A Study of the Musical Instruments of Ifugao in the Cordillera Region, Northern Philippines by Izzy C.

A STUDY OF THE MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS OF IFUGAO IN THE CORDILLERA REGION, NORTHERN PHILIPPINES

Campos Fredeliza Zamora

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy at The University of Hong Kong

May 2012

Abstract of the thesis entitled

A Study of the Musical Instruments of Ifugao in the Cordillera Region, Northern Philippines Submitted by

Campos Fredeliza Zamora for the degree of Master of Philosophy at The University of Hong Kong in May 2012

The Ifugao is one of the well-studied indigenous peoples in the Philippines from the Cordillera Region in the northern Philippines. They have a characteristic music that has historically been differentiated from the majority of the population in the country who perform and listen to Western music. There are substantial ethnographic monographs about their society and their chants, but organological studies of their musical instruments have not been undertaken in any detail. This thesis examines a collection of Ifugao musical instruments archived between the early 20th century and the present to help understand changes and transformations of the groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s musical culture. The musical instruments were examined in various institutions in the Philippines and United States, and a typological analysis was conducted. Fieldwork was also conducted in the summer of 2010 to further investigate the presence or absence of these traditional musical instruments in current Ifugao culture. The materials were systematically measured and assessed based on the von Hornbostel and Sachs classification scheme with full recognition of its later revisions.

Most of the musical instruments are no longer in use. The loss of skill in playing and making instruments has gone along with the marked decline of agriculture in the area and the rapid shift towards tourism and urbanization during the middle of the 20th century. Diversity, variations, and ingenuity in their creation declined considerably during this period and the remaining few musical instruments have been transformed into objects primarily designed for public performance or sale to tourists. Attempts to revive cultural heritage have had the paradoxical

consequence

introducing

coexistence with an altered image of the past.

non-traditional

instruments,

A Study of the Musical Instruments of Ifugao in the Cordillera Region, Northern Philippines

Campos Fredeliza Zamora

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy at The University of Hong Kong May 2012

Declaration

I declare that the thesis and the research work thereof represents my own work, except where due acknowledgment is made, and that it has not been previously included in a thesis, dissertation or report submitted to this University or to any other institution for a degree, diploma or other qualifications.

Signed:

………………………………..… Campos Fredeliza Zamora

Acknowledgements

I am

extremely grateful to Dr. Roger Blench. My pursuit of

ethnomusicology would not be possible without his wholehearted mentorship and encouragement. I am indebted to his guidance, comments and his patience in reading through all the drafts of my work to improve it. I thank my thesis supervisors, Dr. Manolete Mora and Dr. Giorgio Biancorosso for their help and suggestions. My work at the University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology has been an important aspect of my research, and I wholeheartedly thank Prof. Ramon Santos for his trust and scholarly advice, and my colleagues from the department for their assistance. I am deeply indebted to Mr. Manuel Dulawan for sharing his valuable research on Ifugao music and culture. I would also like to thank the academic support from a number of my mentors at the University of the Philippines, Dr. Grace Barretto-Tesoro, Prof. Victor Paz, Dr. Christine Muyco, and Dr. Fe Prudente. I would like to express a special note of thanks to the children and performers of The School of Living Tradition and the warm welcome I received from the people of Ifugao. I am particularly grateful to the local government of Ifugao and its municipalities, most especially, Rebecca Bumahit, Lily BeyerLuglug, Coun. Tony Bongachon, Engr. Carmelita Buyucan, Pedro Dulawan, Gabriel Maddawat, Ellenora Aliguyon, Isabel Hummiwat, Lucy Madam-ot, Isabel Codamon, Jimmy Padchanan, and Martin Abbuggao.

I would also like to acknowledge the institutional support of the National Museum of the Philippines, Baguio-Mountain Provinces Museum, Mayoyao Museum, Banaue Museum, Ifugao Museum, and the Field Museum of Natural History; and my heartfelt thanks go to Jamie Kelly and Dr. John Terrell of the Field Museum of Natural History, and Todd Harvey from the Library of Congress for facilitating access to the archives and materials on Ifugao. Funding to conduct fieldwork in Ifugao was from the World Oral Literature Project in collaboration with Roger Blench in 2010, while the travel grant to the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago, U.S.A. from the HKU Research and Conference Grant Administration System (RCGAS) is gratefully acknowledged. I have benefited from inspiring conversations from very good friends and colleagues: thanks to Mindy Ceron, Sheryl Chow, Michelle Eusebio, Yoko Wylegala, Daniel Lo, Timmy Chen, Hee Seng Kye, Jenny Lee, King Pan Ng, Irene Pang, Juliette Simms, Bobby Tse, Enoch Cheung, Carrie Carter, and most especially to Sharon Chan and Shirley Tamayo. I am greatly in debt to Dr. Mick Atha and Kennis Yip who have extended their help without hesitation during my stay in Hong Kong. I could never thank them enough for all their support. Lastly, I thank my family and especially my husband, Philip Piper who unselfishly devoted time and provided continuing encouragement, who never gets tired of listening to my ideas, and for always sharing my enthusiasm in music. No one could have been luckier than I to have someone accompanying me in all of my adventures in research.

iii

Table of Contents Declaration

Acknowledgements

Table of Contents

List of Tables

List of Figures

vii

Chapter 1: The Cultural Manufacture of Sound

1.1 Cultural and Geographical Context

1.2 Ifugao Music: The Social and The Mythical

Chapter 2: Methodology

2.1 The von Hornbostel and Sachs System of Classification

2.2 Measurement of Musical Instruments

2.2.1 Instrument Weight and Dimensions

2.3 Materials and Sources

2.3.1 Ifugao Museum

2.3.2 Musical Instruments of Ifugao Municipalities

2.3.3 Ifugao Provincial Government

2.3.4 Banaue Museum

2.3.5 Baguio-Mountain Provinces Museum

2.3.6 University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology

2.3.7 National Museum of the Philippines

2.3.8 Field Museum of Natural History

2.3.9 Other Sources and Archives

Chapter 3: The Musical Instruments of Ifugao

3.1 Idiophones

3.1.1 Split Tubular Clapper

3.1.2 Split Tubular Rattle

3.1.3 Percussion Bar

3.1.4 Struck and Scraped Percussion Bar

3.1.5 Percussion Sticks

3.1.6 Flat Gong

3.1.7 Jawsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Harp

3.2 Membranophones

3.3 Chordophones

3.3.1 Idiochord Zither

3.3.2 Mono-Idiochord Zither

3.3.3 Heterochord Zither

3.3.4 Heterochord Strip-Zither

3.4 Aerophones

3.4.1 End-Blown Flutes

3.4.2 Idioglot Clarinet

3.4.3 End-Blown Horn

Chapter 4: Conclusion and Recommendations

4.1 Musical Instruments: Synthesis and Overall Discussion

4.2 The Physical and Contextual Preservation of Musical Instruments

References

Appendices

Appendix 1: List of Musical Instruments Analysed Appendix 2: Aerophones Measurements Appendix 3: Music Instrument Data Sheet Appendix 4: Archival Sources

List of Tables Table 1.1

Individual land areas and population counts for the Ifugao municipalities (Ifugao PPDO, 2007; NSO, 2007)

Table 3.1

Variations in length (L1) and diameter (D1 & D2) of the conical drum.

Table 3.2

Measurements of idiochord zithers. Zithers with damaged parts or are missing were not measured and presented in the table.

Table 3.3

Measurements of heterochord zithers.

7 58

List of Figures Fig. 1.1

Map of Ifugao indicating its 11 municipalities: Alfonso Lista, Aguinaldo, Mayoyao, Banaue, Hingyon, Hungduan, Lagawe, Kiangan, Lamut, Asipulo, and Tinoc.

Fig. 1.2

The provinces of the Cordillera Administrative Region (Apayao, Abra, Kalinga, Mt. Province, Benguet, and Ifugao).

Fig. 2.1

Recorded measurements for the split tubular rattle and split tubular clapper.

Fig. 2.2

Percussion bar and beater measurements.

Fig. 2.3

Measurements of the copper alloy flat gongs (note the use of human jaw as handle)

Fig. 2.4

Measurements for the idioglot jawsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; harp.

Fig. 2.5

Measurements for the closed conical drum with an everted base.

Fig. 2.6

Measurements for the idiochord and heterochord zithers.

Fig. 2.7

Measurements for the flutes and idioglot clarinet.

Fig. 2.8

Measurements for the end-blown horn.

Fig. 2.9

Musical instruments examined for this study from IfugaoKiangan Branch Museum (Kiangan), Asipulo Municipality (Asipulo), Mayoyao Museum and Mayoyao Municipality (Mayoyao), Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO), BanaueBeyer Museum (Banaue), Baguio-Mountain Provinces Museum (Cordillera), University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology (UPCE), The National Museum of the Philippines (NMP), The Chicago Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH), and personal collections from researchers and locals (Pers. Coll.).

Idiophones and membranophones from Ifugao Museum (Kiangan), Asipulo Municipality (Asipulo), Mayoyao Museum and Mayoyao Municipality (Mayoyao), Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO), Banaue Museum (Banaue), Baguio-Mountain Provinces Museum (Cordillera), University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology (UPCE), National Museum of the Philippines (NMP), The Chicago Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH) and personal collections of researchers and Ifugao locals (Pers. Coll.).

High priests or mumbakis with the split tubular clappers in their hands while conducting a ritual around an Ifugao house. Photograph courtesy of FMNH Anthropology Division, 1907-09. Photograph courtesy of the Chicago Field Museum Anthropology Division.

Fig. 3.3

Two split tube clappers smeared with chickenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s blood. Photograph courtesy of the FMNH Anthropology Division.

Fig. 3.4

Plain split tubular clapper from FMNH.

Fig. 3.5

Split tube clapper with red tinge with a notable similarity with those shown in Figures 3.2 and 3.3.

Fig. 3.1

Fig. 3.2

vii

Fig. 3.6

Bivariate plot showing the correlation of the length of the bamboo tube and the mid-section slit from mid to end part of the instrument.

Bivariate plot showing the correlation of the overall length of the bamboo and its diameter indicating two distinct groups of preferred lengths.

Fig. 3.8

Split tubular rattles from ICHO; covering the hole with a finger changes the pitch of the instrument.

Fig. 3.9

Split tubular rattle now being sold in markets around Ifugao, particularly in Banaue.

Fig. 3.10

Scatter diagram showing the correlation of the overall length of the musical instrument and the length of its mid-section slit. The outlier came from Mayoyao Museum (IF-0107 in Fig. 2.1) with L1=44.7 cm and LV1=36 cm.

Fig. 3.11

Scatter diagram showing the correlation of the length of the bamboo tube and its diameter.

Fig. 3.12

Ifugao percussion bars from FMNH.

Fig. 3.13

Spear-like Ifugao percussion sticks (pattung) from FMNH.

Fig. 3.14a

Narrow percussion bars from Mayoyao Museum.

Fig. 3.14b

A narrow percussion bar being played with the more common yoke-shaped percussion bar, taken in 1967. Photograph courtesy of the U.P. Center for Ethnomusicology.

Fig. 3.15

Painted percussion bars from the recent collections of ICHO.

Fig. 3.16

Changes in lengths (L1) and greatest widths (L2) of percussion bars from the earliest to the most recent collection.

Fig. 3.17

Correlation of L1 and L2 from 1900s t0 recent collections of percussion bars.

Fig. 3.18

Correlation of weight and overall length of percussion bars.

Fig. 3.19

Percussion bar with serration, collected from NMP, inset shows the wear marks of the serrations.

Fig. 3.20

Percussion bar with corrugated edges from FMNH.

Fig. 3.21

Gong ensemble from Mayoyao.

Fig. 3.22

Gong ensemble from Asipulo.

Fig. 3.23

Ifugao dancing accompanied by a gong ensemble during the early 1900s. Photograph courtesy of FMNH Anthropology Division.

Correlation between weight and diameter of flat gongs, the outliers are from National Museum and Banaue Museum which were all collected around 1940s.

Fig. 3.25

Correlation between the diameter of the gongs and its depth, the outlier is from Banaue Museum (see Fig. 2.3)

Fig. 3.26

Relationship of overall length of jawsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; harp with the length of the lamella.

Fig. 3.27

Relationship of lamella length (Lv1) and width (Lv2).

Fig. 3.28

Correlation between length and width of jawsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; harp frame during the early 1900s-1940s and 1950s to recent.

Fig. 3.7

Fig. 3.24

viii

Fig. 3.29a

Ifugao conical drum with an open base from NMP and (inset) UPCE.

Fig. 3.29b

Open base of IF-0067; unusual conical drum collected by NMP in 1969.

Fig. 3.30a

Playing the conical drums, ca. 1907-09. Photograph courtesy of the FMNH Anthropology Division.

Fig. 3.30b

A similar conical drum from Mayoyao, nails replaced the original rattan cord which have badly degraded over time (ca. 1940 or earlier).

Fig. 3.31

Conical drums from FMNH.

Fig. 3.32

Recent conical drums from Ifugao local markets.

Fig. 3.33

Summary of idiochord and heterochord zithers from Ifugao Museum (Kiangan), Mayoyao Museum (Mayoyao), Ifugao Cultural Heritage Museum (ICHO), Banaue Museum (Banaue), U.P. Center for Ethnomusicology (UPCE), The Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH), and Personal Collections (Pers Coll).

Fig. 3.34

Collection of idiochord zithers from FMNH.

