we are not living “under the Lion Rock,” we are living “under the Tai Ping Shan”, in which similar metaphors should have many ways to be reinterpreted.

In view of all the problems and difficulties in dealing with the topic of urban redevelopment, we wish to address the existing situation by actual work. I have been contemplating how to document or represent the plight of the Kwun Tong industrial district (which has already been renamed into “Central Business District”). Wong Chun Kok, also known as ahkok (see his article on the difficulties Kwun Tong factory buildings habitants are facing), from our project partner, the Revitalization Independent Partnership, had attempted to plan a publication yet not successful. Now, we have reached a cutoff point for a similar undertaking. We have pondered our subject matter, choosing artists, designers and cultural workers as our interviewees to sketch the contour of the diverse and rich landscape of the lives and community within the massive and sprawling Kwun Tong industrial district. Although we can only capture fragments (this book project is of course incapable of providing a complete record of all the vibrant activities in Kwun Tong), we have come to understand that factory buildings are not vacant and the district is far from a waste of land. On the contrary, all kinds of everyday-life cultural and economic activities are vigorously moving on.

Moving on is what happening. Activities of everyday living constitute people's livelihoods.

4 5

The splendidness of our everyday-life is the splendidness of our culture. If our everyday life is uniform and uninteresting, then our culture will be as dull as ditchwater. Money should not be the only value left in Hong Kong. We should not be so poor as to only possess money in our pockets.

This photo collection is divided into two parts. The first part is a collection of photos from a number of collaborative photographers. The photographs show 24 studios and workshop spaces of artists, designers and cultural workers. The photographers are Tse Hiu Yu, Stanley Ng and Ronald Leung, photographers and friends who are very familiar with the Kwun Tong district and have been closely following its redevelopment. In fact, they have participated in the visual documentation of the redevelopment of Yu Man Square for years. We are very glad and thankful for their contribution to this project.

The second part offers a compilation of photographs taken by students coming from two secondary schools during visits to the Kwun Tong industrial district (see instructor Stanley Ng’s article on community photography project). Students in the field observed and connected directly with the place to uncover the splendid hiding in the plain view of everyday life: cultural and community landscapes, factory buildings streetscapes, local residents’ daily lives, their work, dreams, friends, guests, tears and laughter. The photos are not just a record of others. The images also encapsulate students' own reflections and aspirations. We held discussions on how to present students’ photographs. We believe students’ precious experiences in the community, their lessons learnt in the workshop, and their personal reflections are critically important. Hence, this collection highlights and catalogues their photographs alongside their written reflections on the development of Kwun Tong and their photographic experience. Our photo-selection is not based on the outcome (merely the photographs) but the process. We

hope that our selection of photographs can reveal the experience and feelings of the students regarding their participation in the workshop.

In the reflections written by students from the photography workshop, many have mentioned aspirations for the future – hopes of owning a studio, to draw as good as some of the street artists in Kwun Tong, or to become an artist, etc. One of the students also mentioned about dreams. Upon my initial reading of the piece, for a moment, I was shocked to silence. Yes, how about us “grown-ups,” what are our dreams?

In recent years, the city landscape has continued to reinforce a single narrative – the newly built stands to represent our future vision, while both the old and the present are sacrificed. The starting point of "revitalization," when put into policy, is not based on people's existing community life. Developers plan to tear down buildings and replace them with new ones. The neighbourhood disintegrates and disperses; the distinctive character of the community vanishes into history. Is this really the new vision that we want? If the new is not built upon the "old" and the historical, how can we inherit from the past and accomplish genuine sustainable development? When talking about the future, the present and the past are actually the focus. Let's go back to the present moment. What can we do now? Perhaps this publication can provide us with a bit more information for those who want to pursue an answer.

We would like to express gratitude to the community members who opened their studios and working spaces for interviews and photo-taking. Also, thanks to all the street stall owners/ attendants and other community habitants who so graciously shared their stories and offered us inspiration. Your enthusiasm, efforts and splendid everyday lives are the drive of this project. Thank you all once again.

6 7

Last but not least, this photo collection is the first collaborative publication project between the Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation and the Academy of Visual Arts, Hong Kong Baptist University. The project aims to combine the efforts of academic research with community art project and photography in the form of a publication. We want to express our sincere thanks to the foundation for its trust in the Academy of Visual Arts and for supporting photographic arts, youth education and the development of Hong Kong culture.

觀塘社區被連根改造之前傳

袁小仙

觀塘市中心重建，是香港歷來最大型的市區重建項目。執筆之際，重建計劃正進行得如火如荼。「都會更新」、「市區重建」都顯得非常之與時俱進。至 2012 年，發展局更成立了起動九龍東辦事處，以統籌政府部門與私人發展商，其要旨是要「加快（九龍東）轉型為另一個富吸引力的香港核心商業區」1。基於這個地區將會發生翻天覆地的變化，近年來，社會上不單關注重建中的安置問題，也有不少的有心人，為了留住社區歷史的記憶，重點記錄被重建之前的社區特色小店與鄰里人情味。

除了留住將會逝去的記憶外，這些被重建的地區，從它們的經歷，究竟為我們指向一個怎麼樣的未來？這篇文章將會通過觀塘的工業化歷史，指出觀塘與香港從輸入型工業化到金融資本主導下的發展路徑，並且分析政府目前推動這個土地資本化的過程當中的部署，希望在發展主義的主流論述下，帶出對發展路徑的思考。

從「工業北移」說起

從香港工業發展的歷史來看，觀塘確實是香港工業史上一個重要區域。戰後 50 年代，政府積極尋找新的發展用地，觀塘被認為是適合進行填海以發展工業，其中一個考慮是填海獲得新增土地的成本要少得多。1960 年政府開始發展衛星城市，觀塘成為香港最早的衛星城市計劃的其中一個試點，計劃把整個觀塘南規劃成工業區，為了配合工業區的發展，政府在觀塘區也大量興建公共房屋，包括牛頭角村、藍田村、秀茂坪村，和建於秀茂坪上的順利邨等的「四順區」。整體而言，觀塘道以南主要為工業、工貿區，以北主要為住宅用地。至 2007 年，觀塘區大約有 54% 的人口居住在公共房屋、13% 居住於居者有其屋（居屋）屋苑、及 4% 私人參建的居屋屋苑；其餘則住在私人樓宇 2。公共房屋為勞動力提供了廉價的住房，幫助了勞動力的再生產，為整個香港的工業化提供了具競爭力的勞動力價格。

起動九龍東網頁：http://

www.ekeo.gov.hk/tc/home/index.html

觀塘區議會，《觀塘區市區

更新地區願景研究計劃》，2007 年

8 9

觀塘區議會，《觀塘區市區

但香港的工業化一直以來都是依賴出口，原材料、技術、市場都在海外，是歐美

更新地區願景研究計劃》，2007

日等國家因國內生產價格高漲而把勞動密集型的生產部份移出到香港。戰後大量

年，第 12 頁

移入的年輕人口，加上政府的低稅率與在基建上的配合，使香港在 50 年代開始成為輕工業勞動密集型的生產區。這純粹因廉價勞動力而發展起來的工業化模式，既發展不了重工業，累積的資本也沒有投放在工業研發，促進產業升級。但鄰近周邊地區，特別是中國大陸，在 80 年代實行對外來的投資開放，土地、勞動力價格都比香港低得多，相比之下，香港傳統輕工業與製造業就喪失了優勢，在 80 年代，工廠大部份搬到廣東珠三角一帶，一般只在香港保留後勤支援的辦公室。

對於這個改變，政府一直沒採取什麽政策，認為這是經濟轉型，因為從 80 年代開始，香港的主要經濟核心，已經轉到金融、地產與服務業上。但越來越多的資本扎堆在香港，而資本都在尋租，在尋找高額回報，因製造業北移而釋放出來的空間與土地，及其可以通過土地資本化而獲取的高額利潤，都在地產商的眼皮底下。

對「空置」的爭議

大眾媒體一般都用「夕陽工業」來形容香港工業，製造業尤甚。因此人們普遍認為觀塘的工廠大廈出現了大量的空置 3 。正如從 2012 年年底開始，起動九龍東辦公室開展了「九龍東工業傳統及公共藝術與城市設計潛力研究」，這個研究的重點是「把製造業和工業傳統的特色轉化為城市設計元素，納入九龍東轉型為核心商業區的過程中，塑造具特色的城市空間及公共藝術」。現階段主要的研究內容，是徵集觀塘與九龍灣有關工業歷史的舊物與舊相片，分享回憶，政府並準備把駿業街運動場變成工業博物館，讓大眾認識觀塘的工業遺產。

從經濟數據來說，香港的製造業持續萎縮，但這個不等同工廠大廈的空間不被利

用。從差餉物業估價署出版的《香港物業報告 2013》4 中綜合 2012 年的幾組數字，

工廠大廈的空置率其實跟商業辦公室的空置率等同，甚至更低。

物業報告》，2013 年 ( 列表 27、

差餉物業估價處，《香港

33、40) ，http://www.rvd.gov.hk/en/ publications/hkpr.html

表一：2012 年商業與工廠大廈空置率比較

袁智仁，「半個九龍東誰拆

掉」，《信報》 2013 年 6 月 23 日

物業分類

地區

空置率

私人商業樓宇

觀塘

6.8%

全港

6.9%

觀塘

6.8%

全港

觀塘

5.7%

全港

6.7%

私人分層工廠大廈

私人工貿大廈

數據亦反映，1993 年的觀塘大概有 19 萬的就業人口，其中製造業只佔 4%。而到了 2012 年，就業人口卻升至 30 萬。新增的就業大都來自進出口貿易和批發業，基本上為中國大陸製造業的進出口服務，屬產業支援性質，例如在大陸設生產部而在香港設後勤辦公室的公司，大概佔 54% 左右。又例如 AIA 商業中心，或者渣打銀行的結算中心，是後勤支援已經進大陸的一些服務性行業，例如會計、保險、銀行服務等，這些加起來佔整個觀塘就業崗位的 35%5。此外，觀塘的工廠大廈在大

10 11

規劃署，《九龍東商業機構

的統計調查》，2011 年 5 月

多數製造業工廠移出後，因為租金低廉，空間寬裕，很多從事文化與創意產業（例如出版、傳播媒介、多媒體創作、專門的設計活動、表演藝術等）的機構，早在 90 年代就開始進駐觀塘區。據規劃署 2011 年九龍東的商業機構調查結果 6，機構主要從事的行業，按大至小比例列出如下：

進出口貿易、批發及零售業 (53.4%) 製造業 (18.6%) 建造業 (6.7%) 運輸 / 倉庫 / 物流業 (4.8%) 出版、傳播媒介、多媒體以及創作、表演藝術及專門設計活動 (4.5%) 地產以及專業及商業服務 (4.3%) 電訊及資訊科技服務 (3.2%) 社會及個人服務業 (1.9%) 銀行、金融及保險業 (1.8%) 飲食及酒店 (0.5%) 醫療保健服務及自然科學研究及發展 (0.2%)

按照這個調查的分佈來看，觀塘是一個勞動力充裕，並擁有多元產業的地區，連政府一直倡導的創意文化產業，也佔整體的機構約 4.5%。

政府當前對九龍東的部署安排

政府為什麽選擇九龍東，而不是天水圍呢？其中一個原因是香港的經濟模式是發展第三產業，需要大量的商業大厦，尖沙咀、中環等舊的供應已經不能生產更多

的空間。前任的發展局局長曾經在立法會的會議上明確提出，這個計劃的真正目 7

標是「建立一個具吸引力的核心商業區」，要把觀塘變成除中環以外的第二個核

發展局，《起動九龍東辦

事處工作進度報告及延續運作建議》，2013 年，http://www.legco.

心商業區（CBD2）。

gov.hk/yr12-13/chinese/panels/dev/ papers/dev0107cb1-383-1-ec.pdf

根據起動九龍東專員提供的數據，2030 年於九龍東將共有 540 萬平方米的商廈面積，在傳統的商業中心（中環、尖沙咀區等）外建立一個新的核心商業區。2002

李啟榮，《打造香港第二個

核心商業區（CBD2）》，2013 年

至 2011 年，九龍東的甲級寫字樓的供應面積已經增加了 2.3 倍 8。這些新增的商廈

1 月 30 日，http://www.urbaninfraexpo.

面積從哪裡來的呢？一方面，城市規劃委員會於 2001 年修訂有關的分區計劃大

com/Raymond_Lee-Kowloon-East-

綱，把區內的工業用地改劃為「其他指定用途」註明「商貿」地，較近觀塘地鐵

Presentation.pdf

站一帶的工廠大廈開始改建成商業大廈或貨倉；另外，政府在 2009-2010 年的施

政報告後加大改變力度，引入「活化工廈」政策，通過免補地價的優惠，誘使業

險基地》，2012 年 8 月 16 日，

主把大廈收回並申請改變做「辦公室、零售或酒店」用途。這樣的改變對觀塘區

h t t p : // o r i e n t a l d a i l y. o n . cc / c n t /

的影響非常深遠，最為明顯與切身的，是預計觀塘南將會逐步改變為商業貿易區，

東方日報，《九龍東變保

finance/20120816/00269_001.html

揚起了地產市場對土地升值的期望，據報導，截至 2012 年 8 月中，甲級商廈價格

飛漲，平均每方呎售價已達 7,200 元水平，而平均呎租亦達 20 元 9。

人環境改善可行性研究》， http://

發展局，《九龍灣商貿區行

www.ekeo.gov.hk/kbba-pedestrian/

此外，由於現在的行人環境非常不便，政府接著就要為將來的商貿區建設道路等基建，例如，政府在 2013 年初開展了一個重要的調查──「九龍灣商貿區行人環境改善可行性研究」10，探討如何把九龍灣過往以車輛為主的工業區道路設計改變為行人為主的商貿區。將來可見的是連接的設施會越來越多，譬如是大型天橋，用天橋把人流從地鐵站帶到商貿區，以汲取之前把九龍灣工廈發展成 Megabox，但卻沒有天橋可以直接連接的教訓。其他的基建，例如，從前年已經通過撥款的觀塘海濱長廊與啟德跑道公園（第一期），這些將會讓觀塘加速轉型為一個高級商貿區，方便吸引更多的投資。

tc/home.html

12 13

從以上的舉動，可見整個九龍東計劃，基本上是政府的強力介入，為將來整個地區的土地增值提供政策與基建的保障，但同時是把一個生產與生活的區域轉變為消費與投資的區域。具體來說是從 2009 年「活化工廈」政策，到 2010 年把 8 成的強拍門檻延至工廈，然後在 2012 年成立起動九龍東辦事處，最後為啟動啟德郵輪碼頭提供一系列的基建配合等，在這樣的改變當中，政府都在用著一套發展主義的語言，去回應公眾的各種質疑，但究竟誰承擔了大部份的成本？誰獲得最大的收益？社會要承擔什麽樣的後果？我們都需要去深究。

Prequel: Uprooting Community from Kwun Tong

Cynthia Yuen

Redevelopment of Kwun Tong is the largest urban renewal project in the history of Hong Kong.

Redevelopment efforts were in full swing during research for this book. While the general

Kowloon East Office (EKEO): http://

public tends to believe that "revitalization" and "urban renewal" are evolutionary stages for the city’s older districts, the government has taken a leading role in the transformation. Hong Kong’s Development Bureau established the Energizing Kowloon East Office in 2012. The goal is to coordinate redevelopment efforts between public and private developers in the area, "facilitating its transformation into another premier (Central Business District) CBD of Hong Kong." 1

Kwun Tong’s community has endured earthshaking changes. Local residents were uprooted and relocated amidst plans for restructuring the urban landscape. In recent years, numerous citizen-initiated projects have strived to preserve the district’s collective memory, to record the social history of grassroots community with particular attention paid to the unique character of neighborhood shops displaced by development projects.

Aside from preserving Kwun Tong’s vanishing memories, how can we engage with history of the old district and its residents? Toward what kind of future will the redevelopment project lead us? By reviewing the history of Kwun Tong development against the context of Hong Kong’s economic transition – from an industrial city into a financial city through the capitalization of land resources – this text provides an alternative narrative to mainstream developmental discourse and a critical reflection upon the path of Hong Kong society.

Relocation of Hong Kong Industries

Kwun Tong is a very important district in the industrial history of Hong Kong. During the post-

Homepage of the Energizing

www.ekeo.gov.hk/en/about_ekeo/ background.html

14 15

Kwun Tong District Council.

Research Project on Kwun Tong urban renewal and vision. 2007

war 1950s, the Hong Kong government conducted a vigorous search for land to build new towns. Kwun Tong was considered the best location for an industrial zone because the cost of land reclamation was relatively low. The district became one of the experimental grounds for developing satellite new towns in the 1960s. The southern part of Kwun Tong was designed as an industrial district and the government built many public housing estates in areas such as Ngau Tau Kok, Lam Tin, Sau Mau Ping and Shun Lee. The whole district was divided into south (an industrial and commercial zone) and north (a residential zone).

By 2007, 54% of Kwun Tongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s population lived in public housing, 13% lived in Home Ownership Scheme flats sponsored by the government, while 4% occupied Private Sector Participation Scheme apartments. The remaining local population resided in private housing. 2 The various public housing schemes had provided cheap accommodation for labour in the manufacturing sector, facilitating a competitive workforce and encouraging industry development during earlier decades.

Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industry was historically export-oriented. Raw materials, skills, and markets came from overseas. Foreign businesses sought to relocate labour-intensive manufacturing to Hong Kong from Japan, the United States, and western European countries where production costs were high. Hong Kong transformed into a labour-intensive manufacturing region beginning in the 1950s thanks to a post-war influx of young mainland Chinese labourers and the government's low taxation policy and infrastructure investment. However, as the industry was driven by cheap labour, heavy industry remained underdeveloped. Accumulated capital had not been reinvested in research and development to enhance industrial capability. Since the 1980s, Hong Kong began losing its competitiveness. Mainland China opened to foreign investment, and a large number of factories relocated to the Pearl River Delta where land and

labour were much cheaper. Hong Kong companies retained limited supporting office jobs in

the city.

Research Project on Kwun Tong Urban

Kwun Tong District Council.

Renewal and Vision. 2007. p12.

The Hong Kong government considered the process integral to the city's economic transformation and did not put forward any policy to deal with related problems. Indeed, since the 1980s, finance, property development and service industries have become the driving forces of the local economy. As a financial hub, the city offers an ideal spot for foreign corporations to set up regional branches. Property developers see the bygone manufacturing industry as an opportunity to seize lucrative land and space.

Debate about "Vacant Space"

Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mainstream media usually describes Hong Kong industry as "sunset industry," particularly manufacturing industry. Hence, it is generally understood by the public that Kwun Tong's factory buildings are mostly vacant. 3 The publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s understanding of Kwun Tong is framed by a historical view that overlooks contemporary usage. Around the end of 2012, the Energizing Kowloon East Office initiated a research project titled "Kowloon East and its Potential for Public Art/Urban Design". The project aspired "to turn manufacturing industry and industrial heritage to elements for city planning design for the transformation of Kowloon East into Central Business District with distinctive urban space and public art." The project is now collecting old items and photographs from Kwun Tong and Kowloon Bay to preserve and share the regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial heritage. The government also plans to turn the sports ground of Tsun Yip Street into a museum for the public to learn about the city's industrial heritage.

16 17

Hon g Kon g Rating and

Valuation Department, Hong Kong Property Review. 2013. Tables 27, 33, 40: http://www.rvd.gov.hk/en/ publications/hkpr.html

Judging from the economic data, the manufacturing industry in Hong Kong has been shrinking. Yet, that does not mean that the factory buildings are unoccupied. According to the Rating and Valuation Departmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 2013 Hong Kong Property Review 4 , the vacancy rate for factory buildings in 2012 was similar to, or even lower than, that for commercial office buildings.

Table one:

A comparison of vacancy rates between commercial and factory buildings in 2012

Property Type

District

Vacancy rate

Private commercial

Kwun Tong

6.8%

buildings

Overall in HK

6.9%

Private subdivided

Kwun Tong

6.8%

factory buildings

Overall in HK

Private inductrial

Kwun Tong

5.7%

office building

Overall in HK

6.7%

The data also reflected that in 1993, Kwun Tong had an employed population of 190,000 and only 4% worked in the manufacturing industry. In 2012, the employed population had

increased to 300,000 and the majority of the newcomers worked with import-export and

wholesale distribution, providing support and service to mainland Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s manufacturing

Half a East Kowloon. Hong Kong

industry. Around 54% was working in back-up offices for marketing Made-in-China products.

Yuen Chi-yan. Tearing Down

Economic Journal. June 23, 2013

In Kwun Tong, the AIA Kowloon Tower and Standard Chartered Tower provide accounting,

insurance and banking services to businesses operating in China. Business support services

Survey on Business Establishments in

provide 35% of the job positions in Kwun Tong. 5

After the relocation of factories to China, the rental cost of factory space became affordable. Cheap and spacious rental units attracted Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s cultural and creative sector to relocate into Kwun Tong. Since the 1990s, publishing houses, media organizations, multimedia production houses, design houses and performing groups have moved to the district. According to the Planning Department's 2011 survey on commercial organizations in Kowloon East,6 local businesses belong to the following industrial sectors:

Import-export / wholesale and retail (53.4%)

Manufacturing (18.6%)

Construction (6.7%)

Transportation / warehouse / logistics (4.8%)

Publishing / media / multimedia and creative production /

performance art / design (4.5%)

Property / professional and commercial services (4.3%)

Telecommunication / Internet technology services (3.2%) Social and personal services (1.9%) Banking, finance and insurance (1.8%) Catering / hotel and hospitality (0.5%)

Planning Department. The

Kowloon East. May 2011

18 19

Development Bureau. Progress

Medical and health service / natural science research and development (0.2%)

Report of Energizing Kowloon East Office and its continuing operation, 2013: http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr1213/chinese/panels/dev/papers/

The survey shows that Kwun Tong is a district with a very diverse labour market, with 4.5% of the employed working in the government-lauded cultural and creative sector.

dev0107cb1-383-1-ec.pdf

Raymond Lee. The Making

Government plans for Kowloon East

of Hong Kong's CBD2. January 30, 2013: http://www.urbaninfraexpo. com/Raymond_Lee-Kowloon-EastPresentation.pdf

Why did the government choose Kowloon East rather than Tin Shui Wai? Hong Kong's economic model depends on tertiary industry, which requires a large number of commercial buildings. The old commercial districts in Tsim Sha Tsui and Central can no longer generate more space. The former chief of Development Bureau had explicitly spelled out in Legislative Council that the objective of the project is to "build an attractive core business district," 7 to transform Kwun Tong into another premier CBD of Hong Kong, in addition to Central.

According to the data presented by the commissioner of the Energizing Kowloon East Office, Kowloon East will provide 5.4 million square metres of commercial building space by 2030 and become a new CBD to supplement older commercial hubs in Central and Tsim Sha Tsui. Between 2002 and 2011, the supply of Grade A office space in Kowloon East already multiplied 2.3 times. 8 From where did the space originate? The Town Planning Committee simply amended the Outline Zoning Plan in 2001, changing the districtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial land into "Other Specified Uses" and "Business and Commercial Uses". The factory buildings near the Kwun Tong MTR station then began to be renovated into commercial buildings or warehouses. The Chief Executiveâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 2009-2010 Policy Address had introduced a scheme for revitalizing factory buildings, offering land premium exemptions as incentive for factory building owners to renovate floors into "office, retail or hotel" spaces. The impact of the policy is pervasive.

Anticipation that southern Kwun Tong would transform into a business and commercial

district has lifted property market expectations, especially following news reports that Hong

turning into insurance headquarters.

Kong’s Grade A office space had reached $7,200 per square foot and rent had increased to $20 per square foot (as of August 2012). 9

Oriental Daily. Kowloon East is

August 16, 2012: http://orientaldaily. on.cc/cnt/finance/20120816/00269_001. html

In addition, existing streetscape is inconvenient for pedestrians. To provide better infrastructure for the future CBD, the government conducted the Kowloon Bay Business 10

Area (KBBA) Pedestrian Environment Improvement Feasibility Study to redesign the vehicleprioritized roads into a pedestrian-friendly district. Learning from past mistakes (for example, the poor linkage system connecting to the MegaBox shopping mall in Kowloon Bay), the government plans to build footbridges connecting the MTR with the rest of the CBD. Other infrastructure developments – such as the construction of Kwun Tong’s waterfront and phase one of the Kai Tak airport runway park – could speed up the transformation of Kwun Tong into a premium business hub and hence it is possible to attract more investment.

