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THE

GEORGE MASON

REVIEW

Exemplary Undergraduate Writing Across The Curriculum 2007-2008



THE

george mason

review

Exemplary Undergraduate Writing Across The Curriculum 2007-2008


The George Mason Review 2007-2008

the george mason review is intended as a showcase of exemplary undergraduate work and as an instructional text for composition classes at george mason university.

submissions are welcomed during our reading period from september 1st to march 1st. undergraduate academic essays from all disciplines are considered

and should be no longer than twenty-five pages. likewise, fiction and creative nonfiction should be of similar length. limit poetry submissions to five poems per author.

all submissions, including both written work and visual art, may be sent as an attachment to: gmreview@gmu.edu

the editors would like to thank michele braithwaite, donald gallehr, jennifer goldsmith, anna habib, terry zawacki, student media, the wac committee, and all of the faculty and students who have supported this publication.

the george mason review is published annually at george mason university. opinions expressed by authors and editors do not necessarily reflect the views of the university.

please visit us on the web at http://gmreview.gmu.edu


THE

george mason

review

Exemplary Undergraduate Writing Across The Curriculum 2007-2008 Editor-in-Chief Jennifer Ann Janisch Assistant Editor Norah Vawter Interns Katherine Grace Kendall Nicole Ocran Advisors Anna Habib Terry Zawacki


Table of Contents Guest Essay individual writing process sheets............................................ 10

Donald R. Gallehr Academic Work

a voice for the voiceless: an ethnography of animal

rights culture...........................................................................20

Camile Allan

can atheists be lockean?.......................................................... 40

Steven J. Baumstark and Craig J. Iffland the rise and fall of interest group influence: a study of the john birch society, the league of conservation voters, and the minuteman project..........................................48 Max Burns on f.a. hayek’s response to “global justice”...........................64

Fernando Menéndez

the unmaking and rethinking of the nixon presidency............ 74

Saeil oh

alternative spring break (asb) 2007: living with hiv...............90 Alexandra Sims frame narratives: subjectivity and intercultural dialogue in the thousand and one nights and the

canterbury tales.........................................................................108

Joseph Swetnam Creative Work

creative nonfiction the north pier........................................................................... 123

Shannon Foley

why i write................................................................................ 128

Christina Lee


fiction legacy....................................................................................... 134

Christopher Fenley

they fall at giza....................................................................... 149 Angela Panayotopulos poetry the second law of thermodynamics.......................................... 122

Alan Strom

the problem with wings............................................................ 127

Joshua Miller

sundays..................................................................................... 148

Karen Mitcham

searchlight............................................................................... 162 Ashley Scurto art bompa........................................................................................ cover Angela Douglas hands......................................................................................... 73

Kristen Berg

ava............................................................................................. 107

Julie Schneider

henriette................................................................................... 119

Dierdre Forgione

the shirt.................................................................................... 133

Eric Goss



Guest Essay


Donald R. Gallehr teaches advanced nonfiction writing, the teaching of writing, and theories of composition, as well as freshman and advanced composition. His articles include: “Portfolio Assessment in the College Writing Classroom,” in Process and Portfolios in Writing Instruction, NCTE, 1993; “Wait and the Writing Will Come: Meditation and the Composing Process,” in Presence of Mind: Writing and the Domain Beyond the Cognitive, Boyton/Cook, Heinemann, 1994; and “What is the Sound of No Hand Clapping: Using Secularized Zen Koans in the Writing Classroom,” in Spiritual Empowerment and Pedagogy, Boynton/Cook, Heinemann, 1997. His research interests focus on learning beyond the cognitive and its application to the classroom, and he currently serves as a reviewer for NCTE’s Journal of the Assembly for Expanded Perspectives on Learning. In addition, he is Director of the Northern Virginia Writing Project, Chair of the Board of Directors of the Virginia Writing Project, and serves on the National Writing Project Board of Directors.


individual writing process sheets

Donald R. Gallehr

I

’ve had several experiences in my non-academic life that illustrate how process influences product. One was in my basement when a plumber admired the sweating (also known as soldering) of a copper pipe by another plumber. A second was in my attic when a Verizon repairman admired the telephone wiring done by an electrician I had hired a few years earlier to wire the second floor. A third was the admiration by a town manager of a curb poured by a private contractor. Of course, I’ve also had negative experiences— most recently when a professional house painter told my wife that he thought I had done the spackling of one wall by throwing the mud from a distance. In learning to write, process was not always part of instruction. Like many others, when I was taught writing in the 1950’s, the teacher gave us the topic, we wrote a first draft addressed to her as the audience, edited it (briefly), then turned it in for a grade. Rarely did she say anything about the processes we used. The grade was meant to say it all. In fact, it wasn’t until the mid-1950’s when George Plimpton began publishing interviews with writers in The Paris Review, that teachers, and in fact other writers too, got a glimpse of the varied processes used by writers. One of the surprises was that even though many writers wrote their drafts by themselves, almost all read or gave their drafts to others for feedback—sometimes a spouse, a friend, or even an editor. In the 1970’s, professional writers began to publish books on how to write, including stories of their own experiences as well as quotes from other writers. For me, the most notable was journalist Donald M. Murray. His two major works, Write to Learn and A Writer Teaches Writing, were filled with insightful exercises and inspiring stories that helped me and thousands of other teachers become more aware of our own writing processes. 11


The George Mason Review

In the 1980’s, writing teachers argued about Process vs. Product—some emphasized the process while others emphasized the end result. Thank goodness the debate was resolved when everyone realized that process and product were, as the phrase goes, inextricably linked. As I mentioned above, the way you do something—whether it be sweating pipes, wiring a house, or writing a narrative, impacts how it turns out. It is now obvious that both process and product have to be part of a writing classroom. A few years ago, I developed a new exercise to help students become more aware of their writing processes in order to produce better writing. Three things led to this exercise. First of all, as most instructors know, students tend to be visual learners. When I give an assignment verbally, a number of students in each class will read the wrong chapter, will forget to do the learning logs, or in some instances will forget to do the reading altogether. If I write the assignment on the board, display it on an overhead, or project it from my computer onto a screen, especially if I add a drawing to it, my students tend to remember it and complete the assignment on time. The second thing that led me to this new exercise was my own growing awareness that the faulty writing processes of a number of my students were hindering the quality of their writings. Procrastination, sloppy editing, lack of research, lack of thought given to the topic, and little or no sharing of their drafts with others were some of the things they struggled with. Sometimes, I was successful in helping these students to make adjustments to their processes by writing comments on their drafts, by talking with them during class, or by holding conferences, but other times I was not successful, so I was I was looking for a more effective way to help them improve their processes. It is worth noting that even though my college students are considered “young” in age, they have been writing since they were in first grade, many of them using the same processes. As Brandon, one of my students, put it, “My writing process has been the same since as far back as I can remember.” 12


The George Mason Review

The third thing that led to this exercise was a sixteen-foot chart of the human digestion system placed on the wall outside the Human Anatomy and Physiology classroom on the fourth floor of Robinson A, which, by coincidence, is also the hallway between my office and the main office of the English Department. As you can imagine, the digestion chart starts at the mouth and ends at…the other end, and along the way are clever signs and descriptions of the various activities that constitute digestion. The chart was created by one of the anatomy professors who hangs it on the wall for approximately three weeks each semester. Students study the chart and take quizzes based on what they learn. I, myself, have always loved learning via visual aids, and I really admire the artistry and cleverness of this chart. Enter the individual writing process sheet. I have assigned this for two semesters now, and each time I introduce it by showing my students the digestion chart in Robinson Hall, or if it is not currently on the wall, I describe it. Then, back in our classroom, I draw my own individual writing process sheet on the board. I draw it in front of my students to demonstrate how I think aloud and draw simultaneously, and also to show them how much fun it is. Typically, my process begins when I get an idea or am given an assignment, proceeds through research, drafting, sharing drafts with my administrative assistant to get feedback, revision, editing, and finally submitting the piece to the intended audience. At each stage, I add a brief sketch (when I write, “Share with Mark,” my administrative assistant, I draw Mark’s face as best I can, with glasses and curly hair) and the idiosyncratic things I do that work for me such as going to bed with an idea and writing first thing the next morning. I then ask my students to map out in their notebooks their own individual writing processes. The room becomes quiet as they work at their seats; when they encounter problems, they ask for help, but mostly they work in silence. Before they leave class, I unroll and give them each a five-foot sheet of white paper on which to draw 13


The George Mason Review

their own individual process. I encourage them to be honest, and to add clip art, drawings, photos—whatever they like that will bring the process sheet alive. Two weeks later, students come to class and tape their individual sheets on the walls. The sheets are clever, insightful, honest, colorful, and endearing. Some include graphics they have retrieved from the Internet and have printed out with their color printers. Others include photos (one student included a photo of his girlfriend who responds to his drafts). One pasted a clip of a martini glass to indicate how he celebrates finishing a sizable paper. I give them about fifteen minutes to walk around and read each others’ sheets, and then distribute yellow Post-It notes and ask them to write comments they wish to make about their classmates’ processes. They place these on the sheets, and the authors retrieve them to keep before I collect the sheets. By chance, one student left notes from four students on the back of his sheet. They read: “I like the use of pictures within the text.” “Procrastinating pictures are so true! I think it’s always hard to start something, so sleeping on an idea is good!” “It is good to do research.” “Sleeping on ideas. I do it too.” At the end of class, I carry their writing process sheets back to Robinson A, and tape them to the wall in the same hallway as the digestive chart. Enter the class writing process chart. With some of my classes but not all, I bring to class a 15 foot piece of tan construction paper, tape it to the wall, and ask the students to draw THE WRITING PROCESS as they see it. In one class, the students decided to draw a road—I think they considered the writing process a journey. Most of the students moved to the left and drew the early sections of the process—getting ideas, conducting research, procrastinating, sleeping on ideas, but eventually, when it became clear that the later stages of the process were being neglected, other students drifted to the right side of the chart and added such things as a visit to the Writing Center, sharing with friends, and editing. I believe they were proud of their work. I know I was. 14


The George Mason Review

Results. My goal was to help my students to become aware of their individual writing processes so they could keep activities that worked for them, discard or change activities that didn’t, and thereby become better writers. At the end of the semester when they submitted the final portfolios of their writings, almost all of my students were proud of having improved as writers, and a number of them cited the process sheets as one of the reasons—other reasons being that they wrote and revised constantly, and received lots of feedback. During semester break, I had a chance to compare their individual process sheets with what I knew of their writings, and I noticed a significant difference between the processes of the stronger writers and weaker writers. Here, in chart form, is what I saw:

Weaker Writers Procastination to avoid writing Few and stereotypical steps in their writing process. Work alone. Write for a grade. Process ends regardless of how good the writing is. Have friends edit and in the process give up ownership. Write first draft shortly before due date. Attend the Writing Center to have tutors “fix” draft. Submit first draft, or first draft edited.

Stronger Writers Procastination to increase pressure. Significant consideration of topic. Many specific/individualistic steps in their writing process. A social aspect to writing—sharing with friends, seeking out feedback. Write to express themselves and to communicate with others. Continue the process until writing is “finished.” Process is ongoing. Get feedback from friends and maintain ownership. First draft written after receiving assignment, multiple drafts. Attend the Writing Center to get help with writing in general. Submit third, fourth, even fifth draft with multiple edits. 15


The George Mason Review

I think it is worth noting that in all instances the quality of the process and the quality of the writings were consistent. In other words, a weak process produced weak writings, and a strong process produced strong writings. In instances where students significantly improved their processes, they also improved their writings. I would be remiss at this point if I did not mention the reaction of my English Department colleagues when they first saw my students’ individual writing process sheets and the class writing process chart in the hall of Robinson A. One said, “I love your charts.” Others said, “They’re so honest!” Several gathered in the hall, pointed at the sheets, and said, “Look what this student did! Look at this!” Many asked if I did this every year, and they were surprised when I told them it was the first time I had done it. This made me wonder why I had not introduced it before. You’ve heard my take on the benefit of this exercise, so now lets hear some of the comments made by my students in their final portfolio prefaces at the end of the semester. Kevin wrote, “When Professor Gallehr assigned one of the first papers on writing a memo to a funder, I figured that it would be an easy task. I wrote the paper, and then felt it was well done and turned it in. I was somewhat shocked to learn that it would only be a draft, and was given ways to improve it.” This was a common theme, reflecting a view that many shared of submitting first-draft final pieces. Mark wrote, “For the most part in my other classes I would just write my paper and turn it in; however, this class has shown me the benefits of creating multiple drafts. Unfortunately, I have very few drafts to show you because a tree fell on my room and demolished almost everything (including most of my drafts) in it.” It was true—a storm had destroyed most of the work he had done over the semester, but at least he carried with him “the benefits of creating multiple drafts.” And Hiroshi wrote, “Professor Gallehr’s prompt reply to our assignments was excellent. Receiving my papers back and having 16


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the opportunity to revise them was great.” Hiroshi’s comment surprised me, and it was echoed by students in my other classes. Absentmindedly thinking that all professors who assigned papers were also teaching writing, I therefore assumed they would read early drafts and return them quickly so that their students could revise and submit even better papers. In reality, when students received their papers back as much as a month later with a grade, not only did they not have the option to revise, they had no desire to revise. I then told my students to take what they learned in my class, compose a first draft as soon as possible after receiving an assignment, use their friends, relatives, and classmates to get feedback, then revise and edit before submitting their papers. Do I intend to use this exercise in future classes? Yes. Would I do it the same way? No, probably not. For one, I want my students to hang their writing process sheets on the walls of our classroom so that they can refer to them on a regular basis. (I hope the sheets won’t be a distraction to other classes or professors, and I plan to take photos of them in case they’re altered or removed.) I also want to connect the process logs (a brief description of how my students write the pieces they submit each week) with their writing process sheets. I think that will help some students to improve their writing. And finally, I want to make more prominent the writing processes of professional writers, perhaps by having my students create a few writing process sheets of their favorite authors. I wish to end this piece by thanking Norah Vawter for asking me to write this article for The George Mason Review, and to Jennifer Janisch for her support. Just as becoming aware of how I write has enabled me to become a better writer, so too, becoming aware of how I teach has made me a better teacher.

17



Academic Essays


author’s note

This ethnography, edited here for length, was a semester long project assigned in English 311: Writing Ethnography. I was assigned to choose a culture that was of interest to me. As an advocate for animal rights, I had always had an interest in the field and viewed this ethnography as a way to further develop my own knowledge while also making others aware of the culture. My process for writing this piece first began with gaining access to the culture. I attended pet adoption fairs sponsored by animal rescue foundations and met with volunteers and fosters who had adopted rescued dogs. I also spent time observing the adoption fairs and taking field notes. I conducted several casual interviews with fosters and volunteers and more in-depth interviews with the founder of one of the foundations and the volunteer coordinator of another. All of these people gave me insight into the motivations of people within this particular aspect of animal rights culture. The second group within the culture which I decided to explore was the group of student animal rights activists at George Mason University. I conducted interviews with two of these students and discovered their reasons for being active within the field. This group led me to the Peter Young event on campus, which ended up being a central event within my study. My interviews done with these students, as well as my own observations at the event, led me to a greater understanding of the lives of student animal rights activists and the lengths they go to in order to make a difference. When I first chose this culture to write about, I had no idea how much this research would end up meaning to me. Through each interview I conducted, each event I attended, and each section I wrote, I came to a greater understanding not only of the culture as a whole, but of myself as the ethnographer. I saw that although I tried to leave myself out of my research as much as possible, my passion for this field began long before I started writing this ethnography, and therefore my own feelings had a great influence on my work. 20


a voice for the voiceless: an ethnography of animal rights culture

Camile Allan

Arrival Story “I saw deep in the eyes of the animals the human soul look out upon me. I saw where it was born deep down under feathers and fur, or condemned for a while to roam four-footed among the brambles, I caught the clinging mute glance of the prisoner and swore that I would be faithful.” —Henry David Thoreau

I

step into a simple room. About sixty chairs are lined up to face a podium with a broken microphone and a blank projector screen. Eight people have already taken their seats in the first row so I take a seat in the third, feeling all their eyes upon me. Not wanting to stare, I casually take note of their attire. I notice rainbow striped hair, t-shirts, hats, and pins with anti-war slogans written across them. And piercings. Lots of piercings. I look up at the clock on the wall. I am half an hour early. Gradually, more people start to file in and they all seem to know each other, some saying a casual hello when they enter, others embracing in full-on hugs, as if they haven’t seen each other in a long time. No one sits in my row, even though most of them have made eye contact with me at one point or another, quickly looking away the moment our eyes meet. They snack on vegan food and drink, chatting about signing up for classes and the parking situation on campus. I know I could join in on their conversations, but I don’t feel quite comfortable enough. I know I look suspicious, trying to inconspicuously take notes on their every move. Finally, a leader emerges, asking for newcomers to write their name and email address on a piece of paper attached to a clipboard at the front of the room. I am busy writing in my notebook and sense a presence in the empty seat beside me. I look up to find the young man with the clipboard smiling at me. “So, are you a reporter or here for a class?” he asks. 21


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“I’m writing a piece on animal activists,” I inform him. “But I think I would have been here anyway.” He smiles as if he knows exactly what I mean. “Well, I’m really glad you’re here.” It’s the most sincere response I’ve received in a long time. As he gets up to leave, I still feel incredibly out of place, and yet I also feel that this is where I belong. The event described above took place at a lecture I attended where animal liberator Peter Young talked about his experience in the field of animal rights. This event was a key experience in helping me to define the culture of animal rights activists. When I first began working on this ethnography for an English course at George Mason, I knew that I wanted to work with people who spent their time helping animals. At first, this field seemed incredibly large and daunting. Would I focus on the extreme activists who go naked on the streets in front of department stores to show that they are opposed to the selling of fur, or would I talk with people who had adopted rescued dogs and taken them into their homes? There was a wide range of people that seemed to be important to the field, all falling under the umbrella of “animal lovers.” What I eventually discovered was a spectrum of participants in the field that ranged from fosters to extreme activists. My own interest in animal rights began around the time I entered high school. I would read the mail my family received from animal rights and wildlife conservation groups that my parents supported. I was devastated by some of the stories of animal abuse that I heard. I would also read newspaper articles and hear stories on the news of animal abuse and I slowly started to realize that the problem was more common than I ever could have imagined. Even though animals have become such a large part of my life, I am hesitant to label myself as an animal rights activist. To me, the activists are the people who are out in the public eye, devoting their time, sacrificing sleep, and, in some cases, risking their lives 22


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for the sake of animals. The real activists are the people I spoke with over the last month and a half who have shared with me their stories, their fears, their motivations. As for me, I have just observed and written down what I have seen. Despite my own interest in the field, I was always unsure where to start or how to get involved. I hope this ethnography will introduce animal rights activists and rescue workers to those who read it in a way that helps them see that these groups are accessible if you look in the right places. I would like to say that the participants in this ethnography are just like other ordinary people, but the truth is that they are not. They are different from others in that they have learned to put animals before themselves, which is a task some people find difficult to do with other human beings. It is my hope, and I believe theirs as well, that others will recognize the need for more people to take a stand together in becoming a voice for those who cannot be heard. “They Just Can’t Let Them Go”: The Role of Fosters and Rescue Volunteers Upon arriving at the pet adoption day event at the Chantilly Petco on a bright Sunday morning in October, I immediately felt overwhelmed. The adoption fair, sponsored by A Forever-Home Rescue Foundation, had taken over the entire area in front of the pet store. There were dogs everywhere. After observing the site for half an hour or so, I noticed that there were two distinct groups of people running the adoption fair. One group all wore yellow t-shirts advertising “A Forever-Home Rescue Foundation.” These people took turns running the information table, helping potential pet owners, and doing the less desirable job of cleaning up after the dogs. The second group of people were those who were at the other end of the leashes: the fosters. A foster, I found out, is a person who volunteers for the organization to take dogs, sometimes several at a time, into their home 23


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and care for them until they are adopted. The foster is responsible for bringing the dog to an adoption day fair at least twice a month so that potential pet owners who may have read about the dog on the foundation’s website can meet the dog and interact with it in person. One foster, Sandra Lewis, had taken in her foster dog, Toby, a Labrador mix, only three days before. Yet, to an outsider like myself, it appeared as if Toby had been a part of Sandra’s life for years. “He’s really energetic,” she informed me. “I have three other dogs at home who are all prima donnas and he is so good with them.” In between my attempts at asking Sandra questions, she bent down, letting Toby lick her face while repeating, “Such a good boy, you’re such a good boy.” Throughout the entire event, she was careful never to let Toby go ignored when she was talking to people interested in adopting. There was one particular area between two planters in front of the store that the majority of volunteers and fosters huddled around. On the other side of one of these planters sat a white man who was probably in his late fifties or early sixties, with a Shepard mix who looked to be an older dog. The man spoke quietly to the dog and did not get up to walk him or show him off as most of the other fosters did. At first, I found myself wondering why he was not interacting with the other fosters and why he wasn’t actively trying to get the dog adopted. As I watched this man and his dog, I noticed an African-American man and his young daughter with their small brown and white beagle mix. They had brought folding chairs and the father sat in one of them reading a book. The daughter played with the dog, petting it and rewarding it with treats. Several people who walked by stopped in front of them and the girl hesitantly let them pet the dog. The threesome left the adoption fair early, making me wonder their true motivations for fostering a dog. In the meantime, I decided to seek out the founder of A Forever-Home Rescue Foundation, Mary Taylor-Mattox, to get some of my other questions answered. 24


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Mary informed me that the process of choosing fosters is one that is very important to the foundation since they rely solely on fosters and do not place the animals in shelters. She explained: One of our biggest issues was that we didn’t like having dogs in a kennel situation so we moved to a foster-only situation which really has improved how much we know about the dogs. Lots of times, we were adopting dogs out and we didn’t know what to tell people. Were they house trained? We have no idea. Were they good with kids? Cats? We have no idea. Do they chew? Don’t know. Now we have the answers to those questions. I was curious about Mary’s own motivations for founding A Forever-Home Rescue Foundation. She informed me how her own experiences witnessing animal abuse and suffering have been what has kept her at a volunteer job where she spends more time working than at her paying job. Her knowledge of suffering and the desire to do something about the mistreatment of animals were motivators for Mary and were evident through the success stories she told me. We worked about three or four years ago with a Loudon County shelter and found they were literally shooting the dogs rather than euthanizing them. So, we reported it and we got a lot of stonewalling. We got a lot of name calling. It was a very ugly situation. We kept going to the authorities and they didn’t care. We were just shocked to find out that not only were they shooting dogs, but that the conditions weren’t very good. [With the help of] a lot of people, activists so to speak, they were actually able to fire the guys. They shut down the shelter and built a brand new one. And the conditions there are dramatically improving. 25


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I discovered that these success stories were the real motivators behind the majority of people who work in this field of the culture. In situations where the fight looks to be a hopeless cause, these rescue volunteers remain hopeful because they know the end result will make a difference to the animals. I wanted to find out more about the role of fosters and volunteers and so I sought out Carolyn Bobb, the volunteer coordinator for the Lost Dog and Cat Rescue Foundation. Carolyn’s own introduction to the culture came when she and her husband decided to adopt a dog from a rescue foundation. She explained to me how she had been so inspired by the organization and the respect they have for the animals that she applied for a volunteer position. Carolyn’s love for dogs represents the feelings of many of the fosters I spoke with: I think just seeing how happy the dogs are when they get a home makes it all worthwhile. They just want to be around people. Dogs basically changed our lives for the better. We can’t imagine, as annoying as our dogs can get when we’re like “Oh my God, just let me sleep,” but when we walk in and they are just so happy to see you, we can’t imagine our lives without them. This feeling of the important presence of animals in our lives is a theme within the field of animal rights. I discovered, during my observations and interviews with fosters and volunteers, that although they may have individual reasons why they chose to be involved in the field, they all stem from the fact that each of them loves dogs and wants the best possible situation for them. At the A Forever-Home Rescue Foundation fair, I watched Sandra Lewis take Toby for one more loop around the fair to show him off to any potential owners who might be passing by. Although she was obviously very attached to Toby, she knew that she would eventually have to let him go. 26


The George Mason Review

“Sometimes I have them for months, sometimes only a couple of days,” she explained. “But they [A Forever-Home Rescue Foundation] are an incredible organization and they do a great job of placing these dogs.” But, I wondered, what about the man who was fostering the older dog, and the foster with his daughter? What if they weren’t as convinced that someone else could provide the dog better care than they did? “We lose most of our fosters to adoption,” Sandra informed me. “They just can’t let them go. That’s the biggest problem and I tease them like: ‘No, no you can’t adopt!’ But I don’t ever win, they always end up adopting. But it’s a good reason to lose a foster.” The Fight for Animal Rights: The Role of Student Activists A central group in the field that emerged early on is student animal rights activists at George Mason University. I first came in contact with them when I joined a Facebook group of Mason students opposing animal abuse. I was pleased to have found this group and to have become aware that a group of animal activists existed on campus. I was also surprised that I had never seen or heard anything about these activists before as, due to my own interest in the field, I would have remembered having heard of their presence on campus. My time spent with these activists has helped me come to conclusions about the reason for the illusiveness of activists on campus. The first student I came in contact with was Jayna Saoirse. On the day of our meeting, Jayna called me after getting out of class and I suggested we meet at the benches outside of Fenwick Library. I had no idea what Jayna looked like, and yet I knew it was her from fifty feet away. She stood out from the other students in her floorlength skirt, her bookbag covered with an assortment of pins and keychains, and her hair hanging in her face. She hung back a couple 27