Fig. 3.35

Idiochord tubular zither from Mayoyao Museum; elongated aperture was both for aesthetic and functional reasons.

Fig. 3.36

Mono-idiochord tubular zither from FMNH.

Fig. 3.37

An idiochord tubular zither with a split single string.

Fig. 3.38

Heterochord zither in Asipulo using a cup (or coconut husk) as a resonator. This originally had rattan strips as strings but the owner replaced them with metal wires as they are more durable and resonant.

Fig. 3.39

Heterochord zither from Asipulo that is still being used today by its owner.

Fig. 3.40

Heterochord strip zither from Banaue.

Fig. 3.41

Heterochord zither with an anthropomorphic figure as a board (from the private collection of R. Blench)

Fig. 3.42

Correlation between the length (L1) and width (L2) of the zither with the string length (Lv1) and depth (T) of the board.

Fig. 3.43

Panpipe from Cordillera common among the Kalingga, Bontok, Kankanay and Balangao, but not in Ifugao. Photograph courtesy of UPCE.

Fig. 3.44

Aerophones recorded from Ifugao.

Fig. 3.45

Plain modern duct flute with fingerholes aesthetically shaped like flowers.

Fig. 3.46

An end-blown flute (duct flute) with incised designs collected in 1948.

Fig. 3.47

A long end-blown duct flute with three finger holes.

Fig. 3.48

An end-blown flute (without duct), usually denoted as a nose flute though it can also be played using the mouth.

Fig. 3.49

Correlation between length (L1) and diameter (D1) of duct flute, end-blown flute without duct (end-blown flute), and the singlepitched duct flute.

Fig. 3.50a

Correlation between length (L1) and diameter (D1) of clarinet and distance between 1st and 2nd fingerholes.

Fig. 3.50b

UPCE collection of clarinets (left) and idioglot clarinets from Ifugao Museum (right), not in scale but see text for dimensions of IF-0092 and IF-0093.

CHAPTER ONE

The Cultural Manufacture of Sound

Musical instruments are unique human constructs. Their presence underpins the character and inventiveness of the people that produced them and informs on their history and culture.

A look into an assemblage of musical

instruments not only captures the material culture of humanity but also the provocative process of manufacturing music across time. This is because such materials are tangible objects that are created, played and re-created continuously. The role of music and musical instruments in societies is as dynamic as the culture it is in. They are products of creativity, technological innovations and developments. Different groups have different sets of musical materials that distinguish both the social and private lives of people and their cultures, the secular and the sacred, and our notion of what is “indigenous” and what is “popular” in music. Prior to European contact, the different communities of the Philippines had autochthonous cultural elements evident from the various musical instruments used by many ethnolinguistic groups in the country. Maceda (1998) chronicled the music of many of these groups, particularly those concentrated in northern Luzon and Mindoro, and in the southern Philippines in Mindanao, Sulu, and Palawan. The majority of Filipinos, however, play and listen to Western music. Possessing distinctive cultural traits and their own chronicles of resistance against colonialist intrusions, ethnolinguistic groups, once referred to as “tribes”, are now officially recognized in the Philippines as “indigenous peoples” or “indigenous cultural communities” (AIPP and IWGIA, 2010, p. 5). The overall population of these communities is very small compared to the larger central

communities that comprise 85% of the total population of the country (AIPP and IWGIA, 2010; Wessendorf, 2011). However, their characteristic indigenous music is of interest because they hold pre-European features that relate to the rest of Southeast Asia and to the Austronesian world. Musical instruments such as flat gongs and other idiophones, idiochord and heterochord zithers, and woodwinds are all representatives of local colour and meanings that are necessary to understanding protohistoric culture and beliefs in the Philippines, where there is so much more to explore. Musicological studies flourished in the country at the turn of the 20th century (Dioquino, 1982). However, the cultural manufacture of sound and its material evidence is an anthropological prospect that remains underrepresented. Because of the tremendous diversity of music in the region, it is difficult to present an overarching musical identity. Similar musical traits, however, must have been developed during cultural contacts and trade of musical instruments, such as flat gongs. These have been recorded from as early as the tenth century (Nicolas, 2009). Accordingly, foreign and locally-acquired materials were utilised by the indigenous groups preceding Spanish colonization. Cultural contacts in prehistory were marked by musical instruments among the Austronesians, in which the Philippines plays a pivotal role (Blench, 2006). This research looks into these precolonial musical forms through an examination of musical instruments of the Ifugao people in the mountainous region of the Cordillera in Luzon. The group is one of at least 110 ethnolinguistic groups in the Philippines (AIPP and IWGIA, 2010; Fox and Flory, 1974; Joshua Project, n.d.; Lewis, 2009; NCCA, n.d.). The earliest anthropological materials related to Ifugao music were products of ethnographic research at the turn of the 20th century. Among the

earliest scholars to survey Cordillera region as well as the Ifugao province include Dean Worcester (1906; 1908; 1912; 1914), Faye-Cooper Cole, Roy F. Barton (Barton, 1919; 1922; 1930; 1946), and William Jones (Bronson, 1982; Jones, 1910). After Jonesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s precipitous death while conducting fieldwork, his studies were carried on by S. Chapman Simms who collected ethnographic materials extensively across the region, including musical instruments from Ifugao. These materials were collected between 1906 and 1909 and although early ethnographic materials such as these have been examined and discussed in the past (Barton, 1930; Beyer, 1913; Cole, 1912-18; Willcox, 1912; Worcester, 1906; 1912), their ethnomusicological aspects have not been investigated in any great depth. This study focuses on musical performances that incorporate musical instruments and will not cover unaccompanied vocal genres. Salient concepts on the cultural production of sound from various materials will be investigated based on accessible musical data collected from the past as well as contemporary musical instruments used by the Ifugao today. In consideration of resources and time constraints, it is also limited to duly recorded materials from particular (Ifugao) provincial and municipality museums, the National Museum of the Philippines, the University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology, the Ifugao musical collections of the Field Museum in Chicago, U.S.A., the archives from the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., and from the fieldwork conducted by the researcher in the summer of 2010 (Blench and Campos, 2010). There is also a great need for the practical inventory and classification of musical artifacts in Philippine music as this will help foster academic discourse. There is a glaring lack of etho-organological studies in the Philippines and the classification based on universally-established schemes. In cultural studies, the identification and placement of musical artefacts in a classification scheme is a

sine qua non for both communication and understanding of musical systems, especially if the materials are from non-western contexts. More importantly, regional and worldwide comparisons can only be done if local terms and features are compared against an empirical classification scheme. Maceda (1998) has presented a large inventory of musical instruments in the Philippines which demonstrated the complexity and marked musical differences among indigenous groups. Its importance is unquestionable, as the musical instruments were well presented, and accompanied by many photographs including distribution maps, recapitulating decades of fieldwork the author has conducted. The data was not presented in the basic taxonomic order observed in organology which only highlights what was raised by others, such as Kartomi (1990, 2001): the need for a classification scheme that will facilitate in gaining better understanding of different musical systems. The von Hornbostel and Sachs classification scheme of 1916 was designed to counteract local or regional terminologies to prevent ambiguity by prominently utilising a numerical system similar with the Dewey Decimal Classification based on Mahillon1 (1893). This allows a comprehensive comparison and recognition of musical instruments worldwide. Additionally, subtle differences, transformations over time, and changing functions and meanings can only be investigated in a microscopic level. This study will address the need for the organization of musical instruments within groups by following closely a previously-established typology with Ifugao musical instruments as a case study. Similar to the many cultural communities that actively respond to modernisation and technological advancements, older traditions and Ifugao 1

Victor-Charles Mahillon introduced a system of classifying musical instruments based on the Dewey Decimal System for the musical instruments of Conservatoire Royale de Musique at Brussel. Von Hornbostel and Sachs developed the system further and is currently a universally recognized system of classification of musical instruments.

music, in particular, are continually changing even as some of its features are even rapidly disappearing. Vocal genres and various chants have long attracted scholars for their antiquity, however, an in-depth study of musical instruments and a synthesis of old collections with known provenance is lacking, and are thus confronted in this study. Finally, musical instruments are important cultural and spatiotemporal markers in the society. They are representations of eras that moulded them, when specific raw materials were available, matched with skills on hand. The aesthetics and techniques behind their manufacture expound on resemblances and differences of morphological features between locales which can help further explain the musical connections of the different groups in the Philippines, and even between neighbouring countries. It is thus hoped that this endeavour will add to the growing knowledge in ethnomusicology in the Philippines and a deeper understanding of the musical practice in the region. 1.1 Cultural and Geographical Context Ifugao is a mountainous province located in northern Philippines (Figure 1.1). It has a total land area of 251,778 hectares, generally elevated with its highest peak reaching close to 3,000 metres above sea level (Ifugao PPDO, 2007) and thus separated from the rest of continental, low-lying Luzon.

Ifugao is

bounded by Mt. Province to the north and Nueva Vizcaya to the south, while the Magat River separates the province from Isabela on its eastern side and on its western side it is separated from Benguet by Mt. Pulag. Its rugged landscape is generally marked by steep slopes, narrow crests and plateaus, forests, and at least 14 distinguished mountain ranges (DENR, 2007; van Breemen et al., 1970). The complex geomorphology of the province does not impede the inhabitants from having a significantly rich agricultural life on account of its rice

terraces. These layered paddies were most likely constructed progressively; its oldest tiers are arguably dated to at least 1,500 years old (Beyer, 1908; 1936; 1947; Maher, 1973; 1981; 1981-1982). Recent archaeological excavations propose however that the terraces could have been more recent, built by the inhabitants in the sixteenth century as they retreat from Spanish in the lowlands to the uplands (Acabado, 2009).

Fig 1.1 Map of Ifugao indicating its 11 municipalities: Alfonso Lista, Aguinaldo, Mayoyao, Banaue, Hingyon, Hungduan, Lagawe, Kiangan, Lamut, Asipulo, and Tinoc.

In addition to its prominent terraced agricultural lands, much of the province’s terrain is very complex with its steep slopes and narrow crests, which makes navigating, even up to this day, extremely challenging. Although roads have been developed over the years, many areas in Ifugao are still not accessible by vehicles. This makes ethnographic research on lesser known groups and

remote communities very problematic. The climate is characterised by a dry season occurring between December and May, with the highest temperatures in March and April, while the rainy season starts in June (Conklin, 1980). Ifugao gained its status as a self-governing province in 1966 and was gradually politically subdivided into 11 municipalities (Table 1.1), with its central governance seated in Lagawe (Ifugao PPDO 2007). These municipalities are further divided into smaller units called barangays, although the traditional kinship systems in many areas still thrives (L. S. Dulawan, 2001). Through a series of executive ordinances and reorganization in 1988, and more so, incited by cultural, geographical, and historical proximity, Ifugao was placed under the Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR), along with Abra, Kalinga, Mountain Province, and Benguet (Figure 1.2). This organisational setup is not free from bias, queries, and political undertones but its consideration is beneficial in regarding Ifugao as a distinct group in the region. The authority and diplomatic functions of CAR has been Table 1.1 Individual land areas and population counts of Ifugao municipalities (Ifugao PPDO 2007; NSO 2 007)

catechised over the years and layers of

issues

direction

accompany (Casambre,

its

future 2006;

Cordillera Executive Board, 1997). This particular mixture of political, historical,

and

cultural

alliances

affect decisions and policies made by the Ifugao as a unit. Apart from political subunits, Ifugao is also divided into different cultural communities. At least four

Municipality

Land Area (hectares)

Population as of 2007

Aguinaldo Asipulo Banaue Hingyon Hungduan Kiangan Lagawe Lamut Alfonso Lista Mayoyao Tinoc

33,980 27,533 22,468 6,008 20,410 8,410 35,383 18,477 44,905 13,740 20,464

17,231 13,340 21,448 10,071 9,601 15,448 17,477 22,109 25,323 16,722 12,045

TOTAL

251,778

180,815

major subgroups comprise the province: the Tuwali, mostly located in Lagawe, Hingyon, Kiangan, Banaue, Hungduan, Lamut, and Asipulo; the Kalanguya, found in Tinoc and Asipulo; the Kalinga, found mostly in Tadian, Alfonso Lista; and the Ayangan, from municipalities of Alfonso Lista and Tinoc (Ifugao PPDO, 2007). Other cultural subgroups such as Ikalahan, Ayangan, Gaddang, Kankanai/ Kankanaey, apart from the inclusive Ifugao were also recognized (Ibid.). The Ifugao was once referred by the Spanish as Ygorotes, most of the earlier scholars however used the self-ascribed Ifugao. It was derived from the local term ipugo or ipugaw and literally translates to “from pugo” which refers to a hill or an elevated area that overlooks the rice fields (L. S. Dulawan, 2001; Dumia, 1979) or “from pugaw” which refers to the “Earthworld” in a mythical sense (Barton, 1946; M. B. Dulawan, 2006). Ifugao may also pertain to “ipugo”, the rice grain given to the people by one of their gods (Dumia, 1979). It may also mean someone from the earth or a mortal, human being (M. B. Dulawan, 2006). Attempts to colonise the province began in 1752 but invariably failed (Scott, 1974; 1975) as the inhabitants did not succumb to foreign invasion immediately. Religious conversion faltered for over a century, until finally in 1889, when Spanish military headquarters were successfully established in Kiangan and traditionalists were baptised in Banaue for the first time (Scott, 1975). Missionaries in succession explored other communities and areas more vigorously to follow up on their religious conversion (Campa, 1895). Despite this, the Ifugao embraced Christianity relatively later than other communities in the country, which may perhaps explain the retention of many of their animistic beliefs and ancient traditions.