We can see that government is reshaping Kowloon East through forceful administrative power, policy incentives, and government invested infrastructure to increase land value and transform the region’s manufacturing and residential areas into havens of consumption and investment. Milestones for the region’s transformation include the factory building revitalization policy introduced in the Chief Executive’s 2009 Policy Address; extension of the 80% forced sale rule to factory building in 2010 (decreasing the barrier for developers to gain control of buildings); establishment of the Energizing Kowloon East Office in 2012, and the series of infrastructure construction attached to the operation of the Kai Tak Cruise Terminal.

In the midst of such radical transformation, the government responds to public inquires

Development Bureau.

Kowloon Bay Business Area (KBBA) Pedestrian Environment Improvement Feasibility Study: http://www.ekeo. gov.hk/kbba-pedestrian/tc/home. html

20 21

through a development discourse, equating change to progress. But who actually shoulders the cost of redevelopment? Who will benefit from it? What consequence must society bear for its accomplishment? These are the questions yet to be addressed.

start from zero

startÂ fromÂ zero

「zero」，零，文化沙漠，恭默守靜，就注定只有商業高樓。設計師 Dom 與 Katol 早年受 Obey Giant 等等影響，迷上街頭藝術，從 2000 年起身體力行去美化全香港各大小街道，從塗鴉，發展到 wheatpaste 標貼藝術，名副其實「人窮志不窮，不如 stencil revolution」。「start」除了是起步，對保守求穩的港人積極鼓勵，也是「st」reet 「art」的簡寫。start from zero 扎根牛頭角廠廈多年，成名後到台灣、韓國、澳洲、丹麥等地方舉辦個展，反而更加深化社區想像，是少數會在作品之中加進「852」與「牛頭角」的街頭藝術單位。這個，也就是對「from」的執著。2013 年租用的工作室被賣掉，搬進新空間後，Dom 更從街頭藝術轉而投入到木工創作，還認真地拜師學藝。由修補破落的爛木屋工作室、自製工作枱開始，到以木屋作參展展品、搞 workshop，藝術家都在享受著從無變有的創作喜悅。能夠由零開始，是自信，也是態度。

start from zero

"zero" refers to a cultural desert where only compliance and obedience thrive. In this desert, only commercial high-rises can be found. Partly inspired by Obey Giant, local designers Dom and Katol

start from zero

were drawn towards street art. Beginning from the year 2000, they started beautifying the streets and alleys of Hong Kong with graffiti and wheatpaste. They strived to live their motto, "Poverty cannot kill will and aspiration. Will is free and can start with stencil revolution." The word "start" resonates with the beginning of a race. On your mark, get set, go! They aspire to encourage conservative and mundane residents to initiate change. "start" is also the abbreviation of "st"reet "art". start from zero was based in Ngau Tau Kok for many years. Upon winning its reputation, the duo held exhibitions in Taiwan, South Korea, Australia, Denmark, and other international locales. The overseas tours enriched their community imagination and they decided to add the localised signature "852" and "Ngau Tau Kok" into their works. The "from" in start from zero’s name reflects a dedication to community roots. In 2013, they moved into a new workplace because the studio they rented had sold. Dom’s street art passion has segued into a growing body of carpentry work. To learn the craft, he apprenticed to a professional carpenter. He entered his new creative path by repairing a rotten chalet and a working table. Thereupon, he built a wooden house for exhibitions and started running carpentry workshops. All artists enjoy the pleasure of creating something out of nothing. start from zero embodies the confidence of true artistic aspiration.

22 23

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上書局 Up Publications

觀塘偉業街 116 號聯邦工業大廈 2 字樓 2/F, Union Industrial Building, 116 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong – +852 2512-1002 週一至五 Mon - Fri 9:00 - 18:30 公眾假期休息 closed on public holidays – www.uppublications.biz enquiry@uppublications.biz

曾經有這麼一件事 ── 出版社租用的工廈單

位，業主電郵要求加租 107%，出版社以為是

打錯了小數點位置 (10.7%)，致電查詢，對方回答一句「不好意思，不是打錯」。這個就是本地文化界紅人梁文道、蔡子強及蔡東豪於 2006 年合辦的上書局，面對年年瘋狂上升的租金，再有名的出版社也只有敗走。以十元「清倉價」出售逾萬本藏書，於同區由大搬小，由八千呎減至四千呎。空間減少，點子卻更多，總編輯鄺穎萱說同僚除了出版事務與日常銷售工作，也會在此搞咖啡店、搞講座活動、搞音樂會等等。來訪的有愛書之人，也有附近的辦公室 OL，上來喝杯咖啡說些八卦閒言；因為能泊車，的士司機會上來翻翻書，稍作休息；有學生上來做作業，也有完全不消費不看書的人上來午睡。這個辦公室與藏書貨倉的合用空間，也是可以脫離主流書籍銷售模式的意見寶庫，當下言論與出版自由每況愈下，在尺度收窄、閱讀氣氛差勁、租金任意暴升的香港，敢言開放出版社，只覺前路茫茫。鄺穎萱說：「工廈有其生存空間，事實上由文化藝術到一般出來創業的人，都需要這樣的空間。如果我們連這空間也失去，香港會玩完。」

上書局 Up Publications

Here is a true story. The landlord of a factory unit emailed its tenant (a publishing house) to demand a rental increase of 107%. The publishing house thought there might be a typo that the decimal point was misplaced (10.7%). They called the landlord

觀塘偉業街 116 號聯邦工業大廈 2 字樓

and got this reply, "Excuse me, there is no mistake."

2/F, Union Industrial Building, 116 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong

Thus, eventually, the company was forced to move

–

from a 8,000 square feet space to a 4,000 square

+852 2512-1002

feet warehouse in the same district. The publishing

週一至五 Mon - Fri 9:00 - 18:30

house is Up Publications, founded by local cultural

公眾假期休息 closed on public holidays

celebrities Leung Man-tao, Choi Chi-keung and

–

Tony Tsoi in 2006. Fame could not save them from

www.uppublications.biz enquiry@uppublications.biz

annual rent surges. They sold more than 100,000 books at HK $10 for their warehouse clearance. While the space has shrunk, the publishing house continues to churn out ideas. Chief Editor Carmen Kwong Wing-xuan explained that in addition to their daily publication and book distribution work, her colleagues also run a café in the warehouse-office. At the café, they host public talks, small concerts and other activities. Their clientele is mostly book lovers or office clerks in the neighborhood. As the building has a parking area, sometimes taxi drivers also stop by for coffee and flip through books during a break. Students sometimes visit and work on homework. Some other visitors simply take a nap in the café without buying anything. The combination of office and warehouse creates an alternative sanctuary. In Hong Kong, the space for free press and free speech has been shrinking while self-censorship worsens. Worse still, the reading culture continues to diminish. With rents escalating, the future is dim for outspoken publishing houses. As Carmen put it: "There is a strong demand for factory space. In fact, the cultural workers, artists and startup entrepreneurs, people from all walks of life need such kind of space. If we lose such space, it will be the end of the story for Hong Kong."

26 27

28 29

Littledate Handmade Workshop

觀塘偉業街 145 號越成工廠大廈 9 樓 B 室 9B Viet Shing Factory Building, 145 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong – +852 6532-2173 需預約 By appointment – www.mylittledate.com info@mylittledate.com Littledate Handmade Accessory

Littledate Handmade Workshop 是 Dave 和 Vicki 夫

妻檔的手造設計工作室。Vicki 做頭飾、頸鏈

手鏈和穿戴的飾物，特別擅長做量身定做的結婚飾物設計，在了無新意的套餐式結婚設計中提供另類選擇。Dave 則從事皮具設計和製作。他們都希望在這個工作室，將與客人經過談論而生的獨家設計和製作集於一身，既可慢工出細貨，亦不會是天文數字的貴。他們本來是做街舖的，生意尚可，但加租令他們完全無法生存，唯有搬到工廈。來了工廈就發覺其可愛之處，地方大了，教導皮具工作坊也更方便。製造皮具要有大型機器，製作時又嘈吵，其實唯一可以生存的空間就是工廈。爸爸以前在觀塘做工廠的 Dave，他從小到大對這區有著濃厚的感情，二人現在也住在觀塘，但那翻天覆地的拆毀令他們既擔憂又無奈。Vicki : 「你不可以把這裡變成工廈版的領匯，這樣很沒意思，也握殺了原來這麼多個體戶的創意。你會給我們多少空間？ 50 呎嗎（還可能不斷地加租）?」空間，是有形的，也是無形的。

Littledate Handmade Workshop

Littledate Handmade Workshop is a design workshop run by husband and wife duo Dave and Vicki. Vicki designs and makes headdresses, necklaces, bracelets and other jewellery by hand. She excels at designing original wedding accessories that

觀塘偉業街 145 號越成工廠大廈 9 樓 B 室

provide an alternative to common wedding package

9B Viet Shing Factory Building, 145 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong

items. Dave designs and makes leather products.

–

They see their design workshop as a platform for

+852 6532-2173

engaging with clients, and as a space for producing

需預約 By appointment

distinctive designs and accessories. They like to

–

go slow in crafting unique items for reasonable

www.mylittledate.com

prices. They previously operated a street shop

info@mylittledate.com Littledate Handmade Accessory

and enjoyed good business. Later, their storefront could not survive rising rents. They moved into a factory building and found the space captivating: it was larger and more suitable for holding leather workshop classes. Their manufacturing of leather items requires large machines, which are rather noisy when turned on. The factory building proved to be the most appropriate setting. Dave's father used to work in a factory in Kwun Tong and hence he has developed strong attachment to the district. Currently the couple lives in Kwun Tong and finds the destructive transformation of their neighbourhood disturbing and frustrating. Vicki exclaimed, "You can't gentrify the factory buildings here into another version of the LINK. Such development is senseless and will nip the buds of individual creativities. How much space can you give us? 50 square feet (and keep raising the rent)?" Space is both tangible and intangible. Hong Kong needs to allow space for fostering creative expression.

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1/1 Leather Workshop

觀塘駿業里 10 號業運工業大廈 2 樓 2D1 室 2D1, 2/F, Yip Win Factory Building, 10 Tsun Yip Lane, Kwun Tong – +852 6533-7767 (Manho) / +852 9360-5060 (Angus) 需預約 By appointment – www.leather1of1.com hello@leather1of1.com 1/1 Leather Workshop

Angus 和文浩本來是社工，最初只是自己對

造皮革有興趣，業餘來學學玩玩。後來發覺

香港越來越多人喜歡學習和製造皮具，就開始 1/1 這個工作室。最初工作室在 band 房雲集的越成工業大廈，雖然租金便宜，但地方太小，門口又在後街，後來越來越多工作坊，就搬到已經變成商廈格局又近地鐵站的地方。 1/1 的意思，是獨一無二，客人來造皮具，就是要為自己製作獨有的產品，他們如是解釋名字的由來。生意越來越好，工作時間也長，每天近 12 小時，但他們仍然樂此不疲，還正準備設計全新系列作公開發售。

1/1 Leather Workshop

Angus and Man Ho used to be social workers. Before 1/1 Leather Workshop, they were just amateurs in leather processing. They studied the trade during leisure time. Eventually, they discovered many people in Hong Kong were interested in handmade

觀塘駿業里 10 號業運工業大廈 2 樓 2D1 室

leather items. So, they decided to open a workshop.

2D1, 2/F, Yip Win Factory Building, 10 Tsun Yip Lane, Kwun Tong

It was first located at Yue Sheng Industrial Building (a

–

hub for musicians). The rent was cheaper than their

+852 6533-7767 (Manho) / +852 9360-5060 (Angus)

current location, but as they opened more workshop

需預約 By appointment

classes, space became too cramped. The back

–

street factory entrance was also inconvenient for

www.leather1of1.com

workshop participants. They decided to move closer

hello@leather1of1.com 1/1 Leather Workshop

to the MTR station. Their name “1/1” refers to their products’ distinctive, one-of-a-kind nature. Angus and Man Ho said customers join workshops to learn DIY skills and create their own unique leather items. Now business for 1/1 Leather Workshop is improving. The proprietors are working longer and longer hours, sometimes up to 12 hours a day. Yet they enjoy their work and are developing a brand new series for sale to the public.

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308 Tattoo

觀塘偉業街 160 號美康工業大廈 10 樓 A 10A, Mai Hong Industrial Building, 160 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong – +852 9624-3796 需預約 By appointment – instagram.com/308tattoo 308tattoo@gmail.com 308 Tattoo workshop

大眾對紋身的觀念變化，幾乎就等同於文化

的開放發展。「現在有些警務人員、消防員，

知道自己沒有晉升機會後，也會紋身。」紋身師傅林龍如是說。他曾是廚子，喜歡繪畫，喜歡街頭藝術與 Hip Hop 文化，臉上刺了鑽石組合大麻圖像，說話溫文，會帶貓到公園散步，性格有點腼腆。2008 年開始研習紋身技術，其後在牛頭角工廈創業，為少數選擇工廠單位的紋身工房，與同區次文化創作人熟稔，亦有跨媒體合作。本地的社區發展，大多被短期租約所規限，林龍 2013 年被逼遷到同區新工作間，倒數兩年，從頭開始。不是說有紋身的都一定善良和順，但想一想，惡人倒好像沒有紋身，西裝骨骨。

308 Tattoo

Perception of tattoos often depends on a person’s cultural openness. Tattoo master Lam Lung pointed out, "some police officers and fire fighters who have lost their prospects in their careers would put tattoos on their bodies." Lam was once a cook. He loves

觀塘偉業街 160 號美康工業大廈 10 樓 A

painting, street art and hip-hop culture. His face

10A, Mai Hong Industrial Building, 160 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong

is tattooed with a weed made of diamond-shaped

–

leaves. He is a bit shy and his voice is soft. He likes

+852 9624-3796

to walk his cat in the park. After learning tattoo

需預約 By appointment

skills in 2008, he started business in a Ngau Tau

–

Kok factory building. This tattoo workshop is one of

instagram.com/308tattoo

the few in factory building. Lam Lung mingles with

308tattoo@gmail.com 308 Tattoo workshop

other sub-culture artists in the district quickly and has cooperated with others on some cross-media projects. In Hong Kong, the development of artist community is often time restricted by short-term leases; Lam Lung was forced to move to another workplace in the same district in 2013 and spent the past two years revamping his workshop again. Who says bad guys come with tattoos? Mostly they come in suits.

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Lesha Studio

+852 9327-3714 需預約 By appointment – lesshunter.tumblr.com hibhana@gmail.com Lesshunter

由 Lester 及梁哈兩個自由工作者組成，為自

由而找自己喜愛的工作間。租金預算有限，

就算二人合租，在觀塘能選擇的依然並不多，但因為街坊，因為人脈，就決定留在此區，租用一小小的多用途空間。音樂人 Lester 自 2003 年起與工廠區結緣：成業、成運、敬運 ...... 就在名字差不多的工廈之間搬來搬去。十一年間搬過五、六次，音樂排練室曾設於荃灣，如今又回到這裡。Lester 本身以全職平面設計為業，現在儲備了足夠技藝與信心，以音樂、紋身、畫畫、設計等等為生，也是裸體模特兒，兼職的士司機，自由自在，工作不用框在辦公室。梁哈本身是平凡公司文員，但自小喜歡創作，認識一班在工廈打滾的奇人後，決定離職修讀設計。畢業後成為自由創作人，因為在觀塘區經常拾得布料與其他棄置物料，所以與友人曾以「hxyzk」之名製作布藝與裝飾等等小手作，也會做街頭藝術裝置，玩玩音樂。除了交通比較方便，能容納不同類型的創作外，他們認為這個工廠區，鄰里關係要比居住的地方來得更親密。

Lesha Studio

Two freelancers, with aspiration for freedom, wanted a studio where they could work at ease. Even though they were sharing rent, their budget was small and their choices were limited even in Kwun Tong. Considering the neighbourhood and

+852 9327-3714

their social connections there, they decided to stay

需預約 By appointment

in the district starting their tiny multi-function

–

studio. Musician Lester had begun his journey

lesshunter.tumblr.com

into the factory district in 2003. He had moved

hibhana@gmail.com

between factory buildings five to six times in 11

Lesshunter

years. His music studio was once in Tsuen Wan, but he eventually moved back to Kwun Tong. He used to be a graphic designer but later developed adequate artistic skill and confidence to earn his living outside the constraints of a typical office. He does all sort of works now: playing music, tattooing, painting and design. He is also a nude model and part-time taxi driver. Leung Ha was once an ordinary clerk. She has loved creative work since a young age. After she became familiar with all the oddities in factory buildings, she decided to quit her job and study design. Soon after graudation, she became a freelancer. She often collects clothes and other discarded materials around Kwun Tong and once worked with friends to produce some fabric products and decorations under the brand name "hxyzk". She also plays music and creates street art. Lester and Leung Ha both like the district for its convenient transport and the physical setting that can accommodate different forms of creative works. But what they treasure most is the neighbourhood. They find their factory community cozier than any residential district in Hong Kong.

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The Cave

觀塘偉業街 140 號依時工業大廈 5D2 室 5D2, Easy-pack Industrial Building, 140 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong – +852 3563-7823 需預約 By appointment – www.thecaveworkshop.com cavemen@thecaveworkshop.com The Cave

龐大的工廠區建築羣，蘊藏不同文化生態；

每個單位，都是能讓不同生活模式棲身的人

工洞穴。七名不同界別的設計師：Jianchi、 Chau、Eqqus、Angus、Brandon、Emphy 及 Even，畢業後走在一起，所設計的，是自己要走的路。受到工廠區大量被棄置的木材所啟發，在街上四處採集材料的行徑像極原始人，故自稱 Cavemen，並以「實驗再生傢具」作賣點。「再生」、「可持續建材」等等都是大勢所趨，The Cave 從 2010 年成立至今，迅速得到媒體青睞，但報導卻忽略了他們在平面設計、電影等等的創作力。搬進知名創意產業集中地依時工業大廈，順勢大展拳腳，參與多個藝術作品展，嘗試以傢具「說故事」。由於設計師們都不是產品設計出身，邊做邊學，不幸地其中一名 Caveman 在意外中受到永久損害，如今 The Cave 選擇把精神投放於個人化設計，走優質生活路線，把工場搬到中國大陸，但同時仍以工作坊形式傳授「再生傢具」意念。

The Cave

A diverse cultural ecology subsists inside the buildings of factory districts. Each individual rental unit could be a cave for those seeking a different way of life. Seven designers — Jianchi, Chau, Eqqus, Angus, Brandon, Emphy and Even —

觀塘偉業街 140 號依時工業大廈 5D2 室

glommed together after their school graduation to

5D2, Easy-pack Industrial Building, 140 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong

design and explore individualized paths. Inspired

–

by the large amount of abandoned wood in the

+852 3563-7823

factory district, they collect wooden fragments

需預約 By appointment

like primitives. That's why they call themselves

–

“Cavemen.” They now focus on selling experimental

www.thecaveworkshop.com

renewable furniture. "Renewability" and "sustainable

cavemen@thecaveworkshop.com The Cave

construction materials" are new trends. Since The Cave’s establishment in 2010, the designers have quickly attracted media attention. Yet most of the reports have neglected their graphic design and movie production works. After they moved into Easy-pack Industrial Building, a famous hub for creative industry, the Cavemen flexed their muscles and got involved in a number of art exhibitions. The design team does not have product design training, they had to self-learn furniture construction. Unfortunately, one of the Cavemen was hurt in an accident and suffered permanent physical damage. The Cavemen now devote their energy to personalized designs for quality lifestyle products. Their plant was relocated to mainland China, but they continue organizing workshops to promote the idea of "renewable furniture."

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Wide Closet

觀塘巧明街 119-121 號年運工業大廈 13 樓 D 室 13D, Good Year Industrial Building, 119-121 How Ming Street, Kwun Tong – 週一至五 Mon - Fri 11:00 - 19:00, 週六及日 Sat - Sun 13:00 - 21:00 – soundcloud.com/murmurtheofficial instagram.com/murmurtheofficial murmurtheofficial

murmur，是耳邊夢魘輕絲細語，對比源於

1980 年代英倫 shoegaze 結他嘈音，是狂熱

的溫柔，是情感的流動。本來很 metal 的 Blythe 轉會去做 shoegazer 不再尖叫了、冬菇頭阿杰和長髮 Julvian 兩個是怕羞仔浪漫結他手，鼓手 Monsha 是最潮和最細粒的一個，還學過舞蹈。好有趣的組合。他們都是視覺藝術家和設計師，雖然不（必）是被社會定位為成功的人士，但卻對自己的藝術 / 設計道路一直堅持。Monsha 的爸爸是時裝設計師，這個地方本來是他的工作室。因為他也非常愛音樂，自己也彈結他和夾 Band，後來把這個工作室變成與朋友 / 仔女玩音樂的地方，見到這四個廿歲出頭的年青人，身無分文但對藝術和音樂熱情如火，就讓他們免費在 Wide Closet 做音樂。本書出版的時候應是 murmur 在製作第一張大碟之時，「有這樣一個空間創作和錄音，真是幸運。」他們笑著說。是前輩的幫忙，是承先

後的智慧；藝

術創作的重要條件，總不是如政府想像的。

Wide Closet

The band murmur offers a dreamy whisper with tenderness wrapped in madness and flowing emotion. Electronic guitar riffs resonate with a sound diverging from England’s 1980s shoegaze genre. Singer Blythe gave up her screaming metal-

觀塘巧明街 119-121 號年運工業大廈 13 樓 D 室

style to become an iconic shoegazer. She is

13D, Good Year Industrial Building, 119-121 How Ming Street, Kwun Tong

complemented by shy guitarists Ah Kit and long-

–

haired Julvian. The band’s drummer Monsha is

週一至五 Mon - Fri 11:00 - 19:00, 週六及日 Sat - Sun 13:00 - 21:00

the tiniest and trendiest in the group (she knows

–

how to dance, too). The musicians’ backgrounds

soundcloud.com/murmurtheofficial

are fascinating. They are all visual artists and

instagram.com/murmurtheofficial

designers. Although mainstream society has not yet

murmurtheofficial

recognized murmur as a success, the musicians are determined to pursue excellence in music, art and design. Monsha's father is a fashion designer and Wide Closet was originally his workshop space. As he also loves music and plays guitar in a band, he has turned the workshop space into a music studio for his friends and children. By the time this book is published, murmur will be producing its first album. "We are so lucky to have a space for our creative work and music production," they said with grins on their faces. Their space was made possible with help from forerunners and wisdom that connects past with future. The ways young artists can be supported has fallen outside what the government imagines to be necessary for artistic creation.

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Graphic Airlines

www.graphicairlines.com mail@graphicairlines.com graphicairlines

創作人阿 Tat 與阿 Vi，本來是典型打工設計

師，作品與自己理念異化，只是服務。二人

品味獨特，喜愛奇特異樣的反美學元素， 2004 年開始走在一起，成為現在的 Graphic Airlines。起初只是從事平面創作，網上發表，後來作品衝出平面，涉獵插畫、漫畫、雕塑、街頭裝置藝術、動畫、音樂等等多媒體創作。 2006 年因阿 Vi 的夢境而創造出面圓滑稽的角色「阿肥」，大受歡迎，成為二人最常用的作品骨幹，其後為了令人容易「明白」角色要表達的意念，便把「阿肥」塑造成因貪念而膨脹的城市人形態，目無表情，永不滿足。 2008 年搬到觀塘工業區尋夢，2010 年從音樂廠牌 89268 手中接管現在的單位。十年間一起生活，一起學習，一起創作，目前有一半創作能忠於自己，一半與自創角色無關。阿 Tat 形容自己是「野生」藝術家，而這個聚滿創作人的觀塘工業區，可能就是全港最大型的野生藝術村。

Graphic Airlines

Artists Tat and Vi used to be ordinary designers working for a paycheck. But they felt alienated from their own creative ideas. They both have unique tastes and special fondness for the weird bizarre and so-called “ugly.” They teamed up in 2004, becoming

www.graphicairlines.com

the current Graphic Airlines. At first they focused

mail@graphicairlines.com

on graphic design and published their works online.

graphicairlines

Later, their works went astray from graphic design to illustration, cartoon, sculpture, street installation, animation, music and multimedia production. In 2006, Vi created a hilarious figure with a roundface called "Ah Fei" out of her dream. It was a big hit and grew into a key figure in their creative works. “Ah Fei”(fat), the figure always wears a poker face and looks unfulfilled. Its plump body reflects the greed of city dwellers, the creators explained the ideas behind the characters. In 2008, they moved to Kwun Tong industrial district to pursue their dream. Since 2010, they have occupied the former factory studio of the music company, 89268. They have lived together, learned together and worked together for 10 years. Now half of their creative works can genuinely reflect their thoughts; half of their works have no individual signature. Tat describes himself as a "wild" artist. The Kwun Tong industrial district, habitable for so many artists, is most probably Hong Kong's biggest "wild artist village".