The George Mason Review

of feet away from me, looking at me through her dark sunglasses as she asked me questions about my ethnography, feeling out my stance. In her initial email, Jayna had suggested that another student and animal rights activist, Patrick Davis, might also be interested in participating. Jayna and I were joined by Patrick several minutes later. He made his way up the pathway and as he got closer, I saw that the sides of his black hair had been shaven to create a mohawk. I suddenly found myself frantically trying to remember if the lining of my jacket was made of faux fur, or if my shoes were made of real leather. As we made our way to the Johnson Center, I walked between Patrick and Jayna as they discussed the success of their recent bake sale. Realizing that they were completely leaving me out of the conversation, Jayna offered me a leftover chocolate chip cookie. “I hate the J.C.,” was Patrick’s first comment upon entering through the doors on the main floor that led to the bustling food court. “There are too many people.” This statement was the first that signified to me that Patrick and Jayna were different from other students on campus. While most of the students who gathered around the tables in the food court of the Johnson Center were most likely discussing their Friday night plans or drama within their clique of friends, Jayna and Patrick were living lives far from what the ordinary college student experiences. Despite the similarities in Jayna and Patrick’s beliefs regarding the treatment of animals, they became involved in animal activism in two distinctly different ways. Jayna, who became a vegetarian at seventeen-years-old and a vegan at eighteen, said that going to animal rights conferences was her first step in becoming involved. She attended conferences sponsored by the Farm Animals Reform Movement (F.A.R.M.) put on every year in either Washington D.C. or Los Angeles. Jayna informed me that her motivation for attending those conferences came from her sensitivity to animal suffering. 28


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“I wanted to do whatever I could to make them happier,” Jayna said. “When I was in third grade, I started a Save the Earth club, so it’s just always been something I do. We raised money to save a panda. It’s just been something I’ve been interested in.” Jayna now works with F.A.R.M. and an organization called Compassion Over Killing where she does vegan outreach. Patrick on the other hand informed me that he is new to the field and that his interest in animal rights started when he enrolled in Eastern philosophy classes and Eastern religion classes at George Mason. “I just was reading a lot and those arguments made sense and so I kind of altered my life accordingly.” However, after taking these classes, it took Patrick a little time to actually become active in the animal rights culture. Patrick informed me of his entrance into the culture: I just kind of, I already had the mental, ethical argument in my head, but I didn’t really get involved in activism until I met some kids on campus. There’s just always been a community there that’s been very humane and just, I guess, I just kind of, through my connection with other people, have gotten into the scene. This “scene” Patrick mentioned, and the one I had so much trouble locating when I first started my ethnography, is the culture of animal rights activists on campus. They are a tight-knit community in which everyone knows everyone else and where information and news seems to travel mostly by word of mouth. As students, Patrick and Jayna have to balance schoolwork with their activism and outside jobs. When I asked how they manage this, Jayna responded: “I don’t really sleep anymore. There just aren’t enough hours in a day, so sleep is like the last thing on my list, unfortunately.” Patrick piped in saying that he finds himself volunteering more than he works. I found it admirable that, while other 29


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students are most likely putting either school first for the sake of their grades, or putting their job first for the sake of money, Jayna and Patrick put their activism first, for the sake of the animals. My connection with the world of student activists led me to the Peter Young event held in the Johnson Center at George Mason University. Up until this point, the only events I had attended were the pet adoption days sponsored by animal rescue organizations. Although I view fosters and rescue volunteers as a large contributing factor in the culture, I had yet to discover that the spectrum I had outlined reached far beyond what I had imagined. There was an obvious tension in the air before Peter Young spoke. He had been invited by the animal rights activists in Students for a Democratic Society because he is a former animal liberator who was put in jail for two years for releasing minks from fur farms across the Midwest. Young began his talk by explaining how his view of what happened to animals had once been very abstract. He figured animal abuse was something that only happened out in the woods or on paper. But, his point of no return came when his friend, who later became his accomplice, arrived at his house covered in chicken feathers after discovering a nearby chicken slaughter house. Young started to visit this slaughter house with his friend and he would talk to the birds, give them food, and then leave at night when the slaughter house was about to open. However, there were times when Young stayed after the slaughter house had been opened and what he saw greatly influenced him. The two men soon became interested in uncovering the abuses taking place at fur farms. They, once again, went directly to the source and discovered that these farms were very accessible and, in most cases, they were able to just jump over the fence. They snuck into the biggest slaughter house in Seattle and saw animals that had been left on the floor to die. 30


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The turning point for Young came when he decided that something had to be done and that he and his friend were the ones who were going to have to do it. On the night of October 14th, 1997, they set out on a mission to free minks from fur farms across the Midwest. Over the course of two weeks, Young and his accomplice raided fur farms in Iowa, Wisconsin, and South Dakota, breaking the cages open and setting the animals free. The effect Young had was immense. Over the two-week period, he and his friend managed to release thousands of animals from fur farms, setting them free in the wild. However, their moments of glory were short lived. In September of 1998, a federal grand jury charged both Young and his friend with four charges of extortion by interfering with interstate commerce, and two charges of animal enterprise terrorism. Following this charge, Young became a fugitive for seven years before he was eventually arrested at a coffee shop in San Jose, California. He was sent to trial and was sentenced to two years in federal prison. However, Young views his two years spent in a cage as a just sacrifice for the animals he released who now don’t have to spend their lives in and dying in cages. “What a beautiful thing,” Young said, “that we can give a few years of our lives to save so many lives.” This willingness to give his own freedom for the freedom of thousands of animals is what sets Young at the far end of the spectrum. It is unknown how many activists that were in the room that night will actually end up going to jail for animals. But what is clear is that Young stands firm in his beliefs despite his setbacks and despite the resistance he comes up against. As Young himself said, “Sometimes the only thing that can be done is to go out between sunset and sunrise and do what has to be done.”

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“It’s Not About the Activists, It’s About the Animals”: The Stereotype of the Activist To outsiders of the animal rights culture, there are many stereotypes that have developed about animal rights activists, and activists in general. When I told a classmate of mine that I was interviewing members of Students for a Democratic Society for an ethnography, he snickered. When I asked him why he had done so, he remarked, “Well, you know SDS. They’re just a bunch of crazies.” As I described in my arrival story, I was somewhat surprised at the appearance of the student activists I encountered at the Peter Young event. Having already met with Jayna and Patrick, I had noticed that they did not dress in polo shirts or short denim skirts like much of the student body. Their style of dress was unique, just as their extreme views and values towards animals were different. However, upon entering the room where the Peter Young event was to be held, I was taken aback by the fact that the appearance of the student activists seemed to fit the stereotype many people have of activists. Aside from the piercings and the multi-colored hair, there were a number of other exceptions to the unspoken student dress code at George Mason University. For example, the young man sitting in front of me was wearing a kilt. A young woman who arrived just minutes before the event wore a t-shirt that read “Cut Class, Not Frogs.” As I discovered in my interview with Jayna and Patrick, the stereotype of activists as radicals and “a bunch of crazies” is something that activists are trying to get away from. Jayna informed me that she feels the animal rights movement itself is partly responsible for “the kind of alienation and separation” that affects activists. “Just calling yourself an animal rights activist, people are like, ‘Oh, okay,’” Jayna remarked, rolling her eyes. After having observed this culture, I can understand Jayna’s point. In fact, although I initially felt like I was being alienated from the culture because I was an outsider, I soon realized that it was my 32


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own inhibitions which held me back and made me feel like they were all part of some special club. I have to admit that after waiting forty-five minutes for the Peter Young talk to begin, I had preconceived notions in my head about what Young would look like. I pictured him as the media often portrays rebels, sporting a unique hair color and a t-shirt making some kind of statement. I was surprised when Peter was introduced and a man dressed in a white button-up shirt with a navy blue pullover stood up and took his place at the podium. He wore glasses and gel in his hair. My first impression was that he looked like any of the teaching assistants at George Mason. I was thrown off by his appearance and this got me thinking as to why I had preconceived notions about the way an activist should look and behave. My interview with Jayna Saoirse and Patrick Davis was instrumental in helping me uncover some of the reasons for the negative reputation activists have accrued over the years. Jayna explained to me how she feels that the organization People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, or P.E.T.A., is a major contributor towards the stereotypes that have been developed about activists. P.E.T.A., the self-proclaimed largest animal rights group in the world, has been accused of exploiting women’s bodies with its “I’d rather go naked than wear fur” campaign, of its wrongful actions toward employees, and of its extreme public tactics used to make others aware of the existence of animal abuse and mistreatment. Like Young’s tactic of going undercover at fur farms, one of P.E.T.A.’s main tactics is holding undercover investigations, though it does not set out to free the animals, but rather to document the cruelty that is taking place and to expose it to the public. Over the years, P.E.T.A. has gathered millions of members and supporters who have a love for animals and feel that their suffering is a major issue that needs to be addressed. According to P.E.T.A.’s website: 33


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Supporters of animal rights believe that animals have an inherent worth—a value completely separate from their usefulness to humans. We believe that every creature with a will to live has a right to live free from pain and suffering. Animal rights is not just a philosophy—it is a social movement that challenges society’s traditional view that all nonhuman animals exist solely for human use. As P.E.T.A. founder Ingrid Newkirk has said, “When it comes to pain, love, joy, loneliness, and fear, a rat is a pig is a dog is a boy. Each one values his or her life and fights the knife.” Jayna, however, believes that P.E.T.A. may be doing more harm than good. There’s a lot of campaigns that are very alienating and really kind of drive those views that vegans are very pompous or arrogant and not understanding of other people. And they are very alienating to certain populations of people, like women in general, like a lot of their running with the nudes campaigns. Stuff like that needs to stop. I don’t think it’s very helpful. Although I did not get a chance to speak with any members of P.E.T.A., I did have the opportunity to ask all of my other informants about their opinions on P.E.T.A. and whether they thought there was any merit to the negative reputation P.E.T.A. has developed with some people, activists included. The responses I got are very interesting when compared with Jayna’s opinions on the organization. For the most part, my informants were quick to state that, although they did not necessarily agree with P.E.T.A.’s tactics, each felt that the victories they had achieved were of great importance to the field of animal rights. 34


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Mary Taylor-Mattox informed me that although she personally believes that P.E.T.A. is extreme in their views, she is not quick to judge them because of their successes for the field. P.E.T.A. was one of the organizations that was instrumental in helping A ForeverHome Rescue Foundation win the fight against the Page County animal shelter where the dogs were being shot instead of euthanized. With the help of P.E.T.A. and other animal rights groups, they were able to build a new and improved shelter. Mary informed me that although A Forever-Home mostly deals with issues of responsible pet ownership, “groups like P.E.T.A. exist because extreme measures are sometimes needed when you are going up against those who are entrenched in their ideas, even when the law is already on your side.” Mary’s statements on P.E.T.A, along with those of my other informants, demonstrated to me that the fight for animal rights is not a fight about who can do the job better. Each individual or organization within this field is fighting for the same common goal. Each may go about this in a different way, but in the end they support each other’s victories. Going into the Peter Young event, I had planned to ask him, during the question and answer period, about his views on P.E.T.A., but he brought it up towards the end of his talk. Coincidentally, Young had visited the headquarters of P.E.T.A in Norfolk, Virginia the week before, and apparently they had not been very kind to him. Despite this negative encounter, Young called P.E.T.A. a tremendous asset to the field of animal rights, stating that they do a lot of good work. “Anything we can do to get animals into the media is a step forward.” He then added with a smile, “I just wish they weren’t so mean to me when I went there.” The difference between the opinions of Jayna and Patrick and my other informants may have to do with the fact that for these two student activists, how successful they are may depend on their reputation. Mary Taylor-Mattox and Peter Young have established themselves in the field and no longer have to prove that they are 35


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committed to helping animals. However, because many of the student activists are just beginning their careers in activism, they feel that they have to appear differently because they act so differently. Yet, this allows them to be tagged as activists and, therefore, outsiders can more readily develop stereotypes about them. I join Jayna and Patrick in hoping that people, especially college students, will be able to see past these stereotypes and realize, as Jayna said, that “it’s not about the activists, it’s about the animals.” Conclusion: Setting Things Right To write a conclusion to my ethnography of animal rights culture seems to be at odds with my own personal feelings because not only does this culture not come to an end here, but my work with it does not either. This culture is constantly expanding and growing, from those who are adopting pets and deciding they want to become more involved with rescue organizations, to the people who read articles or see news stories about animal suffering and vow to get involved in the fight. It would be close to impossible to do a complete and thorough study of this culture because I found that one discovery ties in to the next, and so on. Animal activists are a complex culture and I had the opportunity to talk with passionate and dedicated informants. I know I have just skimmed the surface of what lies at the core of this culture; however, I hope that my writing has accurately portrayed the individuals who work in this field, for they are some of the most selfless and inspiring people I have ever met. I hope that, by reading this ethnography, others will be motivated by the efforts of these participants. My informants reinforced the idea that not everyone has to give as much of themselves to the field as they do, but any little bit can make a big difference. There are all different kinds of people who fall along the spectrum of animal lovers, yet what I discovered is that whether their impact in the field 36


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is big or small, they are all making a difference and helping to make the world a better place for animals. The people in this culture work hard for the protection of animals and they share a common belief that animals should be treated with kindness and respect. Each of the individuals I spoke with found their calling in fighting for animals because, when it comes to their rights, animals cannot fight for themselves. Methods When I first began this ethnography, I set out to talk with animal activists, but soon found that I had a difficult time labeling everyone that I spoke with in that field. However, I discovered a spectrum on which I could place my participants depending on the ways in which they were active in the field. At one end of this spectrum, I placed fosters. Next came the volunteers who would often witness animal suffering first-hand. Then there were the student activists, who gave their time and risked negative feedback because of their own tactics used in fighting for animal rights. Finally, at the other end of the spectrum was Peter Young, who was imprisoned for two years for releasing mink from fur farms in the Midwest. Although the actions of these particular groups on the spectrum are different, they each represent individuals who are consciously active in the culture and who are an important part of its success. There were several different sites that I visited over the course of a two-month period in order to gain access into the field of animal rights activists and rescue workers. All of the events and interviews conducted took place in or around Fairfax, Virginia. The first events I attended were pet adoption day events at local pet stores. At each event or site I took extensive field notes and had permission to record the interviews. My notes from the pet adoption events I attended have been compiled so as to fit in one section. 37


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Jayna and Patrick became my guides to the subculture of student activists leading me to the Peter Young event that took place on the George Mason campus on the evening of November 5, 2007. I arrived early to this event and spent the time before the lecture observing the students and interacting with some of them.

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references

Personal Interviews Bobb, Carolyn. Personal Interview. October 28, 2007. Davis, Patrick. Personal Interview. October 2, 2007. Saoirse, Jayna. Personal Interview. October 2, 2007. Shapiro, Paul. Personal Interview. November 11, 2007. Taylor-Mattox, Mary. Personal Interview. September 30, 2007. Web Sources A Forever-Home Rescue Foundation http://aforeverhome.org/ George Mason University, Students for a Democratic Society, Blog http://gmusds.blogspot.com/ Lost Dog and Cat Rescue Foundation http://www.lostdogrescue.org/ People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals http://peta.org/ Support Peter Young http://supportpeter.com/

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author’s note

This article itself was written, in part, due to our growing concern (and disagreement) with the socially conservative Christian intellectuals approach to political reform. To a large extent, these intellectuals believe that the best path to “reform” is by way of a return to the political principles and philosophies espoused by the founding fathers. There is likely no greater influence on the thought of the founding fathers than the political philosophy of John Locke. To that end, we wished to showcase, in short form and in a very limited fashion, how his philosophy was neither distinctively Christian nor was it distinctively conservative. By arguing that atheists can indeed be Lockean, we hope to highlight that Locke’s own theoretical position cannot possibly exclude atheists and therefore cannot protect civil society from their purported inherent allergy to the moral law. This “allergy” to the moral law is one which social conservatives purport to heal in their policy proscriptions regarding reproductive choice by appealing to the founding fathers. While it appears that Locke believes that an atheist’s inherent hostility to the moral law is a primary reason for her non-toleration and exclusion from civil society, there is no theoretical principle within his political discourse on which Locke could ground an exclusion of atheists (or a person who is hostile to the genuine moral law laid down by the Creator). We chose to co-write the piece because we share similar motivations in regards to the philosophical viability of the contemporary socio-political Christian movement. Further, we felt that any arguments presented would be more rounded out by having one author whose expertise is specific to the realm of political and moral philosophy and having another author whose expertise is in metaphysics. In true “constitutional” fashion, we offered one another philosophical “checks” on the other’s more polemical positions regarding Locke’s politics and metaphysics.

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can atheists be lockean?

Steven J. Baumstark and Craig J. Iffland

Introduction

J

ohn Locke posits that in the state of nature, man possesses a certain unrestrained liberty of self-governance and subsistence (Second Treatise, § 4).1 It is a state of complete equality insofar as no person or persons have more power than another (ST, 6). In spite of this state of freedom and equality, man is compelled towards civil society because of his inherent biases towards selfish interests, the lack of a sovereign authority to punish transgressors of natural rights, and the strong and resolute resistance by free men to the imposition of punishment by ‘mere’ fellow freeman (ST, 124-127). Locke sees these ‘inconveniences’ to the protection of property and self as the cause for man’s voluntary relinquishing of the natural state of man (unrestrained liberty, power, and equality) to a democratic government (ST, 127-131). He grounds the legitimacy of civil government in its ability to adequately restrain the three inherent difficulties of the natural state and advance by its authority the natural rights of liberty and property (ST, 131). Yet, he grounds natural law and the rights that derive from it on the premise that it was willed by a divine and omnipotent creator (ST, 6). Moreover, he claims that civil society is compelled to respect the practices and beliefs of all those religions whose doctrines do not oppose the moral foundations upon which society is built. That is, (1) the preservation of persons and (2) civil (as opposed to spiritual) acceptance of democratic government as wholly authoritative in civil matters (A Letter Concerning Toleration, 425-426). Finally, Locke asserts that while most religious peoples are entitled toleration, he flatly denies that an atheist deserves the same Please note that all references to Locke’s Second Treatise on Government refer to his original paragraph numbers. Thus, one could use any copy of the Second Treatise to look up our citations. Also, note that the citations for “A Letter Concerning Toleration” correspond to the specific book used for this essay. 1

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type of treatment; they are, in his words, “not at all to be tolerated” (ALCT, 426). How then do we begin to analyze whether or not an atheist can be a Lockean? First of all, one must determine whether an atheist is required to accept the premise of an omnipotent being to enter into the democratic government envisioned by Locke. Second, if it is true that you can’t be an atheist and at the same time be a Lockean, then what is it about the atheist that makes his ideals antithetical (or contradictory) to Locke’s conception of a just society? Third, what is the nature of toleration for Locke? Does it apply to churches, governments, or both? Finally, what does it mean to not be tolerated? Would non-toleration by the state necessarily entail a serious civil punishment? The answers to these questions, we think, will point to and support the conclusion that an atheist can indeed be Lockean. An atheist, indeed, any sane man, would find it in his or her interest to accept the kind of government envisioned by Locke. Also, it is clear that Locke’s theory of man’s progression into and acceptance of civil society does not exclude those who aren’t deists. Moreover, while Locke may not tolerate the views of atheists, there is no reason to believe that a Lockean society’s intolerance of atheism would result in a denial of their natural rights. The “Omnipotent Being” Problem The first big problem for the Lockean atheist is Locke’s assertion that the general equality of persons is present precisely because we are the product of God’s handiwork. The atheist denies the existence of God and denies that he or she was the product of some divine will or creation. Thus, the atheist is not disposed by his belief in God towards a belief in equality of persons, nor is he deterred by the threat of God’s punishment in breaching the human contract of equality. While the atheist may very well deny the existence of God, it is unclear that the belief in God is what drives man to leave the 42


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natural state and seek out a society that can generally protect his liberties against the social illness of that state. Rather, man’s entrance into society is of a more practical concern, that is, he enters society to ensure the protection of his life, liberty, and property. There is no reason to believe that the atheist would not desire the protection of these rights inherent to man. In other words, there is nothing to suggest that the atheist would not enter into and accept the rules of a democratic society with any eye to protecting his natural rights. The fundamental concerns of the religious man in his natural state are one in the same as the concerns of the atheist. The atheist in the natural state is granted the same freedoms as the deist, and though these freedoms may very well be ordained by God, the atheist is compelled to enter into society precisely because he values, along with the deist, these basic human freedoms.2 The Moral Problem of Atheism The second problem with the Lockean atheist is the atheists supposed lack of commitment to morals. As he does not believe in a divine creator, he is not compelled to live by the rules of the decent and just society that God wishes for us. The deist, on the other hand, is at least somewhat coerced or limited by his belief in the wrath of an offended God and (presumably) is more conditioned to be moral more often therein. However, the very distinct moral wrongs committed by humanity in their natural state presupposes that humanity, in general, is disposed towards immorality. It is precisely because of the general corruptions of the human person (both deist and not) that It seems, then, that the atheist and the deist need not accept, as a matter of faith, that man be created equal under God in order to accept the social contract. All that is required is that man share a fundamental concern with those basic freedoms he seeks to safeguard upon his exit out of the state of nature and into civil society. 2

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persons seek out a democratic government and society in the first place. So, there is nothing any more inherently immoral about an atheist as opposed to a deist (at least in the state of nature). On the contrary, through prayer and practice, it may be suggested that a deist will gradually become more moral. While this could nevertheless be the case, the atheist who left the natural state and entered into society in order to better preserve his liberty and property will continue to conform to the will of the state (this would include any and all moral proscriptions) so long as it continues to promote the protection of his basic natural rights. Non-Toleration of Atheists Locke asserts that there is no reason why the atheist should be tolerated by civil societies because he can never be trustworthy (ACLT, 426). Of course, the untrustworthiness of the deist and the atheist in the natural state is why one came to live in said society in the first place. Still, how does the Lockean atheist get around this problem? First, let’s look at whom and what Locke says must be tolerated. There is a general command from Locke that all religious institutions should respect (and not undermine) civil institutions, and all civil institutions should respect religious communities insofar as they do not preach against civil authority or pledge their ultimate spiritual and civil allegiance to a foreign entity. Toleration between civil authorities and spiritual authorities involves the respect of each institution’s authority in their given sphere. The civil authority is given the sphere of the state, endowed to preserve property, punish criminals, and order civil society. The religious community is given the spiritual sphere where man’s vices are tempered and his salvation pursued. Furthermore, religious communities should accept the individual autonomy of communities that oppose their doctrinal beliefs and rituals. Also, the freedom to voluntarily leave one church and enter another is basic and unrestrained. So, no one may compel 44


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or gain, by force, the membership of converts or members of other religious communities (ACLT, 399-400). This is because Locke claims that a person’s salvation and religiosity is dependent on their own individual and non-coerced decision (ALCT, 410). Now, what does this all mean for atheists? If these are the principles of toleration, then what would non-toleration of atheists look like? What is non-toleration? Let’s begin by suggesting what it can’t be. It can’t be that non-toleration of atheists entails forced conversions, as that would violate Locke’s belief in the ultimate importance of one’s individual and autonomous decision in coming to God. Moreover, non-toleration could not entail murder because Locke states clearly that murder, if not done for the most noble of purposes, is forbidden (ST, 6). Simply put, if Locke were to suggest that nontoleration of atheists would mean that they forfeit their natural rights, then he will have proven that civil governments can properly transgress natural rights and that natural rights do not apply equally to all persons. The most that Locke could do is put heavy coercion on the atheist to convert. However, given the natural state of man, the atheist will still be willing to put up with social pressure and alienation for the greater good of pure protection of his natural rights. Therefore, the atheist can still find agreement with a Lockean system of government. Conclusion Though Locke holds a certain disdain for the atheist, he posits a natural order and a civil society that arises out of that order which, in theory, guarantees certain inalienable rights to citizens of a democratic society. Though Locke only champions religious liberty, his argument for a system of toleration and respect for individual choice can’t justify horrific abuses of atheists that would make a Lockean system unappealing to atheist groups and individuals. There is nothing within Locke’s argument on toleration or on the natural state 45


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that would justify, without being wholly arbitrary, the removal of an atheists’ natural right. Insofar as there are atheists in the natural state, they will remain compelled towards the Lockean system precisely because there is no serious harm produced by the system which would outweigh the great good of societal protection of their natural rights.

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references

Locke, John. (2003). Political Writings (Wooton, David Ed.) Indianapolis: Hatchett Publishing.