Fig. 1.2 The provinces of the Cordillera Administrative Region (Apayao, Abra, Kalinga, Mt. Province, Benguet, and Ifugao).

The interaction between the inhabitants and the Spanish, and later on, with the Americans prospered and eventually the Ifugao became the largest group to represent the Cordillera at the turn of the twentieth century (Fry, 1983; Jenista, 1987). Additionally, the group attracted a number of cultural researchers during this period resulting

in an important and substantial collection of

anthropological monographs particularly by Roy Franklin Barton (1911; 1919; 1922; 1928; 1930; 1946; 1955), Francis Lambrecht (1929; 1955a; b; 1957; 1960;

1967), and Henry Otley Beyer (1913; 1926; 1947; 1955). Beyer also conducted archaeological excavations and subsequently married an Ifugao and settled down in the area. Prior to their conversion to Catholicism, the Ifugao practiced polytheism and ancestral worship (Barton, 1930; 1946; Beyer, 1913). They consequently derived and named their own deities which were believed to have reached over 1,500 different gods, although a supreme singular deity is lacking (Barton, 1946). Interestingly, the modern Ifugao, the majority of whom are now Roman Catholics, do not find any disparity in incorporating their ancient deities alongside a monotheistic faith. The majority of the province is framed by different kinds of rice terraces and are elevated to more than 500 metres above sea level. The terraces are found more prominently in areas (between and within) Banaue, Hingyon, Hungduan, Tinoc, Kiangan, Mayoyao, Asipulo, and Aguinaldo. As wet-rice cultivators, they grow crops on these terraced lands as well as on swidden fields. Although concerns on the rapidly decreasing interest in agriculture have been raised, over half of the families in the province still rely on either production or entrepreneurship of agricultural products as a primary source of livelihood (Ifugao PPDO 2007; Rovillos and Morales, 2002). With agriculture as their primary occupation, the Ifugao landscape dominates the people. This intimate association of the peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s religious and agricultural life, as well as its geography are major considerations in the cultural study of the group. However, these values have been rapidly changing over time, along with the dynamic forces brought about by modernity and the relentless movement of people. Half of the Ifugao population is under 21 years of age and many of this younger generation have taken on academic training and trade

outside the province leaving farming behind to the elderly (PPDO, 2007). The United Nations Scientific, Educational and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) declared the rice terraces as a World Heritage Site, and they were later on added to the list of World Heritage Sites in Danger in 2001 (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2001; 2009; UNESCO and NHK 2004) which underscores the deterioration of the rice terraces in which the heart of Ifugao values and their rich agricultural life lies. 1.2 Ifugao Music: The Social and The Mythical Music is an ambiguous word in the Ifugao realm. In fact, there is no single word or phrase in the Ifugao vernacular that directly translates to music or musical instrument (Madarang, 1991). Although music is in itself a concept that can be hardly defined (Alperson, 1994; Kerman, 1985), the long-standing European view of music2 as a salient form of art does not exist in the Ifugao psyche when it comes to the older forms of their vocal and instrumental music genres. However, music is very much in evidence in the lives of the Ifugao: accompanying various customs and traditions, as a way of expressing oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s personal or social belief, in public or private occasions, and in every period of their history. A conspicuous feature of Ifugao music is its social function. Apart from a few musical instruments that are used for personal entertainment, such as the idiochord zither and heterochord zither, Ifugao music involves two or more performers. A responsorial type of music is almost always expected. It is seen among a group of singers having a leader, the first flat gong leads the ensemble as well as hearing an interaction between instruments, or a jawsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; harp player expects 2

It is recognised that music is a complex concept and can be delineated in numerous circumstances. This research however is not a discourse on what is music in a non-European context. It simply adheres to a rather straightforward view of music as any sound that is specifically altered or performed (human voice or object), whether consciously or unconsciously within the Ifugao cultural context.

a reply from another performer. Rituals and other musical traditions in Ifugao give glimpses into the nature and degree of hierarchy in the community. Musical instruments also underscore these divisions. Kadangyans or the wealthy clans who own farm lands hold agricultural rites attended by their farmers and families while the native high priest, mumbaki, leads the ritual (L. S. Dulawan, 2001; M. B. Dulawan, 1985). Prestige feasts and large wedding feasts were also common and food was always shared within communities, hence the participation in musical ensembles and accompanying dances. Many Ifugao sacred rituals utilize musical instruments. Particular musical instruments such as the idiochord tubular clapper, is used by the mumbaki in communicating with deities and ancestors to send messages and requests from the community. Although musical instruments played by high priests are not exclusive to religious rites, they maintain a status of sacredness and importance. The vocal genres of Ifugao are based on myths, folk tales, and legends, and are generally classified into chants and songs (M. B. Dulawan, 2006). These are generally unaccompanied and do not have definite melodic lines and rhythmic patterns. They have chants as part of sacred rituals and extemporaneous chants for entertainment. The well-known hudhud is a non-ritual chant that narrates stories of Ifugao deities, Aliguyon and Bugan. It has over 200 episodes mostly narrating ancient and mythical stories of Ifugao gods and people with supernatural powers as well as the creation of the world. It is customary to call the lead singer the munhw-e while the choristers are referred to as munhudhud. As this is a non-ritual chant, it is often performed in several occasions such as weddings, harvest season, funerals and other local celebrations. In 2001, hudhud was declared by UNESCO as one of the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Masterpieces of

the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (UNESCO, 1995-2010; UNESCO, 2001) and has since then received considerable public attention, much to the detriment of other Ifugao vocal genres. Two other non-ritual chants are apapnga, performed by two groups competing with each other, and liwliwa, another extemporaneous performance by two competing groups that requires more formal verbal skills and chanting (M. B. Dulawan, 2005). The ritual-based vocal genres are also performed in a Sprechstimme (halfsung, half-spoken) manner. One of the highly regarded chants of the Ifugao is the alim, a particularly long chant that can only be performed by highly select men during prestige, death, and exhumation ritual performances (Madarang, 1991). Some believe that its antiquity surpasses hudhud and therefore deserves attention and protection as well.

CHAPTER TWO

Methodology

The methodological study of musical instruments called organology regained its dynamic atmosphere towards the end of the 20th century with significant materials being produced on the subject matter (e.g., Baines, 1992; Dearling, 1996; DeVale, 1990; Dournon, 1992; 2000; Fletcher and Rossing, 1998; Kartomi, 1990; 2001; Khalil, 2010; Latham, 2002; Myers, 1992; Oxford Music Online, 2007-2011; Rault, 2000). New and ongoing studies also pointed to a more succinct, multidisciplinary approach in looking at the presence of musical instruments among peoples. This research is an attempt to apply a novel and systematic approach to the study of Ifugao musical instruments in the hopes of expanding the field of organology further in this part of the world. A close inspection of musical instruments primarily concerns in-depth materials analysis as practised in archaeology. This research benefits from basic techniques from the discipline while maintaining an approach well-grounded in ethnomusicology. This chapter briefly discusses the methods utilized to analyse the musical instruments, explains the techniques of measurement and enumerates institutional sources of the data presented in this study. 2.1 The von Hornbostel and Sachs System of Classification In organology, the classification scheme established by von Hornbostel and Sachs (1914; 1961) at the beginning of the 20th century not only fostered the systematic study of musical instruments, but contributed to the development of museology (Kartomi, 2001), and perhaps more importantly it made an outstanding contribution in ethnomusicology as it recognized the existence of musical instruments of non-European origins. The scheme is empirical in nature

and because it is patterned after the Dewey numerical system it resolved effectively the issue of using vernacular terms. This universality allowed crosscultural comparisons and an inter-disciplinary approach in music research under the framework of typology, a specialism well-grounded in other areas such as archaeology and linguistics. Originally, the system had four major categories, namely, idiophones, membranophones, chordophones, and aerophones. Deviations and speciation of musical materials however subsequently developed new divisions such as electrophones (Galpin, 1965; Sachs, 2006, p. 467) and redefined recognised subdivisions, e.g., lamellaphones (MIMO, 2011). 2.2 Measurement of Musical Instruments Although the rich indigenous culture of Ifugao province has been explored by many researchers, the prevailing studies of musical instruments are not as substantial as the groupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s more popular oral genres. Ethnographic data and music materials collected from the area during fieldwork and archives accessed from specific museums and institutions between 2009 and 2011 are the chief focus of this research. Measurements of musical instruments in this study were taken using the most fitting tools (i.e., digital weighing scales, a digital calliper of accuracy to hundredths, etc.) and incorporated into a recording system designed for museum and field archiving. A close inspection of the subtle differences in size and morphology of a considerable collection of musical instruments collected over time as well as other associated materials are the primary analytical data used in this research project to identify temporal changes in the musical instruments produced and utilized by the Ifugao. Apart from gongs acquired outside Ifugao, the musical instruments examined here were all locally made from raw materials available in the

immediate environment. Flat and bossed gongs from archaeological sources, though not specifically identified from Ifugao, were also measured for comparative purposes. A wide range of these instruments are made from bamboo, a common practice in producing musical instruments, not only in the province but all over the Philippines, and Southeast Asia (Baines, 1970; Buchner, 1972; Dioquino, 1998; 2008; Grame, 1971; Maceda, 1998; Malm, 1967). For instance, many of the aerophones were made from perhaps small varieties of bamboo or reed which are naturally hollow to contain the vibrating air column. Percussion instruments on the other hand were produced from either hard or soft woods. Metals were not often used apart from the jawsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; harps and for the strings of a few more recent chordophones. Musical instruments held by the different institutions in this study each have significant cultural and historical value. Access to measure and photograph these instruments was secured from the respective institutions and individuals and all the associated data, such as catalogue cards and museum records, and visual and audio documentations were collected to place the instruments into their known historical, social and ritual context. Full descriptions and measurements of the major parts of the musical instruments were taken systematically together and a photographic record of high resolution produced and archived. Other information such as the state of preservation and missing parts and all other remarks were stored in the simple database synthesised and presented in Appendix 1. Museum catalogue numbers were also noted for cross referencing, but for purposes of discussion in this research, provisional numbers were assigned to each musical instrument studied beginning with the letters IF followed by a unique 4 digit number (e.g. IF-0001).

Instrument taxonomy follows von

Hornbostel and Sachs (1914; 1961; 1992) and other literature for general descriptions of the musical instruments were consulted (Baines, 1970; 1992; Buchner, 1973; Dearling, 1996; Diagram Group, 1997; Maceda, 1998; Marcuse, 1975a; b; Sachs, 2006). 2.2.1 Instrument Weight and Dimensions For each musical instrument weight is designated as W and the overall length or height of the instrument is designated as L1. Differences in features and morphology of the instrument require a specific way of measurement and are briefly explained here. A 10 cm scale is placed in all of the images and all photographs were taken by the researcher unless otherwise noted. a. Split Tubular Rattle and Split Tubular Clapper – L1: overall length; Lv1: length of the vibrating portion (split tubular rattle) and the length of the slit (split tubular clapper); D1: diameter of the non-vibrating end where the instrument is held; D2: diameter of the vibrating end (Figure 2.1). b. Percussion Bar – L1: overall length (for both percussion bar and beater); L2: greatest width of the instrument, usually where the loop handle is attached; D1: diameter of the beater; L3: width of both edges; L4: width of loop handle; T: greatest thickness or depth of the percussion bar (Figure 2.2). c. Flat Gong – D1: diameter of the “face” or struck surface of the gong; D2: diameter of the underside or the interior facet of the instrument; L1: depth or length measured from exterior to interior facet; T: rim thickness (Figure 2.3).

Fig. 2.1 Recorded measurements for the split tubular rattle and split tubular clapper.

Fig. 2.2 Percussion bar and beater measurements.

Fig. 2.3 Measurements of the copper alloy flat gongs (note the use o f human jaw as handle).

d. Jaws’ harp – L1, L2, L3, L4: dimensions of the frame; Lv1 and Lv2: length and width of the lamellae or the vibrating portion of the instrument, Lv3 is taken if the lamellae is of unequal width (Figure 2.4).

Fig. 2.4 Measurements for the idioglot jaws’ harp.

e. Conical Drums – L1: height of the drum; D1, D2: diameter of both

the

surface

struck

(top

head)

and base (bottom) of the

drum;

D3:

narrowest portion of the

drum

everted

with base;

an T:

thickness of the base of the drum (Figure 2.5).

Fig. 2.5 Measurements for the closed conical drum with an everted base.

f. Zither – L1: overall length; L2: width for board zithers; D1: diameter for bamboo zithers; Lv1: length of the string/s; Lv2: width of the strings (Figure 2.6). g. Aerophones – L1: overall length; D1: diameter (external) near the mouthpiece; D2: diameter (bore) of the opening; Lv1: length of the vibrating reed; LV2: width of the vibrating reed (done only when parts are in good condition); Lh (Lh1, Lh2, etc.): length or distance between holes; Ld (Ld1, Ld2, etc.): diameter or width of the holes (Figures 2.7 and 2.8).

Fig. 2.6 Measurements for the idiochord and heterochord zithers.

Fig. 2.7 Measurements for flute and idioglot clarinet.

Fig. 2.8 Measurements for the end-‐blown horn.