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Hidden Agenda

觀塘大業街 15-17 號永富工業大廈 2A 2A, Wing Fu Industrial Bldg, 15-17 Tai Yip Street, Kwun Tong – +852 9170-6073 – www.hiddenagenda.hk hiddenagendahk@gmail.com Hidden Agenda

Hidden Agenda—— 隱藏的議程，名字有點

弦外之音。發起人阿和總是活得不循常規：

十多歲到泰國做 band tee 服飾買手、二十歲自己開店。兩年後結業並與朋友阿誠、阿康、阿琛和阿峰 ( 已故 ) 搬到觀塘工廠區生活，原因是因為平租以及可以養狗。由於夾租的地方寬裕，熱愛獨立音樂的阿和決定善用「居所」，以最低成本搞音樂會，自此 Hidden Agenda 便由服裝店變成音樂展演空間。因「活化工廈」政策帶動工廈炒賣熱，經營一年後因整棟工廈被買起而面臨首次逼遷。獨立音樂界好友以「自然活化合作社」之名組織抗爭運動，聯同學者於搬遷籌款演唱會其間舉行記者招待會，宣布業界人士參與「生勾勾被活化大遊行」。Hidden Agenda 把簽滿名的大門暫借藝術發展局，作為展開工廈使用權益對話的姿態。2011 年 Hidden Agenda 收到地政署的警告信，被要求停止所有商業活動；Hidden Agenda 高調對抗，直指法例過時。同年 12 月不敵政府干擾，以四天籌款音樂會結束「第二代」，並在同區覓得新空間繼續營運。一晃四年，至今法例毫無寸進，工廠區音樂展演空間仍然只能存活於灰色地帶。

Hidden Agenda

Subversive overtones linger in the name of Hong Kong’s acclaimed live music house, Hidden Agenda. Steveo initiated Hidden Agenda. He is an adventurer. At the age of 20, he opened a boutique, selling band t-shirts bought from Thailand. He later closed his

觀塘大業街 15-17 號永富工業大廈 2A

shop and moved to the Kwun Tong industrial district

2A, Wing Fu Industrial Bldg, 15-17 Tai Yip Street, Kwun Tong

with his friends, Ah Sheng, Ah Hong, Ah Sum and

–

Jimmy (deceased) so to enjoy cheaper rent and to

+852 9170-6073

keep a dog. Their first factory unit was spacious.

–

Steveo, as a music lover, decided to maximize floor

www.hiddenagenda.hk

usage by running music concerts at minimal cost.

hiddenagendahk@gmail.com

Hidden Agenda thus transformed from a boutique

Hidden Agenda

into a live house. The government's industrial revitalization policy, however, began stimulating speculative investment in factory buildings. The live house was forced to move in the following year as the whole building sold to a single buyer. In response, members of the indie music community organized into a cooperative called "Revitalization Independent Partnership" for long-term resistance. Together with a number of academics, they held a press conference. Stakeholders rallied to protest in the name of "being revitalized alive." Protesters called on government to address the needs and rights of factory building habitants. As a symbolic gesture, Hidden Agenda delivered its door panel filled with petition signatures to the Hong Kong Arts Development Council. In 2011, Hidden Agenda received a warning notice from the Lands Department, demanding the venue to stop all commercial activities. Hidden Agenda fought back in a high-sounding manner and slammed the regulation for being out-of-date. However, they were not successful and had to shut down with a 4-day fundraising concert. Later, they found a new place to continue their performances. Four years have passed since the revitalization policy went into effect, yet the law remains unchanged. Music spaces in the area continue to survive in the grey area of existing laws.

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寫於「窮」成為「工」之間－－觀塘藝術村十年

黃津珏

曾經在牛頭角一棟工廠大廈逗留了近六年之久。說來有趣，因為加租或有合伙人退租，六年間在同一樓層搬來搬去，在三個不同的音樂排練室進進出出，與不同

第一次「游擊」發生於

2009 年元旦，為抵抗現存模式，「游擊」參與者親自組織活動，

朋友「夾份」租用，一起生活。那時整個樓層幾乎都在做創作：有搞音樂、搞攝影、搞設計、搞街頭藝術。大家也喜歡在走廊搞大食會、搞絲網印刷、搞放映會、搞拳擊比賽，也試過在單位剛入伙還沒裝設任何間隔前搞音樂會，那是日後「游擊」

音樂會的雛型。同層有一班阿叔搞裝修工程，但空閒日子頗多，經常打麻雀，自己煮午餐及晚餐，搞到走廊都是飯香。這個「搞」字真的夠繪形繪聲，是包含行動、思考、探索與生活。

那裡是楊耀松第五工廈八樓，我們稱之為「楊五八」。

「楊五八」內人人好酒，也漸漸習慣把啤酒罐儲起交予樓下的婆婆。由於酒量驚人，長期有大批鋁罐送出，婆婆也漸對這班奇形怪狀的年輕人產生好感。婆婆以拾荒為生，在工廈地下停車場角落存放手推車和拾回來的各種東西。大廈保安性情和善，會照顧她，不作驅趕，偶有大型物件也會幫忙搬運；地下的同德書報社廿四小時運作，除了有很多棄置紙張書籍供婆婆拾取之外，因長期有人出入令治安也不會太差，只會偶爾在凌晨時份趕忙發行時大聲互罵，罵完便回到工作崗位；也有其他樓層的租客把紙皮儲起，厚厚一疊交給婆婆。那時全港最大的廢紙回收場就在附近的觀塘貨物裝卸區，全盛時期有十二個回收商同時運作，能處理香港七成廢紙。高聳的躉船吊臂儼如海濱地標，工友就在對開勵業街大排檔吃飯，好不熱鬧。2011 年政府強行收回裝卸區，改建為觀塘海濱花園，環保署起初承諾所有廢紙回收商能全體搬到荃灣醉酒灣，可是後來食言，結果觸發工運。最後回收商只能散落於荃灣與柴灣一帶，未能如願搬遷。

當年婆婆推著放滿紙皮的手推車只需廿分鐘就能交到回收商出售，保安告訴我，

享受整個事前籌備、音響設置與完場的善後工作。「游擊」就是永不申請便舉行演出。

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2012 年 6 月 7 日成立，隸屬

於香港特別行政區政府發展局，主

她已經八十歲了。由於為著工廈發展問題奔命，我常於媒體現身，婆婆誤以為這個「楊五八」舊客已成為知名人士，一天見我走過，滿心歡喜的捉著我說：

要責任為引領、督導、監督和監察「起動九龍東」計劃，以加快九龍

「好嘢呀，有成績喇！」還有一大堆聽不懂的鄉下話，我忙著解釋，但好像沒

東轉型成為香港中西區以外，另外

有效，只能陪笑；亦有一次，婆婆在垃圾堆找到一對滾軸溜冰鞋，想送給我們，

一個富有吸引力的核心商業區，以

但一來我不懂溜冰，二來這雙溜冰鞋左右腳大小不一樣，最後只好拒絕了。這

支持香港經濟的增長，並且繼續加強香港在世界上的競爭力。

段日子沒有想過怎樣去「扶貧」，倒讓我明白甚麼叫「貧扶」，基層以至貧窮人的美好在於能夠互相扶持，而重要的是我們如何去理解大家的能力與貢獻

「反轉天橋底行動」的首個

起動項目便是營建「反轉天橋底一號場」，原來目的是將觀塘繞道

──婆婆與回收區是香港重要的環保命脈，在這個回收率低得尷尬的所謂國際大都會，他們有著不可或缺的貢獻。

下被圍封的都市空間重新釋放予公眾使用，場地採用開放式設計，

那個回收區現在已變成「起動九龍東」辦事處 2，與及他們策劃的「反轉天

保持一個自由的環境，營造一個

橋底」3 文娛空間。婆婆亦在去年中了風，不能工作。

市民可暢意蹓躂的公共空間。這個非正式的文化及表演場地，為不同的團體舉辦音樂、文化及展覽等各類活動，提供多一個可供

聽說「起動九龍東」是林鄭月娥任職發展局局長時想出來的點子。九龍東士紳化項目貴為香港有史以來最龐大、影響人數最多的一次，林鄭認為必須從發展

選擇的場地。

局分拆出一個綜合辦事處，方便就九龍東項目與路政署、機電工程署和地政署等不同部門處理行政事務，並且安撫土地從「工業」轉為「商貿」用途時文化工作者的反抗聲音。其中一個做法就是在觀塘海濱天橋底開發一號至三號的「文化場地」，聘請藝術家到來塗鴉、搞展覽。2013 年 1 月 20 日，「反轉天橋底」一號場開幕，二十隊演出樂隊宣佈退出杯葛，開幕禮只有新任發展局局長陳茂波、第二任「起動九龍東」辦事處專員李啟榮與「起動九龍東」辦事處高級地方營造經理李翹彥等官員以敲打裝飾用油桶的簡單儀式進行，並沒有觀塘文化單位現身參與；2013 年 11 月，六名反對者在示威中被拘捕；2013 年 12 月，五名藝術家退出「起動九龍東」提供場地的「港深建築雙年展」；同月，「港深建築雙年展」邀請梁振英參與開幕禮，示威藝術家被抬離場。

「起動九龍東」辦事處還有個重要職能，就是企圖仿效中環，以「地方營造」

（Place Making）去為將來的「核心商業區」（Central Business District）包裝與

贊助人有太古集團，恆基兆業，

鋪路。要在短時間內打造核心商業區，必須先為這個曾是全港最大工業區重新包裝，而「環保」與「文化」正正是當代最厲害的包裝紙，包裹著單一而傾斜的經

由香港綠色建築議會 ( 主要

新鴻基地產等等 ) 以及環保建築專業議會 ( 顧問團隊包括發展局局長陳茂波 ) 評審。

濟模式。除了把曾經是回收中心的地方用綠色膠布封起，大玩綠色即是環保的低級概念偷換遊戲外，發展局與「起動九龍東」辦事處還在短時間內空降了多項建設，例如把舊廠廈拆毀後動用超過二億公帑興建「零碳天地」（奪得 2012 年度環 4

保建築大獎、綠建環評新建建築 1.1 版暫定鉑金級認證）；模仿位於巴賽隆拿的作品《受傷星宿》、夜間會播放 Eagles 名曲《Hotel California》的海濱公園地標燈塔；還有耗資逾二千萬，由 2012 年竣工，使用期到 2018 年的「起動九龍東」臨時辦事處（獲得綠建環評 BEAM Plus6 鉑金級認證）。於 2018 年到期意味著甚麼？可能就是代表海濱天橋底下所有可用空間會於 2018 年前全數外判到各文化組織手中。基建，說到底都只是動用資源，花錢就成，但文化最重要的還是人，弔詭的是這個「地方營造」大計雖然不包括保留發展文化藝術工作者的有機空間，卻又必要有文化界與市民投入其中方能成事。觀塘文藝工作者承受著九龍東士紳化壓力，對被強行發動的「地方營造」計劃有很大批判，因此大多數拒絕與「起動九龍東」合作。可惜許多藝文人士並沒有解讀文化政策漏動的分析工具，或者欣然成為文化士紳的推手。現在觀塘海濱橋底不乏活動申請，也有建制派人士想分一杯羹，「忽然」有文化起來。

我們大概能把迅速摧毀工業區的結果歸咎於三大策略──「起動九龍東」負責品牌建立、地方營造和擔當消化保育行動者力量的稻草人；其次就是 2010 年政府修訂土地強制拍賣條例，三十年或以上樓齡的工廠大廈，強行拍賣門檻由九成業主同意，下降至八成，更沒承諾未來不會調整至七成或以下；與及 2009 年宣佈的「活化工廈」政策，鼓勵地產商把工廈重建或整幢改裝。起初政府把「活化工廈」說

由香港綠色建築議會認證。

由香港環保建築協會 ( 主要

贊助人有太古集團，恆基兆業，新鴻基地產等等 ) 訂立。

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多年從事研究觀塘的原人指

出，「起動九龍東」的目標，是按照規劃署的《香港 2030：規劃遠景與策略》為藍圖，2030 年於

成是可以幫助發展創意產業以及解決工廈空置問題，但在政府刺激下租金翻了幾番，藝文工作者叫苦連天，加上學者「踢爆」甲級寫字樓空置率長期高於工廈，政府也不再說謊，反而更赤裸地發展酒店、商廈與住宅。研究員 7 更指出，政府目

九龍東提供 5.4 百萬平方米的商廈

標是把觀塘全盛期 330 多棟工廈，在 2030 年前拆剩不多於 140 棟。一如所料，效

面積，由現時佔全港商廈面積的

果不夠顯著的「活化工廈」政策於 2014 年被再度調整，但估不到的是竟然能夠批

12.4% 升至一半數以上，建立一個新的核心商業區，九龍東要比 2010 年的商廈樓面面積再增加 2.8 倍。

准地政署署長運用酌情權容許拆卸工廈後加高加闊。市民誤以為政府運作被官僚文化拖垮，膽小反應慢，其實不然，而是發展方向早已選定。三管齊下，成為超士紳化（hyper-gentrification）典範。

這個超士紳化項目壓縮了整個工業區的生命週期。世界各地均有藝術家進駐舊區的例子，當藝術家把舊社區「活化」後，在新自由主義框架底下產生推高樓房價格、刺激旅遊業等等的副作用，就好像北京 798 藝術區、越南河內老城區、紐約蘇豪區、英國倫敦南部等等，最終藝術家都不敵地價而選擇離開，殊途但又同歸。不同的是外國例子興衰期較長，當中能生產對文化藝術具影響力的人物或團體；香港也沒有外國例子的廣闊土地面積，士紳化下藝術家除了被趕走，也有很多是被趕絕。工廠區就像是 70 年代經濟起飛引爆的火山帶，工業減弱後，商家與政府沒有即時對策，使資本主義的熔岩流冷卻下來，成為一個個能容許另類生命形式存在的石屎棲息地。因此政府喜用「活化」、「起動」、「活力磁場」等等字眼，因為當代資本主義的條件就是灼熱急速的經濟流動，在「經濟增長」等同「發展」的前提下，阻礙增長的生活方式都不被允許。

第一次親身感到這個發展熱度，源於音樂表演場地 Hidden Agenda Live House。「活化工廈」政策出爐後，翌年這個位於觀塘的獨立音樂表演空間因整棟工廈賣出而被迫終止租約，被收購的工廈至今卻又仍然丟空。Hidden Agenda 的遭遇促成工廈文化藝術界人士連結，成立「自然活化合作社」，簡稱「自活社」，取其意我們

一早已自然有機地活化了這片空間。「自活社」發起不同形式的示威活動，也舉辦觀塘工廈文化導賞團「觀牛賞龍」，向外界呈現工廈多采多姿的一面。除了大量獨立音樂人駐守，觀塘尚有劇場、電影製作室、舞蹈排練室、街頭藝術工作室、畫廊、數不清的手工藝工作坊、體育訓練場所等等；還有更重要的是，雖然大規模工廠形式經營已不復再，但確實還有無數中小型工廠貨倉在辛勤運作，情況絕不是一句「工業北移，本地工業式微」就能說清。我的鄰舍就包括糖果廠、塑膠帶廠、洗碗工場、洗衣工場、食物加工工場、汽車服務中心、裝修公司工場、小型印刷廠、光碟生產工場等等。整個工業區，從事文藝工作從來都是小眾，然而工廈與藝術家的關係已成為媒體與學術界的熱門課題，這班多年耕耘的工友前景卻無人問津。所謂「活化」，理應順應原有生態，從而注入新動力；現在的「活化」，實際上是淘汰，是毀滅生計，是趕盡殺絕。政府官員能正眼看著數十年在工廈叢幹活的工友，說要來「起動」他們、「活化」他們嗎？

我聽過三兄弟繼承父親糖果廠的故事：60 年代起家，從旺角數十人廠房搬到觀塘努力守業，苦候新一輩入行。聽過模型玩具店老闆的故事：灣仔街市重建帶動租金急升，因負擔不到高昂的租金，毅然結束街舖搬上觀塘某工廈，但由於沒有零售牌亦沒有開辦模型工作坊許可，訪問時拒絕拍攝，卻總向我大吐苦水。聽過跆拳道道場的故事：導師是前港隊教練，經營的道場位於工廈所以無法取得牌照，許多體育界人士因為害怕影響資助而不敢與政府交涉。聽過劇場排練室的故事：因為消防條例不許表演藝術使用工廈，多年爭取與政府部門對話，不果，每逢地政署上門只能說負責人不在，勉強拖延下去。聽過獨立音樂人的故事：租金昂貴， band 友住進排練室，以此為家，日間有人拍門都不敢應，恐怕是地政署巡查。我看見放學時間有小學生背著書包走到工廠區：一層四千呎廠廈間了十多個「劏房」，住了一家大細，一天屋宇署聯同執達吏破門清場，政府沒承諾過有公屋安置。聽過迷你倉保安的故事：夜更保安說他看見有年輕人深夜回來，第二天早上

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才出來，懷疑已有人開始在迷你倉睡覺。

如今想起可能就是這些大大小小的故事牽動著我，從「自活社」最活躍時已嘗試與攝影師走訪不同工廈單位拍照，整存紀錄。起初計劃命名為「工廈作業」，還歡迎工廈用家提供相片，我們收到不同音樂排練室、健身中心、咖啡店等等投稿。當年技術與資源不足，未能成書，如今把目標從海量的工種集中到只紀錄文化藝術工作者，結合中學生參與導賞團時的作品，最後輯錄成書。這是現階段我們能力內做到的。

但我一直在問，這個攝影計劃有甚麼不足之處？

然後我集中思考攝影本身的意義。西方社會入侵印第安領土時，把攝影機也帶上了。當時印第安人害怕拍照，覺得靈魂會被攝走。我想這個「靈」其實是個相當重要的概念。攝影的定義就是關乎過去的空間，並列於現在的詮釋框架，「靈」可以是主體的可能，主體的「真」。攝影把「靈」捕捉、凝住，因此我們的責任是如何把這個「靈」從停死的空間釋放出來。羅闌巴特形容被拍攝的主體表像是一種「表面上的真實」（literal reality），他從符號學解釋照片隱藏的「意涵」必須靠其他意義系統釋放出來，而攝影之所以能成為藝術是因為它能裝載一些觀者無以名狀的感受，他稱之為「刺點」（punctum）。而這個「意涵」與「刺點」的混合物，接近我企圖解放的「靈」。

已故英國首相戴卓爾夫人曾說過「沒有社會這回事，只有個體」，我想釋放的「靈」卻存在於無數個體之間。而漸漸也明白到，這個「靈」是不可能用藝術形式、甚至用任何形式被再呈現，因此只能把一些最瑣碎、最不璀璨的小事化為作品的序，靈的「形式」也存活在細碎日常的狹縫之間。十年，我與一眾觀塘「野生」藝術

家一起成長，我們用生命介入地方，不受資助與政策所限，生活就是建設。藝術組合 Graphic Airlines 的 Tat 說，總會有人投身藝術行列，但我們沒法長成大樹，只能像工廈石屎縫長出來的雜草。十年，我們沒有 Andy Warhol，沒有 Banksy，沒有蒼鑫。古人相信「窮而後工」，我們的貧窮好像未能轉化為工，但沒有任何人有資格走到我們跟前談規劃，談地方營造，沒有任何人有能力複製我們的美好。

以此相集向觀塘工廈使用者致敬，你們是人權的捍衛者。感激所有成就相集的街坊，和與我一起成長所有最離經叛道的藝術家，如果世界還能改變，這班瘋狂而善良的朋友必定能把那缺口找出來。

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Relinking Poverty and Art : A Decade in Kwun Tong's Industrial Art Village ahkok

I stayed at one factory building in Ngau Tau Kok for six years, which was an interesting

experience. I migrated through three different music studios on the same floor, living with

took place on January 1, 2009 as a

different friends and sharing rent. My relocations followed either rental hikes or a

The first "guerrilla" concert

form of resistance, where "guerrilla" participants organized the event by

studio partner breaking our lease. The factory floor mostly consisted of creative industries

themselves. They joined preparations,

and music studios that pulsed with productive energy. We were musicians, photographers,

set up sound system, and cleaned

designers, and street artists. We held dinner parties, screen printing workshops, film

the venue after the performance. "guerrilla" refers to performance

screenings, and even a boxing competition in the corridor. We once hosted a music concert

without application for a venue or

in a unit before the tenant renovated and divided the space. Such experiences set the

permission from any government

framework for our "guerrilla" music concerts. Our industrial neighbours on the floor were middle-aged male interior renovation/construction labours. They had quite a few idle days and enjoyed playing mahjong. They cooked lunch and dinner in their unit, and their foods produced aromatic scents that filled the building. The word "produce" is vivid. To produce is to evoke action, to create, to explore, and to build life experience. We were all producing.

The place was the eighth floor of Yeung Yiu Chung No. 5 Factory Building. We simply called it "Yeung 58."

Almost everyone in "Yeung 58" loved alcohol and we had developed a habit of gathering empty beer cans for the old lady downstairs. We consumed so much beer that we had acquired quite some aluminum. She must have developed a good impression of us, a bunch of eccentric youths. After all, she made her living by collecting recycling items in the street. She stowed her trolley and recyclables at the factory car park. The buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s security guard was kind and never chased her away. He even looked after her, helping her to carry large items. The Tung Tak Newspaper & Magazine Agency on the ground floor operated around the clock everyday. It not only provided the old lady with abundant recyclable paper but also ensured the safety of

authorities.

72 73

the building. From time to time, the newspaper distribution workers would yell at each other after midnight, but their arguments never escalated. They would just return to work. Tenants from other floors would also pack up paper boxes and reserve them for the old lady. Hong Kongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largest paper recycling site was located at the Kwun Tong Public Cargo Working Area nearby. At its peak, about 12 recycling companies were operating in the area, handling 70% of paper recycling in Hong Kong. The cranes of barges stood up high in the sky, becoming the district's landmark. Opposite from the iconic cranes were food stalls along Lai Yip Street, where workers crowded together for meals. The atmosphere was so lively. However, the government forcibly reclaimed the public cargo working area and turned it into a seaside park. The Environmental Protection Department once promised to relocate all the paper recycling companies to Gin Drinkers Bay in Tsuen Wan. It was a broken promise, and workers went on strike. Eventually, the recycling companies that never resettled had to find their own way out. They scattered throughout Tsuen Wan and Chai Wan.

It used to take only 20 minutes for the old lady to deliver waste papers with her trolley to the recycling companies. The security guard told me that she was already 80 years old. To speak out against factory building policy, I appeared in the mainstream media frequently; the old lady thought I had turned into a celebrity tenant of "Yeung 58". One day we ran into each other and she grasped my hand happily, exclaiming, "It's so great to see you getting successful!" She spoke with very strong dialect and my explanation seemed to be useless. I could only return her friendly smile with my own. Another time, the old lady found a pair of roller skates in trash pile and wanted to give them to us. Since I did not know how to skate, and the left and right of skates were different in sizes, I rejected her offer. In those days, I seldom thought about how to help the poor, but I grew to understand how the poor helps one another. For the grassroots poor to help one another, it is the true beauty. We have to appreciate people's ability and contribution. Both the old lady and the recycling district produced an essential function in

the environmental protection of Hong Kong. Their contributions were indispensable in this

international metropolis where the recycling rate has been embarrassingly low.