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author’s note

“The Rise and Fall of Interest Group Influence...” was the first time I experimented with writing a paper in sections. Due to the scope and depth of an assignment that tasked me with assessing myriad factors of three different interest groups, a standard chronological arrangement would have bogged down the flow of the piece. In academic writing, as in all other forms of writing, readability is as essential as a well-researched argument. If the reader is not interested in the work, they will retain little of what was written and the entire effort will have been in vain. By dividing the essay into categories like cash flow, membership demographics, and lobbying prevalence, I could explore each topic in depth while remaining faithful to the overarching theme of interest group influence. Each section is a pyramid, focusing first on a specific interest group and then expanding into an overview of the interest group landscape at large. By following this setup, the task of analyzing divergent groups relative to each other could be done in a readable and organized fashion. So why not use standard paragraph structure? Section breaks create a clear division of ideas necessary for the quick comparison and contrast required in an academic paper. Paragraphs, on the other hand, merely space out like ideas. “The Rise and Fall of Interest Group Influence...” is essentially three research papers on different lobbying organizations, and it is the breaks that preserve the independence of the groups while tying their similar facets together. The research necessary to write this paper required browsing political journals, newspapers, federal tax reports, and organization websites and pamphlets before ever setting pen to paper. Without the benefit of a well-researched argument to buttress the analysis of the writer, an academic essay is no more authoritative than a journal entry.

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the rise and fall of interest group influence: a study of the john birch society, the league of conservation voters , and the minuteman project

Max Burns

Introduction: Analyzing Groups

T

o analyze any group, one must have a wide array of information. In lobbying, perhaps more than any other profession, knowledge is essential to success and survival. Without ready access to current and accurate knowledge about an organization or issue, the lobbyist simply ceases to survive in an active policy world. Analyzing organizations for a research paper is no different: Information, accurate and timely, is essential to success. To analyze two groups as divergent as the John Birch Society and the League of Conservation voters requires no small amount of reliance on existing documentation. To incorporate a third organization into the study, namely The Minuteman Project, only increases the necessary information. Thankfully, there is plenty of research built upon the backs of hardworking students. To analyze these groups, first it will be essential to identify them and understand their histories, for some groups go as far back as fifty years—ancient history in a news atmosphere measured in 24-hour increments. Without the perspective of years, any information we can hope to learn about these organizations will be at best superficial. After we have identified the three organizations, the next step is to analyze their organizational structure in terms of where and how their money is made and spent, what political or policy strategies and tactics they use to influence their members and bring about a strong lobby of support or condemnation on any particular issue, and how these organizations behave in the media at large. Once the biographies of these groups have been written and we have deduced their organizational structure and political action methods, we can analyze all of the data presented for a more in-depth comparison of two deceptively similar organizations: The anti-immigration Minuteman Project and The John Birch Society, an aging pioneer of secure 49


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borders and tough immigration policy. Throughout the analysis, I hope to keep a running (albeit somewhat sarcastic, given The John Birch Society) commentary on how the results stacked up compared to my unscientific hypotheses, and how well these organizations compare and contrast to the theories of political action espoused by notable political scientists from the class texts. Biographies and Political Goals The John Birch Society and the League of Conservation Voters diverge in their interests, struggling for dominance and to influence Congressional policy on different sides of the political aisle. The John Birch Society, founded in 1958 to fight the international Communist menace and to stand tall against the worldwide threats to American dominance, was among the first groups at the frontlines of combat when conservatism began its slow crawl from a cluster of foreign policy academics to consume an entire political party. No doubt, “Birchers,” as they are called, feel themselves to be the spiritual forefathers of the conservative movement, a feeling all the more poignant because time and publicity have forgotten The John Birch Society. The League of Conservation Voters, by contrast, is having a banner season in the ongoing struggle to preserve our natural resources and safeguard the environment from destructive overdevelopment and lax industrial standards. Thanks in great part to Al Gore’s An Inconvenient Truth, once-mocked environmentalists—League of Conservation Voters among them—are having trouble finding free time to lobby every congressperson anxious to get a photograph that makes them appear “green.” LCV actively attends Capitol Hill proceedings, and never misses an opportunity to hold very public lobbying events to encourage direct action by citizens. The two groups are a fitting dichotomy, then: The John Birch Society, an organization that had its heyday during a war long since resolved and now struggles to maintain relevant in a society that has moved on from 50


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their conspiratorial fear mongering, and the League of Conservation Voters, an organization long on the fringes of politics, now de rigueur among politicians seeking to appease a growing eco-conscious American voter base. In the middle of these polar opposites is The Minuteman Project, an organization started by bored gun owners with what appears to be an irrational fear of people who speak a different language. The Minuteman Project actively lobbies state governments in the Southwest in addition to the federal government on issues ranging from the rights of citizens to shoot illegal immigrants crossing the border to the rights of border police and United States National Guard reservists to shoot illegal immigrants crossing the border. They also spend an inordinate amount of time attempting to gain money for a national fence between the American-Mexican border, as well as the forced deportation of the 12 million or so illegal immigrants currently residing in the United States. They match The John Birch Society in terms of apocalyptic rhetoric and the League of Conservation Voters in terms of issue importance and political attention, but somehow have managed to alienate large swaths of moderate Southern Republicans because of their no-compromise attitude towards immigration tactics. Where the Money Goes The John Birch Society and the League of Conservation Voters continue their divergence when one looks at the money trail: Where the money comes from, what it is spent on, and who is doing the donating. Let us first focus on the John Birch Society. JBS operates a tiered membership system based on both age and marital status with annual renewal. That JBS stresses married couple memberships could mean many things: It could be an outward show of their support for the traditional family, an encouragement of full-family involvement in conservative political causes, a way to pad membership by assuming 51


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at least two members involved with each individual membership purchase, and so on. JBS also actively promotes the involvement of younger, future voters with a lower-cost youth membership method that presumably aims at indoctrinating new supporters at a young age and channeling that commitment into volunteer public service.1 For the purpose of promoting a strong volunteer base, every John Birch Society member of the John Birch Society is considered a volunmembers: 50,000 est. (2007) teer, tasked with spreading the structure: tiered age/marital message and working to obtain significant individual and annual membership: $63-$99 corporate contributions. This raises the question of where all of the money is going. Allowing for a relatively consistent fundraising amount annually, and given that JBS has neither a 527 group nor a political action committee, and has not given to any candidates in at least seven years (the last being Pat Buchanan in 2000, bundled through Milliken Company, which certainly explained an unusually strong turnout in certain Florida districts)2, I am left with the question of whether JBS President John McManus might be lining his pockets. The assumption may be flawed: Though it is evident that membership in JBS has declined markedly since the end of the Cold War, precise statistics remain unobtainable and closely guarded. The John Birch Society presents a situation frustrating to any researcher: The organization keeps its total funds, total membership, total expenses and total operating revenue private, complicating any real attempt at tracing money from its entry into JBS coffers to its eventual use. “The John Birch Society: Standing for Family and Freedom.” The John Birch Society. 26 Sept 2007. <http://www.jbs.org/about>. 2 “Presidential Race Profile: Pat Buchanan.” Open Secrets. Accessed 2 December 2007.<http://www.opensecrets.org/2000elect/contrib/P80000805.htm> 1

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Regardless of whether or not information regarding the finances of the John Birch Society is available, it is apparent that the money has not been spent on any sort of political action or coalition building in Congress, and has remained off any government records. The League of Conservation voters is much easier to track, no doubt in part because of its League of Conservation Voters rise from a niche group to the toast of Washington. An organization on the rise both in members: 50,000 + 36 chapters terms of members and financstructure: non-hierarchical es, LCV has left an ample reannual membership: $25 cord of political contributions and political action activity for careful study. Asking for a minimum of $25 per year with no maximum and no tiered membership, the League of Conservation Voters boasts 50,000 members—similar to JBS—but ups the ante by bringing in 36 organizational dues-paying local chapters with active local volunteers and members.3 With an annual budget of between $1.1 and $1.5 million coming entirely from the donations of individuals, the League of Conservation Voters has no shortage of money for lobbying and political action committees: LCV has lobbied Congress on environmental issues every year for the past half-decade without missing so much as a single key vote.4 Through their PAC, the League of Conservation Voters Action Fund, LCV has successfully steered money to Democratic-leaning candidates consistently over the same five-year period. Among CQ Press and Foundation for Public Affairs. 2006. “League of Conservation Voters” pg.439-441. Public Interest Group Profiles, 2006-2007. Washington, DC: CQ Press. 4 “League of Conservation Voters.” League of Conservation Voters: the Independent Political Voice for the Environment. 04 Oct. 2007. League of Conservation Voters. 25 Sept. 2007 <http://www.lcv.org/>. 3

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repeated recipients of LCV and LCV member donations: Ken Salazar during his unlikely U.S. Senate race, John Kerry in his ill-fated 2004 foray into presidential politics, and tried-and-true Barbara Boxer, not to mention countless smaller-name Democrats.5 This stands in sharp contrast to the inertness of The John Birch Society and their decidedly hands-off method of bringing about political change. Instead of hoarding money for some unknown purpose as The John Birch Society appears to be doing, The League of Conservation Voters has been actively spending their organization’s funds in an attempt to build a pro-environmentalist Congressional alliance. The majority of LCV donors were either elected or re-elected to Congress in 2004 and 2006. On The Issues A million dollars will not go far in politics unless it is allocated to advocating or condemning certain key issues, and both The John Birch Society and The League of Conservation Voters have openly warred on some issues and vehemently supported others. Let us first turn to The John Birch Society. The John Birch Society can best be described as the modern American conservative movement hyped to a conspiratorial level. Not only do “Birchers� believe that America is uniquely positioned in the world to serve as a beacon of light and liberty, they also firmly believe that America is under unrelenting attack from shadowy forces determined to bring down democracy and freedom. These forces have, at various times, included: Communists during the Cold War, fascists and totalitarians during the same period, Muslim fundamentalists during the War on Terror, illegal immigrants over the past few decades, liberal Democrats Center For Responsive Politics, 2006. Online data: http://www.opensecrets.org. Accessed 2 December, 2007. 5

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since the presidency of John F. Kennedy, the American Civil Liberties Union when it does not side with the Society’s political aims, and any group from pro-choice women to pro-marriage homosexuals who stand against the Christian foundations of the American nation.6 Birchers also staunchly ally themselves with the National Rifle Association in defending the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution, even though their actions have been nonexistent since the NRA rose to control and dominate the gun rights debate. What is so intriguing about JBS is not that it is fundamentally conservative, but that it is so willing to applaud in one breath and condemn in the other the same organization for sharing one view that supports the ideals of the Society, and one that opposes it. It is no wonder, then, that very few organizations choose to list The John Birch Society as an ally. It could also be that they are a group resigned to the corner of the room where conspiratorial organizations like the Truth in Dallas Group tend to gather. If Birchers ever read Schattschneider, they certainly paid no attention to his theories on group survival and dominance. The League of Conservation Voters, not surprisingly, spends much of its time and money supporting acts of conservation and environmental protection, and condemning bills in Congress that support any kind of intrusion into America’s wild places. LCV has been in the vanguard on the subject of global warming and the pursuit of clean and efficient methods of creating energy, as well as a prominent voice in keeping standards governing acceptable levels of pollution in the air and water strict in the face of Republican pro-business leanings. Unlike The John Birch Society, The League of Conservation Voters has spent much of its money promoting these issues on Capitol Hill and in the campaigns of Democratic politicians, and is The Public Eye Online. 2007. http://www.publiceye.org/tooclose/jbs.html. Accessed 2 December, 2007. 6

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gaining increasing momentum within the Republican Party for its support of easing taxes on corporations devoted to the pursuit of alternative energy methods.7 The League of Conservation Voters has no shortage of allies, thanks in part to its innate ability to couple with related organizations and share resources for the gain of all—an epic maneuver of not rocking the boat in line with some of Heclo’s ideas on organizational networking and the system of communication fostered by like-minded groups. Along with the Defenders of Wildlife, the Wilderness Society, The Sierra Club, and The Audubon Society, The League of Conservation Voters has waged a well-funded and well-lobbied war against major oil companies like British Petroleum (moving so much as to push BP into advertising itself as ‘Beyond Petroleum,”) and its main lobby, the Independent Petroleum Association of America.8 The League of Conservation Voters, even though it has an operating budget only an eighth the size of the American Association for Justice, has managed to make its voice heard both in the media and policy spheres. Working the Media Despite the view by some political scientists that organizations operate best in privacy when little attention is drawn to their actions and motivations, it increasingly seems as if mastery of the media cycle is a necessity for a successful lobbying campaign. Many of the most efficient mass-persuasion campaigns have been waged through the media: Defeating Social Security reform, killing the Clinton Health Care Plan, forcing Congress into retreat on the subject of illegal immigration amnesty. If media representation of a group was League of Conservation Voters Information Database. http://www.lcv.org. Accessed October 23. 2007. 8 Center For Responsive Politics, 2006. Online data: http://www.opensecrets.org. Accessed 3 December, 2007. 7

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the sole factor determining success or failure, the results are all but surprising: The John Birch Society, absent in the news except for the occasional sarcastic column laughing at how things used to be, fails miserably. By comparison, The League of Conservation Voters appears vibrant and able, managing its media effectively and hyping stories of public interest where no story had existed before. Let us analyze The John Birch Society more in-depth, and then turn our view to The League of Conservation Voters. LCV’s excellent media control will seem all the more impressive when faced with the slow, painful decline of The John Birch Society. The John Birch Society, once able to gain media coverage by arranging large anti-Communist rallies, has been reduced to the role of political punch-line in much of the recent news with their name attached. The Hotline, a Washington, D.C. magazine covering politics and current events, lists The John Birch Society alongside “wackos” and “fringers” in its write-up about Ron Paul, noting how, for many people, groups like The John Birch Society have become a simple partisan joke, unlikely to be taken seriously with its conspiracies of wide-ranging plots against America and its continuing view of differing viewpoints as a fundamental threat to democracy and freedom. The anti-tax message of JBS is not helped when it openly lists The Federal Reserve as an opponent to the best interests of the group, and by proxy, American values.9 Outside of articles roundly criticizing or poking fun at the outmoded values of the John Birch Society, there seems to be an increasing body of newsprint devoted to the deaths of founding members and major political figures from the Cold War. It is fair to note that over half of the results turned up by LexisNexis over a five year period were John Birch Society-themed obituaries. Another interesting development in the media relations of the John Birch Society “Paul: Wackos, Birchers, Fringers.” The Hotline: Washington 2008. 19 July 2007. Accessed via LexisNexis, 3 December, 2007. Cited in Group E: “JBS Issues” section. 9

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comes on the heels of Ron Paul’s unlikely Republican campaign: A single mention of The John Birch Society at a fundraiser led to several write-ups of Paul that mention JBS and attempt to explain its views. “Tax Tussle,” by the Associated Press, the aforementioned Ron Paul article, and “Kind of Sheriff Nation Needs,” by The Cleburn News all mention Ron Paul and The John Birch Society in some way.10 Even though The John Birch Society has made no attempt to publicize its views or otherwise court the media—no doubt because it sees an anti-American bias in contemporary journalism—JBS has seen a small rise in its publicity due to the meteoric candidacy of Dr. Paul. The League of Conservation Voters has been much more successful in swaying the media and promoting its views in a positive light. The Platts-Olgram News article “Environmental Groups Look to go on Offense After Election” nicely sums up the effectiveness of LCV’s strategy: by promoting the idea of energy conservation and awareness on global warming instead of making a direct link to the group itself, The League of Conservation Voters allows the issue to promote the group, rather than the other way around. By using this reverse method, LCV comes off as not seeking to promote itself, and acting in the best interests of environmentalism. Whether or not this is true, I am not sure, but given LCV’s ability to prevail on issues where it is often outfinanced, one must yield to some effectiveness of this method.11 The Minuteman Project operates completely from donations, unlike the tiered membership of the JBS, but this donation-centric method has brought in an estimated $416,000 over the past year as “Tax Tussle: Unfair Death Tax or Smart Tax Source?” AP Wire. 19 Oct 2006. Accessed via LexisNexis, 3 December 2007. Cited in Group E: “JBS Issues” section. 11 “US Environmental Groups Look to go on Offense After Election.” PlattsOlgram News. “League of Conservation Voters Information Database.” Accessed December 4, 2007 via Project Center – Dr. Suzanne Robbins 10

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opposed to an unknown but likely small amount of income from members of The John Birch Society. Around $380,000 of this money was spent on various projects.12 Like JBS, The Minuteman Project counts many left-leaning organizations as opponents: The ACLU, California Coalition for Immigration Reform and other groups JBS views as fundamentally antiAmerican make The MinuteThe Minuteman Project man Project’s enemies list. Unlike JBS, however, The membership: undisclosed Minuteman Project has skillbudget: $416,000 (donations) fully used the media despite its hill activity: active presence comparatively small operating media view: very positive income to lampoon its opponents as out-of-touch while gaining a significant amount of positive press in the Southwest. The Minuteman Project has also taken strong stands backing—at least in spirit if not in finances—anti-immigration candidates, whereas JBS has taken the less-is-more approach by doing no campaigning at all.13 The real difference, though, is in how The Minuteman Society approaches their aim via Congress. Whereas JBS has, in theory, a strong view on illegal immigration and its problems, The Minuteman Project has actively sought to participate in the national discussion on immigration in hopes of changing the way policymakers and the public view immigration. Through their presence at six of the most recent immigration reform committee hearings on Capitol Hill, The Minuteman Project has indelibly linked its name to the cause of immigration reform even From Group D: California Minutemen & Border Watch Federation. http://www. californiaminuteman.com. Accessed 3 December 2007. 13 The Washington Times. “Minuteman leader hits campaign trail; Backs ‘strong borders’ candidates.” Accessed 5 December 2007, via Project Center – Dr. Suzanne Robbins. 12

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though they rarely directly testify at these hearings. Through their presence at these Judiciary and Workforce Committee meetings, The Minuteman Project has essentially stressed the same points as The John Birch Society in a way that places their organization directly in the media.14 JBS’s decision not to participate in Capitol Hill hearings has, in effect, allowed their issues to be co-opted by those who are willing to spend the time and effort to be noticed. There is little doubt in my mind that greater participation in public policy hearings would markedly increase the level of interest and participation within The John Birch Society, as The Minuteman Project has shown that having a name easily recognized and associated with a cause through the media and through policymaking leads, at least in this case, to an upsurge of outside donations and notoriety. In its ability to respond quickly to media events and Capitol Hill developments, The Minuteman Project also exhibits a rapid response system either not available or not utilized in the older, more reactionary John Birch Society. Whereas The John Birch Society has resigned itself more or less to commenting on news after it has happened, The Minuteman Project seems to advocate the endorsement or condemnation of candidates, the development of flash rallies and events, and the cultivation of strong allies and opponents as a method of making news. The sclerotic and lagging methods of The John Birch Society belong to an era before the rapid news cycle of CNN and The Internet, and as a result JBS has suffered accordingly against more agile single-issue organizations like The Minuteman Project. Conclusions More than anything, an analysis of The League of Conservation Voters and The John Birch Society rests on respecting the many Burns, Max and Avsar, Melek. Report on Committee Hearings. Accessed 7 December 2007, via Project Center – Dr. Suzanne Robbins. 14

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ways in which lobbying and interest group politics have changed with the advent of the rapid media cycle and the Internet as a democratizing force, and how organizations have adapted to fill these new roles. Fast-acting organizations like The League of Conservation Voters gain the ability to stage online rallies and fundraising events, schedule programs, and send out news to their supporters, all with the click of a mouse. Older, more conservative (structurally) organizations seem uncomfortable with use of The Internet, as if they continue to question its usage as a tool of politics and media control. The John Birch Society’s most recent use of The Internet was the development of a newsletter; all while organizations like LCV and The Minuteman Project have had regularly maintained online newsletters since their Internet presence began. In a political and media arena that requires fast acting and a dependence on quick sources of information, groups that cannot adapt are slowly being weeded out, their issues and ideas replaced or adopted by those groups that can actively meet the demands of the constant media cycle. The John Birch Society is an organization whose time has come and gone, and it is doubtful that JBS will ever see a large position of influence in the 21st Century political arena. Though organizations like JBS rarely die, it is likely that JBS will be reduced to such a position of obsolescence and irrelevance that it will eventually cease renewing its online presence—an act almost as decisive as a final death in an era of instant information and e-mail dependency. The League of Conservation Voters, on the other hand, and The Minuteman Project in a similar way, both have bright futures ahead. They have effectively managed to ingrain themselves in the issues they stand for, and have made their names inseparable from the causes they champion and condemn. Their constant policy and media presence, as well as a quick-acting online branch well tuned in to the pulse of blogs and policy journals, ensure that the flow of information into their organizational headquarters does not stagnate and dry up, as has happened with The John Birch Society. In the end, despite 61


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the myriad changes in technology and media relations that have forever altered how interest groups operate, knowledge and information still reign supreme. Those organizations that can effectively adapt to this new era of knowledge and information gathering will see their stars rise in the new century. Those who cling to the old ways will simply become a political and social punch line, no longer connected or influential. Without influence, and without the knowledge and information that create it, an interest group simply cannot survive.

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bibliography

Ammons, David. “Tax Tussle: Unfair Death Tax or Smart Tax Source?” AP Wire Services, 19 October 2006. California Minuteman & Border Watch Federation. “About Us.” http://www.californiaminuteman.com. Accessed 3 Decem- ber, 2007 Center for Responsive Politics. Interest Group Financial Reports. www.opensecrets.org. Accessed 3 December 2007. Foundation for Public Affairs. Public Interest Group Profiles, 2006- 2007. Washington D.C., Congressional Quarterly Press, 2007. John Birch Society. “The John Birch Society: Standing for Family and Freedom.” http://www.jbs.org/about. Accessed 26 September, 2007. League of Conservation Voters. “League of Conservation Voters: The Independent Political Voice for the Environment.” http://lcv.org/about-lcv/ Accessed 4 October, 2007. League of Conservation Voters Online Information Database. http:// www.lcv.org, Accessed October 23. 2007. Open Secrets. “Presidential Race Profile: Pat Buchanan.” http://opensecrets.org/2000elect/contrib/P80000805.htm. Accessed 2 December, 2007. “Paul: Wackos, Birchers, and Fringers.” The Hotline: Washington 2008. 19 July 2007. Accessed via LexisNexis, 3 December, 2007. Platts Research. “U.S. Environmental Groups Look to Go on Of- fense After Election.” Oilgram News, 9 November 2006. Public Eye Online. “John Birch Society.” http://www.publiceye. org/tooclose/jbs.html. Accessed 2 December, 2007. Sepper, Jerry. “Minuteman Leader Hits Campaign Trail; Backs ‘Strong Borders’ Candidates.” The Washington Times, 30 October 2006, sec. B.

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author’s note

Writing this piece was a joy. First, Hayek’s ideas have been instrumental in my own development as an economist. Being comfortable with the fundamentals of his ideas was instrumental in my ability to apply them to the question that was posed: How might F.A. Hayek respond to current appeals for “global justice?” Second, being limited to a certain number of words helps focus the mind on what is essential and not simply what is interesting. A few central ideas, their fundamental claims and the evidence to support them, can be compelling enough to help achieve a central focus and message for your audience. I, unlike those who I was arguing against, had to define what I meant by “wealth creation,” “justice,” and “making and taking.” Once the reader understands your terms, it is easier for them to follow your argument. Finally, I believe it is vitally important to let your prose follow your reason. A well-developed argument lends itself to many styles of writing, but without it, the flourishes of prose serve only in covering up what’s not there. Do your thinking first, and let your writing follow.