2.3 Materials and Sources A total of 240 musical instruments were accessed and analysed from the collections of ten different institutions, and from personal acquisitions (Figure 2.9). A variety of at least twenty different musical instruments stored at the different institutions from various municipalities in Ifugao Province were also accessed, measured and photographed. The oldest were acquired from the region

between 1906 to 1909 and are now stored at the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, while the most recent ones were recorded during fieldwork conducted by the researcher in the summer of 2010 (see Appendix 1). A larger sample size could potentially have been incorporated into the study from yet more overseas (outside the Philippines) institutions, but this would have required greater resources and a longer duration of time to study, analyse and complete. However, the musical instruments recorded in this study from the early 20th century through to 2010 were a large and representative enough sample to identify temporal variations in the presence, absence and morphological transition that has occurred in Ifugao musical instruments over the last century. In addition to the musical instrument collections other archival materials such as photographs and audio-visual records were also utilized as complementary evidence for the production and social, cultural and ritual use of musical instruments in this study. Moreover, accessibility and availability of reliable information on their provenance are primary considerations of the research, and the institutions that kindly permitted access to their collections are briefly described in detail in the ensuing subsection (see Appendix 4 for supplementary images and information). 2.3.1 Ifugao Museum Ifugao has one provincial museum located in Linda, less than a kilometre away from the centre or the Poblacion of the municipality of Kiangan. The museum has been formally administered by the National Museum of the Philippines since 1984 as its Kiangan Branch Museum (NCCA, 2011; National Museum of the Philippines, 2007b). The museum holds a number of important archaeological and ethnographic materials including distinct Ifugao wood carvings, and a few cultural materials from other groups of the Cordillera region.

Eighteen musical instruments collected from the mid-20th century until its turnover to the National Museum in 1984 were measured and photographed.

Fig. 2.9 Musical instruments examined for this study from Ifugao-‐Kiangan Branch Museum (Kiangan), Asipulo Municipality (Asipulo), Mayoyao Museum and Mayoyao Municipality (Mayoyao), Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO), Banaue-‐Beyer Museum (Banaue), Baguio-‐ Mountain Provinces Museum (Cordillera), University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology (UPCE), The National Museum of the Philippines (NMP), The Chicago Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH), and personal collections from researchers and locals (Pers. Coll.).

2.3.2 Musical Instruments of Ifugao Municipalities The municipalities of Asipulo and Mayoyao have some musical instruments mostly used for community festivities and other external civic events. Mayoyao also has a museum open to the public that is located just across the municipal hall. Combined, the two municipalities hold a total of fourteen musical instruments acquired over the past few decades including idiophones and chordophones, flat gongs, and a conical drum. 2.3.3 Ifugao Provincial Government As a subunit of the Provincial Planning and Development Office of the Ifugao local government, the Ifugao Rice Terrace and Cultural Heritage Office, now known as Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO) administers cultural

preservation programs in the province which primarily focuses on the rice terraces listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO and the hudhud, an indigenous chant that was declared by UNESCO as one of the Masterpieces of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity (Bumahit, 2008; DENR, 2008; Dulnuan-Bimohya, 2009). As a group that also safeguards indigenous oral traditions, cultural programs and other musical performances are regularly initiated. Over fifty musical instruments held by ICHO are used in such events. These comprised the bulk of recent materials analysed for in this study. 2.3.4 Banaue Museum Privately run by the Beyer family (of renowned anthropologist H. Otley Beyer), the Banaue Museum has a collection of Ifugao artefacts and photographs on display for public viewing. The family’s active involvement in the preservation of Ifugao culture organized by the provincial government, as well as private groups supporting indigenous craftsmanship (e.g., Manlilikha Artisans' Support Network, 2011) sustain the museum’s long-standing presence in the province. Seventeen musical instruments consisting of a variety of bamboo and metal jaws’ harps (or Jew’s harps), bamboo flutes, a few idiophones, and a copper flat gong were measured and photographed with the kind permission from Lily BeyerLuglug. Aside from this, Banaue figures as an important locality in Ifugao because Christianity was first introduced here in 1889 (Scott, 1975) and has then been of much academic interest for archaeological and ethnographic studies. 2.3.5 Baguio-Mountain Provinces Museum Located in an earthquake-frequented area in Central Cordillera about 70 km from Ifugao, the Baguio-Mountain Provinces Museum has endured physical renovations and relocations due to natural calamities as well as administrative developments since its inception in 1977 (Baguio Museum, 2000). Its collection

consists of monographs and archives, and ethnographic materials from at least eight major cultural groups in Cordillera, including the Ifugao. The museum highlights both cultural similarities and differences of these groups. Five Ifugao musical instruments that are on display were recorded for this research. 2.3.6 University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology The University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology (UPCE) is one of the autonomous research centres at the University of the Philippines in Quezon City, Metro Manila. UPCE principally holds the musical collections of its founder Jose Maceda, who did extensive research across the country between the early 1950s and 1990s as an ethnomusicologist and as an avant-garde composer. Aside from its reels and cassette tape recordings, field notes, films and photographs, the centre was also a repository of musical instruments collected by Maceda and his research team (U.P. Center for Ethnomusicology, 2009). Twenty eight musical instruments and sound recordings from Ifugao were accessed from the UPCE archives and incorporated in this study. 2.3.7 The National Museum of the Philippines The National Museum is the premiere and largest museum in the Philippines. After a series of re-developments and changes in location since its inception between 1887 and 1901, the museum became an independent institution in 1998 under Republic Act No. 8492 (Castro, 1998). The museum was given three buildings and this museum complex is located in the heart of Manila (National Museum of the Philippines, 2007a). A total of 41 musical instruments, both in storage and on display were measured and photographed, including a few gongs of archaeological significance that were recovered from shipwrecks. The latter were included as supplementary materials for comparative purposes. Excluding the archaeological materials, the collection of the Ifugao musical

instruments held by the National Museum was made between 1947 and 1974. 2.3.8 The Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago With the influx of foreign scholars at the time of American colonization in the early 1900s came a marked interest in Philippine indigenous culture. This was fostered in the United States during highly publicized world expositions such as the Columbian World Exposition in Chicago and the St. Louis World Exposition in 1904 where the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Igorotsâ&#x20AC;? along with the Bagobos and other groups were part of the spectacle. Between 1906 and 1911, the Field Museum designated its own museologists and scholars to survey unfamiliar cultures in the Philippines and to amass representative ethnographic collections (Bronson, 1982; Pfeiffer and Bronson, 1982). Among them was S. Chapman Simms who travelled to the Philippines between June and December 1906 and again from April 1909 to January 1910. During these periods, he collected 52 Ifugao musical instruments that are archived at the museum and were accessed for this study. These are the oldest samples in this study and made an excellent assemblage to be compared and contrasted with the more recent materials curated elsewhere. The Field Museum also has other archived materials such as photographs and field notes that are associated with the collection and were duplicated and/or recorded for the purposes of this study. 2.3.9 Other Sources and Archives A total of 11 musical instruments in the collections of private individuals and locals in the area were also analysed. In addition a few were purchased by the author from Banaue market, the long-standing trade centre and later on tourist destination of the province. These musical instruments assume a more generic form as they are produced in bulk and were produced by ambiguous sources. Along with the ICHO collections they represent however the most recent

indigenous musical instruments of the province and are certainly worthy of note, representing the way the Ifugao represent their musical culture in modern society.

Additionally,

the

anthropologist

Harold

Conklin,

who

worked

prominently on Ifugao culture since the late 1961, has deposited his raw audio recordings that contain numerous musical performances and rituals at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C.. The author visited the library and was permitted to copy the recordings, and these are also used as supplementary materials for this study as examples of the role of different musical instruments in Ifugao culture.

CHAPTER THREE The Musical Instruments of Ifugao

The various features of music such as pitch, timbre, amplitude, as well as rhythm and tempo are not its only measurable traits. A musical instrument also has quantifiable morphological features that directly affect its resulting sound and has certainly contextual implications. This section presents the musical instruments collected from the Ifugao and analyses and discusses their changing features and morphology across time. This section is structured in taxonomic order, following the von Hornbostel and Sachs (1914, 1961) classification. 3.1 Idiophones Musical instruments that generate their sounds through vibrations of the solid body of the instrument itself are generally classified as idiophones, a major group based on the classification scheme set by E. M. von Hornbostel and C. Sachs (Dournon, 1992; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914; 1961). Musical instruments generally classified as idiophones are among the earliest soundproducing materials in existence and were perhaps specifically fashioned to recreate the sound made by humans clapping their hands together (Blades, 1984; Blades and Montagu, 1976). Though mostly without discernible pitches, apart from certain instruments such as cymbals that can generate overtones from its fundamentals, idiophones are a highly diverse group of instruments, common worldwide, and with a large variety of shapes coming from numerous raw materials (Baines, 1970; Dournon, 1992; Marcuse, 1975b). Four musical instruments of this type were recorded in Ifugao and were all widely used for both sacred ceremonies and public festivities (Figure 3.1). The occurrence of idiophones, particularly the percussion bars and conical drums, in all of the

institutions included in this study indicate its relevance and strong presence in Ifugao.

Fig. 3.1 Idiophones and membranophones from Ifugao Museum (Kiangan), Asipulo Municipality (Asipulo), Mayoyao Museum and Mayoyao Municipality (Mayoyao), Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO), Banaue Museum (Banaue), Baguio-‐Mountain Provinces Museum (Baguio), University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology (UPCE), National Museum of the Philippines (NMP), The Chicago Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH) and personal collections of researchers and Ifugao locals (Pers. Coll.).

3.1.1 Split Tubular Clapper The split tubular clapper is a type of concussion idiophone where two flexible half-tubes strike together to produce a sound. A singular lateral cut from one end to near the end between two internodes of a piece of bamboo is made, and the object is held by one hand on its uncut end (usually an internode itself) and cast swiftly with a downward force to create the sound. Widely known in Ifugao as palipal, this instrument is commonly used in agricultural rites (Barton, 1946) and notably in gopah wherein high priests (mumbaki) perform baki or baqi to invoke ancestral spirits and deities (Figure 3.2) (field recording in Conklin, 1964).

Once an animal has been slaughtered, an invocation is uttered while tapping the animal with the musical instrument. The musical instrument is then laid upon the animal sacrifice and smeared in its blood as an offering to their gods for a bountiful harvest or any other requests, such as a blessing for a new home (Dioquino, 2008, p. 108) (Figure 3.3). Although the Ifugao distinctly remember the instrument as a sacred artefact used by their high priests to communicate with their deities, key areas in the province no longer incorporate this instrument in their rituals. The use of this instrument seems to have stopped a few decades ago. Documentaries from this period such as the video recording by Gibb (1981) does not show the palipal being used in any of the rituals he documented. However, some locals who have rice fields used to keep the instrument so that they could request mumbaki to perform a baki or prayer, which primarily involves playing the instrument as they call on their deities for a bountiful harvest, while others also utilise the instrument to keep crows and pests away (pers. comm., Dumia, 1979; Tuguinay, 2010). If used as latter, the instrument is then referred to as luppak. Contrary to outstanding Ifugao belief that the instrument is purely for sacred purposes, Simms noted during his collection in Ifugao in the early 1900s that the instrument is also â&#x20AC;&#x153;a childâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s play thingâ&#x20AC;? (FMNH Archives, 1907-1909) which suggests that the split tubular clapper is not strictly a sacred musical instrument (which the locals currently seem to think so regarding its function in the past). Another detail that modern Ifugao remember was that mumbakis were almost exclusively males. Figure 3.2 clearly shows that this was not always the case and in this example the trailing priest is a woman.

Fig. 3.2 High priests or mumbakis with the split tubular clappers in their hands w hile conducting a ritual around an Ifugao house. Photograph courtesy of FMNH Anthropology Division, 1907-‐09.

Fig. 3.3 Two split tubular clappers smeared with chicken’s blood. Photograph courtesy of the FMNH Anthropology Division, 1907-‐09.

The Ifugao split tubular clapper is made from a type of bamboo characterised by two either D-shaped or elongated holes in the middle portion of the instrument (IF-0011 in Figure 2.1). Though most of the recent collections and a few from the early 1900s (Figure 3.4) bear its natural colour, some of the bamboos are distinctly dark, burnt or painted (Figure 3.5) which may suggest that this dark tinge has been applied to the body of the instrument to appear as if the sacrificial blood was smeared during rituals. It was also observed by Willcox (1912) that among the Ifugao at that period, it was a practice to stain particular bamboo ornaments, or bamboo bands as he describes it, with red coloration, which they wore around their waist, and sometimes worn by children around their ankles. Moreover, exposure to fire to slightly burn the wood also preserves and alters the timbre of the bamboo, which could possibly be another explanation to the burnt appearance of some of the clappers.

Fig. 3.4 Plain split tubular clapper from FMNH.

It is also notable that similar varieties of bamboo are used, commonly with a diameter between 2.4 cm and 4.5 cm, which are relatively narrower but thicker than other bamboo instruments accessed in this study. The thickness (T) of the bamboo indicates that they were already mature when harvested since it is

preferable to use bamboos of at least three years old to provide good resonance (pers. comm., M. B. Dulawan, 2010).

Fig. 3.5 Split tubular clapper with red tinge with a notable similarity with those shown in Figures 3.2 & 3.3.