June 7, 2012 under the Hong Kong

The office was established

Development Bureau. Its major responsibility is to guide, supervise,

The recycling district was replaced with the Energizing Kowloon East Office (EKEO) 2 and the "Fly the 3

Flyover Operation." Changes have enveloped the neighbourhood. The old lady who once made her living from the displaced recycling facilities now no longer works. She had a stroke last year.

inspect and monitor the "Energizing Kowloon East" project and to speed up the transformation of Kowloon East into another attractive Central Business District similar to Central

The Energizing Kowloon East Office was rumored to be Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor's brainchild from her time heading the Development Bureau. The scale and scope of people

District on Hong Kong Island. The project aspires to support the Special Administrative Region's continuous

affected by Kowloon Eastâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s gentrification has surpassed any previous urban redevelopment

economic growth and to enhance

in the history of Hong Kong. Hence, Lam believed that the Energizing Kowloon East Office

the region's competitiveness globally.

should operate with some independence from the Development Bureau, to coordinate the administration of the Highways Department, the Electrical and Mechanical Services

The "Fly the Flyover Operation"

is an Energizing Kowloon East

Department and the Lands Department. The office has been responsible for appeasing the

initiative to release urban space

cultural workers who opposed the transformation of factory buildings from "industrial" to

confined underneath the Kwun

"commercial" usage. One of their tactics was to exploit the land underneath the Kwun Tong

Tong Bypass for public usage. The venue design intends to keep the

Bypass along the coast and develop it into No. 1, No. 2 and No. 3 "cultural sites" for graffiti

space open and free, a public space

artists to exhibit their work. On January 20, 2013, site No. 1 of "Fly the Flyover Operation"

for ordinary citizens to utilize for

opened with a ceremony boycotted by 20 government-invited music bands. Eventually,

socializing and as an informal culture and performance venue, providing an

only Paul Chan Mo-po (the new head of Development Bureau), Lee Kai-wing (the second

alternative choice for organizations

commissioner of the Energizing Kowloon East Office) and Li Kiu-yin (the EKEOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s senior

to hold music concerts, cultural

architect) attended the ceremony. They hit decorative oil drums in their opening ritual. No cultural group from Kwun Tong attended the event. In November of 2013, six protesters who opposed the gentrification plan were arrested. In December of 2013, five artists withdrew from the exhibition of "Hong Kong Shenzhen Bi-City Biennale of Urbanism/Architecture" held at

activities and exhibitions.

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The award is juried by the

Hong Kong Green Building Council (sponsored by Swire Group, Henderson Land Development

the cultural site provided by the Energizing Kowloon East Office. In the same month, Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying attended the opening ceremony of "Hong Kong Shenzhen Bi-City Biennale of Urbanism/Architecture" and protesting artists were forcibly removed from the scene.

Co. Ltd., Sun Hung Kai Properties, etc.), and the Professional Green Building Council (its advisors include Paul Chan Mo-po, the head of Development Bureau).

The government is repackaging Kwun Tong as an emerging Central Business District available within a short period of time as the Energizing Kowloon East Office strives to cultivate an imitation Central by the tactic of “Place Making.” Pretenses disguise justification for dismantling the former industrial district. Rather than acknowledge our city’s dependence

BEAM Plus is certified by the

Professional Green Building Council.

on a mono-economy of property hegemony, trendy catchphrases – “environmental protection” and “culture” – have obfuscated actual intentions. The former recycling center was blocked

The BEAM Plus certification

was established by Hong Kong Building Environmental Assessment Method Society (sponsored by Swire

with green tape, implying a green interest behind so-called environmental protection. In addition, the Development Bureau and the Energizing Kowloon East Office launched a series of construction projects. For example, spending HK $200 million of taxpayer money to

Group, Henderson Land Development

demolish an old factory building and build a "Zero Carbon Building." The building won the

Co. Ltd. , Sun Hung Kai Properties, etc.).

2012 environmental architecture award 4 and obtained the BEAM Plus, Version 1.1 Provisional Platinum certification.5 Another new project, a landmark lighthouse, imitated Barcelona’s Homenatge a la Barceloneta. The lighthouse was built at the Kwun Tong coastal park. Additionally, construction of the regional Energizing Kowloon East Office cost HK $20 million. The EKEO finished construction in 2012 and the office has scheduled to cease operations by 2018. Again, the construction project obtained BEAM Plus Platinum certification. 6 Why would the office set an operation deadline for 2018? It seems to imply that by 2018 all coastal space underneath the Kwun Tong Bypass would be subcontracted out to different cultural organizations.

In the case of the development of infrastructure, financial resources might provide the solution. As for culture, people are the key. Paradoxically, government attempts to cultivate a

new, hip destination in place of Kwun Tong has not preserved or developed the organic cultural spaces thriving since before the initiation of government redevelopment efforts. Instead, the redevelopments have forced out local artists and cultural workers. The irony is painful. Government cultural projects’ success depends on the participation of the recent marginalized ordinary people and the local cultural sector. Creative workers based in Kwun Tong have suffered from the gentrification of Kowloon East, thus they have become very critical of the EKEO’s "Place Making" schemes. In fact, most of them refuse to work with the Office, while some artists and cultural workers fail to analyze the existing cultural policy and its adverse effects. Those collaborators are helping to promote the government’s gentrification plan. Currently there are many applications for organizing events underneath the Kwun Tong Bypass along the coast. Progovernment groups also want to take a share and join the cultural scene as if they care about art and culture which of course is hypocritical.

The rapid destruction of the industrial district is the result of three major tactics. First of all, the Energizing Kowloon East Office is responsible for building the new image of the district and “Place Making.” It also serves as a scare-crow to dilute the effects of culture and preservation activist’s power. Secondly, in 2010, the government amended the Land (Compulsory Sale for Redevelopment) Ordinance, which lowered the compulsory sale application threshold of 30-year-old or older factory buildings from 90% to 80%. Furthermore, the government makes no promise to stop lowering the threshold to 70% or even less. Thirdly, the policy of “revitalizing industrial buildings,” launched in 2009, has encouraged and advantaged property developers to rebuild or renovate whole factory buildings. Initially, the government claimed that such a scheme would help to foster more cultural and creative industry while solving the problem of factory building vacancy. But the policy in actuality has over-stimulated rental rates and thus artists and cultural workers are indeed victims. Academic researchers have found that

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"Yuen Yan", an expert and

researcher on Kwun Tong development, has noted that the mission of Energizing Kowloon East is to make sure that by

the percentage of vacant Grade A office space was even higher than factory buildings. The government then stopped lying about its motivation, stating in plain language that the policy seeks to encourage redevelopment of factory buildings into hotels, commercial and

2030, Kowloon East would provide

apartment buildings. A researcher 7 pointed out that the objective of government is to reduce

5.4 million square metre commercial

the number of factory building in Kwun Tong from more than 330 to less than 140 by 2030.

floor space according to the blueprint of the Planning Department proposed

As expected, the government adjusted the ineffective "revitalization of industrial buildings"

in Hong Kong 2030: Planning Vision

policy in 2014. The new policy authorised the Lands Department to have discretion to increase

and Strategy. Currently, Kowloon East

the height and size of redeveloping factory buildings. People are accustomed to the thinking

provides 12.4% of commercial floor space in Hong Kong. The project would

that government bureaucracy tends to cripple or slow down its administrative power. In reality,

give birth to a new core commercial and

these new policies were introduced as soon as the government had announced its plans for

business centre and increase the ratio

the region. With these three ways, Kwun Tong has become a prototype of hyper-gentrification.

to more than half. The total commercial floor space in Kowloon East would then increase 2.8 times when compared to 2010's figure.

The Kowloon East hyper-gentrification project cuts short the lifespan of the industrial district. Around the world, there are many typical cases where artists occupy old districts and "revitalize" the community. Side effects of neoliberal capitalism followed: property prices surged, a tourist economy developed, etc. The 798 Art Zone in Beijing, the old downtown area of Hanoi, the Soho district in New York and the southern part of London are such examples. Their developmental paths are different, yet the results are similar. Eventually the artists were forced to leave because of rocketing property prices. When compared with Hong Kong, the lifespans of these overseas artist districts are quite lengthy. The spaces also managed to nourish a significant number of influential artists and cultural groups. On the other hand, Hong Kong is small that gentrification not only drives the artists away, many end up abandoning their artistic careers. The factory districts in Hong Kong resemble a volcanic belt that formed by the eruption of industrial economy back in 1970s. When the industrial development slowed down, the government and business sector did not come up with any

policy to tackle the problem. The lava of capitalism cooled down and turned into a concrete

habitat for alternative lifestyles. Government uses slogans such as "revitalization," "energizing"

translated to 'watch', 'Ngau' in Ngau

and "current of vitality" because the clichés reflect its desire to heat up contemporary capitalism's economic flow. Lifestyles that could hinder economic growth are undesirable under the misguided premise that "development" equates to "economic growth."

The first time I experienced such developmental fever was at Hidden Agenda Live House, a small venue for independent music concerts. One year after the "revitalization of industrial building" policy was introduced, the independent music theatre's rental contract in a Kwun Tong factory building was terminated because the whole building was sold. Yet, until now, the building has remained empty. Hidden Agenda’s struggles helped to connect a community of factory building cultural workers and artists, who established a cooperative called "the Revitalization Independent Partnership," or simply, "RIP." The cooperative’s name refers to our pre-existing efforts to organically revitalize the factory. RIP has organised all kinds of protests against the government’s industrial revitalization policy. It also coordinated a Kwun Tong factory building cultural tour called "Watch the Cattle and Dragon" 8 for the public to glimpse the vibrant culture within the industrial buildings. Apart from independent music studios, there are theatres, film production houses, dance rehearsal studios, street art workshops, galleries, handicraft workshops, sport training centres and more. Although large-scale factory production has discontinued in the region, numerous small and medium size factory warehouses remain in operation. The district’s story is not as simple as "local factories were relocated north to China and local manufacturing died." I used to have neighbours that included a candy factory, plastic tag factory, dish washing shop, laundry shop, food processing factory, car service centre, interior renovation company, printing house, CD/DVD output shop, and myriad others. The artistic cultural circle is a minority in the district but it enjoys disproportionate attention from media

'Kwun' in Kwun Tong can be

Tau Kok is 'Cattle' ; and 'Kowloon Bay' is equal to the bay of the nine dragons.

78 79

and researchers while the livelihood of workers in these small workshops are neglected. Actual "revitalization" should be based on pre-existing ecology while injecting new energy. However, the current "revitalization" policy is to eliminate and destroy people's livelihood in a most ruthless manner. I would challenge government officials to look into the eyes of the workers who have been labouring in the factory buildings for decades and say, "We are here to 'energize' and 'revitalize' you." Meanwhile those same workers are being forced out.

I have heard many stories from Kwun Tong factory buildings… There was a story about a candy factory: three brothers inherited the business from their father. He had established the factory during the 1960s in Mongkok with a dozen workers. Later they moved to Kwun Tong with a will to keep the business running under future generations… There was a story about a model toys shop: the shop was originally based in the Wanchai Market. However, as a result of redevelopment, the rent surged and the owner could no longer afford the space. He had to end his Wanchai business and moved into a Kwun Tong factory building. Since he no longer has a model toy retail license, nor workshop license, we were not allowed to take photos in his factory-based shop… There was a story about a Taekwondo training centre: the trainer is a former Hong Kong team coach. As the training centre is located at the factory building, it could not obtain a license. Many from the sport circle dare not negotiate with the government on related policy for fear of losing government funding… There was a story about a theatre rehearsal room: according to the fire protection regulation, performing art activities are not allowed in factory buildings. For many years, the arts circle has tried negotiating with related government departments in vain. Thus, whenever the Lands Department pays its regular visit to the unit, they just use stalling tactics and claim the tenant is not in the unit… There are countless other stories from independent musicians: as Hong Kong rents are too expensive, members of bands sometimes live in their rehearsal rooms, turning their factory unit into a home. Whenever people

knock at their door, they dare not answer for fear that the visitors are coming from the Lands Department. I once saw a primary school kid with his school bag walking into the factory district after school. Somewhere in the district, a 4,000 square feet factory unit was divided into a dozen compartmental rooms and each was home to a family. Then officers from Lands Department and Bailiff cleared the unit. The government did not offer public housing arrangements for the dislocated. Also, there was a story from a mini-storage warehouse: the night shift security guard said he saw a youth entering the storage area late at night and came out the next day in the morning. He suspected some people were sleeping in the mini-storage warehouse.

Upon reflection, I find myself pondering these stories more frequently. During the time when RIP was most active, I visited different factory units with a photographer, trying to record their stories. The project was originally called "Operations in Factory Buildings." We invited factory tenants to provide us photos, and we managed to collect written stories from a music rehearsal studio, fitness centre, coffee shop and others. Back then, we did not have enough resources and technical skill to turn the record into a book. We then adjusted our goal and decided to focus on documenting the stories of factory building artists and cultural workers, and we led secondary student tours of the area to produce a book.

As I consider these efforts, I question myself, â&#x20AC;&#x153;What is the limitation of photo documentation?â&#x20AC;? I started reflecting on the meaning of photography. When Western society invaded Native American lands, they brought their camera along. At that time, some American Indians were afraid of photography, believing that photos would capture their souls. Indeed, "soul" is a very significant concept. Photography is about presenting space from the past that can be interpreted in the present context. The word "soul" can be understood as the potentials of subjectivity, authenticity of the subjectivity. Photography captures and freezes the "soul." Thus, our responsibility is to release this "soul" from a stagnant space. Roland Barthes describes

80 81

the subject of a photo as a "literal reality." He explains with semiotic theory that the hidden "signification" of the photo has to be released through other signification systems. Photography is a form of art because it can deliver feelings that the audiences could not articulate via words alone. Barthes called such quality "punctum." The combination of the notion of "signification" and "punctum" is similar to the idea I want to refer in regarding the releasing of the "soul."

Margaret Thatcher, the deceased former Prime minister of UK, once said that, "there is no such thing as society, only individuals." The "soul" that I want to release exists not in individuals, but among them. I have come to understand that no form – artistic or otherwise – can represent this "soul." That is why I can only tell some of the most trivial, ordinary stories in my preface. Forms of soul exist in the trivialities and fissures of daily life. I have grown up with the "wild" artists in Kwun Tong for 10 years. We made the place with our lives free from government policy and sponsorship. Our daily life constituted the formation of the place. Tat, from the street artist group Graphic Airlines, once said “many would continue joining the local arts sector. However, we could not grow into big trees. We can only survive like wild grasses grown out from the fissures of the concrete walls of the factory buildings.” Ten years have passed. There are no Andy Warhol, Banksy or Cang Xin. Ancient Chinese believed "poverty breeds excellence." Our poverty seems still not yet transformed to excellence. Nevertheless, no one is qualified to talk about "planning" and "place making" in front of us. No one is capable of reproducing the beauty that we have already created.

With this photo collection, I pay my tribute to the users of Kwun Tong factory buildings. You residents and labours are the true defenders of human rights. I should thank all of my neighbours who have contributed to the photo collection. Thanks also to the eccentric and deviant artists who have grown alongside me. If the world can still be changed, this group of crazy and kind-hearted friends must be those who discover that path.

維港唱片 Harbour Records

www.harbourrecords.com info@harbourrecords.com 維港唱片 Harbour Records

從舊有的「港闊水深天然良港」，到現在煙

花假帆船大黃鴨幻彩詠香江的景觀表象，維

多利亞港是香港文化轉向的標誌性空間現象。獨立音樂廠牌以「維港」自居，多少有點自嘲，反諷這個小眾音樂生態，也有不輸其他主流廠牌的傲骨氣勢。十年間，海港越來越細，維港唱片卻越來越有生命力：曾為核心樂隊 My Little Airport、False Alarm、22Cats 推出專輯，替數個非旗下音樂單位出碟搞音樂會，又成功把獨立樂隊 AMK 的作品結集成 boxset。每年更新租約，轉眼間就在目前的維港唱片大本營渡過十年光景，這裡是樂隊排練室、會議室、休憩空間，也是眾人的樂器雜物存放室。核心成員除共享樂器，由於品味接近，成員本身也經常喜歡「大兜亂」，組成新樂團。維港唱片樓下就是觀塘工業區首個酒店，夜間進出排練室也開始與遊客擦身而過。維港志不在以音樂賺錢，走那麼久，是基於一種玩樂心情，「自家製」的浪漫。不屑商業主流的獨立廠牌，卻發現藏身之所，早已悄悄地轉型為商貿區。

維港唱片 Harbour Records

Victoria Harbour, a landmark that has captured and reflected the imagination of Hong Kong. The city’s identity is embedded in the old cliché of "a natural wide port with deep water." That sense of place has been reinforced in the annual firework

www.harbourrecords.com

performances, a transitory big yellow duck and the

info@harbourrecords.com

Symphony of Lights. "Victoria Harbour" appearing as

維港唱片 Harbour Records

the name of an independent music label seems selfmocking in the sense that indie music is so far from Hong Kong’s musical mainstream. It also reflects independent music's unyielding commitment to finding a place in the city. While Victoria Harbour has shrunken with reclamation in the past decade, Harbour Records has gained more energy. The label assisted their core bands My Little Airport, False Alarm, and 22Cats to present their albums. They also helped a number of music groups to publish albums and organize concerts. For example, the label compiled and released Hong Kong indie band AMK's all previous works into a boxset. Harbour Records has been in Kwun Tong for 10 years. The studio serves as band room, conference room, lounge and storeroom. Its core members have similar taste in music; they share their instruments and like to "mix and match" among themselves to form new bands. Beneath the label’s office is the first hotel opened in the Kwun Tong industrial district. Harbour Records folks frequently bump into tourists when going to the studio. The independent label exists not to yield profit, but for fun and playfulness. Although it has been scornful of mainstream commercial music in the past, it now finds its surrounding industrial habitat gradually transforming into a business district.

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Good Morning Slam Dunk - 4814 Days After

觀塘成業街 30 號華富工貿中心 10 樓 3 室 1003, Winful Centre, 30 Shing Yip Street, Kwun Tong, Kowloon – 需預約 By appointment – www.gd-morning.org karman@gd-morning.org karman L'UII / SLAM DUNK - 4814 DAYS AFTER

Karman 與同學 Joel、Jim 都是平面設計師，

三人於 2005 年畢業後入行。除了正職工

作，還想搞點甚麼，便合力租了工作室， Karman 與 Jim 亦合辦自己的設計品牌 Good Morning。Good Morning 象徵充滿朝氣的新開始，而 Jim 也在今年開始脫離正職，只作 freelance 工作。除了海報等等的平面設計， Karman 另外一個身份就是全港最熱心的日本漫畫家井上雄彥迷。與許多 80 後一樣，中學時代受漫畫《Slam Dunk》影響喜歡上籃球，與許多人不同的，是他親身飛到日本看井上雄彥畫展、開設井上的 fans 專頁、在香港先後舉辦「Slam Dunk - 4814 Days After」展與另一作品「浪客行」展。由於香港區的《Slam Dunk》與《浪客行》漫畫被大公司代理了， Karman 只是基於無私分享而籌組兩次的免費活動。但因為這股傻勁，感動了台灣售賣井上商品的代理商稜鏡，他成了香港區的商品獨家代理。「我最大的感覺是，政府不要搞我們，那就是最好的，讓那地方自然去增值，那應該對大部份人 ( 除地產商外 )，是最好的。」Karman 如是說。

Good Morning Slam Dunk - 4814 Days After

Karman and his classmate Joel and Jim are graphic designers. They entered the design field soon after they graduated in 2005. They wanted to do something other than their day-job and decided to jointly rent a space. Karman and Jim co-founded a design brand, Good Morning. The name implies a

觀塘成業街 30 號華富工貿中心 10 樓 3 室

vibrant new beginning. Jim gave up his full-time work

1003, Winful Centre, 30 Shing Yip Street, Kwun Tong, Kowloon

and became a freelancer beginning this year. Apart

–

from working on graphic design projects (such as

需預約 By appointment

posters), Karman has also devoted considerable time

–

to studying his idol, Japanese Manga artist Inoue

www.gd-morning.org

Takehiko. Similar to many of Hong Kong’s post – 80s

karman@gd-morning.org karman L'UII / SLAM DUNK - 4814 DAYS AFTER

generation, he loved playing basketball during high school because of the manga Slam Dunk. However, unlike most Slam Dunk fans, he travelled to Japan for Inoue Takehiko's exhibition and set up a fan site for the artist. In addition, he has organized two nonprofit exhibitions, “Slam Dunk – 4814 Days After” and “Vagabond” in Hong Kong. As corporations own the distribution rights to Slam Dunk and Vagabond, Karman's exhibitions operated as a venue for sharing among Inoue Takehiko's local fans. His earnest passion has moved Rengin, Inoue Takehiko's product sales agent in Taiwan, and the company decided to appoint him as the sole product sales agent in the Hong Kong region. Karman believed, "the best thing the government could do is to stay away and let the district develop naturally. Nothing would be the best move for everyone (except property developers)."

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fragile

soundcloud.com/fragile_hk www.douban.com/artist/fragile www.weibo.com/fragilehk kisakimi@gmail.com fragile

觀塘，火炭，觀塘，遠去又回來。2010 年重

臨觀塘，與 Hidden Agenda 和十餘隊樂隊，

把空置的製衣廠連辦公室，活化成 live house 和多個音樂排練單位。舊建築破落不炫目，卻是隱世的直立式音樂村。樂隊 fragile 於 2010 年尾發表後搖滾專輯《白影》，巡演過後結他手阿聲離隊，另一結他手 Jacqueline 與鼓手家豪亦同時到德國工作，樂隊活動全面停止。休息期間樂隊 Pusshitachi 借用排練室錄製大碟，結他手黃津珏與 fragile 低音結他手阿達成為好友，並決定加入 fragile。 2012 年 Jacqueline 與家豪回港，連同鍵琴手大頭等五人成為目前純音樂創作的最新班底。黃津珏亦在同層另一單位辦民間版海外藝術家駐港計劃，免費讓來港創作人短期居住與交流。

2014 年因業主加租，同層所有藝術家被逼遷出，各散東西。在業主把建築「還原」之際，音樂人乘夜回到這個沒有任何間隔的舊工廈，辦了「大羣動物遷徙」告別音樂會。

fragile

The band â&#x20AC;&#x153;fragileâ&#x20AC;? moved from Kwun Tong, to Fo Tan, and then back to Kwun Tong. In 2010, together with Hidden Agenda and a dozen more music bands, they renovated a vacant garment factory unit and revitalized the space into a live house as

soundcloud.com/fragile_hk

well as a number of studios for rehearsal. The old

www.douban.com/artist/fragile

building was ragged and shabby, yet it was a vertical

www.weibo.com/fragilehk

music village hidden in the city. At the year end

kisakimi@gmail.com

of 2010, fragile published a post-rock album. After

fragile

their album promotion tour, guitarist Ah Sing left the band. Then another guitarist, Jacqueline and drummer Ka Ho both went to Germany for work purposes. The band had to suspend all activities. In the interlude, another band, Pusshitachi borrowed their studio to record an album. Pusshitachi's guitarist ahkok and fragile's electronic bass guitarist Ah Tat became close friends and ahkok decided to join fragile. Jacqueline and Ka-ho returned to Hong Kong in 2012. Together with keyboard player Bighead, the new five-member band concentrated on music composition. Ahkok turned another unit on the same floor as a citizen initiated artistin-residency project and offered short-term free accommodation for overseas artists who came to Hong Kong for exchange purposes. The landlord raised the rent in 2014 and all artists on the same floor were forced to move out. Before the landlord "restored" and compartmentalized the floor, the musicians returned to the factory building and organized a farewell concert, called "The Migration of a Large Flock of Animals."