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on f.a. hayek’s response to “global justice”

Fernando Menéndez

M

any modern commentators, philosophers, economists and ordinary individuals observe the seeming imbalance between the poorer nations in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, and the wealthier countries of the world, and decry what they term “global poverty in the midst of plenty.” From the acknowledgement of an inferior condition of life, for some, it is but a short step to assume that such an outcome is the result of some humanly designed system, and a flawed and unjust one at that. Such a perception is not new but the incredible advances taking place in wealth creation, especially under what is termed globalization, are recycling the old canard. As compelling as such an analysis is for some, this essay argues that it does not accurately reflect the origins and nature of such disparities, the nature of wealth creation, nor are its calls for “global justice” and redistribution effective means for solving the problems of poverty and economic development in the poorer countries. Market as Process of Discovery The creation of wealth in a market economy is an exploratory process to find new and better ways of doing things. F. A. Hayek defined the market as a process for the discovery of dispersed knowledge. It is hard to conceive of such a process or of an extended, complex order arising from the human actions of millions of individuals. It is even more inconceivable that such a process yields greater wealth and a modern, advanced civilization without the conscious hands of an all-knowing body of planners. In failing to comprehend and conceive of such an unplanned order, it is relatively easy to look at the unintended consequences and discern imperfection. But as Hayek (1948; 1980) argued with regard to perfect competition The inevitable actual imperfections of competition are as little an argument against competition as the difficulties of 65


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achieving any solution of any other task are an argument against attempting to solve it at all, or as little as imperfect health is an argument against health (p. 104). The real problem of economics is the satisfaction of people’s needs in the most efficient manner possible given the scarcity of resources. In The Constitution of Liberty (1960), Hayek explains the disparity between rich and poor countries as having resulted from historical and economic developments of long standing although the fact that the people of the West are today so far ahead of the others in wealth is in part the consequences of a greater accumulation of capital, it is mainly the result of their more effective utilization of knowledge (pp. 46-47). This advance in capital accumulation and knowledge resulted from the removal of obstacles to human initiative, private enterprise, free markets and free trade all making better use of dispersed knowledge. There are, nevertheless, benefits of these advances even to the least developed of nations, because there can be little doubt that the prospect of the poorer ‘underdeveloped’ countries reaching the present level of the West is very much better than it would have been, had the West not pulled so far ahead. Furthermore, it is better than it would have been had some world authority, in the course of the rise of modern civilization, seen to it that no part pulled far ahead of the rest and made sure at each step that the material benefits were distributed evenly throughout the world (1960, pp. 46-47). It is precisely the “world authority” making sure that no part pulled ahead until all of the benefits are evenly distributed that the advocates 66


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of “global justice” propose. This perspective conceives the extended market order as a poorly designed process resulting in unjust outcomes needing somehow to be redesigned by wiser men to achieve “global justice.” Presumably the wealthier countries would be held back while the poorer countries “catch up.” Such a strategy is misguided at best and dangerous at worst, incorrectly analyzing the nature of wealth-production in an extended order, morally confusing confiscatory redistribution with justice, and economically destructive in its consequences. Civilization as Extended Order What we call civilization, and by extension the ability to produce goods and services, is not the product of human design. Instead such an arrangement is the result of the evolution of social cooperation. “To understand our civilization,” Hayek (1991) argued, one must appreciate that the extended order resulted not from human design or intention but spontaneously; it arose from unintentionally conforming to certain traditional and largely moral practices, many of which men tend to dislike, whose significance they usually fail to understand, whose validity they cannot prove, and which have nonetheless fairly rapidly spread by means of an evolutionary selection – the comparative increase of population and wealth – of those groups that happen to follow it (p. 6). From this, we can draw a number of critical implications. First, many of the practices leading to wealth production and population growth include the institutions of private property, prices set by the forces of supply and demand, free and binding contracts and the rule of law which sets the framework for the operation of a complex, extended order. Second, the process itself is not one of human design but of 67


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human action taken by millions of people in the pursuit of their several ends with the freedom to choose between alternative means. And third, and perhaps most importantly, the progress achieved by such an evolutionary process is the result of trial and error and the outcomes are necessarily varied and uneven. The spontaneous order of market economies and civilization benefits from a social system that is, in Michael Oakeshott’s term, nomocratic (law-driven) and not telocratic (purpose-driven). This distinction is critical for Hayek (1984) who believes the spontaneous order responsible for a free society can never be defined as a sum of known particular results to be achieved, but only as an abstract order which as a whole is not oriented to any particular concrete ends but provides merely the best chance for any member selected at random successfully to use his knowledge for his purposes (p. 366). The best condition for the discovery and uses of knowledge and the creation of wealth is an arrangement of laws imposing conditions of action but not requiring the choice of any one action over another. In contrast to this, the advocates of “global” or “social justice,” prefer a state or world authority adopting a uniting purpose, in which all people and institutions are expected to participate (Oakeshott, pp. 451-454). We see evidence of this in the pursuit of “national goals” or “millennium goals” adopted by the United Nations requiring substantive conduct instrumental to the purpose articulated. For Hayek, such an approach is wrong-headed because

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the demands of socialism are not moral conclusions derived from the traditions that formed the extended order that made civilization possible. Rather, they endeavor to overthrow these traditions by a rationally designed moral system whose appeal depends on the instinctual appeal of its promised consequences (1991, p. 7).


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Defining Justice Down The concepts of “social” or “global” justice are derivations of distributive justice, the idea that income and wealth be rewarded on some basis other than a spontaneous order. Such a concept is inconsistent with a law-driven social formation in which the actions of individuals are guided by their own interests and search for knowledge. “Insofar as we want the efforts of individuals to be guided by their own views about prospects and chances,” says Hayek (1960), “the results of the individual’s efforts are necessarily unpredictable, and the question as to whether the resulting distribution of incomes is just has no meaning” (p. 99). In the market economy, the basis of modern civilization, rewards are determined by how well producers meet the most urgent needs of consumers. This is part of the discovery process and of trail and error. “The demand,” argues Hayek (1991), “that only changes with just effect should occur is ridiculous” (p. 118). This kind of hampering of the process of discovery is counter-productive to wealth creation. The Dividing Line If we are to make a distinction between wealth and poverty in the world, the most important single dividing line is between those countries adopting private property, free enterprise, and market economies and those who have rejected such practices. Similarly, when we compare the world’s wealthiest countries we find personal choice, voluntary exchanges coordinated by the market, freedom to enter and compete in markets, and protection of both persons and property from the aggressive actions of others. These practices and institutions have been critical to the development and expansion of wealth and civilization. Conversely, wherever we see massive poverty, these practices are largely absent. Unfortunately, the world’s poorest nations are in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and each is plagued by an 69


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absence of the rule of law and political intervention in the economy. These countries find themselves in conditions not unlike what existed in pre-capitalist times in what are today’s wealthiest nations. Their populations outstrip their capacity to produce or to accumulate capital; as a result the fate of their people is one of seemingly unstoppable illiteracy, ill health, poor diets, high infant mortality, and low life expectancy. Their unfortunate lot is a life, not unlike Hobbes’s observation, “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” Only the heartless can remain unmoved. However, only the thoughtless could propose a strategy of redistribution as a long-range solution to their plight. Wealth: Taking or Making? Historically, calls for “distributive” or “global justice” have consisted of transferring existing wealth, capital, and machinery from the richer to the poorer countries. The science of economics, however, teaches that wealth is created through production, trade, the division of labor, new technology, savings, and capital investment. Such universal knowledge is as relevant in Africa, Asia, and Latin America as it is in Europe and North America. It seems disturbing that such fundamental facts about wealth and its creation should have to be restated decade after decade, but those actors ignoring these truths seem convinced something so fundamental must not be true. They inhabit the world of “ought,” “should,” and “could.” Their stock in trade is to muddy the waters to make them seem deep. Fortunately, where the advice of Hayek, among others, has been taken, the results have been amazing. Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea, Ireland, Chile, and New Zealand are all working examples of the proposition that prosperity is a function of free individuals pursuing their own choices under the rule of law which secures private property, free enterprise and market economies. The “distributive justice” taking place in these countries 70


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has been to increase the total wealth of everyone who engages in productive activities. As freedom leads to greater productivity, there is more available for everyone to consume, not merely in material goods, but also in leisure, health and education. Conclusion In summary, what the advocates of “global justice” and “equality” fail to comprehend is why schemes for “distributive” or “global” justice and prescribed outcomes would, as Hayek explained, destroy the very foundation of the process that makes possible the alleviation of millions. Their errors stems from an inability to understand how wealth is created and how the consequences of such a process are unintended. They also fail to recognize their corrective measures ultimately cripple such a process. Equality, after all, is always possible in complete misery and poverty, but where is the justice in that?

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references

Hayek, F. A. (1991). The collected works of F. A. Hayek, Vol. I: The fatal conceit: The errors of socialism. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Hayek, F.A. (1960). The constitution of liberty. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Hayek, F. A. (1984). The essence of Hayek. Edited by C. Nishiyama and K. R. Leube. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press. Hayek, F. A. (1948; 1980). Individualism and economic order. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Oakeshott, M. (1962; 1991). Rationalism in politics and other essays. Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Press.

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“Hands,” Kristen Berg 73


author’s note

I wrote this article for my history class in American Presidency (HIST 389). A distinguished presidential historian, Professor Smith, taught this course, and his class really made me think about presidencies in very different ways. Throughout the semester, he urged his students to think independently and he also encouraged his students to see each president as a fellow human being before looking at their political careers. At the end of semester, Professor Smith asked each student to write a final paper about who is the most overestimated or underestimated American president, and when I first heard this assignment, I immediately thought about President Nixon. A few years ago, I saw Oliver Stone’s movie, Nixon, and I was deeply touched by this film. Oliver Stone is a well-known Vietnam War critic who made his film career out of criticizing both this war and the Nixon presidency. However, his movie on Nixon was surprisingly sympathetic toward Nixon’s life and his presidency. Because of this movie, I had a great personal interest in Nixon before I even took this class. I guess the reason why many historians and journalists demonize the Nixon presidency is because it is still very much a contemporary issue. Most of the major characters from the Watergate scandal and the Nixon administration are still alive, and until this generation is gone, I guess Nixon will never get fair judgment.

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the unmaking and rethinking of the nixon presidency

Saeil Oh

T

here are many reasons why well-informed citizens should hate Richard M. Nixon’s presidency, but well-concerned historians should not neglect him. Among forty-two men from Washington to Bush, he was one of the most complicated characters, requiring further studies to fairly judge his presidency. While the public opinion toward him is still very hostile, Nixon certainly left a wide range of great political legacies that still benefit many Americans. He was a classical example of a Shakespearian tragic hero who rose up from the lowest part of society to the top of the world against all odds before facing a sudden downfall that haunted his life and reputation. It was hard to understand Nixon’s presidency because his darkness overshadowed his great legacies. Although his roles throughout the Watergate scandal demonized his presidency and personal reputation, Nixon was the champion of diplomacy who effectively reoriented the modern American foreign policy. He was also a compassionate civil rights supporter who actually implemented President Johnson’s Civil Rights legislatures into the government. An analysis of the Nixon administration’s domestic/foreign policies and a reexamination of his character and legacies would certainly make people rethink his presidency and reconsider his status in history as one of the most unsuccessful presidents. One of the most significant and surprising achievements of the Nixon administration in domestic policy is the successful implementation of the Civil Rights legislatures. Although the Kennedy/Johnson administrations initiated this ground-breaking racial integration legislature, it was the Nixon administration that actually implemented and placed it into government action.1 Without getting much of the credit, the Nixon administration successfully Lawrence McAndrews, “Richard Nixon and School Desegregation,” The Journal of Negro History 83, no. 3 (1998): 187. 1

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implemented the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, the Higher Education Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968 to ensure racial justice and equal economic and educational opportunities.2 According to a critic-turned-sympathetic Nixon biographer, Tom Wicker of the NY Times, some scholars even believed that Nixon actually surpassed the Civil Rights achievements of the New Deal and the Great Society.3 The records proved that the Nixon administration’s school desegregation programs actually achieved the greatest changes in the South since the days of the Reconstruction-era after the Civil War. For example, 80% of black children attended public school with white children in eleven Southern states by January 1971.4 It was a very difficult task to make those ambitious civil rights legislatures work in such a hostile political and bureaucratic reality; however, Nixon was able to realistically adjust those legislatures because he knew “the speed limit of social changes.”5 By implementing sensitive civil rights legislatures gradually in modest and conservative passion, Nixon could find a middle ground in the civil rights issues that the majority of Americans could agree and support. With his shrewd political skills, Nixon was able to meet the public’s high expectations on this issue without endangering his political coalition to carry out these programs successfully. While the Supreme Court and Congress decided to remain silent on the civil rights issues due to their inability to meet the public’s extraordinary expectations, Nixon took bold actions and because of his efforts, the civil rights legislatures became reality.6

McAndrews, “Richard Nixon and School Desegregation,” 187. Ibid., 195 4 Ibid., 195 5 Ibid., 195 6 Ibid., 188 2 3

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The Philadelphia Plan and the Southern Strategy reveal the significance of the Nixon administration’s place in the implementation of the civil rights legislatures. Since Nixon had to make sure these ambitious legislatures could bring realistic changes in racial relations, he had to look for “specifically targeted plans, temporary in nature, and designed to solve a specific, clear denial of equal opportunity.”7 The Philadelphia Plan was an affirmative action program for training and hiring black construction workers to establish the “black capitalism,” which Nixon lobbied hard to introduce despite strong objections from the Senate majority and labor unions.8 The Nixon administration also initiated welfare reform, revenue sharing programs, negative income tax, and job training proposals to make sure African-Americans could have the same economic opportunities.9 Although Nixon’s controversial “Southern Strategy” was not all about achieving a racial justice, this strategy effectively expanded voting rights for the African-American population in the South. Nixon played a clever political game in this strategy to minimize resistances from the South on the integration efforts and to adopt the liberal side’s demands in racial justice to develop a civil rights program that everyone could support. Tom Wicker of the NY Times argued that, “Nixon was the right president at the right time.”10 Between Gov. Wallace in the 1968 election and Sen. McGovern in the 1972 election, representing two extreme sides of political ideologies on the Civil Rights issue, Nixon was the only candidate who could seek the political middle ground. Nixon also maintained the centralistic activist position to achieve success in other domestic policies, and because of his emphasis on the interest of the country first, Nixon became one of the last McAndrews, “Richard Nixon and School Desegregation,” 197. Ibid., 192 9 Ibid., 192 10 Ibid., 195 7 8

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presidents without the political party.11 A remarkable thing about Nixon’s domestic policy is that as a conservative Republican president, Nixon faithfully continued or in some cases expanded ambitious liberal reform programs from the Kennedy/Johnson administrations. Nixon carried out the best policies for the country regardless of the party line.12 The Nixon administration supported the creation of the EPA (Environmental Protection Agency) and the OSHA (Occupational Safety and Health Administration), both initiated from the Kennedy/Johnson era based on liberal ideology.13 Kennedy/Johnson’s great social reform ideas like EPA and OSHA continues to function very well these days because Nixon adopted those ideas in conservative passion to permanently implement them into the American society. Nixon also continued and expanded FDR’s New Deal programs, such as the social security entitlement program to strengthen the social safety net, which is a very liberal political idea.14 The Nixon administration also initiated the transfer of the Federal government’s power and responsibilities to the state/local governments to make the government more effective.15 To fight the depression, WWII, and the Cold War, the federal government dramatically expanded its size and responsibilities so it became bigger and more powerful without actually being responsible to each citizen. Nixon started the trend to transfer the power and responsibilities to the state/local government from the federal government to make the government more responsible and effective.16 Richard Norton Smith, class lecture on Nixon, November 29, 2007. Alan Brinkley and Davis Dyer, The American Presidency (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004), 434. 13 Ibid., 434 14 Richard Norton Smith, class lecture on Nixon, November 29, 2007. 15 Donald Kettl and James Fesler, The Politics of the Administrative Process (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2005), 39. 16 Ibid., 40 11

12

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Nixon’s true greatness and legacy can be seen in the administration’s foreign policy achievements, as he made his reputation as the champion of diplomacy throughout his political career. The protestors barricaded the White House for the Nixon administration’s Vietnam War policy, but it was Nixon who actually ended this terrible war that started and expanded from the Kennedy/Johnson administrations. The US had been losing the war since the later days of the Johnson administration, so the new administration could not do much to improve the situation. By the time Nixon had to handle this mess from his predecessor, it seemed that there was no end to this bloody conflict, and that the immediate withdraw from Vietnam could cause a political fiasco for both the future of US diplomacy and the survival of the South Vietnamese government.17 However, the Nixon administration gradually pulled out the US involvements in Vietnam to minimize political and diplomatic damages that could be caused by the withdrawal and to fulfill the popular demand to end the war quickly. His administration carefully designed and executed the withdrawal plan inch by inch to successfully remove all US military forces without undoing America’s achievements in Vietnam, a plan which Nixon called, “Peace with Honor.” First, the Nixon administration initiated a more intelligent use of the US resources to prevent wasteful spending on the war and to gradually reduce the US involvement in Vietnam. In four years, Nixon reduced American troops from 550,000 to 24,000 and he also scaled down spending from $25 billion a year to less than $3 billion a year.18 During his presidency, Nixon ended the draft, reorganized the US troops in Vietnam with voluntary soldiers, and forced South Vietnamese to fight their own war. Although his opponents criticized Nixon for not ending the war as Paul Johnson, A History of the American People (New York: HarperPerennial, 1997), 886. 18 Ibid., 889 17

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quickly as he promised and even prolonged the conflict in some cases, he was the only one who actually scaled down the war and eventually ended US involvement in Vietnam. It was always very difficult to change the government policies and it was even harder to shift the course of the war. Though Nixon had many difficulties and obstacles in ending the war, he boldly stood up for the best interest for America. Because of Nixon, Americans finally got out of the nightmare that was Vietnam. The Nixon administration’s diplomatic achievements with China and Russia made for historical importance. At the beginning of Nixon’s presidency, the Cold War was at its peak due to the extra tensions created by the Kennedy administration during the Cuban Missile Crisis and the fear of the nuclear war. After the communist takeover of mainland China in 1949, there was a power vacuum in geopolitics. Neither the U.S. nor Russia could gain control over one another to dominate the ongoing power struggle ongoing since the start of the Cold War. Nixon shrewdly moved his chief foreign policy initiatives into opening up China, the “sleeping giant,” to the U.S., which turned out to be the most significant achievement of his presidency. By opening up the diplomatic relationship between China and the U.S., Nixon successfully split the Sino-Soviet tie, which created a great diplomatic weapon for the U.S. to use against Russia.19 Nixon had quickly sensed that China, a rising world power, did not have a strong diplomatic relationship with Russia, a fellow totalitarian regime. By making these two world powers fight against each other, he could establish a strong balance of power in the world.20 Nixon’s ground-breaking state visit to communist China stunned both worlds: the NATO alliance and the Warsaw pact. After establishing Edward A. Kolodziej, “Foreign Policy and Politics of the Interdependence,” Polity 9, no. 2 (1976): 125. 20 Ibid., 126. 19

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such an extraordinary diplomatic channel with China, Nixon could use this weapon to make a great deal with Russia. The Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I treaty), which helped to improve relations between the U.S. and Russia, was largely possible because of the Nixon administration’s strong diplomatic relationship with China.21 Once the Soviet regime figured out that the U.S. could use its diplomatic relationship with China to weaken Russia’s influence in geopolitics, they had opened the negotiation table to discuss various issues with America more seriously. If Nixon was not president throughout this crucial moment, the balance of power in world politics might have been in danger, and Russia could have achieved a diplomatic relationship with China to push back America’s influence in geopolitics. After the Nixon administration successfully made a deal with both China and Russia, greatly benefitting the U.S., the first time since the start of WWII, the U.S. government could reduce the growth of the military budget and make some significant progress in negotiations, in terms of dealing with the communist regime.22 As the result of SALT I treaty, both Russia and the U.S. started to limit deadly weapons against one another and the tension between the two Cold War superpowers was briefly relaxed. However, after Nixon left the White House in disgrace, Russia and the U.S. went back to the high-budget Cold War power struggle, which could have been avoided under the Nixon administration.23 If Nixon fully served his term until 1976, America’s diplomatic relations with China and Russia could have been improved further, and the Cold War might have ended before the 1980’s. Nixon’s diplomatic achievements during the Yom Kippur War clearly indicated that his foreign policies were not only all about Kolodziej, “Foreign Policy and Politics of the Interdependence,” 135. Ibid., 137. 23 Ibid., 139. 21 22

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mere electoral politics, but also were about the best interest of America long-term. When the Yom Kippur War began on October 6, 1973, Nixon was at the middle of the Watergate scandal investigation, which was the darkest hour of his life.24 Ordinary politicians might have only concentrated on how they could get away from such an extraordinary political crisis in their lifetime, had they faced the same situation as Nixon. However, at the middle of this personal and political disaster, Nixon realized the importance of this event and boldly took necessary steps to help the state of Israel, the most important ally in the Middle East. When an Arab coalition led by Syria and Egypt, allies to Russia, made a surprise attack, weakening Israel’s military supplies, none of the European powers were willing to help Israel because they did not want to provoke Russia.25 At the middle of this desperate situation, Nixon decided to help Israel by cutting through interdepartmental red tapes and bureaucracy that initiated an air lift of American arms to resupply Israeli military forces so they could have a fighting chance.26 While other inactive Arab states and European powers were busy negotiating with Russia and did not know what to do with this crisis, Nixon literally got on the phone and ordered the Department of Defense to send every military force that America had to Israel by the next flight schedule.27 Because of Nixon’s bold diplomatic initiative, the resupplied Israeli military forces could defeat an Arab coalition and sustain their state, still remaining the most important U.S. ally in the Middle East. Without great courage and the ability to see the future of geopolitics, which Nixon always had throughout his presidency, an ordinary politician may not have been able to achieve what Nixon did in the area of the foreign policies, especially when they were under a heavy Richard Norton Smith, Presidential Libraries, C-SPAN, October, 2007. Johnson, A History of the American People, 902. 26 Ibid., 902. 27 Richard Norton Smith, class lecture, November 29, 2007. 24 25

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investigation, which would eventually lead to an impeachment trial. Nixon’s reputation among scholars and the general public was haunted by the classical example of the biased liberal media. The problem with the media’s attitudes toward the Nixon presidency was that the press was determined to go against him no matter what he did for the country, a problem since Nixon ran for the presidency against Kennedy in 1960.28 Young, handsome, and charming Democrat Kennedy was the only candidate the media favored throughout the 1960 presidential election, and the majority of journalists did not even bother to provide the Republican candidate, Nixon, with a fair chance. Nixon’s problem with the media did not end after the 1960 election. Even after the Kennedy assassination, the media elites continued to attack his politics and reputation throughout the 1968 presidential election campaign without providing him with at least a fair chance to defend himself on the mass media.29 The media’s vicious attacks on Nixon continued to exist during his presidency and they never stopped until he finally resigned from his office. The media might have ignored the Watergate scandal if the president was not Nixon at that time, but since the press hated him so much that they used this rather ambiguous scandal at that time as new ammunition to destroy the Nixon presidency.30 Many Americans considered Harding’s presidency as a failure because of too much corruption from the members of his administration, but not many people remember what actually happened during the Teapot Dome scandal, which brought his presidency. The Watergate scandal might be the same historical event as the Teapot Dome scandal to many Americans these days.31 People knew that the David Halberstam, The Powers That Be (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 599. 29 Richard Norton Smith, Presidential Libraries, C-SPAN, October, 2007. 30 Johnson, A History of the American People, 900. 31 Richard Norton Smith, class lecture, November 29, 2007. 28

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Watergate scandal brought down the Nixon presidency, but not many people actually remember what this scandal was all about. It was the way the media portrayed this scandal that troubled the Nixon presidency, since the media was determined to expose this issue in order to cause maximum damage. Before Nixon, the media greatly respected the authority and status of the presidents and protected certain aspects of their lives.32 The media never printed any words about FDR using a wheelchair to get around and they also did not reveal Kennedy’s frequent love affairs outside of his marriage.33 However, the media never protected Nixon’s public image and was always harsher to his presidency, which made it difficult for the public to fairly judge him. After Franklin D. Roosevelt personalized the presidency, it directly reflected the presidents’ characters; in Nixon’s case, his darkness directly transferred into his failed presidency.34 Nixon’s deep-seated anger from his childhood, which carried over into his adult life, and his great feelings of resentment made him overreach the use of the power well beyond his limit.35 For Nixon, even his presidency could not bring him happiness. Though he had retained his great political success against all odds, winning the presidential election twice, he could not let his resentments go.36 Nixon worked harder than anyone else in the country for the best interest of America, but he never enjoyed his impressive political achievements. The nation still missed and mourned for the days of the Kennedy administration, largely because he was so charming and looked very Johnson, A History of the American People, 898. Ibid., 898 34 Fred Greenstein, The Presidential Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 103. 35 Bruce Mazlish, “Toward a Psychohistorical Inquiry: The “Real” Richard Nixon,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 1, no. 1 (1970), 49. 36 Richard Norton Smith, class lecture, November 29, 2007. 32 33

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good on TV.37 This young and handsome Boston aristocrat made people dare to dream and inspired others to follow his lead. In the public’s eyes, Nixon was a complete opposite compared to Kennedy, which made it hard for him to build popular support for his administration. No matter how hard Nixon would work, the people would not recognize his greatness because he was not Kennedy. This made him feel more resentful, which led to a tragic fall of his presidency. Unlike what the liberal media and his critics accused, Nixon did indeed have a political coalition that represented the mainstream of the American society: the “silent majority.” Nixon’s victories in the 1968 and 1972 presidential elections were largely influenced by the cultural changes of American politics in the 1960s. Because of the radical racial integration efforts of the Kennedy/Johnson administrations, a large part of the Deep South, average workingmen such as construction workers, and other social conservatives formed the “silent majority” to support Nixon because they were angry at the protestors, radical liberals, and rapid changes in American society.38 These political coalitions were great opponents of the Kennedy/Johnson administration’s liberal political agendas on the race relations, which could divide the nation in a very harmful way. Nixon polarized and represented these dangerous political coalitions to make sure they would not leave the mainstream of American society and not form the dangerous radical political factions.39 Between the far-right racist candidacy of George Wallace in 1968 and the far-left liberal radical candidacy of George McGovern in 1972, Nixon was the only law and order candidate who could bring the country together. Throughout the chaotic time period between the 1968 and 1972 presidential election, if either a too liberal or a too conservative politician had become president, he could have ripped Mazlish, “Toward a Psychohistorical Inquiry,” 50. Richard Norton Smith, class lecture, November 29, 2007. 39 Ibid. 37 38

