Adina Bauman '20 MArch Columbia GSAPP

ADINA BAUMAN GSAPP PORTFOLIO M. ARCH 2020

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BETWEEN THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC

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GREENPOINT THEATER

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TOGETHER IN BETWEEN

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ABOVE

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GREETINGS FROM CONNECTICUT

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IN TIME THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION

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FORM WORK

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RESILIENCY INSTITUTE

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HOUSING IN TRANSITION

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UP

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RUIN/REGENERATE

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

SEMINAR OF SECTION

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THE URBAN IMPACT OF YIDDISH

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My GSAPP experience has been marked my transitions.

I chose GSAPP in an effort to see things differently, to learn, and to expand my understanding of design. My goal had always to push myself outside of my comfort zone. In the thick of my decision process I received a fortune cookie that read “If you must choose between two evils, pick the one you’ve never tried before.” Throughout my time at GSAPP I chose to constantly ask myself to try to do something each semester that felt uncomfortable; to try a new class or a new drawing style or meet a new person. And because of this mindset my time at GSAPP, though it has been an incredibly challenging experience, it has truly not been “evil”.

As I reflect on my work while at GSAPP, I found that the word “transition” seemed to weave it’s way through most of my projects. In my library project I focused on the transition between public and private space and how one might occupy that third space. In our first advanced studio, my partner and I looked at how we could reimagine and transition the construction process, and rethink the intervention timeline. In my last semester, we explored how child domestic labor could be transitioned from a burden on young girls education, to an urban infrastructure that supported their education. Each of these projects looks at the idea through a different lens, but seems to constantly hover back to a transition in time, a transition between, or merely a personal growth.

I have also watched myself transition at so many different scales. I have grown a strong appreciate for the research phase of the project. I see the intention as just as important as the design. I learned that designing down to the details is my favorite thing. I love aesthetics but also like to try to start all over again to see if it gets better or worse (usually worse). I have also of course learned new technical skills, but more importantly I’ve had the opportunity to work and learn from so many of my peers in groups. Each group project allowed me to adapt and bring new skills into my next project. I’ve learned that I’m often the default project manager. I love to talk out the ideas. I love the moment in group work when you learn who’s best a what and begin to operate as a one. I’ve also had incredible professors who have helped shape this growth, often seeing the change in me I hadn’t yet realized. I’m so incredibly grateful for all that I’ve learned and all of the ways I’ve grown because of GSAPP. VI V IV III II I

THE RECLAIMED DOMESTI C :

A Model for Collect iv iz ed Repr o d uc t i v e L a b o r a n d E d uc a t i o n I n Co l l a bo r a ti o n wi th Lu iz a Fu r ia | L ima , Peru The kitchen is where domestic work has progressively lost its economic value and become instead a labor of love, as Silvia Federici names it. But domestic work has also lost value outside of the kitchen, and with our project we seek to expand upon the comedores populares to include spaces of both communal cooking and communal domestic work.

schools, with spaces for domestic chore and learning in a fluid space. We would mimic the comedores political structure, in which aid from external public or private agencies, the economy of scale, and communal preparation of meals, allows for food to be supplied with a lower cost compared with ones prepared individually.

Today the conditions of the Barriadas in Lima, Peru face many challenges. Parents must leave the area to look for work; many mothers work as domestic workers in the wealthier neighborhoods of Lima and can be gone for days at a time. In their absence, the domestic labor falls on the young daughters, who must cook, clean, wash clothes and care for their siblings. By age 12, only 2.3% of these girls who labor as domestic workers are able to attend school because of the time spent on chores. This amplifies a gender gap as boys are not expected to forgo schooling for the sake of helping with domestic work.

Our project functions as a network where various communal spaces interface with the urban street and open spaces in the urban fabric. The network of the canopy becomes a patch work, splaying and overlapping to create the larger spaces below. Fog catchers collect water that is carried through the canopy of the system. Our network creates the opportunity for increased adaptability through redundancy. People may still have running water but our infrastructures allow for a way to take some financial burden of buying water away from the community, increasing water safety and further incentivizing the use of the collective system.

We recognize that the conditions of the Lima economy forces parents to work outside of the home for days at a time, leaving their children to do the domestic work. But we believe that this does not have to become a deterrent to these young girls receiving an adequate education. We therefore designed an infrastructure of domestic work that acts as a bridge between the urban educational system and the existing comedores system.

Formally, this infrastructure of domestic labor becomes almost monumental with large concrete columns touching the ground to create spaces for the various programmatic elements. The canopy above delineates the space for activity below, allows for necessary shade, and provides water to the infrastructure. The form of the columns differs depending on the programming: at times becoming a stove, a sink, a storage unit. Work benches, tables and chalkboards extend off of these structural elements to delineate space, while still keeping the structure open and fluid to the surrounding neighborhood houses.