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UNiXX

www.unixx.net info@unixx.net UNiXX

在英國組樂隊，可以在自家的地牢，也可以

把車房改造成音樂室；在香港玩英倫系音樂，

卻必須依賴工業區。工廠沒有噪音限制，遠離民居，而本地獨立樂隊，合力把夜間與假日的工廠區轉化成音樂村。UNiXX 於 2001 年成軍，出過三張專輯，主力創作後朋克、英式搖滾，是本地獨立圈的老大哥。與曲風接近的 downer 合用同一創作單位，除了分擔租金，更能共用器材，彼此交流。UNiXX 靈魂人物阿 Sean 在圈內打滾超過十年，組織家庭後，更明白音樂於生命中的重要性 ── 不是堅持，不是口腔期的搖滾精神，反而是生活，是日常，像說話，像呼吸。言談之間，阿 Sean 忽然想起，原來許多認識的音樂人，已逐漸離開觀塘區。由於搬遷在即，拍攝間，朋友 / 隊友在休息室嬉戲，他卻獨自拆卸牆上的隔音綿，靜靜思考甚麼可以帶走，有甚麼會有人收留。離開用了數年的空間，同時發布新專輯《Incomplete Circle》，生命的一個個不完整，化作聲音能量。

UNiXX

Rehearsal space in Britain is seldom a problem. Young bands can usually use a basement or garage to practice. In Hong Kong, though also playing British style music, the most affordable way is to rent a studio in industrial districts. Without noise

www.unixx.net

restriction regulations plus industrial buildings

info@unixx.net

are located far from residential, Hong Kong

UNiXX

independent musicians have turned the city’s factory district into music village during evenings and holidays. UNiXX, a forerunner of post-punk and britpop music in Hong Kong, was established back in 2001 and has already published three albums. To curtail rental expense, they share a studio with another band, downer. They share equipment and converse frequently about music. Sean is the soul of UNiXX. He has been in the local independent music scene for more than 10 years. He began developing a deeper understanding of music after he formed a family. He came to realize that music is not just about one's supposed commitment to the spirit of rock ‘n’ roll. Music is rooted in everyday life. During his interview, Sean suddenly realized many of his old musican friends had left Kwun Tong. His band was also about to move. During our visit, Sean's friends and other band members were hanging out in the lounge; he was alone in the studio removing cotton insulation and pondering which items he could take or give away. The band published a new album called "Incomplete Circle" amid their farewells to the studio where they had played music for a few years. Rounds of incomplete circles in their lives have culminated in a powerful sound on the album.

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Fretsmith Guitar Lab

牛頭角大業街 34 號楊耀松第五工業大厦 8 樓 A2 室 A2, 8/F, Yeung Yiu Chung No. 5 Industrial Building, 34 Tai Yip Street, Ngau Tau Kok – +852 3547-0658 需預約 By appointment – www.fretsmith.com info@fretsmith.com

Fret，即是弦樂指板上的金屬線。樂手把弦按

下，與金屬線垂直交錯，便成音階。Fret 似

是區區簡單的金屬線，但從選用的物料、高度、粗幼、形狀、接上指板的手工等等，都能影響樂器的音色與彈奏感覺。阿澤曾是有名的平面與網站設計師，會彈結他，同時自學如何能把它修好改造。後來索性放下設計工作，以結他工匠、樂器導師為業。三年前從新蒲崗搬到牛頭角的工作室，結識同區音樂愛好者，除了幫助樂手與 live house 修理樂器外，並開始有知音人委託他度身訂造結他與低音結他。雖然沒有做網絡宣傳，外界卻對這本地手造樂器品牌產生興趣。曾試過在工廠區收集卡板木材，製作一系列融合環保意念的再生結他；試過響應菲律賓風災籌款音樂會，送出結他作拍賣用途。父母曾是傳統工藝師傅，因香港經濟轉型而轉行；如今阿澤無師自通，上網看書實踐：「現在有許多自學手工藝，沒有承先，但希望可以啟後，大家摸索工藝的『靈』是甚麼一回事。」

Fretsmith Guitar Lab

A fret is a raised metal wire on the fingerboard of a stringed instrument. By pressing the strings vertically intersecting with the fret, the player can adjust the musical scale. Although a fret is just a simple metal wire, the choice of material, its

牛頭角大業街 34 號楊耀松第五工業大厦 8 樓 A2 室

thickness, shape and height of the wire (as well as

A2, 8/F, Yeung Yiu Chung No. 5 Industrial Building, 34 Tai Yip Street, Ngau Tau Kok

the craft involved in attaching the frets onto the

–

fingerboard) will affect the timbre and the player's

+852 3547-0658

performance. Ah Chak was once a famous graphic

需預約 By appointment

and website designer. He plays guitar and taught

–

himself how to fix one. Eventually, he gave up his

www.fretsmith.com

design job and started building his career as a guitar

info@fretsmith.com

artisan and musical instrument tutor. He moved his studio from San Po Kong to Ngau Tau Kok three years ago and became acquainted with other music lovers in the district. Apart from helping the musicians and live houses to fix instruments, he also takes special orders from music connoisseurs for tailor-made guitars and bass guitars. Even though he has not promoted his work online, customers have sought out his locally handmade instruments. He once gave out a guitar for Philippines Typhoon Haiyan Relief. His parents had been traditional artisans but gave up their craftsmanship amid economic transition. Ah Chak learned his artisan ways by digging information from books and the Internet. With so many different DIY handicraft skills in this world, he hopes to inspire others to become artisans through their own experimentation.

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LAB by Dimension+

觀塘駿業里 10 號業運工業大廈 3 樓 C 座 3C, Yip Win Factory Building, 10 Tsun Yip Lane, Kwun Tong – +852 3483-6225 週二至五 Tue - Fri 11:00 - 20:00; 週六 Sat 14:00 - 20:00 – dimensionplus.co/lab LAB by Dimension+ HK

Fab lab (fabrication laboratory) 訴說的是如何能

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自製（差不多）所有東西的想像。Fab lab 創

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辦人 Neil Gershenfeld 在著作《Fab》之中形容將來的重大改變，是人們能善用新科技去設計與製造全個人產品。蔡宏賢和林欣傑（Keith Lam）於 2009 年創立新媒體藝術創作團隊 Dimension+，專注藝術創作與科技媒體，並用新媒體結合空間與跨領域的互動創作。2012 年 Dimension+ 為承繼 Fab & Craft 的精神，開辦了以 LAB 為名的「個人製造」開放空間 ── 備有雷射切割機、3D 打印機、蛋形繪圖機及基本工具等，客人只要準備好設計圖樣，就能把它實體化。為了推廣 fab lab 理念， Keith 與團體設計了雷射切割燈罩與黑膠唱盤等產品，結果大受歡迎，因此 LAB 除了提供「個人製造」的機會外，亦開設不同產品的工作坊，也不定期舉辦展覽、講座及沙龍、放映會及多媒體表演。只要有好的想法，你就可以讓它逐漸成形，做你想做的，每個人也可以變成 maker。

LAB by Dimension+

Fabrication laboratory (i.e. fab lab) is a smallscale workshop that allows people to create, cut, carve and fabricate almost any imaginable object without the mass-production output needed from a large factory. Neil Gershenfeld, the founder of

觀塘駿業里 10 號業運工業大廈 3 樓 C 座

MIT’s Fab Lab describes the future in his book, Fab.

3C, Yip Win Factory Building, 10 Tsun Yip Lane, Kwun Tong

He forecasts a great transformation in the way

–

people use technology to design and manufacture

+852 3483-6225

individualized products. In 2009, Choi Wang Yin

週二至五 Tue - Fri 11:00 - 20:00; 週六 Sat 14:00 - 20:00

and Keith Lam founded Dimension+, a new media

–

art team focused on media, technology and art.

dimensionplus.co/lab

By applying new media technology in a physical

LAB by Dimension+ HK

setting, they created an interactive space where people could defy conventions. Following the spirit of Fab & Craft, Dimension+ launched an open lab for self-fabrication in 2012. The lab is equipped with a laser cutter machine, 3D printers, eggbot plotter and other essential tools. The clients only need to prepare a graphic design and they can turn their ideas into physical outputs. In order to promote the concept of Fab Lab, Keith designed and manufactured some products, including a lampshade and a vinyl turntable with laser cutter machine. The products were very well received. Apart from providing a space for "self fabrication", they also offer workshops on specific item production, teaching the participants how to manufacture by DIY. They also hold regular exhibitions, public talks, salons, screenings and multi-media performances. All you need is good idea, and you can materialize it. Anyone can become an industrial DIY maker.

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HeadHunter

headhunter-hk.bandcamp.com huntyourhead@gmail.com HeadHunter

「如果稍為接觸香港長一點時間，也知道這

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裡是音樂之城，是搖滾之城，這裡有很多

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band，不知怎地總有很多人背著結他。」在觀塘工廠區打滾逾十年的 Ring，和 Lina 同屬樂隊 HeadHunter 與 Heroses 的核心成員 ── HeadHunter 是本地首隊將歌德搖滾結合工業電子的樂隊，Heroses 則是實驗性更強的電子噪音隊伍。音樂偏重黑暗低迷，自我沉溺，自求學時期開始在觀塘活躍的 Ring 卻是看重區內的人情味，「地踎」的食店，平民化的社區，並坦言如果只剩連鎖店的話就乾脆只在家裡用餐。他亦提到區內只出現過一年時間的 live house Strategic Sound，搞手 Andrew 自資開設的音樂場地，舉辦過多次較冷門的實驗噪音演出，對 Ring 與一眾接受力高的樂迷而言是難得的聚腳點，卻因租金問題結束。正如 Ring 所說，沒有一個 band 房只是排練音樂的，這裡也儲藏了大量樂器、音效箱與美式玩具手辦，愛好舞蹈的 Lina 也會在這裡練習與熱身。HeadHunter 見證著租金的變化，慨嘆玩音樂的「入場費」不斷上升，以往可能學生靠資助也能維持，但好可能在不久的將來，如此平常的文化活動最終會淪為生活的奢侈品。

HeadHunter

"If you come in contact with Hong Kong for long enough, you know that this is a music city, a rock â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;nâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; roll city. There are numerous bands in the city and many musicians carry guitars with them in streets," said Ring. He has been hanging around Kwun

headhunter-hk.bandcamp.com

Tong for more than 10 years. He and Lina are core

huntyourhead@gmail.com

members of two bands, HeadHunter and Heroses.

HeadHunter

HeadHunter was the first band in Hong Kong to combine Gothic rock with electronic. Heroses is more notable for its heavy electronic experimental music. Ring enjoys dark music but at the same time he started wandering around Kwun Tong streets in high school and cherishes the smell of hospitality in grassroots canteens and neighborhoods. If only chain restaurants remained in the district, Ring said he would rather eat at home. He remembers a live house called Strategic Sound that once settled in the district for about a year. The initiator, Andrew, self-financed the venue and organized a few rather unpopular experimental noise performances. It was an invaluable meeting spot for Ring and other openminded music lovers. It was forced to close because of the expensive rent. Band rooms are not just for music rehearsal, Ring explained. For example, in their studio, one can find all sorts of musical instruments, sound effect pedals, even collections of American-style action figures. Lina would also practice dancing and warm up there. HeadHunterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s band members have witnessed changes in rent and are frustrated with this increased "entrance fee" for playing music. In the past, even students dependent on government loans and subsidies could afford playing music. In the near future, participating in a band and playing music may become a luxurious lifestyle.

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Nerve's Studio

www.lo4nerve.com lo4nerve@gmail.com Nerve

在工廈單位越來越少、租金越來越貴的壓力

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下，不同創作單位合租工作室，以時間換取

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空間，勢將成為普遍現象。香港知名音樂家許敖山 (Nerve)，是香港演藝學院音樂出身的學院派作曲家，但同時是實驗電子音樂組合 VSOP 成員、派對唱片騎師、跨媒體創作人、音樂導師等等，經常以多重身份遊走於現代音樂、聲音藝術、多媒體劇場及流行文化之間。Nerve 於一年前開始與 HeadHunter/ Heroses 合租，因為只有他自己是全職音樂人，因此在合伙人練團以外，就經常見到他一人埋首創作。對比 Nerve 參與的劇場規模，旁人必定會被他常用的簡約器材所嚇倒 ── 就是一台電腦、迷你擴音器、若干部精挑細選的電子音效組件，以及混音用的耳筒，佔用的空間只不過是一張電腦台大小的面積。由於全職，在工作室逗留的時間頗多，因此工廠區附近的食肆、24 小時的便利店與可以閒逛的休憩場所也成為必需品；也因為創作的與一般樂隊音樂不同，附近租客聽到覺得有趣，也會到訪大談音樂經。Nerve 覺得音樂人進駐工廠區，本身就是一件活化的行動；面對現屆政府，難免悲觀，音樂人關心較抽象東西的同時，也會慢慢去想，他的音樂在這個時代，這個環境，還可以說些甚麼。

Nerve's Studio

As fewer factory units are available and the rent is increasing, it is very common for creative groups to share studio space and split the rent. Musician Steve Hui Ngo-shan (Nerve) is a composer who graduated from the Music Department at the Hong

www.lo4nerve.com

Kong Academy of Performing Arts. He is also a

lo4nerve@gmail.com

member of VSOP, an experimental electronic music

Nerve

band, a party disc jockey, a multimedia artist, a music tutor, to name a few of his multiple roles. He experiments with modern music, acoustic art, multimedia theatre, and popular culture. Nerve started to share his studio with HeadHunter/ Heroses about a year ago. As a full-time musician, he often buries himself in the studio in between his rental partners' rehearsing time. Considering his involvement in a number of sizable theatrical productions, the simplicity of his equipment would surprise many. All he has in the studio is a computer, a mini-amplifier, a set of well-selected electronic analogue effect appliances, and headphones for remixing. All his equipment could fit into a space as big as an ordinary computer table. He spends a substantial amount of time in the studio for his work and has become very familiar with the Kwun Tong. All the nearby canteens, 24-hour convenient stores and resting places have become part of his daily routine. As music composition is different from band music, he has drawn attention from his neighbours to discuss music. Nerve believes that when musicians move into factory buildings, they are revitalizing the space. He feels pessimistic about the current government industrial building policy. While musicians usually pay more attention to the abstract, he has been compelled to ponder how his music can explore the social climate in this particular moment.

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盧鎮業 Siuyea

+852 6019-6241 – siuyea@soboringproductions.com 盧鎮業（小野）

除了大量音樂單位，電影從業員的後期製作

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室同樣棲身於各區工廈。近年活化工廈政策

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逼走電影業的經典例子，有在觀塘長輝的東方電影沖印 ( 國際 ) 有限公司，因整棟工廈轉為酒店而全層遷移。主流電影商尚且落得如斯田地，獨立電影人更是寸步難行。小野 ( 盧鎮業 ) 是典型本地 80 後獨立導演 ── 自由身工作，剩餘時間拍自己真正關心的事，例如五區公投、碼頭工運、佔領中環、八九六四、市區重建、新界東北、工廈消失，是個真正的藝術行動者。近年漸漸少接觸商業製作，收入減少，也不知如何就是撐過去了。現在於工廈與友人合力租下千多呎空間，分成七個格子，七個不同創作單位，也有貓和兔一起生活。瑣碎的生活片段，反成為創作養份：停車場門口擺賣的菜檔、衣著整齊的白領在工廈食堂的對比、睡覺的保安員等等。「來自民間的活化一直在進行。不要經常講文化藝術，還有一些不能在商場生存的零售店、寵物酒店、波樓 ...... 可預期的事是，再進行活化的話，我們就一定要搬，但可以搬去哪裡呢？我們真的想不到。」

盧鎮業 Siuyea

Factory buildings offer not only habitation for musicians. They are also the domain of film producers. Post-production studios are scattered throughout industrial spaces. Kwun Tong exemplifies how government industrial revitalization has

+852 6019-6241

impaired the local film industry in recent years.

–

Mandarin Laboratory (International) Limited, a

siuyea@soboringproductions.com

film processing company was forced to move

盧鎮業（小野）

because the building was “revitalized” into a hotel. Even the mainstream film industry suffers from the adverse effect of the policy, no wonder the condition for independent filmmakers is even worse and bleak. Siuyea (Lo Chun-yip) is a typical post80s generation independent director. Siuyea works as a freelancer and documents events on video – the five-constituency resignation, the container terminal strike, Occupy Central, June 4th, urban renewal, development projects in northeast New Territories, the disappearance of industrial buildings, etc. He is an artist-activist. In recent years, he moved away from commercial production and his income has decreased. Somehow, he manages to carry on. At present, the shared factory unit of 1,400 square feet is subdivided by seven creative teams. They live with a cat and a rabbit too. The triviality of everyday life inspires their works: the vegetable kiosk at the entrance of the car park, the welldressed white-collar clerks taking lunch breaks in a factory canteen, the security guards falling asleep during work, etc. "People have been revitalizing the space, with marginalizing culture and arts, and any enterprise that cannot survive in shopping mall. Now retail stores, pet hotels, snooker rooms and such have moved into the buildings,” he said. “If the (revitalization) policy continues to be implemented in full swing, we have to move out. But where else can we settle? We can't think of any alternative."

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尺八研修館 Shakuhachi Studio

+852 6017-2441 – ocwk3@yahoo.com.hk

工廠區內孕育了林林總總的工作坊── 由音

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樂、繪畫、工藝，以至體育、武術等，包羅

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萬有。最主要原因是工廈用途較不受限，以及租金相對便宜。香港跨界別藝術家 Ocean （陳偉光），有十多年教學與藝術表演經驗，同時也是尺八、框鼓和喉唱演奏家。近年投入鑽研佛學、藝術與治療之間的緊密關係。他本身是 Lina Ha 朋友，偶爾會在週日借用其畫室免費分享尺八吹奏心得。尺八 (Shakuhachi) 是一千二百年前由中國傳到日本的竹製修行樂器，中國洞簫的始祖，聲音震懾，鳴咽婉轉，與星期天工廠區獨有的寧靜感合成空靈、恬靜的意境。

尺八研修館 Shakuhachi Studio

The factory district has nourished numerous workplaces — music studios, ateliers, handicraft workshops, sports and martial arts clubs. The region enjoys fewer restrictions on the use of industrial space, and rental rates are comparatively cheap.

+852 6017-2441

Artist Ocean Chan Wai-kwong has a decade of

–

experience in teaching and performing arts. He is a

ocwk3@yahoo.com.hk

performer of the Shakuhachi flute, the frame drum, and throat singing. In recent year, he committed himself in the study of Buddhism and the relationship between art and healing. Occasionally, he would borrow his friend Lina Ha's atelier on Sunday to share a performance of Shakuhachi. Shakuhachi flutes are bamboo instruments designed to cultivate spiritual practice. It travelled to Japan from China 1,200 years ago and was the origin of the Chinese vertical flute. The flute’s penetrating sound is a delicate lament that merges with the unique idle and tranquility of Sunday in the factory district.

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香港藝術創作室 art house in Hong Kong

+852 9269-0464 – lhlinahar@gmail.com

本身在香港島生活的 Lina，在港島區經營畫

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室，從不踏足九龍區。因為要遷就子女，她

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放棄了最多視覺藝術家選擇的火炭，於兩年前在觀塘租用自己的工作室。主修設計插畫，亦是視覺藝術老師，她曾想過在工作室開班教畫幫補租金，結果卻因為事忙，只外借給友人授課。寬闊的空間，容許不同物料創作的可能，除了能生產較大型的畫作，Lina 也可以在工作室搞木工。原本陌生，涉足觀塘工廠區卻被建築物之間的罅隙、窄巷吸引，構想以此為素材的創作主題。「觀塘是個很有趣的區，因為它有好新的有好舊的橫街窄巷。自己覺得不一定要每件東西也弄到『懶』漂亮，好像中環一樣就不太好了。」

香港藝術創作室 art house in Hong Kong

Lina Ha used to live on Hong Kong Island where she ran an atelier. In the past, she seldom visited Kowloon. However, as she had to accommodate the needs of her children, she gave up the idea of having her own studio in Fotan, a hub for visual

+852 9269-0464

artists and rented her current studio in Kwun Tong.

–

Her major in university was design and illustration,

lhlinahar@gmail.com

and she now works as a visual art teacher. She once considered holding drawing classes but gave up the idea because of the lack of time. She ended up share the studio with friends to subsidize the rent. The spacious studio allows her to create large artistic works using a wide variety of materials. In addition to sizable paintings, Lina also does carpentry in the studio. When she first stepped into Kwun Tong factory district, she was immediately attracted to the spaces and alleys between buildings. She wants to use her initial impressions for a motif in her creative works, "Kwun Tong is a very interesting district, where new and old streets and alleys intertwine,” she said. “I don't think everything should be wrapped up in ‘pretentious’ beauty. Turning the district into Central is undesirable."

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奇想偶戲劇團 Fantasy Puppet Theatre

觀塘偉業街 132 號冠美中心 2 樓 5 室 Room 5, 2/F, Mai Tower, 132 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong – +852 3520-3172 需預約 By appointment – www.fantasypuppet.org fantasypuppet@hotmail.com 奇想偶戲劇團 Fantasy Puppet Theatre

能夠在香港全職辦偶戲劇社，或許真箇帶點

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奇幻狂想。阿彬與小咪，2003 年起創辦奇想

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偶戲劇團（下稱「奇想」）。像好多藝術工作者一樣，起初身兼多職，但為了更投入偶戲，毅然放下畫室工作，成為全職偶戲劇團成員。他們曾經在油塘工業城與友人合租工作室，遇上支持藝術的良心業主，能以低於市價租用，但因藝術性質不同，空間需求也漸漸增加，因此告別合租形式。後來「奇想」搬到觀塘工業區，遇到物業被收購，被逼搬到現有單位，新租約升了逾 20% ，同等價錢在台灣的藝友能租到大四倍的單位。除了較高身的樓底，可以製作與排練大型木偶劇，一手一腳自製的木偶角色，也多得鄰近貨品便宜的五金舖。原本辛苦製成的偶戲可以巡演數年，但資助「奇想」的康文署，表示不支持 rerun，因此要不斷製造新道具。要為心愛的木偶找「屋」，空間壓力變得相當巨大。因為發展，不知道在觀塘區能留到甚麼時候，但本身來自台灣，有二十年木偶劇經驗的小咪，很想這個劇團能在香港一直生存下去。

奇想偶戲劇團 Fantasy Puppet Theatre

Devoting one’s career full-time to a puppet theatre is both magical and fantastic in Hong Kong. Ah Ban and Siu Mi founded Fantasy Puppet Theatre in 2003. Similar to other artists, they had to work other jobs to make their living. In time, they wanted to focus

觀塘偉業街 132 號冠美中心 2 樓 5 室

on their creative work and decided to give up their

Room 5, 2/F, Mai Tower, 132 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong

atelier, devoting themselves full-time to the theatre.

–

They once shared a discounted studio with a friend

+852 3520-3172

in Yau Tong industrial district where the landlord

需預約 By appointment

was supportive of the arts. However, the tenants’

–

different art forms made it difficult to manage a

www.fantasypuppet.org

shared space. They decided to split up. Thereafter,

fantasypuppet@hotmail.com 奇想偶戲劇團 Fantasy Puppet Theatre

Fantasy Puppet Theatre moved to Kwun Tong. But they were forced to move again when their whole factory building was sold. Their new lease featured a 20% increase. The same rental amount in Taiwan could secure a space four times larger than their current studio. In the factory building, ceilings are higher, allowing for sizable theatre productions. Nearby hardware shops make it convenient to purchase materials for crafting handmade puppet characters. The puppets could be reused for several years. But Fantasy Puppet Theatre’s major sponsor, the Leisure and Cultural Services Department, disapproves of rerun performances. Thus, they have to keep making new props. They are starting to encounter difficulty in locating storage space for their beloved puppets. Now that Kwun Tong is undergoing new development, they do not know if the theatre can afford to remain in the district. Siu Mi, who came from Taiwan and has more than 20 years experience in puppet theatre, hopes that the theatre can continue to survive in Hong Kong.