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the country apart, but Nixon actually held the nation together and saved the country from the chaos by sacrificing his political career and reputation. Without Nixon’s bold history-making presidency to reunite the nation in the 1960s, Americans would likely live in a very different country now. The critics of the Nixon administration often described his presidency as the imperial presidency because when Nixon was in the White House, the critics said that the president had too much power to do what he wished and that the presidency itself was thus a threat to democracy.40 However, it was not Nixon who started the imperial presidency. President Wilson was the one who actually started to practice this concept, and many of his successors followed his lead out of necessity to fight wars, to solve great economic problems, and to overcome great social challenges.41 FDR greatly expanded the presidential power and authority to fight the depression and to fight the war, and even the Kennedy/Johnson administration used this concept of the imperial presidency to achieve a difficult political agenda, such as the Civil Rights legislatures.42 Unfortunately, by the time Nixon went to the White House, the power of the presidency outgrew any other branches of the government, and he also did not hesitate to increase the presidential power and authority in order to do his job effectively. Hence, it is not right to blame this concept of the imperial presidency solely on Nixon because he didn’t invent the term or the practice, but just faithfully followed his predecessor’s lead. Some people also criticized Nixon’s tendency of abusing his power as the president. Throughout the Watergate investigation, Sen. Ervin’s committee found that Nixon frequently abused his political power to crush his opponents by using government agencies, such as the Halberstam, The Powers That Be, 589. Johnson, A History of the American People, 896. 42 Ibid., 897 40 41

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CIA, FBI, and IRS.43 However, Nixon is not the only president who misused presidential power to achieve this goal. FDR used government agencies and power to squash the opponents of the New Deal programs, and he used similar strategies and methods as Nixon to overcome his opponents’ rejection. Since the days of the Wilson administration, most presidents somewhat misused their political power to achieve something that cannot be done under normal circumstances. There was also a story about the White House taping system. The taping system of the White House existed since the days of FDR.44 President Kennedy taped more than 300 conversations in the White House throughout his presidency and President Johnson also had a secret taping system.45 Neither Kennedy nor Johnson’s tapes were ever released to the public, but Nixon had to turn over his tapes, which he claimed were a “president’s personal property.”46 Unlike what his critics thought, Nixon did not set up his taping system for evil purposes; the main purpose of this system was to prove that he was the architect of all of his great foreign policy initiatives when he would write his memoir.47 Though Nixon installed the taping system with good intentions, it was actually used against him throughout the Watergate investigation, and the source for his memoir then became crucial proof of his wrongdoings for the impeachment trial. Clearly then, an analysis of the Nixon administration’s domestic/foreign policies and a reexamination of his character and political legacies can certainly prove that the Nixon presidency was one of the most underrated presidencies in American history. As a compassionate civil rights supporter, Nixon faithfully implemented Johnson, A History of the American People, 897. Richard Norton Smith, Presidential Libraries, C-SPAN, October, 2007. 45 Johnson, A History of the American People, 897 46 Richard Norton Smith, Presidential Libraries, C-SPAN, October, 2007. 47 Ibid. 43 44

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the Kennedy/Johnson administrations’ Civil Rights legislatures into government action. Despite his conservative political ideologies, he adopted many of liberal political ideas in his domestic policy initiatives to reflect the political culture of the 1960’s. Though the critics could not see the greatness in the foreign policies, Nixon ended the Vietnam War with honorable terms, opened diplomatic relationship with China, and improved relations with Russia, greatly benefitting America. No one liked him because he was not Kennedy. Nixon always stood up for the best interests of America without getting much credit. The protestors spat on his face, angry crowds made a lot of noise when he tried to make a speech, and journalists made their names by making him look like a monster on television and in every newspaper. However, he successfully walked through the critical moments of American history despite the fact that no one appreciated it. Not many people knew that Nixon privately attended Dr. King’s funeral to show his deepest sympathy and respect to the fallen hero.48 The more I study Nixon, the more I feel sympathy for his presidency because no matter who was president in 1968 or 1972, the country was in deep trouble at that time. There were great divisions in the country, and the political culture of the 1960’s was very malicious and ambiguous. Nixon came into office to solve the problems in the nation, and throughout this process, ended up taking on all of the burdens and evils of the society.

48

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Richard Norton Smith, Presidential Libraries, C-SPAN, October, 2007.


bibliography

Brinkley, Alan and Davis Dyer. The American Presidency. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004. Greenstein, Fred. The Presidential Difference. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004. Halberstam, David. The Powers That Be. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000. Haney, Patrick J. “The Nixon Administration and Middle East Crises: Theory and Evidence of Presidential Management of Foreign Policy Decision Making.” Political Research Quarterly 47, no. 4. (Dec., 1994): 939-959. Johnson, Paul. A History of the American People. New York: HarperPerennial, 1997. Kettl, Donald and James Fesler. The Politics of the Administrative Process. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2005. Kolodziej, Edward A. “Foreign Policy and Politics of the Interdependence,” Polity 9, no. 2 (1976): 121-157. McAndrews, Lawrence. “Richard Nixon and School Desegregation.” The Journal of Negro History 83, no. 3 (1998): 187-200. Mazlish, Bruce. “Toward a Psychohistorical Inquiry: The “Real” Richard Nixon.” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 1, no. 1 (1970): 49-105. Smith, Richard Norton. Presidential Libraries, C-SPAN, October, 2007.

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author’s note

This piece was written as a reflection of my first Alternative Spring Break experience in 2007 in New York City. At the time, my knowledge and experience of the issues of HIV/AIDS was quite limited. The trip broadened my horizons in ways that I could not have imagined, and gave me the biggest reality check of my life. At the time, I was completing an Independent Study in Anthropology, focusing on medical anthropology and health care issues with Dr. Andrew Bickford. He encouraged me to write my final paper about my experience in New York, and to connect the trip with the theoretical foundation I had built throughout the semester. I see this work as a part of my strategy to understand and cope with what I had learned about HIV/AIDS in New York.

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alternative spring break (asb)

Alexandra Sims

2007: living with hiv

I

n late fall of 2006, I heard about a service opportunity offered by the institution I attend, George Mason University. Through the Center for Leadership and Community Engagement (CLCE), George Mason offers Alternative Spring Break (ASB) programs, in which students can travel and serve communities of varying dynamics. ASB offers three programs: Hunger and Homelessness in Philadelphia, Hurricane Repair in the Gulf Coast, and HIV/AIDS in New York City. I attended the HIV/AIDS program in New York City. I saw this as an opportunity to do something purposeful over my Spring Break and to also learn more about HIV. However, I did not anticipate the overlaps that this endeavor would have with Critical Medical Anthropology. The purpose of the following research is to investigate the HIV/AIDS problem more deeply, including the implications of HIV for the community it affects, as well as the structural violence that causes rampant HIV infection. This paper also seeks to analyze the ASB experience from a Critical Medical Anthropologist’s perspective. Among other major health concerns, Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) threatens people in all parts of the world. The HIV problem in the United States, as well as in countries throughout the world, is becoming more and more deadly, and those who live with the virus face a bleak reality. HIV affects a group of white blood cells in the body called CD4 T cells, and HIV makes the person affected severely immuno-compromised. HIV is transferred from person to person most commonly through unprotected vaginal, anal, or oral sex, and direct blood contact (i.e. use of dirty needles, transfusion with infected blood, etc.). However, HIV can also be transmitted from mother to baby during pregnancy. HIV progresses into Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS), and this acronym describes the “syndrome” associated with the virus. Because HIV weakens the immune system, various illnesses can set in. These “opportunistic infections” (OI’s) include pneumonia, tuberculosis, thrush, and 91


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malaria (Beck, 2006), and these signal the progressed state of the virus, or AIDS. Although there are treatments to slow the development of the disease, such as antiretroviral treatments, there is no known cure for AIDS. HIV is often referred to as a “phenomenon” because of the vast number of people it affects. At the end of 2003, an estimated 1,039,000 to 1,185,000 persons in the United States were living with HIV/AIDS, and 24-27% of these individuals were unaware of their positive status; from 2001-2005, over 500,000 people died from AIDS in the United States (Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 2006). Globally, the numbers are even more shocking. At the end of 2005, an estimated 40.3 million people around the world were infected with HIV, including the 4.9 million people who acquired HIV in 2005. In addition, two-thirds of individuals living with HIV live in Sub-Saharan Africa (National Institutes of Health). When speaking globally, HIV is referred to as a pandemic; when speaking regionally or locally, HIV is referred to as an epidemic. The discussion concerning HIV/AIDS and health care fits into a broader dialogue about structural violence. The term “structural violence” was first used in the 1970s by Johan Galtung. It refers to a form of violence that kills people slowly by not providing basic needs in a social arrangement or social institution. Institutionalized racism, elitism, ethnocentrism, classism, heterosexism, and ageism are forms of structural violence. Within politically oppressed, socially dominated, or economically exploited societies, the life spans of individuals are shortened because of the presence of structural violence. Structural violence is also closely related to physical violence, in the form of family violence, domestic violence, racial violence, hate crimes, war, genocide, and terrorism. HIV and health care also fit into the conversation of human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states in Article 25 that “everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, 92


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clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services…” Part of the implication of this statement is that basic and necessary health care is a human right. However, if this concept is then used to analyze the countries in our world, including the US, we see evidence of many human rights violations. When health is seen and valued as a human right, inadequate access to health care can then be seen as being caused by structural violence. Medical anthropologist Paul Farmer explains that lack of access to health care is a result of structural violence because “it is neither nature nor pure individual will that is at fault, but rather historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire and constrain individual agency.” In his book In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio, Philippe Bourgois similarly shows how structural violence makes a community particularly susceptible to the sale and use of hard drugs, such as cocaine and heroin (1995). In short, structural violence largely impacts those with a lower social status, which prevents them from benefiting from the advancements of contemporary health care. Where HIV/AIDS is concerned, “social inequalities are central to the distribution of HIV infection (Farmer, Infections and Inequalities, 265).” Farmer goes on to explain that in the United States, as elsewhere, the disease is settling into poor or otherwise marginalized communities…The incidence of AIDS among women is increasing more rapidly than the AIDS among men…Structural violence—gender inequality, racism and poverty—is at the very heart of these trends. Although there is this notion that HIV is everyone’s problem, there is also the reality that in communities such as the African-American community and the LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer) community, HIV/AIDS is more prevalent. This is not to suggest that HIV is selective in its victims. This 93


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is an equal opportunity disease, and it can take hold of anyone in any community. However, its pervasiveness in the previously mentioned groups is a result of the structural violence that these individuals face on a daily basis. The fieldwork upon which the ethnographic portions of this research are based was conducted in the Manhattan area of New York City in Spring of 2007. During this time (March 10th-March 17th), I participated in an “Alternative Spring Break (ASB)” through George Mason University and volunteered with three different HIV/AIDS organizations: Gay Men’s Health Crisis (GMHC), LIFEbeat, and the Lower East Side Harm Reduction Center (LESHRC). Although the original intention was not to analyze this from a critical medical anthropologist’s lens, it was difficult to ignore the parallels. As a budding medical anthropologist, this experience put into perspective many of the ideas and theories I’ve previously read about. Moreover, this experience opened my eyes and shifted my attitude concerning the HIV/AIDS pandemic that the world is being ravaged by. Of the three organizations mentioned above, GMHC is the organization that we worked with the most. GMHC was established in 1981, by six self-identified gay men, when AIDS had not yet been identified. The men were seeing a trend of sickness and death among their inner circles and decided to do something about it. That something was the creation of GMHC. Interestingly enough, GMHC celebrated its 25th anniversary during our stay, and the fundraising event they hosted, whose guests included Senator Hilary Clinton, raised nearly one million dollars. The organization can be best described as an all encompassing HIV/AIDS center, where someone who is HIV positive can go to get just about anything he or she may need. GMHC is unique to the area and does a meaningful service to the immediate and surrounding areas. Among other things, GMHC offers a meals program, nutrition counseling, volunteer opportunities, wellness education, legal 94


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aid, substance abuse help, psychological services, a women’s center, a treatment education hotline, and a medical unit with free, rapid HIV testing. GMHC does not, however, offer medication or shelter. Nevertheless, throughout its twelve stories exists an atmosphere that is truly a safe space for those living with HIV. Our role at GMHC as volunteers was to serve food to the clients through the meals program. The Meals, Nutrition Education, and Wellness Program provides free, hot, nutritious meals to clients. Lunch is served Monday through Thursday, and dinner is served on Friday. To be eligible for this program, clients only need to go through the new client registration process, which requires that one be HIV positive. Upon showing interest in the meals program, the client is then allowed to participate. The meals program offers vegetarian dishes as well as nutritional meals for diabetics (many HIV/ AIDS patients also have diabetes). The program alleviates some of the financial burdens clients may feel, and it also benefits their health by providing a well-balanced meal. Our group worked with the staff to prepare lunch, and when clients arrived, we helped serve the food. We were also encouraged to interact with the clients as much as possible, and to sit and eat with them during our lunch break. The most interesting part of the experience at the meals program was being able to see the wide array of clients the program absorbed. Men who could have been my professors and women who could have been my aunts (or mother, or grandmother) all came through the line of the meals program. I was astonished because whatever or whomever I was expecting did not come through the door. I had never thought of myself as someone who had prejudices or preconceived notions when it came to HIV. I thought of myself as fairly open minded. However, at this point in my journey in New York, I was forced to reexamine my ideas about HIV. People of all ages, races, sexual orientations and expressions, styles and attitudes, came through that line. And I was forced to confront 95


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the idea that HIV really can and does affect everyone. This disease has no preference, and I saw that firsthand. Another service that GMHC offered was HIV testing. There are many different ways to test for the HIV antibody. There is the Standard Blood Draw, where a tube of blood is drawn from the patient who is being tested for HIV. The results can take up to two weeks to be returned. There is also the Oral HIV Test (Orasure ®). This test requires a mouth swab, and results can take from two days up to two weeks. Lastly, there is the Rapid HIV Test (OraQuick ® Advance). This test uses oral fluid or a small amount of blood (one drop) to test for HIV, and preliminary results can be given in twenty minutes (GMHC). Although GMHC offers all of these three types of testing, OraQuick is most commonly offered and given. If a person tests positive with OraQuick, it is considered a “preliminary positive.” Although the test is very accurate, more testing has to be done when this first positive result is returned, and the confirmatory results can take from three days to 2 weeks. When the result is negative, however, the person is HIV negative, and knows within twenty minutes of taking the test. Rapid testing, such as with OraQuick, is beneficial to the larger community. First, antiretroviral treatment has the best effect during the preliminary stages of HIV, so frequent testing helps to detect the disease early (Chesney, 1999). The idea is that one can know if he is HIV negative in a matter of minutes and can continue with his daily life. Also, research indicates that while some may go to get tests such as the Standard Blood Draw, many of them will not return to receive their results (Chesney, 1999). This happens in both the United States and abroad, and inhibits the effect that testing can have on managing this disease. This fear of knowing one’s results has to do with the stigma that is attached to HIV; this fear can prevent one from returning to receive results, or from being tested at all. In a survey of 828 gay and bisexual men living in Tucson and Portland, who were unsure of their HIV status, two thirds of them bought into 96


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the stigma surrounding HIV positive people as a reason for not being tested (Stall, et al., 1996). By making statements such as, “I’m afraid the test results would be used against me,” and “I’m afraid how the test results would affect my relationships,” the men expressed fear of being discriminated against because of HIV status (Chesney, 1999). On our last day at GMHC, all of the volunteers were offered free testing. It was interesting to see the responses from the large group. Students who had been educated about HIV for an entire week instantly gave in to the stigma. Many refused to be tested or made comments such as, “I couldn’t have HIV” even though they had seen the variance in the victims of this disease firsthand. It was fascinating to see that no one is really exempt, and that despite whatever education we may have of this epidemic, many of us still fall victim to the myths. We were exposed to the economy of HIV during our stay at GMHC as well. It was explained to us that many of the clients received some type of social security payment from the government (i.e. Supplemental Security Income (SSI), Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI), etc.) because of their low income or because of an ability challenge. Our supervisor explained that the level of clients participating in the meals program varies over a given month and usually increases at the time that the federal assistance starts to run out. Because our group was there in the middle of the month, he explained that we would see an influx of clients and a much larger turnout than what they had seen at the beginning of the month, when assistance was delivered. Sure enough, there were not many empty chairs during lunch time. The fact that assistance “runs out” is an indicator that the amount of SSI or SSD is not enough for the sustainability of marginalized members of society. The clients whom I interacted with were lucky in the sense that they had somewhere to turn when purchasing food was not a financially feasible option. But what about their children or parents, or other individuals in society who have a similar status, but are not HIV positive? Where is their version of 97


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GMHC? Who do they have to rely on? GMHC provided a safe atmosphere for those who are undervalued and marginalized by society because they are infected with HIV. I had the impression that, besides the food, there was something else the clients looked forward to at the meals program. There was a feeling of acceptance within the community during my entire time at GMHC. From my observation, not once was someone outwardly judged. Individuals were truly allowed to be themselves, and all forms self expression were welcomed. We even got to enjoy the company of “Ms. Colombia,” who was dressed in full drag, and received a standing ovation upon entering the cafeteria. I got the impression that, in the outside world, clients such as Ms. Colombia may have to limit or hide parts of their identities, such as their HIV status, or their sexual orientation or expression; however, at GMHC, clients were allowed and encouraged to be themselves. Our work at the Lower East Side Harm Reduction Center (LESHRC), although different from the experience at GMHC, complimented our journey in learning about HIV. The mission of LESHRC includes reducing HIV transmission in the community, particularly among injection drug users (IDUs). The organization operates under a philosophy called “harm reduction.” As the name indicates, harm reduction decreases the harm involved in risky behavior. Risky behavior, in this context, can include, but is not limited to unprotected sexual activity as well as drug use. To help students better understand the harm reduction philosophy, seat belt use was given as a comparison. Though security is oftentimes assumed, driving a car is very risky, especially considering the ways in which those risks are multiplied by high speeds, dangerous maneuvering, and cell phone use. However, individuals take that risk multiple times a day, not knowing what the consequences may be, whether it’s on the way to work or school, on the way home, running errands, or during countless other daily activities. As with the seat belt, harm reduction is used for preventive measures, and reduces some of the harm involved in risky 98


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behavior. Harm reduction at LESHRC can be seen in a similar way. LESHRC provides safe injection materials for IDUs in the community through a needle exchange. The group also distributes information on HIV/AIDS, Hepatitis, risk-reduction, and safer sex through an outreach program. Moreover, LESHRC accepts drug users into their programs, whereas most other organizations in the area do not. Because of this, clients at LESHRC are not required to stop or reduce their usage in order to receive services. Instead, practical strategies are offered, ranging from safer use to managed use or abstinence. The objective of harm reduction is to “meet users where they’re at.” Although the needle exchange program is the main component of LESHRC, other services are provided as well. There are a variety of groups for clients to participate in including a Women’s Group, a Hepatitis C Group, and a Life Management Group. Legal services are provided from an on site attorney, and doctors and medical staff are available onsite multiple times throughout the week. LESHRC also provides a sort of “safe haven” for the clients, and there is an area with couches and a television. During our volunteer stay at LESHRC, we worked with the outreach team to prepare distribution materials. One part of our group worked to prepare packets that included condoms, lubrication, literature about safe sex, and information on the danger associated with using “crystal meth” (methamphetamine). The second part of our group helped prepare packets of sterilized cottons that are used in a needle for injection. The preparation of materials was similar to that at other organizations; however, the setting made the experience unique. In contrast to the uplifting atmosphere at GMHC, LESHRC gave no guarantees of optimism. In simple terms, we were surrounded by drug addicts, homeless persons, and people with advanced cases of HIV; this was made perfectly clear to us by the staff prior to starting our work. Where GMHC may have given us a false sense of hope about this epidemic, LESHRC made no false claims, and we were 99


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forced to confront the disease face to face. We were fortunate to have been able to work here, in addition to GMHC, and to see the contrasts between the environments. At one particular moment during our work at LESHRC, I began to question whether or not we belonged there. Though LESHRC provides an excellent service to the community, their facility is cramped. Upon entering, there is a narrow hallway that became flooded with clients at various points in our stay. There is a check-in desk in the middle of the hallway, and, at the end, there is a living room with couches for clients to watch television, although most of them were sleeping when we arrived. Towards the back of the building and upstairs are the executive offices. Our work was completed in the middle of the living room. I initially had a problem with this. I felt that this was supposed to be a safe space for the clients, and I felt as though we were intruding. I was conflicted because we were socially and physically “in the way,” and some of the guests even became irritated that we were blocking the TV. The reality of the situation was that there was no where else for us to go given the tight quarters. However, in the moment, it was difficult to complete the work in the midst of the people who were to benefit from our work. I remember thinking, “We’re preparing cottons and condoms in the middle of the people who will use them. How does that make them feel?” At one point, our supervisor ordered pizza for us, so that we could take a break and eat. However, when the pizza was delivered, we stayed amongst the clients and ate. At this point, I felt that we were really interfering. Some of these people who I assumed (maybe wrongly) to be homeless may not have known where their next meal was coming from. One man, who happened to be sitting directly behind me, remarked, “There are homeless people in here and you’re eating in front of them!” before shaking his head and walking away. I felt that we were in a situation that made it look like we were flaunting a privileged status when all we really wanted to do was help out. Again, the reality of the situation was that we had no other place to 100


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eat or work. But the conflict just seemed so blatant and was difficult to deal with. Although there was some tension in the beginning, some of the clients actually started to engage us in conversation. Some asked where we were from and how our experience was going so far. One man even initiated a conversation about what we thought of the philosophy of a needle exchange. Although the experience at LESHRC was difficult, it was beneficial in our journey. We were able to confront the stigma that we all internally possessed on some level or another. For example, whatever ideas or thoughts we had about drug users crumbled. It was explained to us, prior to beginning our work, that half of LESHRC’s clients are white. So despite what the television, radio, magazines, movies, or the newspaper may portray about drug users, as well as those affected by and infected with HIV, this population does not fit the images consistently depicted. We were also able to see how a needle exchange program operates, and how, even with limited funding, a program can provide an outlet for a community at risk. In addition, we were given the opportunity to analyze the privileged parts of our identities. Privilege, in its institutionalized form, is a form of structural violence, and places marginalized members of a community at risk for poverty, homelessness, and disease. Where HIV is concerned, it can give way to ignorance or indifference among the “upper crust” of society and adds to the stigma that is fueling this disease. It is not often that middle or upper-class members of society question the privilege they possess. Privilege is often seen as something to be embarrassed about or quieted. Yet, I realized that recognizing the dynamics of the “haves and have nots” can be the first step in tearing down the walls of injustice. The third and final organization that we worked with was LIFEbeat. LIFEbeat is the music industry’s charitable organization that speaks out and fights against AIDS. Through LIFEbeat, there is an organization called Hearts & Voices that puts on performances for people with AIDS who live in residential facilities. With Hearts & 101


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Voices, we helped set up for the performances and were able to interact with clients on a very intimate level. Our work with Hearts & Voices helped us to see the clinical side of HIV more so than we had seen before. One residential facility that we visited, the Rivington House, was a hospital setting, with doctors and nurses on staff, and each client had their own room. We were asked to go around and encourage the clients to come to the concert, and the wide range of clients was astounding. At GMHC and LESHRC, we couldn’t really be sure which stage of HIV the clients were in. However, with LIFEbeat, all of the clients had been diagnosed with AIDS. They were of different abilities. Some could walk, others used a wheelchair or a walker, and some remained in their rooms, reluctant or unable to venture out to the concert. It was interesting to hear the clients I interacted with talk about their children, or describe when they, themselves, were in college. I realized suddenly that an HIV positive diagnosis had interrupted their usual lives, but had not engulfed them. They all seemed excited that we were there to help out. Their spirits were uplifted by the concert, and I could tell that this was something they all looked forward to each week. Our work with LIFEbeat was much shorter than the experiences with other organizations. However, what it did instill was the notion that people were actually living with AIDS. I find it interesting how our rhetoric and connotation denote how we feel about certain subjects. For example, it is far too common to hear “He is dying of cancer” or “She is dying of AIDS,” but how often do we hear that an individual is living with an ailment? That slight change of verbiage suggests that there is more to the person than just the disease, and that is what I took away from my work with LIFEbeat. I believe that where HIV is concerned, it is too easy for us to not only blame the victim, but to forget the victim. Individuals are too reluctant to look into the personal part of this disease, as a result of a defense mechanism I suppose, and as a way to not get too close, because HIV 102


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is scary. Society makes those infected with HIV a homogeneous, nameless, and faceless group. Structural violence comes into play, such as in the form of racism and homophobia. As a result, we are taught to believe that AIDS is exclusively an African or a black issue, or that HIV is a “gay� disease, when none of these are the case. Throughout much of my experience, the mask was removed, and I was able to see the true dichotomy HIV presents. Structural violence allows certain groups to be impacted by HIV/AIDS, and other groups do not even have to consider the problem. However, the disease has no partiality or preference. In summary, my experience with ASB was life changing. During my break, I was forced to live and breathe so many aspects of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. I was challenged to confront stereotypes of my own that I did not even know existed. I became aware of how susceptible society (myself included) is to what is generally portrayed about HIV/AIDS and how rarely this record is challenged. As someone who is interested in medicine, I am developing a passion for fighting HIV/AIDS. Most importantly, I gained a further appreciation of the human experience, and the similarities in the struggles we all endure. Structural violence was a theme throughout this trip, and it presented itself in many forms. I became awakened to violence that is ingrained in many parts of our society. The effects of structural violence are all too evident in the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Not only does it cause the spread of HIV infection, structural violence also impedes the prevention of HIV in many communities. Research in Baltimore in the early 1990s, for example, showed that members of the black community with HIV were receiving worse medical care: they were less likely than whites to be given HIV medications (Medical News Today, 2006). During my participation in ASB, I witnessed structural violence primarily in the form of classism, racism, and homophobia towards individuals infected with HIV. The dynamic was two-fold. For 103


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many, a marginalized status prior to becoming infected with HIV made them susceptible to the disease. Being in impoverished and drug ridden neighborhoods, for example, made HIV a viable fate for some clients I became acquainted with. In addition, status also allowed some to be subjugated after infection. For example, poverty is a difficult hurdle to tackle on its own. However, coupled with HIV, it becomes exponentially more difficult for an individual to succeed in society. Throughout the trip, I reflected on the difficult realities many of the clients must face. Although organizations like GMHC, LESHRC, and LIFEbeat provide excellent services, their impact is limited. When individuals leave that program or organization, they are literally and figuratively kicked to the outskirts of society. This is experienced within other identities; however, with the HIV positive community, it is more amplified because the disease has physical and social dimensions. While society forces them into anonymity, the larger community remains indifferent and uninformed, because HIV is stigmatized and rarely discussed in an objective manner. So what can we do about this HIV/AIDS phenomenon? As more and more research is conducted, it is likely that more HIV/ AIDS medication will develop during my generation. More treatment could save the lives of many, and, if a cure is in the realm of possibility, that, too, would be a lifesaver for vast numbers of people worldwide. However, treating the individual would only keep the system of structural violence in place, and we need to so something to fight the broader problem of HIV: across cultures, across sexual orientations, across races, across differences, across socio-economic strata, and across geographical borders. I’ve realized that stigma is a huge problem which fuels the HIV/AIDS global pandemic. People are afraid to get tested, afraid to get the results of their tests, or to even talk about HIV. Stigma promotes an unsafe and unhealthy atmosphere where HIV is concerned. Persons with HIV are pushed to the margins of society and not only have to deal with their disease, but also with the harsh reality of discrimination. 104


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Every aspect of a person’s life is impacted when they become HIV positive. Economic status can shift. Raising a family becomes more difficult. Moreover, significant parts of the population remain unaffected and uninformed. As an example, I had never met anyone (to my knowledge) who was HIV positive prior to this trip. It was mind boggling to me that, if it were not for my eagerness to learn and serve the community, I, too, would have remained numb to this entire problem. What is scarier is that many of my family members, friends, colleagues, professors, and counterparts are numb because their social status makes it so that they can be uninvolved, and so they are. Stigma plays into this because even if HIV is a part of our early health education or conversation during adolescence, it is still a taboo subject. Superficial discourse, where HIV is concerned, creates insensitivity and is threatening to the lives of those who are infected with and affected by HIV. When we find a way to get rid of the second epidemic of stigma, HIV will truly become “everyone’s problem,” and the control of this disease will become foreseeable.