Figure 3.6 shows the linear relationship between the overall length of the tubular clapper and the linear length of the slit to produce the vibration. It demonstrates that as the length of the bamboo increases the slit also increases uniformly. The overall length falls within the range of 26 cm and 72 cm, however there are two distinctive preferred lengths: between 26 cm and 45 cm and around 60 cm (Figure 3.7). Furthermore, the preferred diameter for tubular clappers in the narrower range falls around 4 cm whereas the larger group of clappers vary considerably in diameter from 3.5 cm up to 8 cm. There appears to be a general limit on the preferred length which is just over 60 cm, with one outlier that reached 72 cm. One restriction on the length of the tubular clapper might also be related to the raw material and its ease of use as this is carried by just one hand.

Fig. 3.6 Bivariate plot showing the correlation of the length of the bamboo tube and the mid-‐ section slit from mid to end part of the instrument.

Fig. 3.7 Scatter diagram showing the correlation of the o verall length of the bamboo and its diameter indicating two distinct groups of preferred lengths.

3.1.2 Split Tubular Rattle Another example of a concussion idiophone is the split tubular rattle which was recorded in this study although it is not an indigenous Ifugao musical instrument. Loosely termed as a bamboo buzzer or in the vernacular as pewpew, pfalleng-pheng or pakgung and elsewhere in northern Luzon and in the Cordillera as balingbing, ubeng, bilbil, pahinghing, patuaw, pakkung, or

bungkaka (Dioquino, 2008; n.d.; Maceda, 1998), the instrument is held near the bamboo internode in one hand and struck against the other hand so as to vibrate and produce the purported buzzing sound. This is usually played in the Cordillera as an ensemble with interlocking patterns, imitating gong ensembles such as the gangsa topayya (Fujii, 2005, p. 237; JVC, 2005; Maceda, 1998, p. 237). The instrument was a recent addition to the Ifugao repertoire of musical public performances and festivities, and taken by the younger generation through programs such as the School of Living Traditions established in Kiangan (Blench and Campos, 2010). Mayoyao Museum included a lone split tubular rattle which was believed to have been made in the 1980s (IF-0107 in Figure 2.1). With a wider gap between the vibrating parts, it looked different from the more recent and mass produced split tubular rattles (Figure 3.8) from the Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO) at the provincial government of Ifugao and those that are commercially available in Banaue and many other public markets in Ifugao (Figure 3.9).

Fig. 3.8 Split tubular rattles from ICHO, covering the hole with a finger changes the pitch of the instrument.

Fig. 3.9 Split tubular rattle now being sold in markets around Ifugao, particularly in Banaue.

In general, the length (L1) of the bamboo is between 40 cm and 46 cm. Made by cutting through an internode at one end while the vibrating end is cut before the internode, the pair of vibrating parts is between 20 cm and 24 cm long leaving a gap in between of about 2 cm to 6 cm, depending on the instrument’s diameter. The material is usually relatively thinner (T= around 0.2 cm) than the split tubular clapper (T= 0.3 cm–0.5 cm). The split tubular rattle from Mayoyao has a particularly long vibrating portion (Lv1=36 cm) relative to its overall length of 44.70 cm and a wide gap which produces more resonance. This correlation does not however show a continuous pattern since in the ICHO collection the overall length never went beyond 50 cm while the split attains a more standardized length around 22 cm and 24 cm which is perhaps the best length to attain a similar timbre and the collective sound of the instrument (Figure 3.10). The diameter (D1) varies at a particular length, for instance at 42 cm, the diameter runs from over 2 cm to a maximum of 8 cm (Figure 3.11). None of these musical instruments were recorded in other museums covered in this study which supports the outstanding belief that the split tubular rattle is not a traditional Ifugao musical instrument but rather a latter addition to their modern ensemble to serve public festivities.

Fig. 3.10 Scatter diagram showing the correlation of the overall length of the musical instrument and the length of its mid-‐section slit. The outlier came from Mayoyao Museum (IF-‐0107 in Fig. 2.1) with L1=44.7 cm and LV1=36 cm.

The ICHO is the only one that carries the rattle apart from the lone instrument in Mayoyao which was also produced by the locals as part of their efforts to participate and compete in government-initiated competition and public performances. This seems to suggest that its popularity in the province began to rise at least in the 1980s, which perhaps explains why the instrument was not recorded among institutions with early collections. UPCE collection was initially assembled during the 1960s and 1970s, and has a large collection of split tubular rattles but not one has been attributed to the Ifugao.

Fig. 3.11 Scatter diagram showing the correlation of the length of the bamboo tube and its diameter.

3.1.3 Percussion Bar The percussion bar or locally known as bangibang is an example of a percussion or struck idiophone, an instrument that is hit by a non-sonorous object to produce sounds (Dournon, 1992; 2000; Sachs, 2006; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914). It is usually made from a solid hardwood usually shaped like a yoke though there were a number of early variations on this form (Figure 3.12). The term yoke-shaped percussion bar was used by Maceda (1998) in reference to its shape but due to the many deviations from this type, percussion bar or bangibang is used in this study for this particular musical instrument.

Fig. 3.12 Ifugao percussion bars from FMNH.

Fig. 3.13 Spear-‐like Ifugao percussion sticks (pattung) from FMNH.

Fig. 3.14a Narrow percussion bars from Mayoyao Museum.

Fig. 3.14b A narrow percussion bar being played w ith the more common yoke-‐shaped percussion bar, taken in 1967. Photograph courtesy of the U.P. Center for Ethnomusicology.

Like the split tubular clapper, the bangibang is a comparatively ancient musical instrument. This was predominantly used in a ritual to avenge the community’s decapitated warrior and was described in detail by Barton (1930; 1946) as the “head-loser’s rites.” Himmung, as other sources call it (Maceda, 1998) was closely-associated with headhunting and warfare before the practice was prohibited during the American administration. Well-documented in many monographs and documentaries, the ritual is initiated by groups of men in their warrior clothes and armaments, and donning a headdress made from the large red leaves of Cordyline fruiticosa (L.) A. Chev. (locally known as dangla or dongla) (Balangcod and Balangcod, 2011; Maceda, 1998, pp. 278-81; Willcox, 1912). The men, presumably warriors, are arranged in a straight line atop a hill as they strike the bangibang to seek vengeance by invoking their ancestors and deities. While the men are performing the ritual, the deceased, placed in a nearby burial house is surrounded by women, wailing and calling the deceased name to “wake up” and avenge himself (Gibb, 1981). The use of the musical instrument in this context is exclusively by men, and not necessarily by the high priests. No other documentation was found to suggest that the instrument was used by women or children in similar context at some point in Ifugao history. It can thus be surmised that the prohibition of headhunting in the province in the early 1900s put a stop to performing the ritual and the use of the instrument as well. Modern-day Ifugao, however, have adapted this ritual by skipping the warriors’ performance and just having women calling on the deceased and the ancestors for revenge. Red is found everywhere in Ifugao material culture – from their garments, baskets and clothing. The red leaves that form the warriors’

headdress signify death by unnatural cause while a deceased from an affluent family is dressed with any red garment (M. B. Dulawan, 2005). Therefore, it is not surprising to find modern percussion bars painted as such (Figure 3.15). Additionally, because of the close association of the musical instrument with vengeance rituals which was borne out of headhunting and warfare between tribes, many fictionalised versions of these rituals have been incorporated in local cinema showing how the musical instrument is played (de Leon, 1975; Perez, 1996). An actual Ifugao ritual by a real mumbaki was even intentionally added in the international film Apocalypse Now when director Francis Ford Coppola and his wife witnessed the said event (Bahr et al., 1991; Coppola, 1979), somewhat ironic, since the film is supposedly set in Cambodia.

Fig. 3.15 Painted percussion bars from the recent collections of ICHO.

Within the FMNH collection of percussion bars, lengths (L1) vary from c.30 cm to c.60 cm (Figure 3.16). There is a slight relationship between overall length and maximum width, with both increasing in size linearly. In the Beyer collection of 1948 – 1967, and in the Kiangan Museum collection there are also relatively small percussion idiophones, but these institutional collections also

include specimens larger than those collected in the early part of the 20th century. For example, it appears that larger percussion bars greater than 60 cm in length were introduced after the 1960’s. These larger instruments appear to have become obsolete along with the smaller instruments, and after 1980 they have been standardized to between 50 and 60 cm (Figure 3.17). The most recent collections such as those held by ICHO seem to have two standardized sizes between 50 – 52 cm and 58 – 62 cm.

Fig. 3.16 Changes in lengths (L1) and greatest widths (L2) of percussion bars from the earliest to the most recent collection.

In the pre-1960’s there is a linear relationship between length (L1) and width (L2) but their shapes vary greatly from the “yoke-shaped” percussion bar. The percussion bars from the earlier assemblages also vary somewhat in morphology with curved specimens to almost straight. The narrower, straight bars in the 1909 and 1948 assemblages are outliers and do not conform to the expected morphology of the percussion bars. This could be a different musical instrument that is only recorded in the 1948 assemblage.

Fig. 3.17 Correlation of L1 and L2 from 1900s to recent collections of percussion bars.

Finally, the weight of a percussion bar as opposed to its length is an indication of the sonorous trait of the wood chosen. The concentration of percussion bars weighing from 333 g to 511 g were all recorded within the 1980s to recent collections, and all with lengths between 35 cm and 61 cm (Figure 3.18). Percussion bars beyond this range were from earlier collections. Both Figures 3.18 and 3.19 are strong indications that the dimensions of percussion bars (and most likely the type of wood used) have been standardized at least around 1980 or even earlier. Although the headhunting practice has been banned much earlier on, the use of the percussion bars to demonstrate the traditional Ifugao warrior dance during festivities and other public performances provided the necessary musical memory to preserve the musical instrument. These performances, however, necessitated production of materials in large numbers, and unwittingly standardising the morphology and quality of the instrument.

Fig. 3.18 Correlation of weight and overall length of percussion bars.

3.1.4 Struck and Scraped Percussion Bar A different type of percussion bar was archived in the National Museum and the Chicago Field Museum. This particular type of instrument in Ifugao has never been recorded nor mentioned in any of the existing literature. The distinct ridges of the instrument strongly suggest that they were scraped as shown by the heavy abrasions or wear marks of the serrated edges. Serration in this case is more functional rather than mere decorations. They are most likely struck as well as they have the same shape of the bangibang (Figures 3.19 and 3.20). The card catalogue for IF-0213 indicates that the instrument was acquired together with the other percussion bars from Banaue. If this percussion bar is played with the others in rituals, the scraping sound could have been taken as a marker or an important contrasting element in the ensemble.

Fig. 3.19 Percussion bar with serration, collected from NMP, inset shows the wear marks of the serrations.

Fig. 3.20 Percussion bar with corrugated edges from FMNH.

3.1.5 Percussion Sticks Another type of struck idiophone collected by FMNH and denoted by the local term pattung is long and straight and shaped like a spear at one end with a rattan handle tied towards the opposing end (Figure 3.13). They were early collections and archives so far have not been found to explain further how the instrument was played or if it figured in Ifugao musical rituals. In the original museum catalogue (FMNH Archives, 1907-1909), the musical instrument was referred to as pattung and was listed as an instrument “used with dancing and during cañao rituals” (Ibid.). Three similar thin wooden bars with rattan handles were also found in Mayoyao Museum which were displayed and labelled as “ritual rhythm barbs” (Figure 3.14). Although these percussion bars from Mayoyao were different from IF-0177 and IF-0178, it is possible that they were later derivations since they have the same singular rattan handle and very narrow width (L2= 2.6 cm to 4 cm), and were collected later in the 1960s. Like the bangibang, this type of percussion stick is no longer in use. Majority of the percussion bars examined in this study are either of soot blackened hardwood or of darker reddish hue which were all seemingly chosen for this tinge as well as its resonance. All of these Ifugao percussion bars including the rod-like percussion bars are exceptional in the Philippines, and warrants further investigation, as they are seemingly unique as well worldwide. 3.1.6 Flat Gong Perhaps the most popular among the Ifugao musical instruments as well as in the Cordillera region is the flat gong or gangha. These are made of varying types of copper alloys which give them their golden brown hue. Gongs are usually played as an ensemble and are still very much in use today in the province, particularly during wedding celebrations and festivals. The gongs recorded here

were acquired between 1950 and 1976 but as they are not locally produced, they are considered an important family legacy, particularly the older ones as they were sometimes products of elaborate trading and negotiation (Barton, 1922; Maceda, 1998, p. 81). The gongs are central to many Ifugao rituals and festivities, such as the kulpi and caĂąao as well as many other agricultural and sacred rites (Barton, 1911; 1930; 1946; Conklin, 1980; L. S. Dulawan, 1967; 2001; M. B. Dulawan, 2005; 2006; Maceda, 1998; Madarang, 1991; Willcox, 1912; Yraola, 1981). Many of these rituals and performances have been documented (Gibb, 1981; Library of Congress, 2002), even in feature films (Bahr et al., 1991; Coppola, 1979; de Leon, 1975; Perez, 1996) and were usually performed by Ifugao locally and internationally. There are various ways in playing the gongs and they may either use a beater or the bare hands (combining a tapping and sliding movement). This distinctive style of damping and hitting the gongs, as well as the choice in using padded or unpadded beaters, vary between communities in northern Luzon wherein the instrument holds a distinguished cultural role (Maceda, 1998). In many localities within Ifugao, an ensemble of gongs is selected specifically for their collective sound and is also given individual names for each of the gongs which most often are related to its function or playing style (Figures 3.21 & 3.22). Those with similar names may be used interchangeably depending on the choice made by the leader or among the players. For the Ifugao, gong playing is often accompanied by their characteristic dance involving small side steps and gliding-like hand gestures (Figure 3.23). Almost all wedding celebrations in Ifugao include the gong ensemble while the relatives and guests of the couple dance.