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The Salt Yard

觀塘偉業街 169 號中懋工業大廈 4 樓 B1 室 B1, 4/F, Jone Mult Industrial Building, 169 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong – +852 3563-8003 週四至日 Thur - Sun 12:00-19:00, 公眾假期休息 closed on public holidays – www.thesaltyard.hk info@thesaltyard.hk The Salt Yard

The Salt Yard—— 鹽場，其實是指觀塘的歷

136

史。翻開古藉《新安縣志》，宋朝時觀塘一

137

帶有官方營運的鹽場，稱為「官富場」，後來簡稱「官塘」，在香港開埠以來一直通用，到 1980 中後期才漸被「觀塘」取代。選名「鹽場」，一定與「官塘」有不解緣。Gary （吳嘉華）與阿烈（馬熙烈）小時候是觀塘街坊，上同一間中學，後來，各自在加拿大和香港走上攝影之路。有緣人，總會再遇上，與資深攝影師 Dustin ( 岑允逸 ) 在上環設立工作室，但地方不好用且租金高昂，而大家也是觀塘人，就在 2009 年搬過來。最初空間只用作為工作室，2013 年生起搞展覽場地的念頭，為紀實攝影的可能性建立一個討論 / 交流的平台，以非牟利形式營運，一年大約辦五個展覽。不打申請資助的主意，只因做事的方法不一定大，不一定多，也可以很美好。他們都是低調有心人，也許從來自回收店的舊中學木檯面（一元一塊共有三百塊）而搭成的門牌、圖書館地台和書架中可以感受得到；當然，更重要是他們的展覽。訪談期間，正值日本 311 紀念，他們從日本帶來了《當濱百合繁花時 – 瞬間對話 / 三陸福島 /2011-2013 田代一倫攝影作品展》。有心人，如是如是。

The Salt Yard

According to an ancient Chinese historical record, Xin'an xian zhi (The Gazetteer of Xin'an County), an official-run salt yard existed in areas surrounding Kwun Tong during the Song Dynasty. The place was known as "Official's prosperous field." Later, people

觀塘偉業街 169 號中懋工業大廈 4 樓 B1 室

simply called the place "Official Pond," which sound

B1, 4/F, Jone Mult Industrial Building, 169 Wai Yip Street, Kwun Tong

as “Kwun Tong”. The independent art space, The Salt

–

Yard, is associated with the "Official Pond." Gary

+852 3563-8003

Ng Kar-wah and Ah Lit (Ma Hei-lit) lived in Kwun

週四至日 Thur - Sun 12:00-19:00, 公眾假期休息 closed on public holidays

Tong when they were small. They went to the same

–

school and eventually separated to pursue their

www.thesaltyard.hk

own respective photography careers in Canada and

info@thesaltyard.hk The Salt Yard

Hong Kong. Destiny reunited the former classmates. They set up a studio with senior photographer Dustin Shum in Sheung Wan but the studio was tiny and rent was expensive. All of them grew up in Kwun Tong and therefore moved back to the district in 2009. Initially the space was just a studio. In 2013, they came up with the idea of turning the unit into an exhibition site to discuss and explore the potential of documentary photography. They organized five exhibitions annually and were all non-profit endeavors. They have no plan to apply for sponsorship, because they think more and bigger exhibitions do not mean better ones. One can see their humbleness and aspiration in minimalist interior designs found in the doorplate, library floor and bookshelves which are made with wooden desks recycled from secondary schools. The venue organizers’ dedication shows in their exhibitions. Around the time of the third anniversary of Japan’s 3-11 earthquake, they brought back “When Coast Lilies are in Blossom - momentary dialogues in Sanriku and Fukushima, 2011-2013” by Kazutoma Tashiro. Visitor can feel the their aspirations and sincerity upon visiting.

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墨斗喳咋 Print Studio - INK'CHACHA

牛頭角觀塘道 334-336 號遠東工業大廈 4 樓 A 室 4A, Far East Industrial Building, 334-336 Kwun Tong Road, Ngau Tau Kok – +852 3590-9551 週一至五 Mon - Fri 11:00-19:00 – www.inkchacha.org hi@inkchacha.org Ink'chacha

二人組合 King Lo 和 Jeff Chan 是理工大學設

140

計系的同學，畢業後最初也是打設計工，後

141

來發現香港鮮有 Risograph 印刷服務，便淘寶了部二手機器來開始做。做上一段時間後，因為 Jeff 的叔叔是木工師傅，在觀塘的工作室有間一百多呎的小房間出租，他們便搬了進去，試試全職投身印刷行業。Risograph 是日本生產的一種小型印刷機器，方便學校、社區團體、小型公司等作小至中量印刷，八十年代單色的中小學通告和考試卷便是 Risograph 的產物。這種介乎膠版和絲網的印刷，在電腦、噴墨式打印機和激光打印機普及之前十分常見。因其網紋的質感和特別顏色選擇，近年得以回歸，成為設計師、插畫師和藝術家的心頭好。Jeff 和 King 會為客人訂購特別的紙張 ( 觀塘有很多紙批發商，又快又多種類又平），也會花很多時間和客人溝通調校到合適為止，這類型的印刷公司非常罕有。正當以印量龐大和價格低廉為賣點的印刷公司充斥香港市場，這樣的另類選擇十分重要。豐富的選擇，是創意的基礎。

墨斗喳咋 Print Studio - INK'CHACHA

King Lo and Jeff Chan were classmates from Hong Kong Polytechnic University’s School of Design. They launched into careers as designers upon graduation. After noticing that it was difficult to find Risograph printing service in Hong Kong, they

牛頭角觀塘道 334-336 號遠東工業大廈 4 樓 A 室

bought a secondhand machine from Taobao. They

4A, Far East Industrial Building, 334-336 Kwun Tong Road, Ngau Tau Kok

decided to start their own printing business and

–

moved into a 100 square feet room at the carpentry

+852 3590-9551

workplace of Jeff’s uncle in Kwun Tong. The

週一至五 Mon - Fri 11:00-19:00

Risograph printing process relies on a small machine

–

manufactured in Japan. It was once widely used in

www.inkchacha.org

schools, community organizations and companies

hi@inkchacha.org Ink'chacha

for small to medium-scale printing. For example, Risograph machines printed the bulk monocolour school notices and examination papers of the 1980s. This distinctive printing technology, which stands between mimeograph and screen-process printing, was rather common before computers, inkjet and laser printers became popular. As the texture of the master print and the choice of ink colours are unique in Risograph, the machine has recently reentered the printing field as a darling pick among designers and graphic artists. Jeff and King help their customers to order special papers. Kwun Tong’s many paper wholesalers provide a variety of choices where customers can place orders instantly at reasonable prices. They also spend considerable time to communicate with their clients. Such a printing company is rare in Hong Kong, and it offers an invaluable alternative to a market flooded with cheap mass-printing services.

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香港需要工廈

麥海珊

前言：我們從 2013 年頭開始，做一個歷時兩年的大型研究，關於觀塘 / 牛頭角工廈裡，藝術家 / 設計師 / 手藝師的工作室的情況。工作室的媒介類型包括繪畫、裝置藝術、新媒體藝術、音樂（排練室和音樂會場）、平面和立體設計和製作、結他設計和製作 / 修理樂器、皮革設計和製作、木器具設計和製作、手飾頭飾設計和製作、街頭藝術、紋身、攝影、舞蹈、錄像製作、偶戲設計和製作 / 偶戲劇團、時裝、印刷、出版社和書局。我們共走訪了廿八個單位，面積由一百廿平方呎到六千平方呎，租金由 $4 至 $23 一平方呎，詳細的資料將會在 2014 年尾於網站（製作中）上公佈；這篇文章，是一個給大眾閱讀、和較為淺白易明的分析。

香港需要工廈。

這句話於大多數人都可能很奇怪，工廠不是早於 80 年代末已北移撤走嗎？製造業不是沒落了嗎？香港不是金融中心嗎？工廈不是空置荒廢嗎？

但我們說：香港需要工廈，觀塘需要工廈。

研究助理袁小仙的文章指出很重要的資料：差餉物業估計署出版的《香港物業報告 2013》1，綜合 2012 工廠大廈空置率數據，我們找到與政府講法和大眾印象截然不同的數據：私人商業樓宇，觀塘（6.8%）相比全港（6.9%）的空置率幾乎相同；而私人工貿大廈，觀塘（5.7%）相比全港（6.7%）的空置率甚至更低。為什麼要把觀塘大部分工廈拆掉改建甲級寫字樓和酒店呢？為什麼要把觀塘變成中環以外的第二個核心商貿區 (CBD2) 呢？我們應該如何理解區域規劃呢？如何分辨城市的規劃（再規劃）的好壞呢？什麼才是真正對香港有益的城市發展呢？

我嘗試在珍．雅各（Jane Jacobs）的《偉大城市的誕生與衰亡：美國都市街道生

差餉物業估價處，《香港物

業報告》，2013 年（列表 27、33、 40）：http://www.rvd.gov.hk/en/ publications/hkpr.html

144 145

Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life

of Great American Cities. New York: Vintage Book, 1961.

活的啟發》2 尋找答案。她是城市研究的先鋒，50 年代已開始從事研究，今時今日仍有很多學者 / 規劃師 / 文化研究工作者挪用、或再運用她的觀點和理論。拿著在圖書館裡借出來 1961 年的首版書本，發黃的紙張，盛載了無比的智慧，理論毫不落伍，因為她比同代人走前很多。

混合基本用途

理論，並非空中樓閣，而是在錯綜複雜的實際情況中分析立論得來。珍．雅各長期觀察各種城市人的生活情況，著眼實際上什麼人如何運用城市空間，去討論決定城市發展好壞的因素：第一：是混合基本用途，不同的商業機構、商店、工業和公共空間要並置，讓各種行業可以相互補足和互動，而街道整天都有人流，如香港人說的「人氣」。人氣，是多元的互動。以大埔工業區作為例子，在只有大型工廠的區域生活何其不合人性：沒好食店，沒娛樂，沒運動場所，沒商鋪，公共空間只得馬路，熱天難行打風下雨更糟；街上人流稀少，晚上更是死寂一片。反之，觀塘 / 牛頭角的混合社區，不同性質的商貿和工業並存，食店豐儉由人，風味各異（新開的西餐廳午飯消費約 $60-80，但在大業街的「人人食堂」$28 三餸包湯，5 年前還是 $19。勵業街熟食市場還有很多 $35 之下的午飯選擇，而晚上駿業街也有大排檔 )。離住宅區亦不遠，可以走路上班。除了日常生活所需，Keith （LAB by Dimension+）提到，他們常用的物料如膠板、木、電子零件，在同區也容易買到，又便宜。Ink'chacha 是小型特色印刷公司，就在同區的紙廠訂紙，有時接到要特快完成的工作，也不成問題。

但我強調的相互補足和互動，是超越了這些平常生活和工作層面的。start from zero 的 Dom，除了做街頭藝術，還醉心研究木工，但部分木材是在「垃圾」站「執」的卡板。工廠區，就是有很多盛載重貨的木卡板，本來是廢物，但在 Dom 手上變

成扎實有型的木櫃木櫈。在大業街的垃圾站，街坊都知這裡其實是「回收站」，較新的東西都會棄於此處，有傢具有樂器有裝飾有膠板，都可免費取走。fragile 的 band 房差不多大部分傢具都是在街邊「執」的，當中最誇張的，是全新德國製高級實木地板。而梁哈最喜歡做布藝手作：筆袋、飾物、鞋墊，材料都是來自後樓梯的棄置物料。這種物盡其用同時加強區內連繫的製作理念和方式 / 生活方式，是珍．雅各筆下區域因多元混合用途和公共空間而生的新穎城市供能 2014 版本，這個新版本，也貫徹近十年大家掛在口邊的減少排碳（在地製作減少運輸）和循環再造的理念。

矮的樓房不可或缺

珍．雅各強調要令城市有效運作和發展，第二點是不可只有高樓，矮的樓房，和其地上的店鋪都不可或缺。新型高樓（無論是住宅或商廈）把店鋪全放在商場裡面，令街頭變成只是過路的通道，沒有逗留的空間，沒有與街坊連繫和溝通的空間。社區特色人物網絡，又何以創造呢？再者，香港近年時常提到屏風樓問題，空氣質素亦每況愈下，樓房的密度和高度是主要因素。偉業街一帶的舊工廈群，是平排的一座接著一座，幸好後段有一條窄巷流通空氣；但若工廈完全變成高樓商貿大廈，後巷也用盡的話，不單是偉業街一帶，觀塘道的另一邊，裕民坊和牛頭角的住宅就更侷促了。

舊樓是必須的

第三點，可以為觀塘的獨特情況帶出很有趣的討論，就是，珍．雅各認為，舊樓是必須的。這與香港一直的主流意識和習慣做法，即認為舊物沒用、「阻住個地球轉」的盲目發展觀，截然不同。在她眼中，新的樓房當然好，但舊有的樓房，

146 147

這個研究是在 2012-2013「起

也十分重要，人們因而能夠與歷史接軌，在生活中（不是在博物館）了解自己的

動九龍東辦事處工作進度報告及延

歷史，知道社區如何走過來，明白自己的上一代，也才真正明白自己；不同年代

續運作建議」中提及，但在本書出版之時，還沒有給公衆查閱的

的人可共存之餘，社區能夠擁有個別性格和特色，不會只有一式一樣的商場和街

研究成果。http://www.legco.gov.hk/

道。「起動九龍東」辦事處在 2012-13 年委託一學術機構展開名為「開展九龍東

yr12-13/chinese/panels/dev/papers/

工業傳統及公共藝術與城市設計潛力研究」3。將工業說成傳統和從前（Industrial

dev0107cb1-383-1-ec.pdf

Heritage）的事，就像說工業都是過去式，工廈不再有用，大可把他們放進博物館，

2010 年 4 月，當時任發展局

於是政府硬推觀塘成為中環以外第二個核心商貿區，就順理成章。今時今日車衣

長林鄭月娥於推出活化工廈政策，

和串膠花的工業當然不復存在，但好一些重要的、甚至富歷史價值的工業仍然運

容許樓齡逾 15 年的工廈，業主可申請免補價改變用途，改成寫字

作，同時也有許多新的工業混合其中（在文章最後部分會作詳細解釋）。

樓、酒店或娛樂等商業用途。此外，也放寬清拆重建必需要交的補地價安排，補地價多於 2000 萬元，

大家有沒有食過史密夫糖果廠（1960 開業）的橙味軟糖呢？他們還在聯邦工業大廈，堅持人手製作軟糖。這，不只是商業活動或過氣夕陽工業。一粒軟糖，帶著

可分五年攤還。政府的政策和報告可參考以下官方網站：http://www.

60 和 70 年代出生的香港人集體和個人的美好回憶，標誌著糖果小食還沒太多選

devb.gov.hk/industrialbuildings/chi/

擇、生活條件比現在貧乏的年代。歷史感，是個人的情感，也是社區的情意。

home/index.html 另外，也可參考「工廈藝術家關注組」立場書，在活化工廈政策實

在香港做電影研究和討論，甚少提及後期製作的技術發展和相關公司，但它其實

施一年後，藝術家和文化工作者發

對香港電影業十分重要。東方電影沖印 ( 國際 ) 有限公司，自 1969 年開業一直扎

現其問題，故集合工廈用家的意

根觀塘，從前從事 35 米厘和 16 米厘電影沖印，現在也做數碼影像。80 年代末，

見，寫成立場書，但政府一直沒有正面回應和採取措施解決問題。

我們在大學修讀電影，就是自己托著幾盤 400 呎的菲林去東方沖印。還記得，那

http://www.inmediahk.net/「工廈藝

些叔叔都是赤膊的，一次他們見到我一個女孩子上去，就連忙穿上汗衫。東方原

術家關注組」- 立場書

址在長輝工業大廈，因為活化工廈政策驅使炒賣熾熱 4，有「鋪王」之稱的鄧成波成功收購全座業權，再向城規會申請改建酒店，後以 $9.3 億賣出。於是，他們就搬到同是在偉業街的金寶工業大廈。

看過糖果、電影在觀塘的歷史中的一頁，那，跨代關係的故事呢？在我們的被訪

者中，murmur 的鼓手 Monsha 爸爸 Kelvin 從事時裝製衣，在觀塘工作 30 年。他鍾情 60/70 年代的搖滾音樂，與當時還在讀中學的子女一起學音樂，星期日一起夾 band。

https://www.youtube.com/

watch?v=2SZG40SRXeM

Band 房，本來是公司自置的貨倉。後來 murmur 成立，沒有空間練習，Kelvin 就慷慨

向他們免費借出空間。他們將會出版的首張大碟，也是在那裡錄音。四月時再做探訪，

多故事，可看影行者的錄像紀錄，

Kelvin 更支援 Monsha 開了一間小店賣時裝和飾物（主題不時更換，第一次是衛衣文

http://leetungvideo.wordpress.com

先有利東街，關於街坊的很

後有觀塘裕民坊，可參考活在觀

化）。上一代的知識和經驗，透過兩代的連繫，和這個舊工廈單位，化身不同的意義。

塘網頁：http://kwuntong.wordpress. com

社區情感

說到兩代人，說到新舊樓房交錯的必需，還有兩個藝術家的故事。Nerve，音樂人； Littledate Handmade Workshop 的 Dave，設計師，從小住在觀塘（Dave 曾到外國，回來後都選擇觀塘）。他們的爸爸以前都是在觀塘做廠的。言談之間，明顯感覺到他們對觀塘的強烈情感，特別是當提到兒時到家人廠房做暑期工，臉上都會帶著一點點優越感，低頭微笑，含蓄地展示甜美回憶。對於觀塘的，他們都關心，特別是裕民坊悲慘的重建情況，說到這些他們都嘆口大氣。近年左中右的人都在問，怎麼令人們愛香港。我的問題是，人們能否扎根社區嗎？若果連自己身處的社區也漠不關心，也沒情感，那又從何談愛香港呢？今年年初政府搞了「築福香港」計劃，還把送粥給長者的李先生的故事拍微電影。片中他說「互助」重要、「能夠幫人是福氣」、「用心的愛香港」5 。我由衷的尊敬他，但卻想著，若果他的鋪租番兩番，或要重建被迫收回，失去這個實在的空間（婆婆公公都熟悉的空間），那他還可實踐這樣的「互助」和「愛」嗎？對香港的情感，其實一定要從實在的空間說起，從社區說起，從社區不同年代的人的交流和對歷史的尊重說起。這個，是根本。近年的社區重建，都是連根拔起式的破壞，抽空原有社區網絡。社區的特色和情意要多年累積，樓掏空了，人（們）走了，空間的意義打垮了，社區的文化和歷史隨之消失。那，如何談愛香港呢？ 6

148 149

多類型租戶共存

珍．雅各也認為，新舊的樓房的共生，是一個精彩有活力的城市的必需。除了是歷史承傳、保留和發展社區獨特文化之外，也因為舊樓房租較便宜，多類型的店鋪和小型生意就能共存。這一點，不就是近十幾年，觀塘工廈自然地多元發展，並無嚴重空置的原因嗎？我們的研究顯示，於觀塘設立工作室 / 辦公室最主要原因是租金和交通，這些對需要較大空間的單位尤其重要。如上書局（出版社 / 書局，原址 8,000 呎，已租 3 年，2013 年約滿後加租 107% 到 $20 萬，他們不得不走，找到一個舊貨倉改裝，才有足夠的空間）、LAB by Dimension+（新媒體藝術和設計，公開工作坊、製作室和展覽，2,500 呎 )、Hidden Agenda（音樂會場地，4,000 呎）、tfvsjs（錄音室、賣鼓 showroom、排練室、餐廳， 4,000 呎），他們若非在舊有工廈落腳，根本沒法生存。另外，在舊式工廈的選擇較多，適合不同文化工作者的需要，無論是租金（fragile 與 5 個單位合租整個樓層，非常便宜，4,000 呎，2011 年是 $10,000， 2013 年加到 $15,000，2014 年再加到 $20,000 就沒有再租，雖然，大廈日久失修，也沒管理，但自由選擇，有人認為最緊要平）、管理（Lab by Dimension+ 從一幢大門在後巷的工廈，搬到正門在大街和有良好管理的工廈，原因是保障自己和員工的人身安全）、室內環境（Littledate Handmade Workshop 做飾物、皮革設計和製作，手工細緻，需要光線充足，遇上一個整面牆都是大窗的單位，覺得很合用），樓底高度，甚至是運貨升降機的狀況（奇想偶戲劇團時常要把大型木偶和佈景搬到演出場地，運貨升降機的大小，和工作室距離貨車停泊的遠近，對他們非常重要）。

單一用途規劃，社區失去光采

多元，是充滿活力的城市的基本元素。珍．雅各另一個在 1960 年走得比城市規劃師更前的觀點，就是她認為，單一用途的規劃，令社區失去光采（zoning ends

vibrancy)。其實，除了文化工作者，還有很多不同類型的小型生意林立：教造麵包甜品、教調咖啡、體育運動、戶外旅行用具、不同類型檔次的食店、大、中、小

珍．雅各在一個 2006 年製

作的紀錄片 ( 她當時已 89 歲 )， Urban Wisdom 中訪問提到。

型的印刷廠、迷你倉、物流、車房、原材料 ( 木 / 膠 / 五金 / 紙 )…… 就是因為新舊樓房混雜，才有機會把那麼多不同的東西靠在一起。說到這裡，大家看到的觀塘是一個精彩、多元和豐富的社區，已經自然地從以前的舊工業區成功演化成富有活力的社區，那為什麼，政府還要硬把這裡變成甲級寫字樓、高級商業活動區和酒店呢？

政府的觀念有兩大問題，一：認為香港一定要有更多甲級寫字樓和高級商業活動，才能夠推動經濟，而這才是城市發展最重要的一環。二：規劃很重要，不規則和混雜就等於混亂，所以要重新在地圖畫個圈，把九龍東一帶由醜小鴨變白天鵝；高級商貿區要統一「卡士」（class），跨國企業就願意來香港出天價租下甲級寫字樓。但香港人快樂嗎？生活好嗎？生趣多元嗎？

政府的問題，在於他們安坐冷氣辦公室裡做決定，他們真正知道觀塘社區的狀況嗎？珍．雅各的立論之所以深刻精彩，是因為她用長期觀察探索社區用家的情況，在最日常的生活上出發，她關注的，是一般人、工人、小生意老闆怎樣生存和活得開心，以及社區內不同元素 / 人的互動關係。若我們從她的思考方法（以當區現有的人為本，以空間怎樣正在被運用為本），和研究方法出發（以民族誌研究方式深入觀察訪談），我們就不會為了擁有更多甲級寫字樓來與新加坡競爭，而把一個精彩非常的混合工業 / 商業區，硬套成高級核心商貿區。觀塘，就是一個平民社區，這是歷史使然。珍．雅各說，混集、混雜，不是混亂錯置、沒有秩序，而是「更高層次的複雜秩序」，不能分開理解不同的人物，而是要聚集才可產生作用，而這，也是一個運作良好和有效的城市必需的狀態 7。

150 151

工業還沒有死

觀塘需要工廈。

工業真的沒有了嗎？香港只是金融地產業嗎？政府不是一直說要經濟多元化嗎？不是老說藝術 / 創意工業可幫助香港嗎？我們的研究顯示，真的，我們還有製造業，但是，是一個新型、有型又高增值的創意工業 / 製造業；而這些，都必需在工廈發生。

LAB by Dimension+ 設計和生產了兩件非常受歡迎的產品，用激光切割（laser cut）和人手裝嵌的燈和木唱盤，唱盤 5 月在 HMV 發售，第一批短時間售罄。激光切割產生有害氣體，必需打破牆身裝置大型抽氣機。他們也有最新的立體打印機（3D printer）。這是設計、科技、新媒體知識和手藝的混合，當我們不再穿膠花，工業轉型仍然需要工廈。

做皮革設計和製作的 Littledate Handmade Workshop 和 1/1 都有壓皮機器，1/1 用的非常大也重，只可放在工廈可負重的特厚地板，他們也會用工具切割和釘錘皮革，噪音很大。他們不喜歡工廠生產線的大量複製，而是以精美慢工手藝做獨一無二的產品，這不就是在機械式生產之前，最傳統的手藝工業嗎？

想過香港有人設計和製造電結他嗎？那不是日本人美國人才懂嗎？當然不， Fretsmith Guitar Lab 的亞澤修整結他樂器，也設計和親手製作自家品牌的結他。工作室內有很多重型機器，鑼機、電鋸、大型抽風機，像個木具工場，還留一個房間專做噴油。這類型的創意工業與生產，是設計、木工、油漆、電子和對音樂極高的知識和經驗結合，也是我們應該大力支持的新型的技術型製造業。

Graphic Airlines 的作品有立體併貼、平面設計、大型畫作，也有很大（高 5 呎多）的公仔，加上很多收藏，需要樓底高，地方大租金又便宜的地方，工廈是最合適

香港藝術發展局於 2012 年

做了一個「使用工廠大廈進行藝術活動的現況及需求調查」，資

也是唯一的選擇。工廈關注組的文化工作者多次指出，沒有工廈，就沒有西九，

料如下：

若果藝術家沒有價格負擔得起的工作室，整個創意工業難以繼續發展。文化工作

http://www.hkadc.org.hk/UserFiles/

者實在需要如工廈的空間創作和做製作。

File/notice/web_FAQ%20chinese.pdf

根本不需要「活化」

在本書埋版之際，在《明報》讀到題為「工廈活化擬 2016 結束」9 的報道。文章指出政府開始察覺到，「活化工廈政策」步伐太快，令工廈樓價 4 年間急升 1 倍，升；而且，工廈供不應求，租金也幅大於住宅（5 成），甚至零售樓宇和商舖（6 成）升 4 成，但在我們的研究中，最大的升幅是 107% 。文章也提到，九龍東工廈使用率很高（但根本在「活化工廈政策」之前一直也高），若炒賣再加快，將令中小企也站不住腳。當然，他們還是用傳統思考方法盤算經濟活動，也沒有反思觀塘硬要作為核心高級商貿區的問題。只是政策出了亂子，就把它縮回去。租金飆漲， 2011 年「工廈藝術家關注組」和其他關注觀塘區的學者和行動者早已預言，當時響了警號，政府視而不見，今天才知惡果，但受苦的卻是觀塘街坊。希望，政府真的能夠用心了解，觀塘作為一個精彩社區的內涵，是在新舊混集、亂中有序、多元互惠，本是好好的，根本不需要「活化」；再者，真的不要再相信用高級商貿活動才能打救我們了！

「工廈活化擬 2016 結束」，

《明報》2014 年 5 月 25 日

152 153

Hong Kong Needs Factory Buildings

Anson Hoi Shan Mak

Foreword: I have undertaken a grand, two-year research project to study studio space in the

factory buildings of Kwun Tong and Ngau Tau Kok. The research subjects (artists, designers, and

Valuation Department, Hong Kong

artisan studios) demonstrate a wide range of specialization. Media includes: drawing, installation art, new media, music (rehearsal rooms and live houses), 2D and 3D design, handmade guitars, musical instrument repair, leather design and production, carpentry, jewelry and wearable art, street art, tattoos, photography, dance, video production, puppetry, fashion, printing, publication houses, and a bookstore. We visited 28 studios. They occupied spaces ranging from 120 to 6,000 square feet. Rental costs vary from $4 to $23 per square foot. Further details of the research will be published in a website by the end of 2014. This article offers an analysis in layman language about the ecology of factory buildings for general readers.