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references

Basic Statistics. (2006, February 1). HIV/AIDS Statistics and Surveillance. Retrieved May 2, 2007, from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Web site: http://www.cdc. gov/hiv/topics/surveillance/index.htm Beck, E. J. (2006). The HIV Pandemic: Local and Global Implications. New York: Oxford University Press. Bourgois, P. (1995). In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chesney, M. A., & Smith, A. W. (1999). Critical Delays in HIV Testing and Care: The Potential Role of Stigma. American Behavioral Scientist, 1162-1174. Retrieved May 1, 2007, from http://abs.sagepub.com/cgi/ reprint/42/7/1162 Farmer, P. (2006). AIDS and Accusation. Berkeley: University of California Press. (Original work published 1992) Farmer, P. (1999). Infections and Inequalities. Berkeley: University of California Press. Farmer, P. (2005). Pathologies of Power. Berkeley: University of California Press. Global Statistics. (2006). HIV Statistics. Retrieved May 1, 2007, from National Institutes of Health Web site: http://vrc.nih. gov/vrc/clintrials/clin_statistics.htm Stall, R., Hoff, C., Coates, T., Paul, J., Phillips, K. A., Ekstrand, M., Kegeles, S., Catania, J., Daigle., & Diaz, R. (1996). Decisions to get HIV tested and to accept antiretroviral therapies among gay/bisexual men: Implication for secondary prevention efforts. Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes and Human Retrovirology, 11, 151-160. Structural Violence Is Impeding HIV Prevention And Care. (2006, October 28). Medical News Today. Retrieved April 27, 2007, from http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/ medicalnews.php?newsid=54994 106


“Ava,” Julie Schneider

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author’s note

This was a free-form final essay assignment for an English honors seminar. I decided to compare and contrast The Canterbury Tales and The Thousand and One Nights from an economics perspective, so I began by going through the texts searching for any economic references I could find. I actually went to Gutenberg.org, where they store many works in html format, so that I could quickly search for keywords such as “merchant.” What I found I put down on paper, and as I went along, I organized common ideas into paragraphs. Eventually, I had pages of observations, quotations, comparisons and contrasts. When I felt that I had enough raw material to work with, I began shaping a theme—the overarching “so what?” to all the textual references and quotations. I didn’t want my theme to be a simple observation or summation. I wanted it to go beyond the sum total of the textual references, bringing them to a higher level of insight. I looked at my pages of quotations and asked myself what was the most interesting theme I could draw out of them. It had to resonate fully with all the textual references—each quote had to contribute to and help develop the theme—while also causing them to resonate in a way they would not have on their own. As I developed my ideas, they turned gradually away from my original focus on economics. The theme I settled on—frame narratives and intercultural dialogue—is not per se what I “wanted” to write about, but it made my material work together in a unified and insightful way. Then I did some severe revising, cutting out unnecessary lines and moving around parts, until the whole paper flowed as seamlessly as I could get it to. The title was the finishing touch. The title should reflect the paper (not the other way around), so I can never settle on one until I have a complete paper to draw it from. An English teacher once told me that you are probably done revising a paper when you are so sick of it you don’t want to see it again.

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frame narratives: subjectivity and intercultural dialogue in the thousand and one nights and the canterbury tales

Joseph Swetnam

T

he twenty-first century is described as a period of globalization. Far-flung societies are in communication with one another, becoming economically co-dependent, and sharing in an expanding marketplace of ideas. In contrast, the common assumption goes, medieval societies were far more insular and intolerant of unfamiliar worldviews. Is the assumption true? How much contact did medieval societies have with each other? The answer varies depending on the cultures considered, but in general, one finds extensive interaction and often even understanding among diverse cultures in the Middle Ages. What form such interaction took, and the limits of openness and tolerance, are lessons that can be learned by examining multicultural texts from the period. A good place to start is the Middle East, the crossroads of the medieval world. Though the western and eastern extremes of Europe and China knew of each other only vaguely, their merchants were actively engaged in trade. Along the famous Silk and Spice routes, luxuries from India and China traveled to the Mediterranean, and the only direct land route for such travel was through Persian and Arab lands. Thus, from ancient times through the medieval Islamic Empire, Middle Eastern cities became prosperous as stopping points along the intercontinental trade routes. The merchants and travelers who met in Middle Eastern markets must have shared stories from their diverse homelands, as do the many narrators of the The Thousand and One Nights, and many of these stories must have gone on being told in the Middle East and become part of the local folklore. Such an exchange mirrors the trade of goods; the stories were an extra cargo carried along the routes, unloaded and traded along the way. Their intermingling represents an intercultural dialogue. The Thousand and One Nights is the product of the intercultural exchange 109


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occurring in the medieval Middle East, an “assimilation of main elements of the older cultures that embraced Islam, such as Persian, Egyptian, Iraqi, Indian, and even Chinese” (Longman 525). True to its origins, the Nights teems with travelers, merchants, and others of diverse backgrounds. The tale “The Wonderful Bag” humorously depicts a multicultural market scene, involving a Persian, a Kurd, and, in one description of the contents of the titular bag, “five fair Abyssinian slaves, three Indian women, four Greek women, fifty Turkish women, seventy Persian women, forty women from Kashmir, eighty Kurdish women, as many Chinese women, ninety women from Georgia...” (Longman 580). “The Tale of the Porter and the Young Girls” also begins in a multicultural market filled with goods from across the Islamic Empire: “Syrian apples, Osmani quinces, peaches from Uman, jasmine of Aleppo, Damascene nenuphars, cucumber from the Nile, limes from Egypt” (Longman 536). It then moves into the girls’ house, which is populated by articles from various lands: “a Mosul drum,” “a lute of Iraq,” “a Persian flagiolet,” and “Chinese porcelain” (Longman 541-2). Further multicultural elements in the tale include the Arabic Sultan, three kalandars, each of whom “was born in a different country” (Longman 545), a king and a princess of India, a Jinni who turns into a Persian, two ships that travel to unnamed exotic lands, a knife “on which were graved words in the Hebrew tongue” (Longman 554). The Thousand and One Nights thus presents medieval Islamic society as keenly aware of the many diverse cultures of the world; it seems to revel in cataloguing in detail all the societies with which it was in contact. The many diverse elements, moreover, are incorporated seamlessly into the flow of the story, without distracting or causing any kind of conflict. Characters and storylines leap effortlessly from kingdom to kingdom. Notably, however, in the eclectic lists of lands above, Europe is absent besides one reference to Greece. This suggests the relative unimportance of Europe in those days. However, much was going on 110


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there; indeed, in the fourteenth century, around the time that the Nights was being compiled into the earliest manuscripts we know of today, Geoffrey Chaucer was writing The Canterbury Tales. Chaucer’s homeland, insular England, once an outpost of the Roman Empire and still a rugged frontier of human civilization, was a far cry from the cosmopolitan crossroads of the Middle East. Yet, as the eclectic Nights was taking shape in the Islamic Empire, Chaucer was penning in English his work that in many ways parallels the Nights. Travel is important to both works. In Nights, it is a historical background, as regional travel and trade serve as an explanation of how the many stories in the work came together; it is also a motif in the stories themselves. In Tales, travel is the basis of the frame story itself. Traveling and story-telling go together. When one travels, one comes in contact with new people and surroundings. The new places may have unfamiliar customs, cultures, etc. Faced with the reality of alternative identities, the traveler feels compelled to share a piece of him or herself, or his or her homeland. It is part of the process of intercultural dialogue. In The Canterbury Tales, “intercultural” may seem an inappropriate term, since the main characters are all from England; however, they represent the wide spectrum of social classes in their time, and each class constitutes a unique subculture. The sense of being in unfamiliar surroundings is still there, as the travelers mingle with people of other classes and from different regions of the country. What goes on within a society among diverse individuals reflects the broader dimension of intercultural dialogue; the latter is a magnification of the former. The works shed light on how such intercultural exchange is processed. When diverse people share their cultures with one another, though they may be open-minded to the others’ perspectives, they do not adopt the other perspectives outright or lose sight of their own values in the process of intermingling. Instead, when one culture is experiencing part of another, that culture attempts to fit the other’s worldview into its own, to make sense of the foreign perspective by 111


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relating it to its own. It does this by constructing a narrative that explains the complexities of the world, often explaining why other worldviews even exist or how their strange ideas fit into the familiar cosmos of the narrator-culture. In a collection of diverse tales such as the Nights or the Tales, the frame stories symbolizes that culturenarrative process, or world narrative process. They act as a filter, interpreting the diverse worldviews gathered in the books as “creation myths,” which give the stories meaning and justify their co-existence. But such a framework must necessarily impose the constraints of the narrator-culture upon the diverse perspectives gathered within the world-narrative. Hence, the process, though facilitated by open-mindedness, remains subjective and implicitly elevates the narrator-culture’s world-narrative over the others by fitting them into its own scheme. Although the Nights is a diverse and cosmopolitan work, it is nevertheless “primarily the product of the Arabic imagination and the Islamic worldview embodied in the Qur’an” (Longman 525). Most of the characters are Arabic, though many other Middle Eastern cultures are also represented among the characters, and in terms of religious interaction, “one finds Christians, Zoroastrians, and pagans converting to Islam but not Muslims being converted to Christianity or any other religion in these tales” (Longman 525). The tales from different cultures are subordinated to a frame story, as the cultures themselves are assimilated under the hegemonic influence of a dominant culture. The Canterbury Tales also employs a frame story, once again affirming the need for an overarching narrative to make sense of diverse perspectives. In this case, of course, the various worldviews are not from different countries, but from different subcultures and individuals, which is a microcosm of the relationship between cultures. Again, a creation myth is needed to explain how all these diverse people came together. Indeed, the event taking place in the frame story is the very kind of phenomenon that melds diverse classes and 112


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personalities together into a common culture. It is a mass ritual act, the kind that all members of society, high or low, are called upon to do—it thus serves as a kind of social equalizer, not enough of course to smooth out all the differences among classes and individuals, but at least to give them a sense of common identity as contrasted with outsiders who do not perform the ritual with them. The ritual is the pilgrimage to Canterbury, and by coming together from different parts of the country, the participants who otherwise have little in common are joining in a part of the collective experience of being English in the fourteenth century. Interestingly, it is also a pilgrimage, the Hajj to Mecca, which helped meld together the many cultures of the Islamic Empire; this ritual is mentioned in many places in the Nights. Given the vast size of the Muslim domain and the variety of languages and cultures encompassed within it, the cohesion forged from Spain to India by the fourteenth century attests to the power of the pilgrimage as a way to forge a sense of common identity. The pilgrimages to Canterbury and to Mecca are examples of cultural (not, in this case, literary) frame stories within which diverse worldviews are brought together. The Islamic world-narrative, for instance, says that a believer can call him or herself a “Muslim” regardless of language, culture, appearance, or other varying features of identity. Just as in the Nights, the individual tales may take their own courses within their own mini-universes while still fitting neatly into Shahrazad’s frame story; in the Islamic world, diverse cultures may continue along their own courses, follow their own customs and speak their own languages, while still fitting neatly into the world-narrative of Islam. Pilgrims saw this firsthand when they encountered fellow devotees from many lands together in Mecca, in similar dress and pursuing a common purpose, though at home they may be completely different in many ways. In that way, overarching narratives may help to bring diverse people together; unfortunately, at other times, world-narratives feed ignorance and intolerance. For instance, in the centuries in which 113


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these works were written, Europe had constructed a world-narrative in which the Middle East was a land to be conquered. It was the time of the Crusades, and in the Europeans’ world-narrative, Christianity was the true religion and the Europeans were duty-bound to spread its gospel, especially in the Holy Land. Though Christianity was the true faith, they knew that not everyone believed it. They accounted for this fact with the influence of Satan. Thus, they fit Muslims along with pagans into their world-narrative as cultures misled by the devil. In their wars with the Muslims, they acted on their worldview by demanding that the Muslims either convert to the “true faith” or be expelled from the Holy Land. There was no third option permissible— for instance, the two religions co-existing non-confrontationally—in their narrative. The absence of such an option surely affected the way the Europeans dealt with the Muslims, constraining their approaches to varying degrees of confrontation. Whether in war or at peace, interaction was occurring between Europe and the Middle East at the time; the Nights and the Tales are thus engaged in at least an indirect dialogue with one another. The Tales makes mention of places in the Islamic world in many places, though often within the context of the Crusades. The Knight, for instance, “was on hand at Alexandria’s fall... / In Moorish Africa at Benmarin, / At the siege of Algeciras in Granada...” and so on (Norton 2052, lines 49-55). The Islamic lands, in the medieval European world-narrative, are not a place of interesting cultures to learn from, but a place to prove one’s valor and defend one’s faith in combat. This view is typical of European literature of the time; often it went hand-in-hand with gross misrepresentations of Muslims as idolatrous pagans for whom Mohamed was God. Given the prevalence of such ignorance in Chaucer’s world, it is surprising that Islam is not egregiously distorted in the Tales. In the General Prologue, even as the narrator details the Knight’s battles against Muslims, no fallacious claims are made as to the “enemy’s” belief system. Later, in the Prologue, the positive results of contact 114


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with Islamic culture are implicitly acknowledged. The Physician, the narrator explains, had studied Islamic authorities on medicine, namely Hali, Rhazes, Averrhoës and Avicen (Longman 1252, lines 433-5). Indeed, academic pursuits of all kinds were flourishing in the Middle East, and the fact that the relatively narrow-minded medieval Europeans would acknowledge Muslim scholars as authorities attests to their wide-reaching influence. Furthermore, the influence went both ways, for the Muslim scholars were well versed in the authorities of ancient Greece and Rome. Thus, there was something of an international community of scholars, one of the features that supposedly distinguishes modern society. Still, no mention is made in Chaucer’s text of the cultural origins of these foreign doctors, and the narrator does not generalize from these specific instances to envision a beneficial aspect to the interaction of societies. For a more complex view of Islam and intercultural relations, we turn to the Man of Law’s tale, which involves Syrian Muslims, Roman Christians, and British pagans—a multilayered cultural interaction. The narrator introduces the reader to Syria by presenting a group of Muslim merchants “that widewhere [to distant parts] sent their spicery” (Canterbury Tales). This description is historically appropriate, since, as mentioned above, the Middle East was a crossroads of international trade, and the spice route was one of the most important veins of that commerce. The many merchants traveling in and out of the region brought cultural influences with them, and it is primarily by that process that different cultures came to know of each other. The twin desires to engage in commerce and to participate in a marketplace of cultural identities by sharing parts of one’s own were well expressed in the medieval world, and they were a point in common among Europeans and Middle Easterners. Having started on such a point of commonality, the Man of Law’s tale continues to show Islam in a relatively favorable light, though Syria is described as a “barbarous nation,” and the Sultan’s wife, who tries to impede her husband’s conversion to Christianity, 115


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is depicted as an agent of Satan. Overall, the picture of Islam here is more fair than many others found in Chaucer’s Europe. One reasonably accurate passage speaks of “The holy laws of our Alkaron [Koran], / Given by God’s messenger Mahomete” (Canterbury Tales). Mohamed is described not as the Muslims’ God, but as God’s messenger; the faithful speaker reveres “the holy laws” of a sacred book, not heathenesque idols. The Christian characters in the story, however, are not as tolerant as the narrator; they demand the Sultan’s conversion to Christianity. Predictably, since the story is being told by a European, the Sultan does convert, as do the British pagans later on. As always, as open-minded as a culture may be toward others, it will nevertheless maintain a subjective, self-affirming view, fitting the others into its own “frame story,” the world-narrative in which the narrator-culture’s views are incontrovertible despite the fact that not all cultures subscribe to them. As evidenced in the Man of Law’s tale, the medieval European explanation for the existence of nonChristians, even at its most tolerant, was that they were influenced by Satan and were meant to be converted to Christianity. The same holds true in The Thousand and One Nights. “The Tale of Zubaidah” presents an interaction between the narrator-culture’s faith, in this case Islam, and another religion, here the pagan worship of Nardun, which mirrors that between Christianity and the British pagans in the Man of Law’s tale. In both cases, the narratorculture’s contact with the pagans results in the latter’s conversion to the former’s faith. At least some of the pagans convert, that is, while in both cases there is some resistance. In the Man of Law’s tale, it is the pagan king’s mother who resists, while in “The Tale of Zubaidah” only the prince of the pagan kingdom and his mentor convert while the rest resist and are punished for it. Though Islamic culture was in many ways more open toward other societies than Europe, and though the Nights in its imagery, characters, and themes generally revels in eclectic cosmopolitanism, even here the narrator-culture imposes its subjective worldview on all that is foreign and fits all 116


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cultures into a frame story in which Islam is the only true faith. The need to interpret other cultures’ perspectives through an overarching world-narrative is human and universal. Perhaps it is because the mind can only process so much information at once— the same reason that people categorize and stereotype. This process helps the mind make sense of a complex world, but it also filters out some of the complexity, and thus some of the truth. Whether the net result is good or bad depends on many variables, but in the examples above we have seen a little of both. When one culture constructs a narrative in which its own religion is the original and only true one, the unfortunate conclusion will be intolerance and conflict. However, other world-narratives are possible. For example, implicit in many places in The Thousand and One Nights is a story of diverse multitudes participating in a vibrant marketplace—of both commerce as well as ideas and cultural identities—for the enrichment of all. In the actual frame story of the Nights, a cruel, intolerant man, after hearing diverse stories from many regions of the world, grows more humane and just.

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works cited

Chaucer, Geoffrey. The Canterbury Tales. The Longman Anthology of World Literature. Vol. B. Ed. David Damrosch et al. New York: Pearson, 2004. ---. The Canterbury Tales. The Norton Anthology of World Literature. Vol. B. Ed. Sarah Lawall and Maynard Mack. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2002. ---. The Canterbury Tales. Ed. D. Laing Purves. Project Gutenberg. 25 Nov. 2007. <http://www.gutenberg.org>. The Thousand and One Nights. The Longman Anthology of World Literature. Vol. B. Ed. David Damrosch et al. New York: Pearson, 2004. The Thousand and One Nights. The Norton Anthology of World Literature. Vol. B. Ed. Sarah Lawall and Maynard Mack. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2002.

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“Henriette,” Dierdre Forgione

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Creative Writing


the second law of thermodynamics Alan Strom

Frenziedly rock to and fro back and forth in electrical cosmopolitan hazes hoping to hear psalms from ShangriLa then Cheese is said with whirling flashes and slowly the asphalt ship banks to the side while I go overboard into an evaporative ocean of gloss never seeming viscous enough to stay put. Look up. Feel smaller. Thank God. I am not wrapped tightly in singular thoughts. Cosmic expansion from a primeval bomb bursting shooting rainbow confetti shrapnel outwards from the enigmatic center leaves as an idea growing, yet one that is thinning, spread too thin by blunt absurdity. Energy evolves to states of maximum entropy. Ice melting, mountains crumbling, everything outwards becomes irreversible lost energy—disorder more likely than order.