It is only by taking the domestic work out of house that it can be redistributed and performed by others and begin to tackle biases. Domestic life begins to spill out of the home, furniture is moved, domesticity is mimicked and the public space becomes reclaimed by this infrastructure.

Cooking and eating spaces abut areas for cleaning and laundry and blend into a smaller space for child care then continuing into places for learning. These program adjacencies make clear the ability for these structures to redistribute the time and labor of the young girls in the barriadas and allow them to share this burden. With parents out of the home, elderly neighbors volunteer for roles to cook, care for younger children, and clean, receiving free meals in return. Labor is therefore also redistributed in a transgenerational manner.

Our project will engage both genders by making domestic work part of the educational curriculum for both boys and girls, using the existing pedagogical reference of Montessori 3

THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Professor Anna Puigjaner

Columns are potentiators of activity not just through form but also materiality. Columns contain “deformations� that open possibility. Holes, tracks, hooks, nooks allow for individual neighborhood appropriation . Sense of place is given through canopy and column placement, but it is through users putting their physical mark on the structures that the spaces are truly activated.

Spatial boundaries are renegotiated, domestic activities are taken into the urban sphere, and cooperative care leads to a new typology of community in which different parts of the population collectivize labor. This emergent domestic educational model may turn reproductive work from an oppressive, discriminating activity into a liberating and creative ground of experimentation in human relations in the barriadas.

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THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Diagram

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THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Urban Plan and Detail

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THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Concept Perspectives

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THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Plan

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THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Urban Infrastructure Plan

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THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Plan Details

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10 THE RECLAIMED DOMESTIC | Section Perspective

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T HE ZERO WASTE CONDITI ON N e w Yo r k, N Y This project explores how New York might better achieve Zero waste through a changed relationship with waste. New Yorkers produce 12,000 tons of waste every day and only 17% of that waste is recycled which is just half of the recycling potential under the current system. Even with improved recycling and waste management practices the amount of waste is still problematic, and New York functions as one of the larger produces of waste in the country. NYC has taken steps towards waste management with its Zero Waste by 2030 plan and zero waste guidelines, but these policies are not enough, as of a 2017 waste characterization study every household was still producing about 1,500 lbs of waste per year. How do we rethink this behavior?

As a part of the Green New Deal the Mayor of New York City declares that no waste can leave the island of Manhattan. The Climate Design Corp is tasked with facilitating this transition and ensuring that people are educated on the new forms of waste collection, processing and reuse. By not allowing any of this waste to leave the island of Manhattan, people will be forced to reconcile with their waste and hopefully move towards more productive practices that will actually allow NY to reach zero waste. The government would send in the Climate Design Corp, this group would be similar to that of the Climate Conservation Corp of the New Deal. People would be encouraged to volunteer for a year of service to help sort waste and recyclables, implement government processes as well as educate the community.

The goal will be to shift from the mechanical processes of our existing system and consider more human scale processes in how we treat our waste. The project weaves into the urban fabric so as to better make the new process of collection simpler. At the informal collection spaces material begins to build up, more structures for collection and sorting grow, along with community spaces. These structures become common place in the city and help to orient the new elements of the community.

The elements of collection and production can be seen in the main community center and dormitory case study. Brick and masonry act as the structural shear walls and thermal walls in the building. Collected wood acts as the remainder of the building skeleton, layered at various widths and scales in order to not waste any materials. The facade shows the reuse of windows and thermal collection of paper materials. The project is capped by two exterior scaffolding staircases that allow for building to happen at a slower rate but still be occupiable.

11 THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION| Professor David Benjamin

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12 THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION | Waste Timeline with Project Intervention

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13 THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION | System Diagram

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14 THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION | Urban Streetscape and Climate Corp Dorms

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15 THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION | Urban Integration Diagram

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16 THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION | Waste Sorting Facility

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18 THE ZERO WASTE CONDITION | Detailed Case Study Section and Model Photos

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CAL I FOR NI A AC A D E M Y O F SCIEN CES

Re n z o Pi a n o B u ildi n g Wor ks h op | Sa n Fra nc isc o , CA The section cuts across the main atriums of the building and the two largest dome structures revealing the life inside. One of the domes becomes a jungle like oasis with wild plant life and animals. In the center atrium a skeleton on display preforms for crowds. The far dome is used as a Planetarium, breaking its form to allow entry inside. The structure seems to float above the volumes effortlessly, though technically complicated. The drawing acts to represent the life of the interior and the performance of the structure.