Smaller

gongs

usually

have diameters of between 26 cm and 39 cm while the larger ones are over 45 cm. Notably, the weight

acquired

gongs

are

recently

fairly

uniform

between 1480 g and 1960 g (or less than 2 kg) while the oldest gongs

from

the

collections

Fig. 3.21 Gong ensemble from Mayoyao.

weighed 2903 g and 3080 g (c. 3 kg)

(Figure

3.24).

Rim

thicknesses show a range from 0.27 cm to 0.46 cm but these differences do not seem to be determined diameter

by the

the

overall

instrument.

Figure 3.25 further shows that the diameters may vary but the depths (L1) stay within the range of 3.5 cm to up to less than 5 cm.

Fig. 3.22 Gong ensemble from Asipulo.

Fig. 3.23 Ifugao dancing accompanied by a gong ensemble during the early 1900s. Photograph courtesy of FMNH Anthropology Division.

These dimensions suggest that gongs that have been acquired more recently have attained sizes and weights that are more similar than those that are from the older collections. These older gongs certainly carry distinctive, if not unique sounds which were probably produced and traded from farther areas while recent gongs are bought from nearby lowland provinces such as Nueva Ecija with industrial metals as raw materials (Montano, 2010). As these gongs are not locally produced, the Ifugao make temporary timbre alterations by putting sufficient amounts of hardened mud on the underside of the gongs. Apart from those held by museums and academic institutions, older gongs are very rare in the province as they are no longer possessed by Ifugao locals. However, flat gong sets owned by the municipality are often borrowed by families for wedding feasts and other celebrations.

Fig. 3.24 Correlation between weight and d iameter of flat gongs, the outliers are from National Museum and Banaue Museum which w ere all collected around 1940s or created much earlier.

Fig. 3.25 Correlation between the diameter of the gongs and its depth, the outlier is from Banaue Museum (see Fig. 2.3).

3.1.7 Jaws’ Harp The idioglottic jaws’ harp is often designated as Jews’ harp, the latter in which Sachs (2006) contends is a misnomer; however, this is known in the locality as bikkung or pi’ong. This is an example of a lamellaphone or a plucked idiophone in a frame (MIMO, 2011; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914; 1961). The

vibrating lamella is attached to and of the same material as the frame and creates the sound with the player’s lips while one hand plucks the free end of the instrument. The jaws’ harp is common within ethno-linguistic groups in the Philippines (Blench, 2006). The Ifugao use two very different types of jaws’ harps, those that are made of bamboo and those from metal. Both types were recorded within the collections of six institutions (Figure 3.1). Although both bamboo and metal jaws’ harps have been used since the early 1900s, the bamboo idioglot jaws’ harps are the only ones now being made by locals as a personal collection, apart from the ones commercially available as souvenirs for non-locals and tourists, and which are not necessarily produced in the province. In some Ifugao municipalities, such as Mayoyao, people have used empty bullet shells from the Second World War to make metal jaws’ harps and at least one of these has been kept and used to articulate words (Blench and Campos, 2010). Generally, jaws’ harps are used for entertainment and used alternatively with flutes which was another musical instrument traditionally used to articulate words. Because of its speech-imitation feature, jaws’ harps have sometimes been used as a means of coded communication between lovers during courtship. In general, there is great variation in the sizes and lengths of jaws’ harps, though the bamboo instruments (L1= 8.99 cm to 18.70 cm) are longer than metal ones (L1= 3.40 cm – 9.83 cm). However, the length of the lamella for both falls within a very close range from 2.70 cm to 6.34 cm for metals, and 4.71 cm to 6.15 cm for bamboos (Figure 3.26). This also shows the wider diversification of metal jaws’ harps’ frames compared to the more uniform bamboo jaws’ harps. The same goes with the variation between lamellae wherein the metals have a much wider differentiation in lengths and widths compared with the pronounced uniformity

within bamboo lamellae (Figure 3.27). This is further reinforced by the sizes of frames during the early 1900s to the 1940s and those that were produced in the 1950s onwards (Figure 3.28).

Fig. 3.26 Relationship of overall length of jaws’ harp with the length of the lamellae.

Fig. 3.27 Relationship of lamellae length (Lv1) and width (Lv2).

Fig. 3.28 Correlation between length and width of jaws’ harp frame during the early 1900s-‐1940s and 1950s to recent.

3.2 Membranophones Musical instruments with sounds being produced by tightly-stretched membranes are termed membranophones (MIMO, 2011; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914; 1961). Ifugao has one musical instrument in this category: the singleheaded conical drum with an open base (Figure 3.29) and another single-headed conical drum with a closed, everted base (Figure 2.5). The drum is mostly associated with rituals and singularly played by a performer with bare hands at least in two different ways, either sitting on the drum or rested in between the thighs (Figure 3.30a).

Fig. 3.29a Ifugao conical drum with an open base from NMP and (inset) UPCE.

Fig. 3.29b Open base of IF-‐0067; unusual conical drum collected by NMP in 1969.

Fig. 3.30b A similar conical drum from Mayoyao; nails replaced the original rattan cords which have badly degraded over time (ca. 1940 or earlier).

Fig. 3.30a Playing the conical drums, ca. 1907-‐09. Photograph courtesy of the FMNH Anthropology Division.

Known in Ifugao as libbit, the instrument is generally performed in rituals within agricultural cycles. However, apart from archives, little is known as to how it functions in ceremonies or whether the instrument is also used outside these supposed rites. In a rice prestige ritual called hongot, the drum is continuously played while harvesting. This is accompanied by the priests, uttering their prayers until animals are butchered as sacrifice. Table 3.1 shows that drums do not follow any general morphological pattern, and sizes and diameters vary tremendously. The modern collection that are mass produced and are now being sold in the market are very different as to the quality of wood used, its relatively small diameter, and thinner vibrating membrane from an animal hide. This is certainly very different from the rest of the (older) conical drums recorded in this study (Figures 3.31 and 3.32). Apart from an unusually large one, the conical drum is relatively short, from 20.6 cm to 34.7 cm, with a wider range of variations in its diameter (D1) from 16.3 cm t0 36.5 cm. These are certainly ergonomically sensible dimensions when played by an average or smaller built person with strong considerations on the sound it produces which account for the varying diameter. The different morphology of the drum implies modifications that are made both for aesthetic and functional reasons between communities, since these are usually played by just one person within the group. Three very similar conical drums from UPCE (IF-0031 and IF-0004 in Figure 3.29a) and from NMP (IF-0067 in Figs. 3.29a & 3.29b) were collected from Banaue in 1968 and 1969, respectively. The values of their weights, lengths (L1), and diameters (D1) are close to each other, and strongly suggest that these were all produced by the same group of people or community in this municipality, if not made at the same time. The said dimensions do conform with the rest of the

conical drums covered in this study except the thickness (T) of the base that is comparatively thinner. A sturdy wood is necessary because the player sits on the drum when it is played and thus should be strong enough to hold the weight of the player. In fact, one of the three drums has two big cracks near the base (Figure 3.29b). The rattan woven around to hold the stretched membrane in place was actually bored through the thin body which was not seen in any of the other conical drums. In consideration of the second method of playing the instrument (see Figure 3.30a), the linear length or height (L1) of the drums is too high and impossible to be played if the player squats and puts the instrument in between the thighs. Furthermore, the concaveness of the numerous ridges surrounding the body does not make it particularly comfortable to play the instrument in any of the known methods unless the person stands while playing the upright drum, a method foreign among the Ifugao. As they were clearly produced in the province, this unusual drum could have been customized according to personal specifications and was designed regardless of known traditional methods of playing the instrument. The Ifugao conical drums are currently almost inexistent apart from the commercially produced decorated conical drums being sold in the market. With the lack of skill in making the older type of drums, the Ifugao actually use the recent, commercially produced drums for all their public performances. Ritualassociated performances are yet to be documented to see whether they still feature within groups in the area. One of the conical drums with an everted base was from a personal collection in Asipulo (Figure 2.5) and though it is slightly damaged, the neighbouring Christian church is using it for their congregations and is the main reason why it is still in existence (pers. comm., Piggangan, 2010).

Table 3.1 Variations in length (L1) and diameter (D1 & D2) of the conical drum. No.

Source

Year

L1 (cm)

D1 (cm)

D2 (cm)

IF-‐0217

FMNH

1909

34.00

28.00

13.00

IF-‐0218

FMNH

1909

26.00

36.50

19.80

IF-‐0102

Mayoyao Museum

ca. 1940

21.20

31.25

23.14

IF-‐0170

pers. collection

ca. 1950

27.00

27.48

12.80

IF-‐0070

NMP

1967

50.80

21.90

17.00

IF-‐0031

UPCE

1968

30.60

19.30

11.90

IF-‐0004

UPCE

1968

25.80

17.00

9.40

IF-‐0067

NMP

1969

31.27

19.00

11.10

IF-‐0111

ICHO

1990s -‐ recent

34.70

25.25

13.25

IF-‐0112

ICHO

1990s -‐ recent

34.00

24.90

12.40

IF-‐0032

pers. collection

2007

20.60

16.30

14.70

Fig. 3.31 Conical drums from FMNH.

Fig. 3.32 Recent conical drums from Ifugao local markets.

3.3 Chordophones Any musical instrument that has one or more strings stretched between specific points to produce sounds falls into this category (MIMO, 2011; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914; 1961). The Ifugao have simple chordophones or zithers that are plucked in particular patterns and played for entertainment. Aside from plucking, the strings are also alternatively struck with bamboo sticks,

particularly by children, to produce sounds (Dioquino, 2008). Twenty four idiochord and heterochord zithers were recorded in this study (Figure 3.33).

Fig. 3.33 Summary of idiochord and heterochord zithers from Ifugao Museum (Kiangan), Mayoyao Museum (Mayoyao), Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO), Banaue Museum (Banaue), U.P. Center for Ethnomusicology (UPCE), The Field Museum of Natural History (FMNH), and Personal Collections (Pers Coll).

3.3.1 Idiochord Zither The Ifugao have tube zithers produced from bamboo in both whole-tube and half-tube forms that are referred to locally as tadcheng, patting, or ayyuding with one to four idiochord strings, i.e., sheath stripped from the bamboo with both ends left attached. Mature bamboos are used and generally cut between nodes. Figure 3.34 shows the variety of idiochord zithers in the early 1900s with engraved and burnt decorations. These idiochord zithers can be played by both adults and children focusing not on its melody but rhythmic features. In Asipulo there are at least 4 different patterns, played by one performer by plucking the strings. Measurements of the length depend largely on the variety of bamboo used which ranges from 23 cm up to over 49 cm and diameter between 5 cm and 10.50 cm (Table 3.2). Apart from one zither with 3 strings, the majority have 2 or 4

strings. Two idiochord zithers with a single string are classified under a different subtype.

Fig. 3.34 Collection of idiochord zithers from FMNH.

There is no discernible difference in their choice between the tubular zithers and half-tube zithers. These zithers were played in houses as a sort of entertainment in the past but the skill in making them has not been taken up by the younger generation and they have become almost obsolete. Moreover, the beautiful decorations and burnt engravings of the idiochord zithers from the early 1900s are not seen in any of the more recent collections and have now completely disappeared. Unlike heterochord zithers, which may or may not have a resonator, these Ifugao idiochord zithers did not show any provisions for strong resonance, although its curving shape allows for some kind of resonation. One idiochord tube zither however in Mayoyao Museum bears a rectangular aperture in the central portion of the tube near the strings (Figure 3.35).

Table 3.2 Measurements of idiochord zithers. Zithers with damaged parts or are missing were not measured and presented in the table. No.

Source/ Institution

Year Collected/ Acquired

No. of Strings

Lv1

Lv2

IF-‐0182

FMNH

1909

36.40

31.80

0.74

10.50

IF-‐0183

FMNH

1909

28.50

23.70

0.53

10.40

IF-‐0184

FMNH

1909

26.40

26.70

0.56

10.30

IF-‐0185

FMNH

1909

23.80

22.17

0.43

7.00

IF-‐0187

FMNH

1909

37.00

33.80

0.39

7.20

IF-‐0188

FMNH

1909

37.00

34.10

0.24

5.57

IF-‐0189

FMNH

1909

37.40

36.50

0.40

5.79

IF-‐0190

FMNH

1909

30.70

28.60

0.45

5.03

IF-‐0191

FMNH

1909

29.00

15.80

0.34

5.00

IF-‐0086.1

Kiangan

ca. 1960 -‐1980

43.50

27.50

0.30

7.80

IF-‐0086.2

Kiangan

ca. 1960 -‐1980

33.10

28.00

0.27

5.30

IF-‐0086.3

Kiangan

ca. 1960 -‐1980

28.50

24.30

0.30

5.70

IF-‐0007

UPCE

1970

35.57

22.12

0.42

8.00

IF-‐0010

UPCE

1970

35.40

23.01

0.52

8.50

IF-‐0103

Mayoyao

ca. 1980

49.40

39.00

0.62

6.30

Fig. 3.35 Idiochord tubular zither from Mayoyao Museum; elongated aperture was both for aesthetic and functional reasons.