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the north pier

Shannon Foley

D

ark gray cumulus clouds tower over the water of Lake Michigan. Strong winds bring them in and make the late August air unnaturally chilly for me. My sweater ruffles about, and I grab at my bucket hat at each gust of wind. The clouds hang low, and as I walk down the sand dunes toward the edge of the water, I feel like I can climb up onto them. Even though the sky is filled with their ominous presence, the sun is not afraid to make an appearance and dazzle the beach with color: clean white sand, trees full with green leaves, and the beautifully entrancing colors of the lake. From far away the water looks dark and gray, but up close it is a turquoise jewel—incredibly clear and sparkling in the patches of sunlight. The sand is soft and loose, and it flows between my toes while I walk along the beach. The waves are strong and massive and crash into each other and against the shore due to the strong winds. While this weather is bizarre for me, it is quite ordinary for The Great Lakes region, which is notorious for unusual weather. This is because the region is affected by both warm, humid air from the Gulf of Mexico and cold, dry air from the Arctic. The Great Lakes themselves also have a big influence on the climate. Acting as a giant heat sink, the lakes moderate the temperatures of the surrounding land, cooling the summers and warming the winters. These irregular temperatures can cause violent storms and can create a huge surge of water called a seiche (old Swiss-French word for “sway”). Seiches are stationary, or standing, waves that oscillate back a forth. They are caused by prolonged strong winds that push the water toward one side of a lake. When the wind stops, the water sloshes back and forth until it reaches equilibrium. Big seiches can produce waves ten feet tall, slam ships together, and wash people off of piers. My mom and I approach the beginning of the North Pier, and I watch the waves smashing up against the sides. Some of the waves that hit look like they are about five feet taller than the pier 123


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itself. My heart is caught with terror, and I am having trouble focusing because I am so nervous. I almost tell my mom that I do not want to walk on the pier, but she points out that there are a few people sitting on the pier fishing, so it must be safe. I force down the fear as the end of the pier calls to me. My mom seems really excited. She does not seem very nervous at all. I think she is more caught up in taking pictures than thinking about the actual danger we are in. We begin walking. I watch for large waves and step carefully as to not slip. We stop to talk to one of the people fishing—a man with a tanned face, unshaven and wrinkled around the eyes and mouth. His hair is graying beneath his Michigan State cap, and as he talks about the area and the lakes, it is clear that he has lived here most of his life. He mentions to us that the waves get rougher as we get closer to the end of the pier. He emphasizes, however, that the waves are pretty unpredictable, and even he, who is at the beginning of the pier, could get washed away. I do not feel confident at all now, but as I examine the waves, they seem to have calmed down a little. I begin to think that if we walk quickly, we can probably make it to the end of the pier before the waves start up again. I walk several feet in front of my mom, as she takes pictures behind me, down the middle of the pier until we reach the red roofed house. Luckily, no giant waves approach the pier while I walk. Outside of the red roofed house there is a metal staircase that leads up to a black door. I place a hand on the cold railing and feel that it is shaky, but steady enough to climb. As I make my way up the four or five steps, the wind bats at my sides, desperate to take me away. With my left hand I hold onto the railing to keep my balance as I reach for the knob with my right hand. I give it a twist, but it is locked. I am disappointed, but as I descend the staircase my spirits come alive again as I continue my quest to reach the end. Looking around the red roofed house I see that the only way to get by is to balance on a narrow ledge, about a foot wide. The water splashes about the sides of the pier, reminding me that one 124


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wrong step could send me plummeting into the icy depths below. I begin to fear the power of the lake, and I hesitate to walk. However, my mom gives me a poke in the back, insisting that I move forward so that she can take more pictures at the end. I walk on this ledge and hold myself close to the small house, with my mom consistently telling me not to let go, not until I successfully pass it. Once on the other side, relief pours over me, and I feel more confident as we continue to walk the rest of the way to the outer lighthouse. Up close, the outer lighthouse is spectacular. It stands about thirty to thirty-five feet tall and is all white except for the top which is black and a bit rusty. After viewing the lighthouse up close, I walk past it to the edge of the pier. The view is startling. It is absolutely beautiful. The sun highlights the light and dark shades of the clouds, which begin to turn orange and red, as it brakes through to sparkle the turquoise water. I can see a few ships way off in the distance, and as I continue to scan the horizon and let the wind wash around me, a shiver begins to creep up my spine. Even in all this beauty, the way that the water is moving, sloshing back and forth and side to side, the scene gives me a queasy feeling in my stomach. I think of the many ships that have sunk into the depths of the lake and my hair stands on end. Lake Michigan is accountable for 24% of the shipwrecks in the Great Lakes Region. This is the highest amount out of all of the lakes, and 54% of the wrecks are caused by storms. One of the most known shipwrecks happened on November 18, 1958. On this day, the Carl D. Bradley was making her way up Lake Michigan on one of those most infamous last trips of the season. An unexpected storm broke apart the ship and only two men survived. Another famous wreck that occurred in Lake Michigan happened on September 8, 1860. The Lady Elgin, a steamship, was sailing through Lake Michigan in gale force winds when she was rammed by the schooner Augusta, which was trying to pull alongside the Lady Elgin in search of assistance in the rough water. Twenty minutes after the collision, 125


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the Lady Elgin had broken apart. Over four hundred people are believed to have died in the sinking. I decide it is time to return to the beach. Before we leave, my mom insists on taking a picture of me at the end of the pier. I stand about three feet from the edge, three feet from the ice cold black hole that I fear is going to swallow me. I cannot believe that I wanted to come to the end of this pier. My mind is panicking, but I simulate a smile and as I wait for that wonderful flash to go off, I hear the roar of a wave behind me. My voice is caught and my heart stops, but my legs propel me to the other side of the outer lighthouse. As I look back, I see the wave crash down onto the pier, right where I had been standing. I am terrified by the thought that I could have been swept away into that cold water, and I begin walking back to the beach quickly, even with my mom begging for another picture. I did not want to risk the chance of another wave having the opportunity to take me away.

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the problem with wings Joshua Miller

My knees collecting mud, still soaked with dew, now leaning forward, holding in my hands: A flutt’ring heart; a matted feathers’ hue; now answering the call that death demands. A fragile body; broken, bleeding, soft; and I, a boy unable to believe: what was among the gods, no more aloft. I pray to heav’n its soul might soon receive, Yet, still, its wings I beg to once again span their length and take to my backyard, though, yes, I know my plea is made in vain. Now in my sweating palms, its soul discards this winged form, as I begin to cry, and leave there in the mud what once could fly.

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why i write

Christina Lee

I

often claim to enjoy writing in an abstract sense—for the satisfaction of creation, for example. Or in a superficial sense, for the agreeable lines of text that grow along a page, and the way the rhythm of a well-crafted sentence fills my mouth when I read it aloud. In reality, I’m never more miserable than when I’m writing. I hate my timid taps at the keyboard, and my tentative scratches on paper. I’m distraught by the furious deletions and hasty additions. Most of all, I hate that I don’t have enough ego to assert myself easily in the concrete medium of written word. It’s strange, then, that I chose writing as my primary means of personal fulfillment, as if I were following—to the teaspoon—a foolproof recipe for self-defeat. Self-defeat, in this case, does not merely show itself through sheets and sheets of bad writing—though there is plenty of that. The self-defeat of my decision to write despite my aversion to the actual experience of writing is most destructive when I can’t bring myself to produce any writing at all, not even if the neatly printed and stapled piece of writing is necessary for a passing grade, and thus, fundamental for my sense of self-esteem. Paradoxically, the reason why I write despite my aversion to the actual writing process lies more directly in the exploration of why writing causes me misery than in the ways writing brings me joy. I was a senior in high school when I first completed any self-motivated writing. That year, because I was constantly thinking of ways to enhance my resume, I signed up for Advanced Placement (AP) Journalism. I had no previous experience with writing, except for the mandatory English courses I took each year in which I excelled only because I was able to pick up on the complexities of the five-paragraph essay formula. Competent high school journalism requires no more than clear thought and logical organization; and Mrs. Sipos, my journalism teacher, loved my writing. My report card was filled with A’s—that is, until the last quarter of the year. 128


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Until then, the class had written description pieces, editorials, and personality profiles—pieces that focused on either the inherent universal interest of the subject, or a solid understanding of the writing technique. They did not depend as much, I thought, on the personality of the writer. The first day of that last quarter, as senioritis began to impair our usually hard-working synapses, Mrs. Sipos, the journalism teacher, tried something a little different from her usual lecture and discussion. As class started, she said nothing, and walked silently around the room placing piles of laminated articles she had clipped out of The Washington Post Magazine onto our tables. They were all different articles by Dave Barry from his syndicated humor column called “Wit’s End,” and we spent most of class filling the room with laughter. At the very end of class, Mrs. Sipos explained that the exercise was to inspire us for the next assignment—we were going to write columns of our own. “The most important thing to keep in mind,” she said, “is that people read columns to hear the writer’s voice. It’s not about what you say; it’s how you say it.” After having read the unmistakable voice of Dave Barry in his columns, she expected me to assert my own? I didn’t have my own voice. My Chinese parents raised me to value humility above self-confidence. Every time they thought I was getting a little too cocky about my grades or any other talent, they would repeat the family proverb: “Remember, no matter how good you are, there is always someone, somewhere, who is better than you are.” It made sense. I could not imagine coming up with any sort of revelation that generations of people before me had not already figured out. Accordingly, I adopted a strategy of self-improvement and self-definition that required only that I listen to my elders and trust their experience and wisdom rather than trying to assert my own. Because I also grew up to be an extremely shy girl, I developed, in private, a voracious appetite for self-help books and how-to manuals as a substitute for having to ask other people directly for 129


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their advice. Though I loved fiction, John Updike’s more abstract philosophies about life did not take priority over the step-by-step approach to life in Stephen Covey’s Seven Habits of Highly Successful People. Instead of partying with friends on weekends, I preferred to stay at home and read about how to make the perfect pâte à choux in Julia Child’s Mastering the Art of French Cooking. Because of all the advice I had either acquired or been given from people over the years, it was difficult to distinguish my own voice from the cacophony of other voices I had introduced into the small, crowded space of my mind. I had no voice. Thus, I had no successful column. The D that I received in journalism that quarter stood out among the A’s on my report card as a single blemish. I did not receive a D because the column was as vapid and uninspiring as I thought it would be—I received a D because I never turned one in. It was not that I did not try to write it. I spent more time deliberating over that assignment than any other I had written in the class. I tried reading and rereading columns of writers that I admired. I would examine how these columnists seemed to construct their style and then contemplate how I could create my own. I would start writing and then, in the tradition of writer’s melodrama, I would crumple it up. For weeks, the overflowing trashcan in my room was the picture of writer’s frustration—but I still didn’t turn anything in. Mrs. Sipos was sure to pity me, I thought, in the same way one feels pity for those aspiring artists who paint and paint despite their obvious lack of talent. I was afraid that by writing that column, I would be presenting such a direct assertion of “my voice” that the truth would be revealed: that my true voice—the one not buried under catchy topics or technical skill—was not worth anything at all. I wasn’t going be one of those unfortunate artists who didn’t know they had no talent because, luckily, I was already certain that I didn’t have any talent at all. I didn’t turn in the column hoping that, instead of pitying me, she would just mark me off as lazy and ineffectual. 130


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Discovering in your writing class that you have no voice is equivalent to finding out in church that you have no soul. The temporary relief I felt from not having to turn in the column could not rid me of the feeling that there was something really wrong with me, that everything I did was just a rehashing of someone else’s originality, and that I was of no use in this world because had nothing in me to contribute. At some point after my realization that I had no self to put in a column, I became bizarrely addicted to having snapshots taken of me. I did not beam my grin into the camera because I wanted to focus on my physical self to make up for my lack of an internal self. It wasn’t either that I felt I was particularly attractive. I eagerly volunteered my face to every passing camera because when the developed pictures were in my hand, I was able to stare at the short, Asian girl in the picture and think of her as distinctly separate from myself. By doing that, I was also able to think about what kind of person she was, and could ask questions of the girl in the photograph that I was unwilling or unable to ask myself. Although the girl in the pictures prompted me to ask the questions, she would never give me any answers. Over time, I figured out that the technique of separation as a means of self-discovery works better with writing than with photographs. While writing standard, thesis-driven expository essays in college, I always interacted with thoughts better when I wrote my initial thoughts down on paper than when I thought about them solely in my head. Those written thoughts were tangible and separate, and I could “talk” to them in a way that I could not talk to myself inside my brain. I started to talk to myself in a journal, and then went on to talk to myself in my personal essays that I wrote for a nonfiction workshop. While it was quite easy to imprint myself onto a photograph, it is still as difficult for me to put myself into my writing as it was in AP journalism senior year of high school. Every sentence requires a 131


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fresh spurt of bravery as I force myself to let go of my better judgment and make like an exhibitionist onto a piece of paper. After the dirty work is done and I am able to read back on what I wrote, I am at the very least able to say to myself and to others: “Look! This is me! I have a voice! I have a self!” The more I write, the more I am able to define what that voice is, and thus figure out what my self is. F. Scott Fitzgerald once said, “The reason one writes isn’t the fact he wants to say something. He writes because he has something to say.” But—how’s this for an assertion of self—I think Mr. Fitzgerald is wrong. I write, not because I have anything in particular to say, but because I want to make sure that I am always saying something.

132


“The Shirt,” Eric Goss

133


legacy

Christopher Fenley

J

ared glanced up from the road into his rearview mirror. He could see his five-year-old sister twisting out of her carseat in the back. Both hands were busy searching the picnic basket beside her on the seat. I knew I should have put that in the front, he thought. “Kiera! Get your hands out of there and sit down!” Jared snapped. From the mirror, he watched her ignore him and continue to root around for anything to eat, her short black hair hanging just long enough to cover her face. Incredible, I’m twenty-four years old and can’t control a toddler, he thought, but how could I? He hadn’t seen her in two years, not since the funeral. “Come on, we’re almost there.” He tried to turn quickly to face her, but his seatbelt locked on his chunky frame, causing him to grunt and re-grip the wheel. Kiera looked up into his mirror with that pale blue stare of hers, as if she could see everything he was thinking, but Jared met her eyes with a raised eyebrow and his best don’t test me look. She swung her hands out of the basket and crossed them with gusto, sitting back down hard in her carseat. She breathed a “hmph” at Jared which, this time, he ignored. Good enough, he thought, but he didn’t want her to get in a funk already. He only had her for a couple days. “You know, Dad used to take me out here when I was little, too,” he tried, hoping to interest her, but she turned blankly to face the window. He could see why Kiera had already made it onto the babysitter blacklist, but he wasn’t so sure it was just because of the tantrums, which to her credit, were really bad. He knew it was her eyes. Her blue eyes, so unexpectedly paired with the jet black hair, could cause anyone to look away from their intensity. They were too old for a toddler, and just plain creepy when she was angry. He hadn’t remembered eyes like that before. Eyes burned into the memories of babysitters everywhere, so that they were always unavailable when Kiera’s mother called. Which was why Maggie had called him as a last resort. She was flying to Florida on business, so Jared had driven from Massachusetts to Manhattan. Of course Maggie wouldn’t let 134


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him take her daughter for the weekend unless Jared demonstrated that he could clip Kiera in. It took a couple tries but finally he had mastered the adult proof plastic seat and was able to drive off with his stepmother’s blessing. Was Maggie even his stepmother anymore? Jared wasn’t sure how that worked. He should have asked the priest at the funeral. Dad wasn’t even Catholic, at least not practicing, but Maggie had insisted on a church service. Jared shook the thought away before he started to feel guilty about things over and done with. He looked ahead down 27 East, the Sunrise Highway, that led straight to Montauk Lighthouse. The two-lane road was walled in on both sides by brown bushes, limited by ocean winds about six feet in height. They were at the same time thick and bare, and sharp, framed by a cloudy grey, autumn sky. The road shrunk down to one lane and the lighthouse came into view, white with a single red bar of color at its middle. It stood defiant on the bluffs; having been moved back once before, it was unwilling to pitch down into the ocean. “Dad and I would come up here with picnics just like me and you are going to,” Jared told Kiera as he unbuckled her shoulder straps. They were the only car in the lot. Good thing we came in the off season, Jared thought, pleased that he and Kiera were going to be able to enjoy a picnic under the lighthouse alone. “I’m hungry,” Kiera said, not whining, but stating a fact. “I know, Kier. We’re here.” He held the wicker picnic basket with one hand and Kiera’s tiny hand with the other as they walked down the steps from the lot and across the road, exactly at the middle where 27 East curved back on itself to become 27 West. Just like that. Jared wondered if there was some other road like this one on the West Coast. A road that connected back to Long Island’s 27, creating a never ending cross-country circle of asphalt that a man could travel on, back and forth for all eternity, like a Sisyphean sequence of toothless toll attendants, dirty rest stop bathrooms, and stale fast food coffee. Then he thought of his father, lying on his side at a rest stop 135


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on the Jersey Turnpike, gasping for breath and gazing up into the curious faces of strangers. Alone and surrounded. Jared pushed the thought aside and walked with Kiera towards the lighthouse gates. “Dammit!” Locked. Damn the off season, he thought. Kiera stared up, horrified. “You said a bad word.” She had let go of his hand and looked around as if noticing that they were alone out there for the first time. Jared sighed and closed his eyes. “I know, Kiera. I’m sorry, but…this…should…be open.” He shook the gate with each word, and stepped back, panting. Like his father before him, Jared had bidden the days goodbye when he could shop at a regular clothing store rather than the Big and Tall shops he mercilessly tracked down. A combination of fat storing genes and a love of fine dining went a long way towards making XXL clothes impossibly snug. “We were supposed to have our picnic up there. There’s tables and we can see the water. And once, once when I was up here with Dad, these deer came almost right up to us. Like really, really close. It was cool.” He saw her perk up at this. “Yeah, Dad would make the best tuna sandwiches, do you remember them? He’d put in onions and cucumbers and a little cayenne pepper. He was a good cook. Do you remember Dad making you food?” Kiera furrowed her brow in deep concentration, then relaxed and her face transformed, excited. “You see deer here? Where? Can I see them?” Jared sat down on a bench near the gate. “I don’t know. They’re all over the place this time of year. You still hungry?” She nodded and reached out her hands, grinning and clasping her hands like a greedy crab. She walked while she ate, circling in figure eights with her head down, smacking her lips and making loud squish sounds as she chewed. “Is it good?” 136


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She shrugged her shoulders and then opened her mouth wide so he could see for himself the results of her labors. With widened eyes, she shook her head back and forth and cackled when bits of grey and white flew from her face. Jared gazed up at the lighthouse from the bottom of the hill and bit into his tuna. He’d forgotten the onions. On the way back into town, Kiera catalogued all the Disney videos that all of her friends owned, launching into synopses and character analysis, to which Jared nodded and threw in the occasional “uh huh,” all the while thinking how sad it was that a five-year-old had a busier social life than he did. Back in Boston, he wished he knew as many Whitneys, Madisons, and Savannahs as his sister did, but with names like that, they’d probably be stripping by now. Honestly, who names their kid Savannah, Jared thought as he automatically said “Uh huh. Cool.” If anything, it was his sister’s full schedule that prevented them from seeing each other over the past couple years. Every time he called, Kiera was unavailable to talk; always a birthday party or some play date. He started to give up trying. It was like Maggie booked up Kiera’s weekends so there was no chance he’d come visit; she probably did. She’d always seen him as a drain on his father’s wallet, even now that he was on his own. He pulled up to Wayfarer’s Pub and Seafood across from the gazebo in the center of town. His father had been friends with the owner since they were kids, and it was his father’s periodic restaurant reviews that made all the summer city beachgoers drive the extra twenty minutes out of the Hamptons and into Montauk for the best clams on the East Coast. He unclipped Kiera and tried to carry her into the restaurant, but she wriggled out of his arms and ended up with her shirt over her head as he pushed through the door, ruining the big brother effect he had hoped to convey upon entering. He worried sometimes that he looked like he was on the lam with a kid that was clearly not his own. He tried to pull her shirt down but she 137


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wrestled out of his helping hands yelling, “I can do it. I can do it!” “Ok, ok, geez.” He was sure the bartender had already gotten a glimpse of the plumber’s ass he had exhibited during the struggle, so he straightened and tugged up his jeans. As Jared’s eyes adjusted to the darkness of the bar, he searched above the door for the framed picture of his father that hung alongside a clipping of his first review of Wayfarer’s. “See Kiera …” but he blinked and trailed off. His father was gone, replaced with a novelty navy ordinance: Beware of Pickpockets and Loose Women. Jared scanned the rest of the walls, finding nothing. What the hell, he thought; my dad got Billy Cusen more business in the summer than anywhere in Montauk, and once he’s gone, his picture comes down? They should have built a shrine for him, they can afford it now. He lifted his sister onto the closest stool once she was satisfied with herself, and asked the bartender if it was ok for Kiera to sit at the bar with him. He made sure to say “Kiera” as if placing a name to the child with the creepy eyes would make her less off-putting. The bartender, a heavyset blond that looked forty-five but was probably ten years younger, leaned back against the shelves of liquor and just nodded. He looked around the restaurant and saw just one young couple at a table in the corner and one older gentleman in a khaki colored windbreaker at the end of the bar. Jared waited for the bartender to ask him what he wanted, but she said nothing; just wrinkled up her chin in a straight-lipped smile. Not that he would have ordered anything anyway. One of Maggie’s rules for taking Kiera for the weekend was no drinking. These were the kind of underhanded statements that got Jared pissed at his step-mom. As if he’d drink with his little sister there. As if he really drinks at all. For his 21st, he’d had four beers and fallen off his stool. His friends marveled at what a lightweight he was, while still managing to shake floors and spill beers with his fall. It took three of them to get him into a car and back into his apartment, and that was when he was at least fifty 138


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pounds lighter. Three years later that’s the most he’d ever had in a sitting. If he ever drank, it was a simple Chianti with red meat, and Riesling with everything else. What’s Maggie know, anyway? “Kiera, did you know that our dad was friends with the man who owns this restaurant? They grew up together out here in the summers. Isn’t that neat?” Kiera looked up with a Maraschino cherry stem protruding from her lips. This time she rolled her eyes and pretended to die off the stool, leaning back and spinning in circles. Huh, so that’s what I looked like, Jared thought as he grabbed the stem out of her mouth during her fourth rotation and placed it on a drink napkin. “Dad used to take me here and we’d get all the clams we could eat because Dad wrote really nice things about this restaurant,” Jared spoke loud enough for the bartender to hear him. “One time we went fishing and we came back with a fish and the owner here let Dad go in the back and cook it for me and him.” Jared remembered Mr. Cusen dodging around his father’s bulk while he brought him spices for the fish. Kiera grabbed the bar and stopped spinning. “You ate a fish?” “Yep,” he nodded, glad she was listening. “Eeeeeeeeeeyuuchhhhh,” she yelled out. The man at the end of the bar looked up from his pint. “Shh. Dad never made you fish before?” “I hate fish,” she said pounding on the bar with every syllable, “I hate fish, I hate fish.” “Shhh. Kiera, we had tuna fish sandwiches today, you ate two of them. What do you think tuna fish is?” Kiera slumped her chin down onto her closed fist, dramatically in thought, although it looked like she was punching herself in the face since her arm stayed above the table in the air. Suddenly she looked up with a smile. “Can I see the deer now?” she asked, nodding her head up and down as fast as she could. Now it was Jared’s turn to roll his eyes. He turned to the 139


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bartender and asked what happened to the picture above the door. “What picture?”she asked, expressionless. It was the first time the bartender had spoken and Jared was surprised at how high her voice was. “It was a photograph,” he paused, aware that he’d been boasting before and now slightly embarrassed, “of my dad.” He glanced down at Kiera about to stick her tongue to the mahogany bar. “Our dad.” The bartender watched Jared try to block the bar from Kiera, resulting in a lick to the back of his hand. “Yeah, I never saw a picture,” she said, tossing him a napkin. Jared thanked her and asked where Billy was. “Billy?” she repeated with a slight shake of the head. “Yeah, Billy Cusen, the owner. I’m an old friend.” Jared tried to sound confident, but at the same time, he worried that Mr. Cusen wouldn’t recognize him. “Oh yeah, Bill Cusen.” She sounded like a parakeet. “Yeah he sold this place to my brother-in-law about a year ago. Went down to Florida. Key West, I think. Lucky S.O.B.” She looked at Kiera who had somehow sensed a bad word coming on, even though she didn’t know what and they locked eyes. “Sorry,” she chirped. He tried to get her attention before Kiera drove her away. “Why would he sell this place?” “Said he couldn’t take the summer crowds, I heard. I don’t know what he expected to find down in Key West. It’s crowded as hell down there, too.” She glanced at Kiera quickly who had looked up again at the mention of the H word, but it was too much for her. “Sorry.” The woman sailed down the bar and started up a conversation with the guy in the jacket, no doubt about the girl at the other end with the old eyes. “Do you have to go to the bathroom, Kier?” He hoped she’d say no. He wasn’t sure if she’d need help and he wasn’t sure he could give it to her. 140


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“No,” she said as she launched herself for another spin. “Then let’s go,” Jared said and eased himself off the stool, having to readjust his jeans again on the landing. His sister was furiously stuffing cherries into her yellow rain jacket when he turned to help her down. “Come on,” he said as she went for a second handful. He pulled her away from the bar and took one last look above the door, sighed, and then dragged Kiera back out to the car. Billy better have taken the picture with him down to Florida, Jared thought, he must have. Jared had looked forward to talking with Billy, hearing all the old stories about his father when they were kids. He had wanted Kiera to hear them too. She would have listened to Billy. “I can’t believe he sold Wayfarer’s,” he said as he drove past White’s, the only drugstore in town. He looked back at Kiera. “Can you believe that?” She was hunched over trying to reach something that had fallen between her legs in the car seat. “Kiera, if that’s a cherry don’t eat that.” She ignored him and strained against her shoulder straps. He passed Montauk Movie to his left, already closed for the season. Nothing made a place emptier than the blank sign of a movie theater, as if the town was devoid of its patrons rather than the films. Jared continued down Edgemere Street away from town, and looked out on Fort Pond to his left. The water level was high and lapped almost against the road itself. More rain this month would flood the road and detour any traffic through the neighborhoods in the hills above the scrub brush to the right. Getting close. He slowed down and took Elwell to Essex, idly making note of the street names, and already forgetting them a few seconds later. He didn’t need to know it. He knew by heart every turn it took to get to their destination. Fort Hill Cemetery stood below the Manor, which during a sunny day made for a beautiful scene, but at dusk, in autumn, it was foreboding. Montauk Manor was a hulking Tudor-style hotel, the 141


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first in a planned string of development in the late 20’s to transform Montauk into a Northeast resort. It was an imposing building to be sure; alternating brick and white plaster walls, and a half-timbered frame holding up the steep shingled roof, but it was imposing because of its isolation. It stood above and apart from the town like the Overlook Hotel, the cemetery beside it aptly replacing the snowy garden labyrinth from The Shining. Although the Manor remained open the entire year unlike most of the touristy shops, restaurants, and hotels in town, Jared would never stay here. The thought of finding some water-sodden old woman in the bathtub at night, kept him at a far less impressive hotel by the beach. Jared parked the car soon after they drove up through the cemetery’s stone gates, buried in more brown growth. “Come on, Kier, we’re going to visit Dad, ok?” He unbuckled her and lowered her out of the car and they walked out to the flat stones. This time she reached for his hand. Two…Three…Four… Five. He had memorized how many stones his father was from the road for this moment. “Do you remember when we were out here, Kier?” She looked around the cemetery, taking it all in. “We were here two years ago. Do you remember all the people?” She squinted up at him, barely shaking her head, listening more to how soft his voice had gone rather than the words. “We stood right here, and you laid down a flower. Then you told me that you loved me. Do you remember that?” Kiera reached into her pocket and pulled out a cherry, popped it in her mouth and shook her head with feeling this time. “Well, I remember.” Jared stared at his father’s engraved name while she picked at the blades of grass beside the headstone. It was the first time he’d seen it in person. It takes six months for the ground to settle before they put the stone in Maggie had told him. And he wondered who they were, the strangers who had set into the ground a man’s name whom they had never known. How strange that the family doesn’t do it, that I didn’t do it, he thought. I didn’t do anything. 142