19 SEMINAR OF SECTION | Professor Marc Tsurumaki

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THE UR BA N I M PAC T O F YI D DIS H B oro u g h Pa r k , NY

As an American Jew with Eastern European heritage, little Yiddish phrases are commonplace in my vocabulary, and in that of many people I know Jewish or not. My grandparents grew up speaking Yiddish and would speak it as a code language in front of my dad when he was growing up. It meant that now, like me, he only knows a few phrases here and there. But Yiddish has been able to survive, despite these assimilations and much of that is due to the widespread use of Yiddish by Hasidic Jews. Though these Hasidic Jews would never consider me a Jew myself because of their strict and narrow definition, I became curious as to how our histories are in fact bonded through this language. As Hasidic Jews have unfortunately had to bear the brunt of an increase in Anti-Semitism in the past few years based on their outward appearance of Judaism, I wanted to investigate this one element that ties our common heritage together.

Yiddish is the traditional language of the Ashkenazi Jews (or Jews that originated from Central and Eastern Europe).

Although it’s origin is the subject of a lot of scholarly debate, it is largely believed to have originated in the early 2000 C.E. in Central Europe as a Germanic language that was written in Hebrew and also contained some Semitic elements. Yiddish developed into a language with a significant body of literature, prose fiction, poetry, drama, theater, film and press. But the widespread immigration from Eastern Europeans in the early 1900s, the loss of Jewish life during the Holocaust, and the use of Hebrew as vernacular in Israel led to a severe decline in Yiddish speakers. The 21st century narrative maintains that Yiddish has become an endangered language as its native speaking population has decreased so significantly, but there are still a substantial number of speakers (estimates range from half a million to two million speakers) and the language continues to be passed on to the younger generations by Hasidic Jews across the world.

20 CONFLICT URBANISM| Professor Laura Kurgan

By the early 1900s, over 1 million Jews were living in New York City, with a large percentage of them reporting their first language as Yiddish or Hebrew. This number continued to rise as Jews continued to flock from Eastern Europe to the Lower East Side. The area became the hub of Jewish life and with it Yiddish culture. A strip of theaters emerged called the Yiddish Rialto, with upwards of 20 theaters showing Yiddish plays and comedic acts. Along with a rich theater and nightlife culture, also came seven Yiddish language newspapers that had a daily readership of over 500,000 people; the Forward which remains a Jewish publication and whose building still remains on the Lower East Side. At this moment Yiddish had become an important language of public and private discourse in the city. But with that came the absorption of English influences on the language; words like shap (shop) and payde (payday meaning “wages”). It also influenced the syntax of Yiddish. But Yiddish also impacted how Jews spoke English (and still does today).

With time the use of Yiddish began to dissipate within the immigrant communities. After World War II there was a desire to assimilate, and with that came a decrease in the generational teaching of the language. But as the number of first and second generation Jews were beginning to assimilate, Hasidic Jews were arriving in New York from Eastern Europe after the Holocaust with a different agenda.

With a large portion of the Hasidic community having recently perished, Hasidism was transplanted around the world to America, Israel, Canada, Australia and Western Europe, but today ten of the major Hasidic communities (or dynasties) are headquartered in Brooklyn, New York. It is important to understand that the Hasidic ideal is to live a hallowed and virtuous life. These tight knit communities are spiritually centered around a dynastic leader known as a rebbe. In the wake of the Holocaust, a goal of these communities has also been to preserve a bygone way of life from Eastern Europe and to regrow a large Jewish population. This is why many families are encouraged to have many children. Another of these continued practices from the past is the use of Yiddish. Yiddish was used in the Hasidic communities of Eastern Europe in daily life because Hebrew was seen as the holy language reserved for prayer.

As the Hasidic communities grew in Brooklyn, so did the number of Yiddish speakers.

When beginning to understand where these communities have grown in Brooklyn they can be almost immediately identified by the location of Yiddish speakers. Using the mapping of Jill Hubley a few specific Hasidic communities VI V IV III II I

become almost immediately visualized --one being in Williamsburg, and another in Borough Park. To then further define the physical outlines of these communities one can look to the mapping of the Eruv. The Eruv is a boundary used by observant Jews to expand the area where they can carry objects on the Sabbath. It is a continuous piece of wire or string attached to different kinds of fence posts.

Maps denoting the outlines of these lines depict a further pixelation that one might understand as the Borough Park Hasidic community.

heard the word “molecule” for the first time, causing him to question whether the education he had received was up to par. Data for the Borough Park area shows education levels that are comparable with the rest of Brooklyn with 47% of residents having at least a high school degree; in Borough Park this could mean that the education at that level is less than the greater city standards. This is problematic for the boys attending school, but also for the budgets of New York City, as it gives millions of dollars every year to religious schools.