Hong Kong needs factory buildings

This statement seems odd for many. The majority of Hong Kongers may consider factory buildings part of a bygone era. Haven’t local factories all relocated north to mainland China since the 1980s? Hasn't Hong Kong’s manufacturing industry already vanished? Isn't Hong Kong just a financial center nowadays? Aren't most of the city’s factory buildings vacant and abandoned?

Against popular misconception, our claim holds validity: Hong Kong needs factory buildings; Kwun Tong needs factory buildings.

In this book, my research assistant Cynthia Yuen produced a thought-provoking article about the integrated data on vacancy rate of factory buildings in 2012 for the Hong Kong Property Review 2013 (by the Rating and Valuation Department) which contradicts the government's message and the general public’s understanding of factory building utilization.1 For private

H o n g Ko n g R a t i n g a n d

Property Review. 2013. Tables 27, 33, 40: http://www.rvd.gov.hk/en/ publications/hkpr.html

154 155

Jacobs, Jane. The Death and

Life of Great American Cities. New York: Vintage Book, 1961.

commercial buildings, the vacancy rate in Kwun Tong (6.8%) was almost the same as Hong Kong’s overall vacancy rate (6.9%). As for private industrial/office buildings, the vacancy rate in Kwun Tong (5.7%) was even lower than Hong Kong’s overall situation (6.7%). So, what is the justification for demolishing and renovating Kwun Tong industrial buildings into Grade A office buildings and hotels? What are the grounds for transforming Kwun Tong into a second central business district (i.e. CBD2) other than Central in Hong Kong Island? What rationale drives the new district zoning? How shall we distinguish between bad and good urban planning (replanning)? How can urban development genuinely benefit Hong Kong?

I tried to find the answer to the above questions in Jane Jacobs' book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities.2 She was the vanguard of urban research starting in the 1950s. Up until now, many scholars, city planners and cultural studies researchers continue to appropriate or reiterate her perspectives and theories. I borrowed a 1961 first edition of her book from the library. The book’s timeworn yellowish pages ironically contain great lasting wisdom. Jacobs’ theories were way ahead of her time, and still remain highly relevant today.

Mixed primary uses

Theory does not mean building imaginary castles in the air. It should stem from analysis of actuality and complex realities. Jane Jacobs addressed factors that determine the good and bad of urban development. She relied on long-term observation of city dwellers’ living conditions, and she paid particular attention to the different kinds of people making various uses of urban spaces. Jacobs’ first factor of consideration is “mixed primary use.” It refers to a coexistence of commercial enterprises, shops, manufacturing industry and public space. This comingling of usage allows different sectors to interact and complement each other. When

the streets are crowded with people throughout the day, human activities enliven the district. The Cantonese term â&#x20AC;&#x153;yan hei " means a place crowded with peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s various activities, vividly captures the connotation of such diverse interaction. Let's take Tai Po industrial district as a counter example. The large factory district environment goes against human nature and needs. There arenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t any good restaurants, entertainment facilities, sport fields, or shops. Roads are the only public space available in the district. In summer, it is too hot to walk in the streets, and the situation gets worse when it rains. In day-time, streets are deserted. When night comes, they are overtaken by a deathly stillness. On the contrary, commerce and industry coexist in the mixeduse community of Kwun Tong and Ngau Tau Kok. The district's eateries thus serve people from all walks of life and cater to a variety of different tastes. Although lunch sets at newly opened Western-style restaurants usually cost between HK$60-$80, the three-dishes-one-soup combo sets at People's Canteen on Tai Yip Street only cost $28 (five years ago, the combo price was just $19). The food market on Lai Yip Street also has many lunch sets that cost below $35. Then at night, one can find many food stalls on Tsun Yip Street. The residential district is close nearby. People can walk to work. Apart from daily necessities, Keith (from the fabrication laboratory LAB by Dimension+) mentioned that he can easily buy raw materials such as plastic boards, wood and electronic parts with bargain price in the district. Ink'chacha is a small and unique printing company that finds Kwun Tong similarly convenient. They order paper from producers directly in the neighbourhood. That's why they can take orders that require fast delivery.

The complementary relationship and interaction of mixed sectors I hereby emphasize go beyond serving people's daily necessities and supporting their work-related activities. Dom from start from zero is a devoted artisan carpenter, in addition to his involvement in street art. Some of the wood that he uses comes from pallets left at refuse collection spots. The pallets are disposable tools for lifting heavy goods in the factory district. Dom transforms the waste

156 157

wood pallet into stylish and durable cupboards and chairs. The neighbourhood community knows that the refuse collection point at Tai Yip Street is a de facto recycling station, where people dump relatively new "refuse" such as furniture, musical instruments, decorations and plastic tiles. People can just take them away free of charge. Studio of fragile likewise contains furniture entirely collected from “refuse”. Among the highlights of their interior decoration is brand new high-quality solid wood flooring from Germany. Another resident of the district, Leung Ha, is fond of making fabric products such as pen cases, accessories, wearables and shoe pads. She collects all of her raw material from the factory building's back staircase. A contemporary version of Jane Jacobs' innovative city is evident in Kwun Tong residents’ creative ideas and practices, their reapplication of materials available within the community, their ability to network within the local community, and also thanks in part to the district’s public space and mixed commercial usage. Kwun Tong’s embodiment of the new innovative city also incorporates sustainable lifestyles that encourages recycling and reduction of carbon consumption (by reducing transportation emission via local production).

Low-rise buildings are indispensable

To enhance the effective functioning and development of a city, Jane Jacobs considered a second factor for successful urban planning. A city should not just have high-rise buildings; low-rise buildings and street shops are also indispensable. Most new high-rise buildings (both residential and commercial) tend to place all the shops inside the shopping malls. Streets then become passages where people cannot linger. There isn't any space for people from the neighbourhood to communicate and build connections. How is it possible for any social network with unique community character to grow out of such an environment? Moreover, the wall effect created by height and density of high-rises contribute to worsening air quality. The

old factory buildings in Wai Yip Street were built connecting with one and other without gaps.

Narrow alleys behind the connected buildings serve as air passages for better air circulation. If

in "Progress Report of Energizing

all the factory buildings are redeveloped into commercial buildings that annex the back alleys

This study is mentioned

Ko w l o o n E a s t O f f i c e a n d i t s continuing operation" 2013-2012. But

for the sake of increasing plot ratios, then the air in the neighbourhood around Wai Yip Street (as

the research outcome had not been

well as the residential districts in Yue Man Square and Ngau Tau Kok) will become stagnant.

released by the time this book was published. http://www.legco.gov.hk/ yr12-13/chinese/panels/dev/papers/

Old buildings are essential

Jane Jacobs believed that old buildings are essential. This point particularly can stimulate very interesting discussion regarding the unique situation in Kwun Tong. Her opinion is entirely different from the mainstream ideology and common practice of unrestrained “developmentalism” in Hong Kong. The mainstream view today seems to be that old things have no value and will obstruct economic growth. Jane Jacobs liked new buildings but also treasured old buildings. She believed the very existence of old buildings could help people connect and understand their history in an everyday life setting (rather than through museums). An individual’s selfunderstanding is built upon their knowledge of the previous generation and the transformation of their community. The presence of old buildings serves as a spatial reflection on the coexistence of people from different generations. They also mark the community with distinctive character that can never be achieved by monolithic shopping malls and modern streets.

The Energizing Kowloon East Office commissioned an academic institution in 2012-2013 to execute a research project called "Provision of Consultancy Service for Study on Industrial Heritage of Kowloon East and its Potential for Public Art / Urban Design."3 The research introduction described the manufacturing industry as “Industrial Heritage,” as if it belonged to the past and that factory buildings were no longer useful. It thus justified treating them as

dev0107cb1-383-1-ec.pdf

158 159

In April 2010, the former

secretary of Development Bureau, Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor granted the land premium exemption for owner of factory buildings which were over

museum relics and reaffirmed government policy to turn Kwun Tong into a CBD2. Although garment and plastic factories no longer exist in Hong Kong, we still find some important and traditional manufacturing operations. Newcomers have joined the manufacturing sector, too (more elaboration at the latter half of this article).

15 years to change the buildings into commercial usage, such as office, hotel or entertainment. She also relaxed the

Have you ever tried the orange jelly candy manufactured by Smith's Confectionery Factory

land premium requirement for building

(founded in 1960)? The factory still insists on hand-making jelly candy inside the Union Industrial

reconstruction. If the land premium is

Building. The candy factory is not just a business and should not be considered an outdated

more than HK$200 millions, the investor can pay by installments in five-year time.

sunset industry. The piece of jelly candy embodies the collective memories of Hong Kongers who

More about related government policy

were born in the 1960s and 1970s (as well as individual consumers' sweet memories). Smith's

and report see the official website: http://

Confectionery comes from a time when choices of snacks and candies were limited and living

www.devb.gov.hk/industrialbuildings/

conditions were more impoverished than the present time. The factory’s history is rooted in

chi/home/index.html Also see the position statement of

both individual sentiment and its spatial attachment to the community.

"Factory Building Artist Concern Group", which was written one year after the implementation of the policy of revitalization of industrial buildings when

Very seldom do scholars of Hong Kong film discuss the development of post-production technology and institutions that are actually essential to the growth of local film industry.

some of the artists and cultural workers

Even so, film post-production facilities play a critical role in Hong Kong film history. Mandarin

had discovered the adverse effect of

Laboratory (International) has been rooted in Kwun Tong since its establishment in 1969. In

the policy. The opinions of the position statement were gathered from habitats

the past, the company processed 35mm and 16mm film negatives, and now it also processes

of factory buildings. However, up till now,

digital image. In the 1980s, when we studied film production in university, we had to hand

the government has neither responded

carry 400-foot-long film rolls to the Mandarin Laboratory for processing. I still remember

to the statement, nor taken any measure to solve the problems raised: http://www.

the men working there were half naked. Once they saw me (a girl) entering their workplace,

inmediahk.net/「工廈藝術家關注

they quickly put on their t-shirts. The Mandarin Laboratory was originally located in Cheung

組」- 立場書

Fai Industrial Building. However, the policy of industrial building revitalization stimulated property speculation. 4 Tang Shing Bor, a veteran property investor bought the whole building

and appealed to the Town Planning Board to renovate the structure into a hotel. He sold the building for HK$930 million. The Mandarin Laboratory was thus forced to move to Jumbo Industrial Building, which is also located on Wai Yip Street.

After considering the industrial history of local candy and film processing, let’s examine the cross-generational stories from Kwun Tong. Among our interviewees was Monsha, the drummer for the indie rock group murmur. Her father, Kelvin, is in the fashion industry and has been working in Kwun Tong for 30 years. He loved rock ‘n’ roll music of the 1960s and 1970s and started learning music with his children when they were in high school. The family played music together every Sunday. Their band studio used to be a storeroom of Kelvin’s garment company. When murmur was founded, and its members could not find any place for rehearsal, Kelvin generously let them use the studio free of charge. Their upcoming first album was recorded in that studio as well. When we visited them again in April, we learned that Kelvin had helped Monsha to open a small shop – Wide Closet, for selling fashion and accessories (the shop selects its fashion items based on seasonal theme, with the first seasonal selection devoted to sweater culture). Through cross-generational connections inside the old factory building' studio, and the accumulation of previous generation's knowledge and experience, the space has transformed to yield new forms of meaningful practices.

Attachment to the community

The stories of the following two artists touch upon the significance of the mixture of old and new construction in relation to the passing on of family legacy across generations. The two are Nerve (a musician) and Dave (from Littledate Handmade Workshop). Dave is a designer and lived in Kwun Tong when he was small. He migrated overseas for a period of time and

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Video (YouTube): https://www.

youtube.com/watch?v=2SZG40SRXeM

An earlier relevant case was

settled back in Kwun Tong soon after he returned to Hong Kong. Both Nerve and Dave’s fathers used to work in Kwun Tong factories. During the interviews, we could feel their strong attachment to Kwun Tong, especially when they mentioned their experiences at summer job

the urban renewal project in the Lee

in the factories where family members worked. They were proud of their experience, and their

Tung Street (aka Wedding Card Street).

humble smiles veiled sweet memories. Both Nerve and Dave are very concerned about the

Stories about the neighbourhood were documented by v-artivist (http://

development of Kwun Tong, in particular the devastating reconstruction of Yue Man Square.

leetungvideo.wordpress.com). As for

Whenever we touched upon the topic they responded with a deep sigh. In recent years, people

Yue Man Square, the neighbourhood

from across the political spectrum have asked how to make people love Hong Kong. The

stories can be found on the webpage, "Living in Kwun Tong" (http://kwuntong. wordpress.com)

question I want to raise is, “How can people take root in the community?” If people don't care about their own community, and they are unable to develop attachment to their community because of constant redevelopment, then how can they love Hong Kong?” At the beginning of this year, the government launched a campaign called "Bless Hong Kong" and produced a short video featuring the story of Mr. Lee, a man who offers free congee to elderly. In the video, he said, "It is important to help out each other," "Helping others is one's fortune," and "Love Hong Kong with a sincere heart."5 I respect Mr. Lee with all my heart. Yet, I can't help wondering if the rent of his congee shop were tripled, or if he were forced to move out (of a space that the elderly in the video are familiar with) because of urban renewal projects, then could he still practice "mutual help" and "love" like what he does in the video? Affective attachment to Hong Kong stems from our respect for history, which is reflected in the material space of a community where people from different generations exchange their experiences. This is the root of love. But the urban renewal plans of recent years have destroyed and uprooted community networks. The unique characters and people's attachment to a community is accumulative. Once the urban renewal has emptied the buildings and forced people to leave, the meaning of the space collapses, followed by the vanishing of community culture and history. On what ground, then, can we develop our love for Hong Kong? 6

Coexistence of tenants from different sectors

Jane Jacobs believed that the coexistence of new and old buildings is essential for an energetic and vibrant city. Old buildings not only embody historical heritage and the unique culture of the community, they also provide cheaper rent for different kinds of shops and small businesses to coexist within the community. This is exactly the reason why in the past few decades, factory buildings in Kwun Tong have not remained vacant and evolved naturally into a diverse ecology. Our research indicates that transportation and rental costs are the main considerations for tenants who set up studios and offices in Kwun Tong factory buildings (particularly for those who need bigger space). Here are some examples: Up Publications (the publisher/bookstore had rented a 8,000 square feet storage/office space for three years. In 2013, upon the end of their lease agreement, their rent surged by 107% to HK$200,000 per month, and they were forced to leave. They eventually settled in another old warehouse, which they could renovate for their special usage, and yet affordable); LAB by Dimension+ (the open fabrication laboratory, production room and exhibition space occupies 2,500 square feet); Hidden Agenda (a live-house for music performance has 4,000 square feet); tfvsjs (music recording studio, showroom for selling drums, music rehearsal studio, and restaurant uses 4,000 square feet). All of the aforementioned businesses could not survive in Hong Kong without the old factory buildings. The old factory buildings cater to the needs of different cultural workers. These needs include: 1. Low rental cost (the band fragile used to rent a whole floor with 5 other groups/individuals. Their rent was very cheap, with 4,000 square feet costing roughly HK$10,000 in 2011. The rent increased to $15,000 in 2013. When the rent escalated to $20,000 in 2014, they gave up the space. Although the building is old and shabby, and the building management is poor, it provides a choice for those whose primary concern is rent); 2. Management (LAB by Dimension+ decided to relocate from one factory building whose

162 163

front door is located at the back alley. They found another factory building in the district with good management and a front door facing a main street to ensure the safety of their members and staff); 3. Studio space and windows (Littledate Handmade Workshop designs and makes wearables and leather products that require delicate craftsmanship and good lighting. They have huge windows in one of their studio walls that would seem tailor-made for their works); 4. Ceiling height and/or service lifts (Fantasy Puppet Theatre needs to move their big puppets and stage decorations to performance venues. The size of the factory buildingâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s service lifts, the distance between their studio and the lifts, and the proximity of the car park are all matters of concern).

Zoning destroys community vibrancy

Diversity is the most essential element of a vibrant city. Another factor that indicates how Jane Jacobs' views back in the 1960s were more progressive that other urban planners is that she argued against mono-function zoning. She said single function zoning would destroy community vibrancy. A mixture of new and old buildings not only provides an ideal habitat for cultural workers but also attract different small businesses: cookery schools, barista schools, sport centers, travel outfit shops, food stores that cater people with different needs, small to large-scale printing facilities, mini-storage services, logistic companies, garages, raw material providers (wood, plastic, hardware, paper), and etc. We see in Kwun Tong an amazing and diverse business landscape that has naturally evolved from an old industrial district into a vibrant community. Then why does the government still insist on transforming the district into Grade A office buildings, hotels and financial services?

The government has two misconceptions in its policy. Firstly, Grade A office buildings and advanced commercial activities are the driving force of the economy and thus the most

important part of urban development. Secondly, planning is important, while irregularity

and mixture are considered to be chaos. Hence, it is necessary to turn East Kowloon from an ugly

in a documentary, Urban Wisdom,

duckling into a white swan. Advanced commercial and business districts need to attain an unified "class" to attract multinational corporates willing to pay for the super expensive Grade A office rent. However, would such development make Hong Kong people happy? Would people's lives actually benefit? Would the community become more interesting and diverse?

The problem of the government policy stems from policymakers' detachment and distance from reality. Do they really understand the situation in Kwun Tong? The insight and depth of Jane Jacobs' argument exactly comes from her long-term observation of the everyday life of community inhabitants. Her concern is the condition of the living environment and the interaction between people within the spatial setting that would bring happiness to ordinary people, workers and small entrepreneurs. If we adopt her philosophy (concerned with people and their use of space) and methodology (based on ethnography, participatory observation and in-depth interviews), we would never come up with a decision to turn such a vibrant district with an excellent mixture of industrial/commercial activities into a commercial business district through building more Grade A offices for the sake of competing with Singapore. Kwun Tong is a grassroots community with its own history. Jane Jacobs pointed out that hybridity and mixture do not equal to chaos and disorder. Rather, it is "a more advanced and complex order." People should not be perceived as isolated entities. Their assemblage generates such complex order that is a necessary condition for a functioning and effective city.7

Manufacturing industry is still alive

Kwun Tong needs factory buildings.

Jane Jacobs talked about this

which was made in 2006. She was already 89-year-old.

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Has manufacturing died out? Are finance and real estate the only good sectors in Hong Kong? Hasn't the government itself said that the economy should be more diversified and that artistic and creative industries can help Hong Kong? Our research indicates that we still have a manufacturing industry, but it is an innovative, stylish and high-value-added creative and manufacturing sector that is dependent on factory buildings for survival.

LAB by Dimension+ designed and manually assembled two very popular products — a lamp and a wooden turntable. We observed that the production of the two products is by laser cut machine and hand-assembling. HMV starts to sell the turntables in May and the first batch of consignment sold out very quickly. There is a real market out there for these products. As the laser cutting process would produce toxic gases, they had to install a big ventilator on the wall which only factory building allows. The lab also has 3D printers. Their business has combined knowledge and skills of design, technology, new media and handcrafts. Even though Hong Kong factories are no longer making artificial flowers and other mass-produced plastic trinkets like in the 1970’s, factory buildings are needed for the transformation of our very own and creative manufacturing industry.

Both Littledate Handmade Workshop and 1/1 Leather Workshop have leather embossing machines for their leather products design and production. 1/1 Leather Workshop's machine is huge and heavy and only the thickness of factory building floor can bear such weight. They also use other tools such as leather cutters and claw hammers that make big noises. Such production can only run in factory buildings too. The designers don't like massive outputs of production line assembly. Instead, they choose to make exquisite and unique products by hand and fine craft. Isn't their work the traditional handcraft industry before the rise of machine production? This is even not “new industry.” This is actually something respects and links with traditional handcraft

that also relates to the history and the development of industry, yet in a new way.

The Hong Kong Arts

Development Council conducted

Can you imagine that someone in Hong Kong actually designs and produces electronic

a Survey on the Current Status of Industrial Buildings for Arts Activities

guitars? Doesn't that kind of skill exclusively belong to Japanese and Americans? Of course

and Future. Survey report: http://

not. Ah Chak from Fretsmith Guitar Lab fixes guitars and musical instruments. He also

www.hkadc.org.hk/UserFiles/File/

designs and hand-makes guitars under his own brand name. There are many heavy machines

notice/web_FAQ%20chinese.pdf

in his workplace: milling machine, electric saw, and a big ventilator. The setting is similar to a

carpentry workshop. He even has a separate room for spraying color oil. This kind of creative

of Factory Building Policy is Set to

industry and production combines advanced knowledge and skill of design, carpentry, painting,

Ming Pao. The Revitalization

End in 2016. June 24, 2014: http:// life.mingpao.com/cfm/dailynews3b.

electronics and music. It is the kind of innovative and high-tech manufacturing industry that

c fm?File=201405 25/nalga/gaa1.

we should support.

txt, http://life.mingpao.com/cfm/ dailynews3b.cfm?File=20140525/nalga/

Graphic Airlines' artworks include 3D collages, graphic designs, huge paintings and big figures (more than 5 feet high). Together with their other collections, they need a spacious workplace with high ceilings in an affordable rent. Factory buildings are their only choice. Cultural workers from the Factory Artists Concern Group have been stressing that if there are less and less factory buildings, the West Kowloon Cultural District will not be able to function. Because if artists cannot find affordable studios for their routine works, the whole creative sector won't be able to grow. Cultural workers need factory building spaces for their creative works. 8

No need for "revitalization"

As we were putting together this book in the final stage, we came across a report from Ming Pao Daily News titled The Revitalization of Factory Building Policy is Set to End in 2016.9 The article pointed out that the government had realized that the pace of its "Revitalization of

gaa1.txt

166 167

Industrial Building Policy" was too fast. The average property price of factory building had doubled in the past four years, a rate faster than the increase among residential buildings (50%) and indoor shops and floor shops (60%). As the supply of factory buildings could not meet the demand, the average rent increased by 40%. In our research, the biggest increase was up to 107%. As mentioned in this article, the utilization rate of factory buildings in Kowloon East is very high, and the rate has been very high even before the introduction of government industrial revitalization policy. If speculative investment gets more intense, then small and medium-sized enterprises will wither. Nevertheless, the government continues to measure economic activities with a conventional mindset, and refuses to reflect upon its problematic policy that forces Kwun Tong to transform into a central commercial and business district (CDB). At present, they realize rent is double and triple. However, the proposed decision (not yet done) to withdraw from the revitalization policy is merely a reaction to the policyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s adverse effects. Still, not enough reflections of how city planning can really benefit Hong Kongers. In fact, back in 2011, the Factory Artists Concern Group, academics, and activists concerned with Kwun Tongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development had predicted the skyrocketing rents due to the policy. The alarm rang, but the government failed to respond. Now, the government finally begins to acknowledge the harmful consequence. Yet, neighbourhood community in Kwun Tong has already been suffering. We sincerely hope that the government can really understand that the vibrancy of Kwun Tongâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s community is built upon the mixture of old and new, disorder as a complex and advanced form of order, and a diverse and mutual sharing community life. Things are in harmony and much alive and there is no need for "revitalization." What's more, please stop believing that advanced commercial business activities are the only lifebuoy for Hong Kong.