3.3.2 Mono-Idiochord Zither It is interesting to note that IF-0188 (Figure 3.36) has a single string which is ambiguous for an idiochord zither in the Philippines since poly-idiochord zithers (idiochord zithers with multiple strings) are the common ones.

This

mono-idiochord zither is most likely played in a similar manner as the idiochord zithers found in Shan State, Burma, where the player uses his thumb to drum upon the instrument while plucking the single string (Marcuse, 1975b). Similarly, IF-0189 (Figure 3.37) has a single string but split into two, which perhaps require a specific manner of playing as the strings will not vibrate freely by merely plucking them. Both require a stick so that the string can be struck to make a percussive sound and perhaps plucked for additional sound and resonance. This type of idiochord zither with a single string and certainly carry percussive features are no longer found nor can be recalled as an Ifugao instrument by the locals in the area.

Fig. 3.36 Mono-‐idiochord tubular zither from FMNH.

Fig. 3.37 An idiochord tubular zither with a split single string.

3.3.3 Heterochord Zither Heterochord board-zithers are used in the same context as idiochord zithers. They are generally for entertainment but unlike the latter; at least two Asipulo residents are still playing the instrument (IF-o163 and IF-0164). The sonority is enhanced through perforations on the board by placing the instrument on top of a coconut shell or a cup while movable bridges change the frequency and pitch of the strings (Figures 3.38 and 3.39). Eventually, common thin industrial wires replaced the original rattan strips that serve as strings which completely altered the timbre of the vibrating chord as well as eliminating the percussive method of playing the instrument with bamboo sticks (Table 3.3). The instrument is widely used in Cordillera but apparently not elsewhere in the Philippines. This may well be a local development from the idiochord half-tube zithers still played elsewhere.

Table 3.3 Measurements of heterochord zithers. No.

Source/ Institution

Year Collected/ Acquired

strings

Lv1

Lv2

IF-‐0005

UPCE

1970

35.40

6.30

27.82

0.82

3.07

IF-‐0006

UPCE

1970

3 (wire)

31.60

7.00

25.12

0.12

3.41

IF-‐0077

Banaue Museum

1950s

47.00

6.93

43.68

2.05

4.33

IF-‐0085

Ifugao M useum

1966

53.50

9.91

49.02

1.89

3.00

IF-‐0163

pers. collection

1970s

4 (wire)

34.82

12.03

31.97

0.04

2.10

IF-‐0164

pers. collection

1970s

4 (wire)

33.20

14.00

29.20

0.08

1.20

IF-‐0222

pers. collection

unknown

46.67

9.17

36.48

1.58

4.17

Fig. 3.38 Heterochord zither in Asipulo using a cup (or coconut husk) as a resonator. This originally had rattan strips as strings but the owner replaced them with metal wires as they are more durable and resonant.

Fig. 3.39 Heterochord zither from Asipulo that is still being used today by its owner.

3.3.4 Heterochord Strip-Zither Another unusual development of the heterochord board-zither is the stripzither (Figures 3.40 and 3.41). The instrument has metallic strips, probably taken from industrial packing-chests, and stretched between the two ends of a wooden plank. A central bridge enables two notes to be sounded from each strip. Clearly this version of the instrument has to be struck with two sticks, like some of the idiochord zithers. Again, this instrument seems to have now fallen out of use. Organologically, this has become something quite distinct, since the wide bands no longer behave like vibrating strings, but rather like lamellae, such as those found in the jaws’ harp. They can only be tuned by moving the bridge and not by tightening the string. Instead of decorative burnt incisions the instrument illustrated in Figure (3.41) is of hardwood and curved into an anthropomorphic figure, similar with their bulul, the representation of the Ifugao rice god. This so far is the only Ifugao

instrument that shows anthropomorphism, and is rare among the known musical instruments of the province. Certain zithers of hummel (old Swedish) type also have sculpted head and torso (Rault, 2000) which could suggest that this specimen is European-influenced or influenced by other cultural groups in the Philippines that bear musical instruments with zoomorphic features, e.g., kudyapi. However the width of the strip is similar as the others which fall between 1.50 cm and 2 cm (Figure 3.42). The heterochord strip-zither has no distinct category in the von Hornbostel and Sachs classification and would certainly warrant further organological investigation.

Fig. 3.40 Heterochord strip-‐zither from Banaue.

Fig. 3.41 Heterochord strip-‐zither with an anthropomorphic figure as a board (from the private collection of R. Blench.

These two subtypes of heterochord board zithers show similar correlations with their respective lengths (L1) between 31 cm and 54 cm and widths (L2) (Figure 3.42). Although deviations occurred since they are mostly personally made by their owners, and as it is singularly played, aesthetic flexibility is expected. The rest of the more dimensions, such as the relative length and width of the metal strips and the depth (L3) of the board all fall within a narrow range.

Fig. 3.42 Correlation between the length (L1) and width (L2) of the zither with the string length (Lv1) and depth (T) of the board.

3.4 Aerophones Aerophones made from animal bones are among the earliest musical instruments known in human history (Buchner, 1973; Conard et al., 2009; Engel, 1875; Zhang et al., 1999). Although this ancient practice has no archaeological evidence among the Ifugao yet, the burgeoning interest in music archaeology could direct future excavations towards this line of investigation and possibly uncover new light in prehistoric musical instruments in the region. Furthermore, ethnography on the use of human and pig mandibles as gong handles among the Ifugao corroborate with the two human mandibles used in IF-0053 and IF-0079 (Figure 2.3) in this study. Among woodwind instruments, sound is produced through an air column made from particular species of bamboos and reeds, which grow abundantly in the province. The Ifugao have a variety of aerophones that used to play an important role in entertainment and communication within communities. These are all classified as wind instruments proper under the von Hornbostel and Sachs

scheme (MIMO, 2011; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914; 1961). As indicated in Figure 3.44, the majority of the collected aerophones in this study are individual duct flutes and idioglot clarinets and one end-blown horn from the tip of a carabao horn (Figure 2.8). Sets of end-blown flutes such as panpipes (Figure 3.43) are not indigenous to the Ifugao but can be seen in other Cordillera communities such as the Tinggian and Kalingga (Maceda, 1998). Photographs from the early 1900s showing celebrations and large congregations during the American administration of the province showed a good number of flat gongs and one-headed conical drums but none of the aerophones or zithers being played which further support accounts that these instruments are played inside homes for personal entertainment and not played in groups.

Fig. 3.43 Panpipe from Cordillera common among the Kalingga, Bontok, Kankanay and Balangao, but not in Ifugao. Photograph courtesy of UPCE.

Fig. 3.44 Aerophones recorded from Ifugao.

3.4.1 End-Blown Flutes Sounds can be articulated from flutes either with the mouth or with the nose; this does not affect the morphology of the flute. Because of the resulting homogeneity of the morphology of flutes, many museum collections have an ambiguous explanation as to method of playing the instruments. End-blown flutes with two or three fingerholes are known in Ifugao as tongali or in other areas as ungiyung, though Maceda (1998) used the latter term to specifically refer to nose flutes. The presence of ducts and fingerholes on end-blown flutes further subdivides the group but all these variations, particularly the open lower end, single end-blown flutes with fingerholes are distributed almost worldwide (MIMO, 2011; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1961). These are not the typical endblown flute of the Middle Eastern tradition, where the embouchure is cut across the tube. In the Philippines, the embouchure consists of the natural internode, which is left intact except for a small hole in the centre. Similar flutes are found

across much of the Austronesian world. As indicated in Appendix 2, majority of the Ifugao flutes have 2 or three fingerholes with either an internal duct (duct flute) or none at all (single-pitched duct flute). Duct flutes are still played, though usually for public performances but the ductless end-blown flutes are no longer in use (Figures 3.45 to 3.48). The skill in either making or playing the instrument has been lost in Ifugao, save from a few locals from remote areas in the province who can still remember indigenous tunes taught to them aurally. If need arises, locals call on an elder (now very rare) from remote areas

Ifugao

demonstrate tunes that he or she can recall using

the

mass

produced, low quality

Fig. 3.45 Plain modern duct flute with fingerholes aesthetically shaped like flowers.

type of flutes sold in the market.

Moreover,

these duct flutes have dubious designs which are made from obscure areas

outside

the

and

can

province, barely

produce

desired tunes

the

pentatonic as

these

are

Fig. 3.46 An end-‐blown flute (duct flute) with incised designs collected in 1948.

essentially tourists

targeted as

for

souvenirs

(Figure 3.45). However, the lack of enough players and skills in making such flutes

has

forced

the

remaining few locals into using these modern duct flutes that can barely play

Fig. 3.47 A long end-‐blown duct flute with three finger holes, collected 1946-‐1947.

Ifugao indigenous tunes.

Fig. 3.48 An end-‐blown flute (without d uct), usually denoted as a nose flute though it can also be played using the mouth.

Measurements of lengths and diameter of end-blown flutes show tremendous variation (Figure 3.49; refer to Appendix 2 for measurements taken). For duct flutes, the overall length range from 7.91 cm to 36.84 cm with a narrower range in diameter (1.89 cm to 2.81 cm). Three single-pitched duct flutes (without fingerholes) from UPCE are also recorded and measured at around 6 cm t0 7 cm

with diameters around 0.70 cm. One single-pitched duct flute (IF-0195) from FMNH was also collected but was later on consigned to another museum and was not measured in this study. It was not verified if this older version is similar in morphology as the more recent ones from the UPCE collection.

Fig. 3.49 Correlation between length (L1) and diameter (D1) of duct flute, end-‐blown flute without duct (end-‐blown flute), and the single-‐pitched duct flute.

End-blown flutes also show diversity though the small sample size should be considered as a precaution. These are however relatively longer from 38.97 cm to 67.50 cm with diameters between 0.81 cm and 2.86 cm. It is interesting to note that these ductless flutes, loosely identified as nose flutes were not recorded earlier, either in the 1909 or 1940s collection. The earliest recorded specimens are from Banaue Museum and dated post-1950. No specimens after 1980s were also found. This type may have been picked up in the 1950s and discontinued eventually although this line of investigation needs further research and a bigger sample size. However, nose flutes are found so widely in the northern Philippines, and represented in almost all local museum collections; it is difficult to imagine that these are absent in the eminent, Ifugao ancient tradition.

Among the duct flutes, two of the instruments do not have the conspicuous angular holes (whistle hole or window) near the mouthpiece and the majority have two 0r three fingerholes except for one flute with four fingerholes. A thumbhole found at the back of the body is present among the UPCE collection. Thumbholes may have been introduced in the province following European contact, as the data does not show that this is a common feature among Ifugao duct flutes and may have been customized for specific performances beyond its context. This seems to be the case as well for the single-pitched duct flute or the â&#x20AC;&#x153;whistle fluteâ&#x20AC;? included in Macedaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s composition Pagsamba which premiered in 1968 (Maceda, 2001), the same year the instruments were dated/ collected. 3.4.2 Idioglot Clarinet The idioglot clarinet known in Ifugao as ipi-ip has a vibrating lamella in which the player blows through. Made from the same material as the body, i.e., idioglot, these clarinets all have 3 fingerholes and follow a standard length (L1) of between 16.40 cm and 27.30 cm, and a diameter (D1) between 0.7 and 2.90 cm (Figure 3.50a). A specimen from the Ifugao museum (IF-0092) has a slightly larger diameter of 1.14 cm, and another one from the same institution is exceptionally long with a total length of 27 cm with a diameter of 2.1 cm (IF0093) (see Figure 3.50b). Apart from the latter, there appears to be no variation in size and morphology between those produced early in the 20th century and those produced in later decades. Locals do not have any recollection at all about the methods of production, and the instrument is no longer played.

Fig. 3.50a Correlation between length (L1) and diameter (D1) of clarinet and distance between 1st and 2nd fingerholes.

Fig. 3.50b UPCE collection of clarinets (left) and idioglot clarinets from Ifugao Museum (right), not in scale but see text for dimensions of IF-‐0093 and IF-‐0092.

3.4.3 End-Blown Horn Like the woodwinds, animal horns are also common raw materials of musical instruments in prehistory (Sachs, 2006). The end-blown horn archived here in this study was almost certainly an invention prior to European contact as

observed from similar Spanish-colonized communities (Both, 2009). Similar with the end-blown flutes and idioglot clarinets in this study, the end-blown horn, locally known as kogao, is a woodwind proper placed as a subtype of trumpets (MIMO, 2011; von Hornbostel and Sachs, 1914; 1961). The natural curve of the tip of the carabao (Bubalus cf. bubalus) horn was cut and a window and two fingerholes were bored through it (Figure 2.8). This is the only specimen of this type, which was collected from Banaue and brought to FMNH in 1909. Historically in many parts of the country, a Carabao horn was used by town criers (Dioquino, n.d.). The musical value of such a horn is uncertain but the presence of two fingerholes completely alters its function as a musical instrument that is used to achieve a particular tone or pitch. This instrument is no longer found in Ifugao and there are no ethnographic accounts on its use apart from what was noted by C.S. Simms, its collector, as a â&#x20AC;&#x153;fluteâ&#x20AC;? in its accompanying catalogue card (FMNH Archives, 1907-1909).