What then can be deduced about this community that has been able to create a physical and linguistic enclave for themselves in Borough Park based on their lines of “enclosure”? If we understand that Yiddish had become virtually extinct before the exponential growth of the Hasidic community, it may seem instinctively positive that they have been able to preserve the use of Yiddish within their neighborhood. As Romaine Nettle writes “a language can only thrive to the extent that there is a functioning community speaking it, and passing it on from parent to child at home. A small amount of environmental change can cause a cascade of extinction as dependent species become stressed,”. But it can be seen that the use of this code language has also been detrimental to the community as it has allowed the perpetuation of cycles of poverty, limitation of free speech, limited education and generally aided the continuation of a way of life that keeps them separate.

The neighborhood also ranks 9th in the city for poverty levels, and 3rd for rent burden. These low income rates may relate to the desire of many Hasidic men seeking to devote their lives to studying Torah and religious texts and not focusing on high paying careers, but it may also be that with Yiddish as your preferred language there are only a small subset of jobs available (most of which within the insular Hasidic community).

A first layer of how Yiddish has been used to insure a common rhetoric across the community can be seen with the results of the 2016 election. Loudspeakers across the neighborhood preached in Yiddish that Trump was the only candidate that agreed with Hasidic values, and in turn the entire Borough Park community shows “red” on the election map (as does that of Crown Heights and Williamsburg). If your only way of understanding the election is through the messaging of your religious leaders, it is no wonder that members of the community seemed to have voted in line.

The use of Yiddish in schools has also been particularly detrimental to the advancement of members of the Hasidic community. Hasidic children go to school separated by gender. Boys attend Yeshiva schools taught in Yiddish. In recent years, community members including Naftuli Moster who formed the organization “Yaffed” have implored Mayor Bill de Blasio to investigate whether these schools are of an adequate nature. Moster found that during his senior year of College at the College of Staten Island, he 21 CONFLICT URBANISM

In this current crisis, the borders of the Borough Park neighborhood are defined by an even more upsetting statistic of the life lost to Covid-19. The neighborhood has some of the highest number of cases. Much of this is due to the disregard for social distancing, and the prioritization of religious traditions over saving lives. But it’s possible that messaging about the importance of social distancing, proper hygiene and hand washing behaviors, and stay inside orders are not being promoted by the community in Yiddish, and thus not communicated to many community members.

Based on these various conditions of the way that Yiddish has impacted life for the Hasidic community, it seems that rather than functioning as a tool of a vibrant culture of the Lower East Side in the early 1900s, Yiddish has been used as a weapon to allow the Hasidic community to reinforce their separation from society. It has forced its members to be completely dependent upon the community infrastructure as they know very little else.

1 Kahn, Lily, and Aaron D. Rubin. 2016. Handbook of Jewish Languages. Brill’s Handbooks in Linguistics. Leiden: Brill. https://search-ebscohost-com.ezproxy.cul.columbia. edu/login.aspx?direct=true&db=e025xna&AN=1097850&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

2 McMahon, John. “Yiddish: New York’s Lost Language.” Listen & Learn USA, 19 June 2017, www.listenandlearnusa.com/blog/yiddish-new-yorks-lost-language/ 3 POLLAND, ANNIE, DANIEL SOYER, DEBORAH DASH MOORE, and DIANA L. LINDEN. “Jews and New York Culture.” In Emerging Metropolis: New York Jews in the Age of Immigration, 1840-1920, 207-43. NYU Press, 2012. Accessed May 10, 2020. www.jstor. org/stable/j.ctt9qfcb4.13.

4 McMahon, John. “Yiddish: New York’s Lost Language.” Listen & Learn USA, 19 June 2017, www.listenandlearnusa.com/blog/yiddish-new-yorks-lost-language/ 5 American Community Survey 2018 (5 Year Estimate) Census Bureau

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FORM WORK I n Co l l a bo r a t i o n w i t h A n n a Cr e a t ur a N e w bu r g h , N Y Inspired by the First Assembly of God Church which functions as a neighborhood activator, the project looks to set up community centered sites to combat the widespread vacancy in Newburgh. In order to understand this vacancy we map to draw only the vacancy of the site to become a map. We then flipped down the facades of the neighboring vacant buildings and religious buildings to understand how we might intervene on the site.

It was important to us that the sites come remain inhabitable during various phases on construction to allow for slow incremental changes to be made to the community as funds and materials were secured. This also allows the community to take agency in the construction process and allow rituals to be woven into the process.

The intervention begins with a series of structural foundations that are embedded within the site. This sets up possibilities for a variety of future constructions, while also providing opportunities for activation in the meantime.

Gabion mesh walls are used in these early stages of construction and activated using found materials. Construction becomes an ritual for the neighborhood to build their own community over time. Through this incremental process we create a network of continuous growth for the formerly thriving William St corridor. Initial vacancy map can be seen on the left.

