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Partisans Despise the Other Party More Than They Love Theirs Supporters of political parties now operate like warring sects iStock
functions of representing the people and solving the nation’s problems,” Finkel said. Using nationally representative survey data since the 1970s, the interdisciplinary researchers measured the difference over time between Americans’ affection for adherents of their own party and dislike of the supporters of the other. Although affection remains steady for one’s own, loathing for the other now exceeds it. “Things have gotten much more severe in the past decade, and there is no sign we’ve hit bottom,” Druckman said. “Partisans perceive even greater differences, believing, for example, that the other party is ideologically
Political polarization between U.S. parties
The authors coin the term “political
has only escalated since Newt Gingrich’s
sectarianism” to describe the bitter
partisan attacks against President Bill
partisanship. Like religious sectarianism,
They pinpoint “othering” the opposing
Clinton in the 1990s. But for the first time,
the political version is marked by powerful
party, aversion to the other party, and
contempt for the other political party
emotions about sin, public shaming,
moralization—or attaching immorality
is greater than affection for own’s own,
and those who abandon or renounce the
to the other party—as the key elements of
according to a new study published in
political faith.
political sectarianism.
the journal Science by social psychologist and IPR associate Eli Finkel, IPR political scientists James Druckman and Mary McGrath, and others.
“The current state of political sectarianism produces prejudice, discrimination, and cognitive distortion, undermining the ability of government to serve its core
extreme, engaged, and hostile.”
Eli Finkel is a professor of social psychology and management and organizations and IPR associate. James Druckman is the Payson S. Wild Professor of Political Science and IPR associate director and fellow. Mary McGrath is an assistant professor political science and an IPR fellow.
Model Uses Cell Phone Data to Predict COVID-19’s Spread Using anonymous cell phone data to map
Their study merges demographic data and
the hourly movements of 98 million people,
epidemiological estimates with the cell
a team of Stanford and Northwestern
phone location data. The researchers then
researchers created a computer model that
analyzed three factors that drive infection
accurately predicted the spread of COVID-19
risk—where people go in the course of a day,
in 10 of the largest U.S. cities in spring 2020.
how long they linger, and how many other
Perhaps just as importantly, their model also shows that mobility policy has a critical role
people are visiting the same place at the same time.
to play in reducing disparities in coronavirus
The model appears to confirm that most
infections and death rates.
COVID-19 transmissions occur at “super-
“We show that mobility policy—which policymakers fully control—likely has large effects in generating disparities,” said IPR
spreader” sites, such as restaurants and
home more often because their jobs require it. They shop at smaller, more crowded establishments than those with higher incomes, who can work from home, use
fitness centers, where people remain in close
online grocery shopping and delivery, and
quarters for extended periods.
frequent more spacious businesses.
sociologist Beth Redbird, a co-author of the
With their model, the researchers also show
study published in Nature.
how minority and low-income people leave
ipr.northwestern.edu
iStock
Study identifies ‘super-spreader’ sites, shows how to protect those most at risk
Beth Redbird is assistant professor of sociology and an IPR fellow.