CHAPTER FOUR

Conclusion and Recommendation

The cultural manufacture of sound involves multifaceted attributes of human behaviour, as well as historical and soci0-political factors. Ifugao is not isolated from the worldwide phenomenon of technological advances, modernity, urbanization and the continuous movement of people. This has greatly affected their traditional music in which some has endured and the majority disappearing into obscurity (Blench and Campos, 2010), or changing in nature, to a publicoriented performance from that of a ritual or spiritual one documented earlier on. This study has demonstrated that a systematic analysis of musical instruments can shed light on our understanding of changes in musical culture over time. 4.1 Musical Instruments: Synthesis and Overall Discussion In the span of 100 years, the musical instruments of the Ifugao have undergone physical and contextual transformations, and many either went through a state of obsolescence or permanent disappearance. The extant musical instruments recorded in this research are all associated with rituals. The split tubular clapper, conical drum, flat gong, and the percussion bars have all survived, though their use and social meaning may have changed. Institutions also collected several musical instruments that are mainly for personal use. The idiochord jawsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; harp, heterochord board zither and strip-zither, and the duct flute still exist, but the expertise in making these instruments and their performance has been lost. Others like the idiochord tube and half-tube zither, nose flute, idioglot clarinet, and end-blown horn were found in the early 1900s until the post-War era and declined rapidly towards the end of the 20th century. Other instruments were added to the repertoire but are not known to be from

traditional Ifugao music, such as the split tubular rattle and the panpipe. These were not recorded in any of the older musical instrument collections and are likely to have been fairly recently borrowed from neighbouring provinces such as Kalinga or from other cultural groups in the Cordillera region. Overall, morphological features of the musical instruments from the early 1900s up to about the 1970s-1980s have more variations, based on sizes, shapes, and decorations, than the more recent collections. This is most observable among the percussion bars (Figure 3.12) that are usually played together in rituals until they were standardized and incorporated in public performances to demonstrate ancient rituals of the group. Bangibang is played in unison, and although there were no accounts of either conscious or unconscious effort in having a particular sound when played together, the mere differences in length (L1), width (L2), and depth (T) would certainly create a richer, more interesting overall timbre than playing percussion bars of almost identical dimensions such as those from the contemporary ICHO collection (Figure 3.15). The same line of reasoning can be inferred among flat gongs. In prehistory, trading of gongs and Chinese jars between neighbouring regions not only established important relations and cultural exchange between peoples (Barton, 1922; Cole, 1912-18), it also resulted in the acquisition of gongs of high quality. Families within communities do not customarily own a complete set of gongs. The gong ensemble is formed by combining different gongs from different families creating a distinct collective sound that must have differed from other communities. These sets of early gongs were treated as community treasures and family heirlooms as they are not locally produced, and sadly, most of which are no longer possessed by the Ifugao.

Among gongs and drums, diameter and depth do not vary much. However the materials used for flat gongs produced a few decades ago are different as they come from industrial metals that are not ideal for flat gongs. These gongs are almost twice as light as their older counterparts and their resonance seem inferior to the much older gongs, such as the specimen from Banaue museum. Currently, gongs are bought from nearby provinces such as Nueva Ecija and were often acquired as a set. These are exemplified by the gongs owned by the municipalities of Mayoyao and Asipulo, as well as those from the Ifugao Provincial Government (ICHO collection). These sets have sounds so close to each other that it is sometimes difficult to assign gongs, e.g., lead gong (pinhak), secondary gongs, etc. within the ensemble. Interestingly, the standardization of instruments such as the bangibang somehow coincides with the increased interest in Ifugao traditions in popular media and as a tourist destination while locals shift to commerce and urbanization, steering away from their agricultural livelihood (Eder, 1982; Maher, 1981-1982). This strongly suggests that the impact was not only on the decline of their agriculture, but also on their musical traditions. Concussion idiophones are very common among the Ifugaos and their uniqueness and transformations over time needs further investigation. The percussion bar that has serrated edges and the percussion sticks with tapering ends are certainly different, unreported musical instruments of the group and thus recorded in this research for the first time. The von Hornbostel and Sachs classification does not have a provision for this kind of struck-and-scraped percussion bar and a new addition of a subtype could be in order. Similarly, the development of the heterochord board zither into metal-strip zithers open new areas of investigations and recommendations on the development of this classification scheme.

4.2 The Physical and Contextual Preservation of Musical Instruments In this study, the general preservation condition of the musical instruments has been particularly important because of the varying dates the materials were collected. The earliest of the assemblage was from 1906 but compared to some of those that were collected later on, the FMNH collection are found to be in a better physical condition. Factors for this primarily involve a concentrated effort to protect and preserve materials from further damage upon collection and their curation. Dournon (2000) and Maceda (1981) prescribes special handling and cataloguing of musical instruments and these are indeed vital in extending the survival and their usage both for the present and more importantly, in the future. Equally important is the contextual preservation of musical instruments. The Philippines is among the first countries in Southeast Asia to officially recognize their ethnolinguistic groups. Indigenous peoples of the Philippines are are almost often marginalized communities that bear a rich culture and tradition. Together with the rest of the cultural communities in the Philippines, the indigenous music of the Ifugao represents less than 15% of the music being played and heard in the country (Maceda, 1972; 1998). The balance of power in the region goes beyond this figure. More than 90% of the population dominates every aspect of heritage programs, which do not seem to work for the Ifugao when it comes to efforts in preserving their culture. For instance, the UNESCO proclamation of the Ifugao chant, hudhud, as one of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanityâ&#x20AC;? (UNESCO, 1995-2010; 2001) radically shifted the interest and concern of the local government and other stakeholders towards its protection, but to the detriment of other equally notable vocal genres (Blench and Campos, 2010). This is also reflected in the rapid decline of their

musical instruments. Apart from the flat gongs and the percussion bars the musical instruments of the group have fallen from favour and there has been little discernible effort to preserve the diversity of the musical instruments once played by the Ifugao. Musical transformations from what is indigenous and ritualistic to what is “professed”

indigenous

are

strongly

implied

the

correlation

measurements shown in the previous chapter. Duct flutes with thumbholes were perhaps introduced in the 1960s in the province. Maceda’s avant-garde composition entitled “Pagsamba” a worship (ritual music for a circular auditorium, text from the Mass with 100 mixed voices, 25 male voices, 8 suspended agung, 8 suspended gandingan, 100 players, 100 balingbing (split tubular rattle), 100 palakpak (split tubular clappers), 100 bangibang (yoke-shaped percussion bars, played with beaters), 100 ongiyong (single-picthed duct flutes), which was performed in 1968 (Maceda, 2001), puts the sacred, “ritual” musical instruments in an entirely different genre. Presented to the public, these are taken from their respective indigenous contexts, and the Ifugao musical instruments included in performances such as these were most likely mass-produced and manufactured to the specifications of the composer. This was perpetuated in the use of the Ifugao duct flute in which a thumbhole was unconventionally added, and ‘whistles’, which are effectively duct flutes without fingerholes, are likely patterned after the European signalling whistle. The opportunity to investigate the meaning of musical instruments in Ifugao depends largely on its accessibility and availability both in physical and in the subtler yet equally important mental format. The former requires a system of preservation instituted by socio-political networks and formidable academic and research institutions. The latter is perhaps the more reliable when it comes to

preserving what is already collected and ensuring that materials can be accessed and be studied for a longer period of time. Both contextual and physical preservation of these materials require serious attention because one has to contend with financial and legal support, and implementation of conservation programs that actually work. Ethnography today is very different from doing fieldwork in the past. Governing ethical procedures protect cultural groups but in certain instances limit access to musical data by researchers, and makes the study of indigenous music and musicians more challenging for the academic (Blench and Campos, 2010). However, these procedures can protect groups from commodification of their culture. This study has demonstrated the importance of overcoming these issues and accessing archived musical instruments from different institutions covering more than 100 years of Ifugao history. It has provided novel insights into how the musical instruments and music of these communities has changed through time.

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Appendix 1: List of Musical Instruments Analysed musical instrument

local term1

Ifugao Museum

Asipulo Municip. Hall

Mayoyao Municip. Hall

Mayoyao Museum

ICHO

Beyer Museum

Baguio Museum

UPCE

NMP

FMNH

Personal Coll.

subtotal

split tubular clapper

palipal; ha-‐lic*; pa-‐ñgal*

split tubular rattle

pak’ung; pewpew; pfaleng’feng

percussion bar/ sticks

bangibang; pattong

flat gong

gangha

bossed gong

gong handle & beaters

pa’ngal; pattong; pattung

idiochord Jew's harp idiochord Jew's harp (metal)

bikkung; pi’ong; al-‐pio*; guyud*; pit-‐ong*

Jew's harp case

conical drum (open at base) conical drum (closed at base)

ahb’ok; topf’ob; hulibaw; dipdipu; libbit

idiochord tube zither

tatcheng; tadcheng; kaltsang

half-‐tube idiochord zither

tatcheng; tadcheng; kaltsang

heterochord board zither

kulbeng; ayyuding; patting*

duct flute

tongale; ongiyung

single-‐pitched duct flute

pitu; tappang*

nose flute

ungngiyung

panpipe

diw-‐diw-‐as; diwas

idioglot clarinet

ippi’ip; i-‐ep; oppipi; uppiyup*

end-‐blown horn

kogao; ungi-‐yung*

TOTAL:

240

Collected during fieldwork with additional terms from Maceda, 1998; terms with asterisk* are from the original card catalog of FMNH with notes by S. Chapman Simms, 1909.

Appendix 2: Aerop hones Measurements No. IF-‐0193 IF-‐0192 IF-‐0194 IF-‐0219 IF-‐0061 IF-‐0062 IF-‐0056 IF-‐0080 IF-‐0081 IF-‐0082 IF-‐0083 IF-‐0022 IF-‐0023 IF-‐0024 IF-‐0052 IF-‐0003 IF-‐0009 IF-‐0025 IF-‐0026 IF-‐0027 IF-‐0028 IF-‐0089 IF-‐0090 IF-‐0091 IF-‐0092 IF-‐0093 IF-‐0019 IF-‐0020 IF-‐0021 IF-‐0012 IF-‐0013 IF-‐0014 IF-‐0015 IF-‐0016 IF-‐0017 IF-‐0018 IF-‐0002 IF-‐0223

Instrument duct flute idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet end-‐blown horn duct flute duct flute duct flute duct flute duct flute nose flute nose flute duct flute duct flute duct flute duct flute nose flute nose flute duct flute duct flute duct flute duct flute nose flute nose flute nose flute idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet duct flute duct flute duct flute idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet idioglot clarinet duct flute duct flute

Source FMNH FMNH FMNH FMNH NMP NMP NMP Banaue Banaue Banaue Banaue UPCE UPCE UPCE NMP UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE Kiangan Kiangan Kiangan Kiangan Kiangan UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE UPCE pers coll

Year 1909 1909 1909 1909 1946-‐1947 1947 1948 1950 -‐ 1980 1950 -‐ 1980 1950 -‐ 1980 1950 -‐ 1980 1967 1967 1967 1967 1967 1967 1968 1968 1968 1968 1960 -‐1980 1960 -‐1980 1960 -‐1980 1960 -‐1980 1960 -‐1980 1970 1970 1970 1970 1970 1970 1970 1970 1970 1970 1973 2010

Decorations ü ü ü ü ü ü ü

Thumbhole ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü

Fingerholes 3 3 3 2 3 3 3 3 2 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 2 2 2 4 3 3 3 3 0 0 0 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

Window ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü ü

L1 17.30 20.50 16.40 11.07 36.84 7.91 17.40 22.21 35.50 59.00 67.50 15.52 26.09 18.11 14.96 42.08 38.97 16.98 19.12 20.51 24.91 48.67 44.05 40.31 22.00 27.30 6.08 6.53 7.35 21.70 19.50 18.10 20.20 19.80 23.60 18.60 29.03 30.70

D1 1.89 0.93 0.78 3.48 1.97 1.47 1.58 1.75 1.77 1.74 1.83 1.82 1.81 2.61 2.07 2.41 2.24 1.34 1.89 1.76 1.48 2.86 0.92 0.81 1.14 2.10 0.66 0.74 0.61 0.83 0.81 0.72 0.71 0.70 0.84 0.80 2.81 2.05

Lh1 2.80 2.86 2.21 3.19 3.77 2.64 2.22 2.69 3.72 4.47 4.75 2.64 2.78 2.34 3.04 7.68 6.11 2.12 2.34 2.38 2.19 3.32 2.78 2.19 2.05 2.16 2.24 1.85 2.15 2.15 1.88 2.45 2.00 3.12 1.92

Dh1 0.48 0.22 0.53 0.39 0.38 0.55 0.41 0.21 0.34 0.42 0.63 0.39 0.41 0.32 0.41 0.48 0.54 0.34 0.38 0.36 0.33 0.40 0.56 0.47 0.41 0.38 0.50 0.45 0.28 0.34 0.36 0.35 0.30 0.62 0.59

Appendix 3

Appendix 4: Archival Sources (photographs taken by the author during data collection)

Photo 1: The Ifugao Museum in Linda, Kiangan.

Photo 2: The Mayoyao Museum in Poblacion, Mayoyao.

Photo 3: The office of the provincial government of Ifugao and the Ifugao Cultural Heritage Office (ICHO) located in Lagawe.

Photo 4: Musical instruments and other Ifugao ethnographic materials for public viewing and those that are in the storage rooms at the National Museum of the Philippines.

Photo 5: Archiving of the Jose Maceda collection at the U.P. Center for Ethnomusicology. The author re-‐catalogued the musical instruments in 2008-‐ 2009.

Photo 6a: The Field Museum of Natural History in Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, U.S.A.

Photo 6b: Analysis of m usical instruments at FMNH.

100