Each site operates with a different specific functionality that would correspond to factors that we saw acting productively in the community. On the left are the phases of the memorial site. The activation of the site is evident at all stages. On the right can be seen the phases of the dig site which would function as the center for the ritual of construction. The kitchen site and the community and gathering space can be seen on the pages to follow.

In an effort to highlight the variety of our concrete footings we created construction detail models, showing the walls at various stages. In the image on the far left, the wall acts as green wall and can be seen on the right as a hidden footing for future construction. The image on the far right shows the wall on the left is filled with large scale rocks to allow decreased transparency, and the wall on the right is filled with recycled plastic, both walls are ready for concrete pouring.

A city pipe line can be seen running below.

22 FORM WORK | Professor Ziad Jamaleddine

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23 FORM WORK | Analytic Section of Church

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24 FORM WORK | Network Plan

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25 FORM WORK | Network Section

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26 FORM WORK | Kitchen Phase 1

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27 FORM WORK | Kitchen Phase 2

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28 FORM WORK | Kitchen Phase 2

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29 FORM WORK | Rituals - Memorial and Dig Site

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30 FORM WORK | Construction Models

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Phase 2

Phase 1

31 FORM WORK | Gathering Space Phases

Phase 3

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PASSA I C R I V E R WAT E R RE S I LIEN CY IN S TITUTE

In Collaboration with Maini Ke, Sanggyu Shin, and Munise Aksoy (KASA)| Newark, NJ Our site is located in the Central Business District of Newark, NJ, along the Passaic River. Through research of the site we found existing problematic CSO outfall events, as well as lead contamination in some pipes of the Newark drinking water system. With this in mind, we are proposing our site to be a water resiliency institute, which will focus on the ability to take pure water that has become impure back to its original state. The institute will bring awareness to the benefits of improved water management in the Newark area at various levels. This includes the study of CSO outfall occurrences, the sewage systems that play a crucial role in urban water infrastructure, storm water management, drinking water, and river water. Our research facilities will further look at how the existing CSO performance can be improved by upstream corrections.

32 WATER RESILIENCY INSTITUTE | Critic Earl Jackson

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33 WASTER RESILIENCY INSTITUTE | Wastewater Treatment and CSO Park

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34 WATER RESILIENCY INSTITUTE | Water Treatment on Project Site and Perspective

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HOUSING IN T RANSITION In Collaboration with Karen Choi | Bronx, NY After studying our site in the South Bronx, we noticed that the nature of the public housing type means that often once someone is awarded a unit they find it hard to give up. We saw this quality as a call to action to create units that would be able to transition with the unpredictable fluctuations that come throughout a person’s life. We were also interested in how residents of the area were congregating in informal spaces: under a construction shed, in front of a fast food restaurant or in their driveways. We saw the need to integrate our housing typology with multiple scales of public to be able to engage the residents at different levels.

This began at the ground level with varying degrees of public spaces culminating in an interior courtyard. The undulating site exterior edge allows for small moments of rest and the ability to liven up the street edge with retailers. As one spirals into the site they enter into an interior courtyard space with a basketball court and open seating area. The courtyard is designed to feel private and connected to the site but open enough to feel safe and accessible to those who don’t live on the site. These Semi-private spaces help to enhance the experience of public space on the sites.

As the resident moves up into the building each floor plate has it’s own interior courtyard space. Hallways are open and wide to mimic patios, with interior wood facades that repeat from the exterior. An undulating aperture in the slab opens to reveal the floors below, and lets in natural light to the interior space. The stairs between these spaces allow for small scale circulation between neighbors, breaking down the scale of the building. The railings to these slab openings also become public living room amenities with benches, storage, and potted plants.

In the unit interior, a transitional space is achieved through a sturdy curtain that when not in use tucks away into a cabinetry wall, giving integrity to the guest’s space upon their stay and returning more functionality to the apartment when the space is vacant. We then created a stacked version of this unit type where the individual becomes part of a larger family unit with a double height floor. With these unit types we were critical of what a “family” unit might entail, and took cues from the age demographics of the site to inform how we would define this. An auxiliary unit allows residents the option to rent out a small room for extra income or allow for the private space of an elderly relative.

These units also have open corner windows.