陳析妤 Cassi Chan

168 169

170 171

陳靖瑜 Chan Ching Yu

172 173

174 175

陳浩泓 Chan Ho Wang

176 177

178 179

工廈天台屋村 Rooftop houses in industrial building

陳景朗 Chan King Long

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空置的舊巴士廠 Abandoned bus factory

182 183

在 Hidden Agenda 一角的藝術作品 (start from zero 製造） An art work, by start from zero, in Hidden Agenda

黎旲盈 Lai Ho Ying

184 185

Fretsmith Guitar Lab

烏冬，一隻住在 fragile band 房的貓 Woodun, a cat lives in studio of fragile

在高良工業大廈裡的舊 Hidden Agenda Previous location of Hidden Agenda in Ko Leung Industrial Building

186 187

李諾瑜 Li Nok Yu

188 189

190 191

李穎鉉 Li Wing In

阿澤，Fretsmith Guitar Lab Ah Chak, Fretsmith Guitar Lab

192 193

勵業街熟食小販市場 Lai Yip Street Cooked Food Hawker Bazaar

194 195

Hidden Agenda

曾妍薇 Tsang In Mei

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勵業街熟食小販市場 Lai Yip Street Cooked Food Hawker Bazaar

Graphic Airlines 的藝術創作 Artwork, by Graphic Airlines

198 199

楊俊廷 Yeung Chun Ting

工廈天台屋村 Rooftop houses in industrial building

200 201

工廈天台屋村 Rooftop houses in industrial building

Fretsmith Guitar Lab

202 203

fragile band ć&#x2C6;ż Music studio of fragile

余善鈺 Yu Sin Yuk

204 205

206 207

勵業街熟食小販市場 Lai Yip Street Cooked Food Hawker Bazaar

陳翰謙 Chan Hon Hin

208 209

Fretsmith Guitar Lab

在高良工業大廈裡的舊 Hidden Agenda Previous location of Hidden Agenda in Ko Leung Industrial Building

張嘉悅 Karen Ka Yuet Cheung

在高良工業大廈裡的舊 Hidden Agenda Previous location of Hidden Agenda in Ko Leung Industrial Building

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212 213

在高良工業大廈裡的舊 Hidden Agenda Previous location of Hidden Agenda in Ko Leung Industrial Building

鍾卓晞 Adrian Cheuk Hei Chung

214 215

在高良工業大廈裡的舊 Hidden Agenda Previous location of Hidden Agenda in Ko Leung Industrial Building

林殷瑜 Florence Yan Yu Lam

在高良工業大廈裡的舊 Hidden Agenda Previous location of Hidden Agenda in Ko Leung Industrial Building

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在高良工業大廈裡的舊 Hidden Agenda Previous location of Hidden Agenda in Ko Leung Industrial Building

308 Tattoo

Hidden Agenda

潘玥彤 Poon Yuet Tung

218 219

Fretsmith Guitar Lab

譚思晴 Bethia Tam

220 221

Fretsmith Guitar Lab

308 Tattoo

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黃展洋 Wong Chin Yeung

224 225

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黃曉約 Andrey Hiu Yuek Wong

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Hidden Agenda

黃文傑 Wong Man Kit

Hidden Agenda

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黃珮琳 Wong Pui Lam

粵華樂器 Yuet Wah Music Company Limited

232 233

Hidden Agenda

308 Tattoo

從認識、理解到介入－－社區攝影工作坊的實踐

伍偉昌

很多人以為「社區攝影」就是湧到舊社區或將要拆卸的地方，拍攝一大堆照片，放在虛擬的空間點評一番，又或以為拍攝一堆殘破或將要消失的美麗構圖，就是對社區或城市關注得很。事實上，坊間確有不少人以為懷舊就是保育，保育就要多拍一點，怕趕不及所謂集體回體的消失，就不能再用照片來保留。可是，這種多重矛盾且偷換來的概念，是社區攝影的真正意義嗎？社區是否要待到老舊或受拆遷的威脅，才有拍攝的價值？

一個社區，是經年累月由人的生活而活生生地發展而成，充滿着人和環境的互動。透過學習攝影，到社區觀察、拍攝，從中理解社區發生的事情，並為此對街坊或社區人事有所回饋，這樣的互動，至少對筆者來說，才是具體有意思的「社區攝影」。而社區攝影教育，特別對年青人來說，並非單純追求主觀的美學或感覺（所謂「講 feel」），而是透過學習拍攝去認識自己和了解身邊環境，繼而用影像創作對環境和生活作出回應。

這次有關觀塘的社區攝影工作坊有來自區內和區外的學生參與，他們來自不同背景，對社區有不同印象，這令他們在學習過程中對社區的理解有更多的變化和思考角度；共通的是，他們都是一群原本不懂攝影，或只曉得用手機隨意抓拍的青年。是次工作坊以工廠區為主，同時介紹觀塘重建範圍內的舊社區生態，讓學生知道工廠區及整個社區環境之間的互動，以及觀塘社區將要經歷的巨大變化，使他們明白城市發展和自身的重要關係。另外，在開課前亦向學生說明工作坊的內容和預期目的，讓他們清楚將會經歷一個怎樣的學習，是否他們所期望的。只有在有興趣的學習動機下，工作坊才能事半功倍，學習和趣味相長。

工作坊首部份介紹在市區重建和活化工廈政策下，觀塘舊社區和工廠區的庶民生活受到甚麼層次的破壞，理解政策令社區士紳化、豪宅化的嚴重性，並講述城市

234 235

發展不能單一以地產經濟掛帥，反是在地生活的人和環境之間有機互動更為重要。課程透過民間紀錄片、時事新聞特輯、街坊導賞和嘉賓講座，讓學生從不同角度去認識社區實況和城市發展之餘，更在課堂內加以討論，深化學習，令學生消化所得資料，增強對題目背景的掌握，以助他們定立拍攝的方向和目標，不會人云亦云，忘記社區攝影的創作重點。

認清拍攝目的後，還要具拍攝的技術，學生才可有效地把社區的實況透過鏡頭來記錄和表達。因此，絕不能以虛無飄渺的感覺或單純主觀的手法教授社區攝影，而應以輕鬆的練習，實實在在按學生能力把攝影原理、光線運用和構圖技巧等基本攝影技術具體有系統地教授，令學生扎實地掌握攝影的方法。例如在學習技術前，讓他們隨意的拍攝一張照片回來，再寫下自己拍照的過程，怎樣完成拍攝一張照片，之後一起討論，理解攝影記事的邏輯。在學習光圈快門的曝光組合時，會在校園內玩尋寶遊戲，找尋拍攝不同的事物，應用光圈創造不同景深，或尋找不同的動作，應用快門創造速度感。而學習改變慣性的拍攝角度時，會抽籤叫他們模仿不同的動物，用動物的視線角度拍攝。另一方面，學生會在課堂內以角色扮演遊戲，扮演攝影師和街坊，在課堂學習到社區拍攝時應有的尊重和禮貌，培養同學們的同理心，體會被攝者的心情，學會人與人之間的尊重，這對進行社區攝影非常重要。學會怎樣按不同環境控制相機拍攝，再不會莽撞隨意，而是認真專注的拍攝。興趣源自認識；懂得，就能「我手影我心」。

再下一步，就是要切切實實的走出去，進入社區。這不是單向地到一個地方拍攝記錄，而是跟關注社區事件的街坊與組織聯絡，讓他們帶領學生走進最受影響的地方，親耳聆聽街坊口中的社區故事點滴，了解地區面臨變化的實際情況。課堂內得到的地區背景資料及攝影知識技巧，幫助他們觀察社區，發掘當中的訊息，把真實的處境透過鏡頭展示。經過實在的接觸社區空間，融合學生的見解，攝影

就有了互動的成果。

接著是到訪是次工作坊焦點──觀塘工業區，了解工業區在活化工廈政策下的轉變。在關注工廈藝術家的組織成員帶領下，學生深入工廠區，除街道及社區環境，更進入不同工廈的藝術空間，和單位的使用者交談，具體了解政策對他們影響。以理解先於影像創作，照片就能更實在地反映社區的狀況，亦因應社區街坊的回饋，創作出與環境、人、事、物互動的相片，這才是真正關係社區的相片。

每次外出拍攝之後，同學們會互相分享照片，並把拍攝感想整理，將相片及文字放在筆記簿上，利用文字引領學生揀選合適相片，展示個人對社區的想法和表達社區訊息。單純影像負載訊息有所限制，若加上學生真情流露的文字感想，就能令記錄更立體。課堂練習、筆記，以至實地拍攝，作品的揀選、列印，抒發感想，這一切都會記錄在筆記簿上，伴隨他們整個社區攝影的學習進程。

看見學生的作品，是因認識而理解的影像，找到社區的細節。經驗親身在地拍攝，透過學習攝影的筆記、感想文字、到訪藝術空間，他們繪畫對自己未來憧憬的工作室草圖，這些均反映了他們對社區由無到有的認知，由知道到理解的體諒，再由理解到使用照片表達社區的訊息，介入社區、互動，這正就是社區攝影工作坊的教育意義。而學生的回應，是在完成整個工作坊後對攝影意義的理解。學生對社區攝影工作坊反應正面，筆記簿內的感想，反映他們對城市和社區的認識比之前加深，更明白今時今日觀塘社區在重建下的真實狀況。進入廠廈，認識藝術家及他們的工作室，更把學生帶進另一個世界，認識日常生活以外的實況，政策變遷對社區與人的影響。不少同學亦表示除了學會怎樣攝影，更能認識社區，理解社區變化，甚至因而喜歡以攝影記錄介入社區的參與性創作手法。

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在面臨市區重建而被推土機一刀切式摧毀的觀塘舊區，連帶因政府活化工廈政策而影響的觀塘工業區，兩者互相扣連，都是面對着地產發展經濟利益傾斜的政策，令原來的庶民生活方式未能延續。觀塘的舊區重建，當中涉及把原有社區拆毀改建成商場及豪宅，賠償不公和政策不透明的漏弊及至對街坊和小商户的影響。而活化工廈政策引發的改變土地用途以達至政府純商貿經濟取向，則直接令原本在工廈善用空間和社區的藝術創作人，及小資本營運的工商業，被迫負擔不合理的昂貴租金或遷離社區。觀塘整個社區的兩面，南與北，即工業區和舊社區，就正正因為這兩項政府的政策執行而令活生生的街坊社區生活徹底邊緣化，被破壞。也許我們無法做到甚麼直接影響政治經濟的事，但在我們個人的層次，教育學生怎樣進入社區，運用攝影去記錄和為社區發聲，才是社區攝影教育的方向。

攝影，本身並無意義，其真意只在乎怎樣運用。社區攝影，就是要從認識、理解到介入社區。對年青人的攝影教育，不是製造一群粗拍濫攝或孤芳自賞的所謂「藝術家」，而是透過攝影培育一班有良心的人。畢竟我城將來，是屬於他們的。此時這地，願他們能透過鏡頭學到同理心，為我們的未來，不再重蹈今天錯誤的覆轍。

Learning, Understanding, Intervening: A Reflection on the Practice of Community Photography Workshop Stanley Ng

Many people tend to see "community photography" as just taking pictures of old districts or places to be demolished. Photographers snap a huge amount of photos and discuss their works online, assuming that by capturing urban ruin and vanishing beauty in a photo-frame they are expressing concern for the community and city. Indeed, many people in our society consider nostalgia equal to preservation. Preservation then becomes an act of capturing as many images as possible before our collective memories fade with the architectural record. Should the meaning of community photography be defined by such contradictory misconception? Must we wait until communities grow old or become threatened by demolition before finding their value in photography?

A community is developed by the accumulation of life experiences in a specific setting, involving dynamic interaction among community members. For me, the real meaning of "community photography" is to observe and take pictures of a community with the purpose of understanding what is happening in the community and giving feedback to the neighbourhood and community members. Community photography education programmes, especially those targeting young people, should not focus solely on subjective aesthetics or emotions. The workshops are a process for developing self-understanding and recapturing one's feeling towards the surrounding environment. Through the process, people can create concrete responses to their perception of community life and environment.

The participants of the Kwun Tong community photography workshop were students within and outside the district. The diversity of their background and impressions of the community provided different perceptions and understandings of the community. These groups of youths had no previous training in photography; their prior photographic experiences were largely limited to snapshots with mobile phones.

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The theme of the workshop was “factory district.” A brief introduction to the ecology of the old Kwun Tong downtown district was presented in the workshop with emphasis on the transformation that Kwun Tong’s community has been facing. The idea was to help students understand the interaction between factory district and the community, the huge changes in Kwun Tong area, as well as the relations of urban development with themselves. We explained the workshop structure and our expectations in the very beginning thus students understand clearly what they would be learning. Learning and interest went hand in hand. Their level of engagement dictated the workshop’s effectiveness.

The first part of the workshop introduced how urban renewal and factory revitalization policy would ruin ordinary people's life in the two primary regions of Kwun Tong – the old downtown and factory district areas. The presentation helped students to understand how government policies led to gentrification of the district and paved the way for an invasion of luxurious property development projects. The value of urban development was addressed, emphasizing that organic interaction between people and environment should be esteemed over interests of the property market-oriented economy. Curriculum resources were drawn from citizen documentaries, news feature reports, neighbourhood tours and guest speeches. Upon exposure to the community and alternative perspectives about urban development, students were encouraged to discuss and contemplate what they had learned in developing a firm objective and vision for their photography. We urged participants to note the ultimate role of community photography.

Upon clarifying the objectives of the workshop, students needed skills to record and express the actuality of the community. Through interesting exercises, students learned fundamental photography skills and techniques: principles in composition, how to capture light, etc.

Teaching photography is not accomplished entirely by lectures on illusive feelings or subjective styles. Photography is learned through lively action. We combined explanations with practice sessions. Before we taught a certain technique, we asked the students to take snapshots and document their process in writing. Through discussion, we led students to understand the principles and logic behind visual storytelling.

Consider a more specific application of this pedagogy, for example, teaching how to control exposure with aperture and shutter speed. Students played a scavenger hunt game. We asked them to look for different kinds of static or moving objects in the school campus, to create different depths of field for the immobile objects by manually changing the cameraâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s aperture. Then they experimented with capturing the motion of moving objects by modifying the shutter speed. When learning how to shoot from different angles, the students tried to view the world from the vantage of different assigned animals, and they shot photographs accordingly. Students also role-played in the classroom, taking turns as photographer and subject. Through the process, they learned how to pay respect to the community residents during actual shooting. Respecting the neighbourhood is of critical importance in community photography. Once photographers know how to adjust their photographic skills according to the environment, they stop behaving recklessly and casually, and become more thoughtful to photo-taking. Our pedagogy consolidated student interest and knowledge. Hence, they could effectively use photography to express their views.

Next, our workshop participants entered the community for real. They did not just wander about, snapping photos randomly. They communicated directly with community members. We cooperated with local NGOs which concern with community issues. They guided students to visit areas most affected by redevelopment in Yu Man Square. Local people told us stories

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about how the community and also how neighbourhood was changed. The background knowledge and photographic technique from classroom preparations helped them observe the community. Their cameras revealed their discoveries. The resulting photographs were a byproduct of studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; interaction in the community, and with its spatial environment as well as the students' point of view.

The second part of fieldwork was Kwun Tong industrial area. Students learned the impact of the policy of revitalizing factory buildings. Guided by the NGO concerns with the community, students toured district streets and visited art studios in factory buildings. The artists in the studio explained how redevelopment would impact their lives, too. By learning the community context first, workshop participants strived to be more responsive to actual situations. With the help of the community members, students can produce photographs resulted from the interaction of environment, people, objects and stories in the community. Then, these photographs can be closely related to the community.

Students shared their photos after each fieldwork. They presented their thoughts to one another with selected photos and notebook entries. The writing process helped them to choose the photos that best represented their thoughts on the community. As photos alone do not fully capture isolated incidents or articulate abstract ideas, writings provide a more vivid record of the studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; fieldwork process. The class notebook was an ensemble of exercises, notes, field trips, and selected photos. It chronicled their thoughts and feelings throughout the learning process.

Studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; works reflected their knowledge and understanding of the community. Through their photos, one can see their camera lens looking for significant details in the community.

The experience of shooting photos in the field, the reflective record of their learning process, writing of their feelings, visits to the factory art spaces, drawing of their own dream-studio, helped to cultivate community knowledge, understanding, interaction with community members, and compassion. This is the meaning of community photography.

At the end of the workshop, students had to comment on their understanding of the purpose of their photography. Their feedback was positive. Their reflections collected in the notebook showed that they had developed more knowledge about the city and the community. They understood the circumstances that urban renewal had forced upon Kwun Tong’s diverse community. The factory art space component of the workshop was especially revealing, as local artists allowed students experienced alternative spaces that were so different from their ordinary lives. The process enhanced students’ understanding of how policy change impacts communities and people. Some students pointed out that the workshop was not only about learning photographic skills. It was also an opportunity to learn the changes in the community. They likewise appreciated the use of documentary photography as a means of creative participatory intervention.

Bulldozers promising urban renewal are destroying Kwun Tong’s downtown district. Meanwhile, revitalization schemes have forever altered the Kwun Tong’s remaining industrial areas. Both consequences stem from policies that serve the interest of property developers. The consequences also discontinued ordinary people's way of life.

The redevelopment of Kwun Tong’s downtown involves the demolition of the existing community and replaced by mundane shopping malls and luxurious apartment buildings unaffordable to most original residents. Community members and small local shops owners have suffered

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from unjust compensation and opaque policies. As for the industrial district, the policy of revitalization of factory building has triggered the change of land use for commercial activities while forcing community artists, small-scale manufacturers and retailers to pay unreasonably high rent (or they are forced to move). The community lifestyle in northern and southern Kwun Tong - the industrial and downtown district - have been completely marginalized and destroyed because of government policies. While our workshop might not have influenced political and economic policy, at least we have taught students how to enter a community as photographers. They not only acquired new skills, they helped give the community a voice. This should be the ultimate objective of community photography education.

The meaning of photography depends on how it is used. Community photography is used as a means to enter a community, to learn, to understand and become involved. Photography education for youths should not simply about taking lots of photographs, or cultivate a new class of self-indulgent so-called â&#x20AC;&#x153;artists.â&#x20AC;? Photography is an avenue for inspiration, kindness and sympathy. The future of our city belongs to the youth. We hope that they continue fostering compassion and understanding through their cameras; and future of Hong Kong will not repeat the tragedies, as those in Kwun Tong at present.

鳴謝 Acknowledgement

社區攝影工作坊

導師 Tutor

Community-based Photography Workshop

伍偉昌 Stanley Ng

參與學生 Participating students 五旬節林漢光中學 Pentecostal Lam Hon Kwong School

陳析妤 Cassi Chan 陳靖瑜 Chan Ching Yu 陳浩泓 Chan Ho Wang 陳景朗 Chan King Long 黎旲盈 Lai Ho Ying 李諾瑜 Li Nok Yu 李穎鉉 Li Wing In 曾妍薇 Tsang In Mei 楊俊廷 Yeung Chun Ting 余善鈺 Yu Sin Yuk 滙基書院 ( 九龍東 ) United Christian College (Kowloon East)

陳翰謙

Chan Hon Hin

張嘉悅

Karen Ka Yuet Cheung

鍾卓晞

Adrian Cheuk Hei Chung

林殷瑜

Florence Yan Yu Lam

潘玥彤

Poon Yuet Tung

譚思晴

Bethia Tam

黃展洋

Wong Chin Yeung

黃曉約

Audrey Hiu Yuek Wong

黃文傑

Wong Man Kit

黃珮琳

Wong Pui Lam

藝術家 / 設計師 / 文化工作者

攝影師 Photographers

Artists, designers and cultural workers

梁仕昌 Ronald Leung

1/1 Leather Workshop

麥海珊 Anson Hoi Shan Mak

308 Tattoo

伍偉昌 Stanley Ng

奇想偶戲劇團 Fantasy Puppet Theatre

謝曉渝 Tse Hiu Yu

fragile

曹偉樂 Tso Wai Kok

Fretsmith Guitar Lab Graphic Airlines

五旬節林漢光中學 Pentecostal Lam Hon Kwong School

維港唱片 Harbour Records

蔡宛倫老師 Joanna Tsai

HeadHunter Hidden Agenda

滙基書院 ( 九龍東 ) United Christian College (Kowloon East)

墨斗喳咋 Print Studio – INK'CHACHA

張翠容老師 Gloria Cheung

Good Morning / Slam Dunk - 4814 Days After LAB by Dimension+

何鴻毅家族基金 The Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation

Lesha Studio

黃美儀 Wong Mei Yee

香港藝術創作室 art house in Hong Kong

葉天佩 Yip Tin Pui

Littledate Handmade Workshop Wide Closet Nerve's Studio 尺八研修館 Shakuhachi Studio 盧鎮業 Siuyea start from zero The Cave The Salt Yard 上書局 Up Publications UNiXX

編者 Edited by

行政統籌 Administration

麥海珊 Anson Hoi Shan Mak

張婷婷 Ruth Cheung 袁小仙 Cynthia Yuen

研究員 Researchers

麥海珊 Anson Hoi Shan Mak

封面圖片 Cover photo

黃津珏 ahkok

潘玥彤 Poon Yuet Tung

袁小仙 Cynthia Yuen

滙基書院 ( 九龍東 ) United Christian College (Kowloon East)

翻譯 Translation

出版 Published by

林藹雲 Lam Oi Wan

中文編輯 Chinese Editor

張婷婷 Ruth Cheung

香港浸會大學視覺藝術院啟德視覺藝術院研究與發展中心

譚學能 Alex Tam

kaitak, Centre for Research and Development, Academy of Visual Arts, Hong Kong Baptist University

英文編輯 English Editor

電話 Tel: +852 3411 8255

Doug Meigs

電郵 Email: va_kaitak@project.hkbu.edu.hk

設計 Design

承印 Printing

蘇麗平 Somely So

藍馬柯式印務有限公司 Lammar Offset Printing Ltd.

相片處理 Photo retouch

ISBN: 978-988-19665-2-0

蕭偉恒 Siu Wai Hang

2014 年 8 月初版 First published in August 2014

文字校對 Proofreading

香港印製 Printed in Hong Kong

譚學能 Alex Tam

非賣品 Not for sale

本書為何鴻毅家族基金創辦及資助的「憧憬世界」攝影教育計劃之一部份。 This book is published as part of the Through Our Eyes Photography Education Programme founded and funded by The Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation.

創辦及贊助「憧憬世界」 Through Our Eyes Programme is founded and funded by

「憧憬世界」計劃相機贊助 Through Our Eyes Programme Camera Sponsor

本書文章及圖片皆屬作者，版權所有，本書任何部分未經版權持有人書面許可，不得作任何形式之翻印、轉載或翻譯。The copyright of each article and image in this book remains the property of the author(s). All rights reserved. No parts of this publication may be reproduced, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

本刊物內之意見乃作者個人觀點，作者將文責自負，該等意見不一定代表香港浸會大學立場。 Opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author, who shall assume sole responsibility, and do not necessarily represent the stance of Hong Kong Baptist University.