35 HOUSING IN TRANSITION | Professor Adam Frampton

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37 HOUSING IN TRANSITION | Ground Floor and Second Floor Plan

THIRD FLOOR PLAN 1’-0 =1/16”

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38 HOUSING IN TRANSITION | Elevation and Section

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39 HOUSING IN TRANSITION | Massing Axon and Model

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40 HOUSING IN TRANSITION | Inner Courtyard Model

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41 HOUSING IN TRANSITION | Exterior and Interior Facades

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42 HOUSING IN TRANSITION | Housing Unit and Detailed Model

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GRE E NPOI N T T H E AT E R In Collaboration with Jack Lynch, James Piacentini, and Lena Pfeiffer (‘lil Studio) Our group was tasked with creating a theater space in Greenpoint, NY. The project allowed us to bring the design through schematic design through the construction documents phase. It was a rewarding task in following a design through in a small time frame. In response to rising flood levels, our project was set up off the ground on four “pillars”, this allowed for a reactivated ground level and a strong connection to the nearby park and the ability to expand the park and incorporate bioswale to further improve flood levels. The project allowed us to explore the inter connectivity of many systems. Including mechanical, electrical, structural and sustainability. Seen in this drawing is the culmination of all of these various elements. At the ground level is the open plane with opportunities for rain water collection and the passage of gray water towards our filtration system through the ground plane. Additionally, the larger theater space can be seen above locked into the interactive black box space with a shared lobby to the right. The black box space hang above the lobby level with a 2-hr fire proof translucent glass floor to allow for an imprint of the action to be seen from below. In the larger theater space the cat walk is the hanging mechanism for return air vents and the supply air vents are hidden below within the seat height.

43 GREENPOINT THEATER | Critic Nicole Dosso

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44 GREENPOINT THEATER | Gallery and Dance Studio Spaces Connection to the Black Box

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45 GREENPOINT THEATER| Blackbox Fire-rated Glass Floor and Perspectives

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46 GREENPOINT THEATER | Green Wall System

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47 GREENPOINT THEATER | Integrated Building Section

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TOG ET HER IN B ET WEEN Br o o kl y n , N Y In my interpretation, a library should be as open and democratic as possible; but the site in Dumbo currently functions as a barrier to those of a lower income bracket. The exterior orthogonal system represents society as we see it, and the interior facades begin to fracture to create a new dynamic for the community on the site, allowing for intersections between a wide varieties of library goers. Inspired by the Japanese concept of engawa space, the project functions as a threshold to transition between that which is truly public and that which is truly private. This is achieved through the shifting in scales from that of the individual at the level of occupiable structure, out to the scale of the large communal volumes, and even expanding out to the level of the city block. The building creates connections with the surrounding community by “breaking” from the orthogonal edges of the site to give way to an inviting facade. The threshold condition becomes present when the façade cracks open to allow stair circulation. The stairwells allow the library goers to occupy this in-between moment; a moment of singularity in the passage between the populated floors.

I also sought to multiply the public ground planes through the graduate stepping of the massing, which can be observed in the renderings on the bottom right. This coupled with the cracking of the exterior facade into occupiable structure, allows for the site to activate the neighborhood and become more welcoming. The image to the left shows the break down of the massing and it’s cracked facade.

The intention is to respond to the area surrounding our site that is currently targeting the wealthy and young professionals, and create a feeling of democratic space that is provides functions currently missing in the area. There will be public spaces for working and carrying on professional practice, with open computers and desks, similar to that of WeWork.

There will also be a community kitchen providing free meals to those less fortunate in the area. This functionality allows the library to bridge the gap between a public institution and private entity, and provide a much needed communal space.

The community oriented spaces of the library bridge the traditional library function at both the ground level and at an upper patio level. This allows community members to spend time in the more public spaces, become engaged in a topic or ignite an initiative. Additionally this designated communal space allows functionality to continue after the library is closed; activating the space in the evenings.

48 TOGETHER IN BETWEEN | Professor Mimi Hoang

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49 TOGETHER IN BETWEEN | Site Analysis

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50 TOGETHER IN BETWEEN | Site Context

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51 TOGETHER IN BETWEEN | Section

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52 TOGETHER IN BETWEEN | Cracking Facade Demonstrated in Models

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53 TOGETHER IN BETWEEN | Perspective and Plan Detail

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THE FEMALE FLANEUR:

Women and Commodity in 19th Century Paris

“In commodity society all of us are prostitutes, selling ourselves to strangers; all of us are collectors of things”1 – Beatrice Hanssen Paris in the nineteenth century was a city of pleasure and excitement; a city that was “enchanting and intoxicating”. It was symbolized as an “inescapably female” city, whether that be with the imagery of a prostitute or that of a queen2. But how were women perceived during this century of the feminine embodiment? Paris’s capitalist and commercial practices were growing, first in the passages—covered pedestrian arcades-- and later with the department store. An exploration of leisure activities, specifically case studies of the Passage des Panoramas and Magasin au Bon Marche, shows the drastic change in perception of the female in Parisian society as the century progressed.

The character and architecture of these two spaces directly influenced how women came to be viewed within society.

At the turn of the 19th century, the Passage des Panoramas was considered to be the first truly significant passage or arcade. It was a place for luxury trade as well as the growing fashion industry. This passage was built to establish a direct path between the Palais Royal and the center of public life on the boulevards.3 Because the Passage des Panoramas was one of the first, its construction is slightly less ornate than those that followed, but like those of its successors, glazed wrought iron was used to create a covered form over what would otherwise have been exposed streets. In Fig. 14 the simple, yet elegant form of the Passage des Panoramas

can be seen on the left and the more evolved form of the Gallerie d’Orleans can be seen on the right in Fig. 25.

Walter Benjamin describes the arcades: “glass-roofed, marble-paneled corridors extending through whole blocks of buildings, whose owners have joined together for such enterprise,”6. This imagery can be seen vividly in both figures.

The Panoramas flourished from 1823 to 1831, due in part to the introduction of gas lighting in 1817. Prior to the construction of these arcades, it would not have been possible to stroll along the streets of Paris. The streets were caked with mud and grime, but it was the passage that converted this above-ground filth into “a temple of art and industry”7. The ability to stroll through these new passages helped to create a sense of “industrial luxury.” Thus, producing a space for the bourgeois class to leisurely congregate on most Sundays to enjoy the famous confections at Millelot or admire stationary at Susse’s8 The passage, open to the sky with an iron and simple-pane glass roof created the perfect space for Parisians to escape their daily isolation of subjectivity9.

These arcades, a hybrid of street and interior, became the dwelling of the flaneur. A flaneur as defined by dictionary as an idle man-about-town, but the societal definition of this term is wildly different. As it pertains to the bourgeois male, a flaneur is one who strolls, smokes, writes, and generally inhabits the arcades with almost a sense of lackadaisicalness10. Though it is argued that there could never be a female flaneur as the male gaze was at all times represented in the urban scene, this argument discredits the degree to which women were present and participating in “the spectacle and the whole Parisian atmosphere of pleasure,”. But in the context of these arcades, the female flaneur was synonymous with a prostitute11. The discrepancy between the male and female connotations of “flaneur” highlights the privileged position of the male in public spaces. “The flaneur was simply the name of a man who loitered; but all women who loitered risked being seen as whores,”12 With this sentiment it is clear that women had lost power in public space and ran the risk of being mistaken for a prostitute if they chose to amble through the passage without company or at night. Lingering on the streets at night and often displayed in the second-floor windows of

54 QUESTIONS IN ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY | Professor Mabel O. Wilson

Fig. 1

Fig. 2

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these arcades, it was in fact these prostitutes that were a truly sought-after commodity. Therefore, where the passage becomes a place of flanerie for the male Parisian, it functioned as a space of debased sexually for women.

These arcades acted as the precursor to the department store, but rather than the “association of shops” that made up the arcade, the department store became a series of extended shops that created retail trade in its capitalistic form13. Now instead of the dry goods or hand-made goods of the arcades, the department store was able to offer mass-produced goods in every variety, highlighting the desire for a mass-consumer culture enabled by bourgeois society14. Although the department store was a more advanced and complex structure, it too produced a false sense of privacy similar to that of the arcade: a public space with imperceptible barriers.

The largest department store up until World War I, the Magasin Au Bon Marche is an exquisite example of the combination of the design principles from the arcades and industrialized Paris. The grand-open ceiling mimicked that of the arcades with the use of wrought iron and glass, but the scale was immense, taking over an entire city block with “large plate glass display windows and amply fenestrated facades”. Aristide Boucicaut became the co-owner of the Bon Marche company in 1852 and immediately began the process of developing the immense block-long store. Though work began in 1869, it was not until 1887 that all enlargement and alteration was complete with the help of Louis Charles Boileau and engineer Gustave Eiffel. Their work produced a “technologically progressive, iron-structure, five-storied building, with a monumental stone façade” and a multi storied internal structure that allowed for open interior space and penetration of light15. The grandeur and beauty of the space can be seen in Fig 316.

Unlike the arcades, the department stores created a zone where women could be “free of men’s protection,”.

Here the definition of a female flaneur could become more similar to that of the male in the arcades; she strolled from counter to counter, eyeing and eventually buying goods to furnish her home or enhance her beauty. But this space of power came at the price of creating a simplified understanding of the woman in society. This “bourgeois consumerism” invaded the pseudo-public 55 QUESTIONS IN ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY

space of the department store, meaning safe spaces for women became intrinsically connected to “purchase and sale rather than to morally more elevated activities”17 But nevertheless the department store, and therefore Le Bon Marche, became “the world of leisurely women celebrating a new rite of consumption,”. 18 Now in this reality, women are able to participate in consumption, rather than being commodified as prostitutes in the arcades.

Though similar in function and design aesthetic, Le Bon Marche and the Passage des Panoramas fostered drastically different environments within the Parisian society.

The importance and relevance of commerce and capitalism weaves a predictably unchanged arc in time between the two structures, while the value of and attitude towards women is altered. Le Bon Marche becomes like a salon for women in the way that the arcades had in effect done for men. With this change in environment, the term flaneur can be redeemed from its lewd female connotation and give some semblance of power to the bourgeoise woman of the 19th century.

1 Beatrice Hanssen, Walter Benjamin and the Arcades Project, (London: Bloomsbury Publishing PLC, 2006), Accessed November 8, 2017, ProQuest Ebook Central, 37.

2 Elizabeth Wilson, The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, the Control of Disorder, and Women, (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992) 47.

3 Johann Friedrich Geist, Arcades, the History of a Building Type, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989) 464.

4 “Argos Panoptes: El Flâneur Contemporáneo.” ESTÉTICA DEL ARTE, 19 Sept. 2014, estetica-del-arte.com/2014/09/19/argos-panoptes-el-flaneur-contemporaneo/.

5 Graduate School of Architecture Planning and Preservation Visual Resources Collection Online. http://gsappvrc.herokuapp.com/images/359279 6 Walter Benjamin, et al, The Arcades Project, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 3.

7 George Augustus Sala, “Paris: The Passage des Panoramas,” Temple Bar; Mar 1, 1864; 10, ProQuest, 340-341.

8 Geist, Arcades, the History of a Building Type, 471.

9 Hanssen, Walter Benjamin and the Arcades Project, 36.

10 Walter Benjamin, et al, “The Paris of the Second Empire in Baudelaire,” Walter Benjamin: Selected Writings: Volume 4: 1938-1940, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003) 36-37.

11 Wilson, The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, the Control of Disorder, and Women, 55-56.

12 Hanssen, Walter Benjamin and the Arcades Project , 49 13 Geist, Arcades, the History of a Building Type, 35.

14 Michael B. Miller, Bon Marche: Bourgeois Culture and the Department Store, 18691920, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ Press, 2014) Accessed November 8, 2017, ACLS Humanities E-Book, 165.

15 Meredith L Clausen, “The Department Store: Development of the Type,” Journal of Architectural Education (1984-), vol. 39, no. 1, 1985, p. 20-29, Accessed November 8, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1424824, 22-24.

16 Graduate School of Architecture Planning and Preservation Visual Resources Collection Online. http://gsappvrc.herokuapp.com/images/397376 17 Wilson, The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, the Control of Disorder, and Women, 59-60.

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GREETINGS FROM CONNECTICUT WALL HOUSE 2 In an effort to highlight the original intended location of Wall House 2 in Ridgefield, CT, I created in a suburban scene depicting the home placed there. But in this scenario the home has been exploded and the elements have been warped to create a new fictitious neighborhood (top left). Above are images of a doll house inspired architectural model of Wall House 2, intended to highlight the unknown domestic life of the home.

56 ADR | Professor Farzin Lotfi-Jam

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UP Inspired by a flying fish, I sought to create an object that would glide through the air. I was excited by the expanse of the fish’s wings as it exited the water. I studied several methods of simulating this motion.

In the process I discovered the origami umbrella. Its form created a dynamic elasticity with the paper, as it was compressed and released.

I was intrigued by the way the motion mimicked the quick jump of the fish out of the water. While producing numerous iterations of the umbrella form in various configurations, I struggled to find a way to highlight the inherent nature of the origami dynamics while still enabling the object to fly through the air. Eventually I was able to attach the umbrella form to a triangular structure that allowed the paper to rotate on a vertical axis as well as moving with compression in the horizontal axis. In it’s final iteration the structure was clear acrylic so as to not deter from the umbrella form. The conical shapes were painted gold and dressed with glitter to enhance their path of motion as they spun through the air.

57 UP | Professor Stephanie Lin

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AB OVE I studied the various forms that could expand and contract to change the feeling of the space on the interior.

I studied how the variation in the distance between and the length of the cuts into paper would impact the final form that would stretch from the paper. These conical forms created the module that I then applied to the site. The spread shows images of the physical model at 3/16th scale.

59 ABOVE | Professor Stephanie Lin

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RU IN / R E GEN E RAT E My structure begins as a public park with multiple bathing pools, mimicking the program of a Roman bath house. Over time the form begins to collect detritus from the East River and the limestone structure is displaced creating a “ruin� of the original form. The water passing through the limestone allows for the water to become filtrated over time. Thus creating a resiliency plan through ruination. Eventually the increased debris build up will create the opportunity for landfill, giving new form to the original public park in this location. The architecture in this project is not destroyed in its ruined form, rather it is regenerated.

60 RUIN/REGENERATE | Professor Stephanie Lin

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