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Two years later it still didn’t seem real. His father’s cell number was still programmed into his own phone. Jared had tried to save two voicemails from him but they had been automatically deleted after a month. He didn’t want to forget his voice. Jared still had emails from him that he couldn’t delete; pictures of Kiera as a baby, short messages about places he’d eaten before he reviewed them, recipes, and the last message Jared had received from him. He had asked his son to accompany him on a review; the opening of some chef’s second restaurant. Jared hadn’t replied because he had too many midterms to start studying for. He hadn’t replied because he didn’t want to have to see Maggie back at the house. He hadn’t replied because he didn’t want to be stuck in a car, listening to his dad lecture about how Jared didn’t call or visit Maggie’s kid enough. I’m sorry Dad, Jared thought. I’m sorry it happened at a rest stop. I’m sorry you had to be with a bunch of strangers. I’m sorry I wasn’t— “I have to pee,” Kiera said with her mouth full. Jared looked down at her. “Ok well, once we get back to the hotel—” “No, I need to pee now!” She threw down the cherry stem and it bounced off the flat headstone. “Kiera, I asked if you needed to go back at the restaurant,” Jared barked. She was going to ruin this. She was going to ruin this here and now. He could barely make out the cherry stem on the grass in front of the headstone. “I didn’t need to go then!” Now she was whining. “Fine!” Jared grabbed her wrist and walked into the wind towards a tree at the edge of the cemetery. “Go here.” He held the tail of her rain jacket up while she pulled down her pants. Jared looked out over the water of Fort Pond Bay down below and watched the sun sink down. Brilliant oranges and reds reflected off of the water and he could feel himself returning to calm, retreating into the warmth of his jacket. He’d never seen a sunset here. 143


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The sound of movement in the tall grass behind the tree caused him to turn away from the water. Two women in identical blue windbreakers stepped out from a path through the grass. They were clearly mother and daughter, one elderly but graceful with long graying hair, and the other maybe in her early forties, slightly heavier, holding onto a golden retriever at the end of a leash. “Hurry up,” he hissed at his sister, edging away from her but still holding her coat jacket. Then realizing he should block her from view he began to move forward, and caught the expressions of the women who had no choice but to continue right past them. Both were tight-lipped and unsmiling. The daughter’s hand turned white around the leash as the dog strained and leaped towards Kiera. It smelled urine and needed to investigate. Jared, not knowing what to say, squeaked out a meek, “Sorry” that came out so low it was lost in the wind. The women kept moving, and now the older one was shaking her head. “…in a cemetery,” came the voice of one, then some murmuring and barely above the footsteps, Jared heard, “It really is disgraceful. I don’t care how young…” Kiera pulled up her pants and Jared could see she had managed to pee down the right leg. His cheeks felt hot. He walked away with Kiera in tow, not daring to look back at the pair of women. They made it back to the car and he hurriedly lifted Kiera into her car seat, bumping her head on the car door frame on the way in. “Oh, God, Kiera, are you ok?” His sister paused for a moment as if she hadn’t considered this yet and then her face contorted and the tears began. “Kiera, it’s ok, it doesn’t hurt.” He hurried to buckle her in and pinched his middle finger in her car seat buckle. “Shit!” he yelled at the pain and whipped his finger away and straight into his mouth, sucking at it like he could take the venom out. Kiera cried even harder. Jared wasn’t sure if it was at the sight of his blood welling up out of the crease along his finger, or his use of an expletive. Probably both. He dropped down into the front seat and flicked 144


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on the headlights. Jared sped through the neighborhood with his left hand on the wheel and his right middle finger in his mouth. He kept repeating “It’s not that bad” to Kiera hoping to calm her down, but he wasn’t sure if he was referring to her bruised head or his bleeding finger, or which she was crying over at this point. He turned to repeat his fourth refrain of “It’s not that bad” directly to Kiera when there was a bang and the car lurched and shuttered. Jared grabbed the wheel with both hands, not feeling the pain, and slammed on the breaks. The car quickly screeched to a stop. Amazingly, Kiera stopped crying and Jared breathed heavily against his locked and tightened seatbelt. He looked to his right and felt a flood of warmth and pain tingling down his neck. His back stiffened. Everything outside his car was pitch black except for a single beam illuminating the road ahead of him. “Kiera, you ok?” He switched on the overhead light and looked at her in the rearview mirror. Her eyes were wide, but otherwise she looked fine. He sucked in as much as he could to unbuckle and cautiously opened his door. “No, no, no, no!” and Kiera started to cry again. “Hey, it’s ok, it’s ok.” Jared opened up the side door and unbuckled her gingerly with his right hand. She clung to him as he pulled her outside the car, slowly, so he wouldn’t hit her head again. He held her in his arms as he walked towards the front of the car’s passenger side where the headlight was out. A large dent covered his front right bumper and part of his hood. He didn’t have a flashlight so he just walked slowly back along the road behind his car. A streetlamp down the street shed a little light, enough to put one foot in front of the other. He saw a shape on the side of the road, and thought for a moment, I’m such a fucking idiot, I hit a trashcan. But as he walked closer he saw the legs extending from the slim, barrel body. It was a deer, and now Kiera had seen it too. She wriggled again out of his arms, but this time he set her down, and they walked towards it together. 145


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The deer was young, but big enough to have caused more damage to the car. I must have just glanced it, Jared thought; thank God it’s in one piece. “Is it ok?” Kiera asked. “I don’t know, Kier. I don’t think so. I think it’s—it might not be alive.” “Help it.” “I can’t, Kier,” but he wondered if this was true. He’d never hit a deer. But this one looked dead. Kiera said nothing. She just turned and looked up at Jared full in the face, and in the dark he could see those pale blue eyes. And there was nothing old about them. There was no understanding in them. No realization that this stuff happens, a realization that had already begun to set in for Jared. She was only five for Christ sakes. She turned back as if seeing this in him. Seeing that he would do nothing. And then she touched it. “Kiera, no.” He pulled her back from the deer. Then he noticed the shallow breathing. The deer moved its head closer to them and turned. Jared knew what it saw. It looked up at strangers. The deer made a wheezing noise and kicked out its back two legs. He pulled Kiera back from the bleeding animal and walked them backwards towards the car. It pushed up on its head and managed to place its right leg in front of it, shakily rising from the side of the road. He felt Kiera squeeze his hand. The deer limped one step, and then stopped with its head down for a long moment. Jared’s father and he had been walking along a trail in Montauk one year, and come across a deer carcass resting in a deep puddle of water. The portion above the water, its hind legs and most of its torso, had been stripped down to the bone by crows and insects. But the head remained intact under the water, staring back out at Jared. “When someone hits them, and they can still walk all right, they come out here to die, alone,” his father had told him. “It’s what they want.” 146


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“I wouldn’t want that,” Jared said, seeing his small distorted figure in the animal’s eyes. “Neither would I, son.” Jared now watched as the deer he had hit disappeared into the unforgiving bushes. “Is he going to be alright?” Kiera asked, hugging his arms to her chest as he stooped over her. “Yeah,” Jared said. “He’s gonna be fine.”

147


sundays

Karen Mitcham

Both of us are sitting on the front steps caught Between the warmth and charm of a Sunday summer. Mango juice trails laugh lines from the funny story You told. The routine of past Sundays with you Are indelible: painting the fence, cutting the grass, Combing our hair, and hanging new Pictures on the wall. You and I here, where the invisible imprint of our Bottoms are carried in the walls of the stone steps. Here, where the wild squirrels bound over the grass to nip At the bread crumbs we routinely leave at our feet. The beautiful redundancy of you and me, here. Trucks invade the alley. You, the matriarch of my line—I, the daughter of your legacy— Here, the place where you taught me how to measure love and life. Now, the routine of the past floods into the present and stops, like the Beginning and middle of a sentence pouring into its period. As I Watch the half moon shape of your silver hair eclipse the black Of your youth, I pause. You keep talking. You laugh. Your gaze Drifts ahead. Boxes litter the lawn.

148


they fall at giza

Angela Panayotopulos

H

e’s just a kid, in the two-legged stage of life; it is kind of a shame. The dying sunrays darken his shadow of a beard, but the face is young, smooth as an oasis puddle not yet perturbed by the water spider. The clear blue eyes hold my stony gaze, but as always I keep my thoughts hidden; I am stone and that is easy. I wonder if only I can see the misery that pulsates behind that toocalm stare—it’s almost as if at any moment his eyes will burst in a shower of blue tears and specks of nerves. I follow him with my eyes, because I feel he is the one who will return tonight. He turns his back on me and the tour guides and their flocks, and gazes out over the vast shifting expanse. Sparse copses of palm trees pepper the fringes of Giza’s horizon, and an endless caravan of camels snakes between them. The sand shimmers as if freshly bloodstained. It is from the copper haze of the setting sun, but also it is not; I know better, I who have seen so much bloodshed flooding the undulations of this desert. The kid doesn’t even look at me now. I can’t help but wonder if he was awake during the days his professors mentioned me within some historical or philosophical context. At my paws, the tourists’ countless tongues merge into one exotic blend that I can easily conjugate by now. But I don’t need to listen; I already know that they are admiring me. According to the more rehearsed guides, I am approximately 20 meters high and 74 meters long, the earliest and largest of my kind. It’s nothing to be modest about. When the night arrives at last, a full moon glares down a rain of brilliance. The youth appears, as I thought he would. Every so often, perhaps every few weeks, a person like him will show up, offering me some respite from the dull monotony of watchfulness. I can always read it in the eyes; they are the best way to tell who is most curious, most intense, most desperate. I had read the promise of return in those blue eyes, and their prophecy spoke true. 149


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I welcome such visitors; as I said, it keeps me from crumbling away altogether from boredom. The plagues and diseases I can occasionally motivate myself to amass and deliver upon Egypt become less effective as man’s level of technology and caution increases, and these past few years I grew somewhat weary of the same cycles of cicadas, leeches, and cholera. Perhaps I am more of a relic than I would care to admit. I try not to worry too much. I suspect that stress contributed to the weather eating away at my nose. Up he comes. In a lenient mood, I use my power to fade the fluorescent lighting against my flank and shoulder, camouflaging him from any watchful eyes that would be keen to stop his ascent. He clambers with the relative ease of a practiced rock-climber. In a matter of minutes he has perched himself beneath my chin, our eyes synchronized. We face the East, and the oncoming night. “What walks on four legs in the morning, two in the afternoon, and three at night,” he murmurs after a stretch of silence. I can feel his pulse hammering wherever his limbs touch the stones. “Is it still the same, after all these years? You haven’t come up with anything new? No challenges? No new ways of killing people?” When I don’t respond, he breathes out a sigh, and leans back. Beyond the three pyramids, one of the seven wonders of the world, the lights of Cairo glitter like jewels scattered in the sand. “Why would you need a new way, when the old ways are still so effective?” he continues presently. He bows his head between his knees and clutches those Grecian curls until his knuckles whiten. The proximity of his flesh against my limestone provides me with a channel of connection, intensified by my years of experience. Whatever I cannot see—whatever even he cannot see—I can sense. His name is Eddie. Eddie Alexandrakis. He is about to jump off my shoulder, while his life flashes before our eyes. Backwards. *** 150


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He hadn’t really wanted to go to Greece. His memories of his family’s island, Crete, were concocted as a child leafing through his father’s albums; the faded sepia photos could bring no nostalgia to a boy who’d never known that part of family. And the death—the impending funeral—it was all too sudden, too soon, and Eddie just wanted to curl up in the foot of the narrow white hotel bed and blind his eyes from the sight of the blood-stained floorboards. That night, there had been yet another death. Jocasta had come to his hotel room right after she had called him from the phone booth. He wouldn’t leave after her call; shouldn’t even if he could. So he had missed the ferry that would take him from Egypt to Greece, where he was supposed to preside over his father’s funeral. But even that didn’t really matter anymore. Because just before the sky lightened in the East, Jocasta stumbled into his room. The first thing he noticed, of all things, were the gray tufts above her ears where she’d neglected to run henna over her hair, and he realized how probable the truth could be. Her tears stung his skin like droplets of venom, but his own misery hardened him against hers. He tried not to touch her; he couldn’t bring himself to look at her, although the fault was not really hers—not really his, either. Was that what finally broke her heart in the end? He supposed it might have even broken his, had it still been whole. “I killed him,” Eddie repeated, his voice quiet and wondering. The digital clock on his nightstand blinked a rapid succession of 4:45 4:45 4:45 4:45 4:45 4:46 4:46 4:46, complimenting the gush of his thundering pulse in his ears. Outside his hotel window, the moon shone like a halo around the leering crack-nosed face of the Sphinx. “I killed my father.” Jocasta’s hands reached towards him instinctively before she yanked them back like an angry puppeteer. “You didn’t kill him,” she pleaded. “It’s not your fault. It was an accident. And there were terrorists.” 151


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“It was not the terrorists! Why don’t you understand? He was alive when I found him! I killed him—and the motorcycle—don’t you think I could have been more careful? Looked where I was going? There were paramedics at the airport! What right had I—what right had I!—to take him away from them?” She moaned, burying her face in her hands. “How could you know? It was an accident.” A sweltering wave of hot grief engulfed him, and he kicked a chair to the floor, not even flinching as his toes twisted inward. “I can’t be here anymore! Do you know how many people survived that accident? I was the only one, the one who deserved to die more than anyone out there. And then you tell me that you—and me—oh my God, Jocasta. Is this even possible? What have we done? What have we done?” “We’re cursed.” She looked up at him through her sweaty black bangs, her arms hugging her torso. She slipped from the sofa to the floor as helpless as an infant. “You poor, poor man. My only— wretched—son.” And before he could stop her, before he even realized what she was doing, she took out from under her sash the little silver revolver she carried for self-defense, and shot herself in the mouth. Right there in the center of the room. Eddie screamed and slumped above her, seized her limp hands. His mouth hung open as he panted his storm of silent, heaving sobs. That’s how the police found him just a while later, the tourists in the room next door having immediately called for help after hearing the gunshot. He heard them when they knocked, he heard them bash down the door. They held him at gunpoint, but he would not have run even if he could. Her glazed blue eyes stared emptily into his, and he realized that one day, someday, he would be gazing up at the world with such a blind stare, and with exactly such a blue gaze. And the sooner the better. Grief and guilt, guilt and grief. Mother and lover, lover and son. 152


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-- “Yes, I will be all right. I will be all right. I just wanted to verify. Thank you…” It took her about four tries to hook the pay phone back into its cradle after the police officer hung up. She stood there for a few minutes, breathing inside a glass box fettered by graffiti and the haze of Giza’s urban pollution. So it was true. After the terrorist attack this morning, there had been a huge vehicle accident. Eddie Alexandrakis was alive—she had seen his face on TV, the only man to walk out alive and unscathed, a miracle—just as surely as Alekos Alexandrakis was dead. She had seen the corpse on TV when the reporters had arrived at the scene of the accident. Even after twenty years she could recognize that face, but no names were necessary when she saw Eddie kneel on the ground beside the man he was calling Dad. But she had to tell him—he had to know. Eddie would be back in his room by now, and she needed him more than ever. Her fingers sprang to life, ripping across pages of the phone directory, trying to find the number of his hotel. What had he said? Movin… Melin… Moevenpick Cairo. Her finger tapped the name on the page. She picked up the receiver again, dialed. “Can I speak to—“ her throat closed, and she cleared her throat. “Mr. Alexandrakis.” Breathless pause. And then that familiar American accent— “Hello?” “Eddie? It’s Jocasta.” She didn’t realize how hard she was clutching the receiver until the peeling black paint crackled against her palm. “Are you all right?” “I’m—fine. No, I’m not. I need to talk to you. I need to see you, now.” “Can’t. I’m leaving this country in an hour. Just—tell me over the phone, okay?”

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She leaned against the inside of the phone booth, her free hand pressed against the glass wall. “Eddie, I saw the bombing and the accident in the news this morning. Your father was among the victims in the accident—the Greek man in the wheelchair.” There was a pause. “Yea.” His voice was heavy with grief and tension. “Alekos Alexandrakis.” “Alekos Laius Alexandrakis was my ex-husband, my only husband. I told you we had a child, and after his paralysis we knew he could never have another.” She took a deep breath, closed her eyes. “If you are your father’s son, you are mine as well.” -- The car he’d rented was true to the logical guarantee of things; easy on the pocket and deadly to the rear. Any minute now he was sure the bumpers would slide off, or the exhaust pipe would explode. Eddie decided never to use the horn again, since it became so easily stuck, and only a good round of pounding on the wheel itself would bring him some peace. Rolling down the windows was such a pain. But at least it had windows. The whole car itself rattled above the street potholes like the foreshadowing die in a soothsayer’s palm. This morning, though, it didn’t really matter. All that mattered was that he had a car, and he was driving over to the airport to pick up his father. Eddie twisted the dial of the radio, skipping over the lively beats of Amr Diab and Shaaban Abdel Rahim, seeking something familiar. Suddenly Tina Turner’s crooning voice filled the car, and Eddie cranked up the volume in delight. “…got to do with it, got to do with it. Who needs a heart when a heart can be brooo-ken—” It had been several months since he’d seen his dad. After his last college term ended, Eddie had headed straight from Boston to Cairo for a self-paid summer vacation. Nearing the end of August, old Mr. Alexandrakis decided to leave Maryland for the first time in two decades. He felt a growing need to find his son, make sure he 154


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wasn’t head-over-heels for some exotic Egyptian bellydancer, and introduce him to his hometown in Crete. Eddie would never know how, lost in brooding thoughts in the sunlit little kitchen in Virginia, his father was plagued all summer by these nightmares that his son would find a reason not to return from Egypt. Alekos didn’t overanalyze this fear; he merely didn’t wish his son to follow along the lines of his past mistakes. Eddie pulled out of the hotel parking lot and had just veered off onto the main road when the radio spokesman began babbling about an Emergency Report about a bombing at Cairo International Airport just a few minutes ago. Traffic, time, and Tina Turner’s voice dissolved in an instant. Eddie’s hands were still raw and tender from his teeth; he had bit his fingers to keep from screaming, and gunned the engine. Letting go of the wheel had been risky—particularly in a country without traffic lights—but somehow, for better or for worse, he had made it to the airport alive. And there was the plane—the plane that had landed only an hour ago, and before anyone could exit, a man suddenly dashed under the belly of the stopped plane. He ripped off his coat and struck at the explosives strapped to his body. His slabs of meat were unidentifiable, strewn among a scene of rubble and death. Paramedics were running all around, their bright uniforms so sparse amidst that sea of blood and hurt. Eddie’s eyes burned at such a sight of rubble and death. He flung open his door and hurled out of the car, not even bothering to park or to close the door. The crowds of onlookers carried him around the weak barrier of policemen. People were stumbling about in shock, their faces masks of blood and their arms flailing about as in some horrid film. “No… no… Oh my God. Oh my God!” It was his father—toppled on the ground, his lower body still strapped to the remains of his broken wheelchair. The long lanky face, the bristling brown mustache, the closed brown eyes. 155


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Eddie pushed his way viciously through the throng of people until he reached Alekos. He cradled his father’s curly head, and sought a pulse. His father’s eyes were closed, but his lips twitched as if in a sudden scowl or smile. “No! No! Dad? Dad! Dad, you’re going to be okay… Help, help!” But there was nobody around to help, just a mob of confusion and pain. “Come on, let’s get you in the car.” Eddie unstrapped his father from the chair and hefted him into his arms. He had never lifted his father before, and the light weight surprised him. He stumbled towards the car, and after what felt like an eon he was strapping Alekos into the front passenger seat. “I’ll get you to the hospital, Dad, don’t worry,” he panted. The older man’s eyes flickered in response. Eddie leapt into the driver’s seat and shifted the stick, and the car lurched forward. They had barely exited the airport lot when a double-decker tourist bus suddenly shot out of a fork at a crossroads and blotted the sun before their eyes. Eddie shouted a curse, and pedaled his hands frantically on the wheel, trying to escape the bus as it bore down on them. They veered left into the opposite lane of traffic, and a motorcycle crumpled into the right side of the car, slaying Alekos Alexandrakis on the spot. -- They were together in his room that night. Eddie stayed at the Moevenpick Cairo hotel, in a room smaller than most but, upon request, overlooking the pyramids and the sphinx. His passport and phone lay on the coffee table, and formed a tiny barrier between them. Summer was drawing to an end, and his scheduled flight back was in a couple weeks. He hadn’t told her yet when he planned to leave, already sensing her disappointment. The unmentioned question hung between them, growing thicker by the day. “Hungry?” she asked, coming out of the kitchen with the steaming bowls of koushari. He took his bowl with a gratified smile, making room for her on the couch where he was watching the news. 156


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The aroma of her spicy amber resin settled around him like a discarded woman’s veil. He probed the mix of lentils, macaroni, and chickpeas with his fork, wondering if his mother would have cooked as scrumptiously as Jocasta if she were still alive. “Where did you learn to make meals like this?” he asked, as he twined his arm around her waist and pulled her closer. “I’m a true Egyptian woman,” she joked. “You mentioned that your mother was Egyptian. Doesn’t she cook like this?” Eddie leaned back, his eyes unfocused on the view of the sphinx outside the window. “My mother’s dead. They say she died in childbirth. My dad raised me by himself, in the States.” She squeezed his hand in sympathy, watching the moonlight creep along the floorboards. “I am really sorry to hear that. But I think I understand how you feel. You know… I lost a child, once, a long time ago, to my first man.” He looked at her. Although he knew she was probably older than him, her beauty had not faded over the years, and he often forgot about the age gap between them. It sort of stunned him to realize he was dating a woman who had already been a mother years ago. “What happened?” “I was young, and scared. We weren’t even married yet, and the baby—well, it took me by surprise. But I had it, and then I wanted to give it up for adoption. But he told me he’d rather raise it himself.” She lowered her eyelids, drawing her knees up to her chest. It had been years since she’d really brooded about it, years since she’d cried. But his arm around her shoulders told her it was okay. “I told him I was leaving, and he could keep her. But it was a mistake. If you asked me to today, I would have never left my child.” He leaned over and nuzzled her cheek in a soft kiss. Jocasta savored it, welcoming the distraction. “I didn’t even really know its sex,” she murmured, and surrendered to his embrace. “It could have been a boy, I suppose. But I always wanted a girl.” 157


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-- It was stifling hot in the low red tent, where all sorts of crystals, glasses, and jewels were strewn upon handwoven rugs on display. She was leaning over to examine a vial of perfume oil. Its glassy surface shimmered in the summer noonday sun, and her slender brown fingers glowed as if they had actually captured the essence of light within that vial. Her hair snaked below her short purple hijab, coiling like a black python around her shoulders. That was the first time he’d seen her there. “How much—who are—would you like me to buy that for you?” he stuttered in English, and his face burned with that guilty glow of a siren light. His hands fluttered to his pocket as if of their own accord. “If you buy it for yourself it would be better,” she replied, and straightened. Her sapphire eyes arrested his. The dark face, accentuated by the light lines creasing mouth and eyes, smoothed into an amused expression. “I offer it at 281 Egyptian pounds. For you I’ll make it 278.” He fumbled for his moneybag, and extracted 50 dollars worth of pounds. She held out her hand and took the money. Her eyebrows lifted even as her fingers closed over the banknotes. “You are not from here,” she remarked, her heavily accented English assuring him that she was. “My Arabic is atrocious,” he apologized. “I know better than to try.” “No, no,” she said. Her fingers danced over the tissues as she carefully folded up the vial. “Well, of course it is also the English. But you do not barter like our people do. Do you not believe that I made you purchase this for double its price?” He shrugged, and his fingers brushed hers as she handed him the bag. The tent flap rustled as a family of blond-headed tourists shuffled in and gazed around at the glinting shop like beggars at a bank. “Today that doesn’t bother me. Would you—are you—do 158


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you like coffee?” “What is your name, American?” The look in her eyes was almost one of recognition. “Eddie,” he said. “I’m Jocasta,” she replied. “I close shop at day’s end. Come back then.” She smiled at him, and he smiled back as he stumbled a couple times over the rolled-up carpets on his way out of the tent. He couldn’t wait till sunset. -- So that was Giza. His mother’s city. Eddie studied the postcard in his hand, a picture of the sphinx’s black silhouette against a scarlet sunset. He flipped it over, but there were no words, not even the hastiest scrawl of love. Of course not; why was he expecting anything more? His mother had died giving birth to him. At one point his father had spoken of returning to Greece to find a second wife, but he never did get the chance; since the firefighting accident a few months after Eddie was born, Alekos was paralyzed from the waist down, and had no further desire to remarry. Eddie was raised alone by his father, the only child. “Don’t we have family in Egypt, Dad?” Eddie had asked, skipping home from elementary school one day. He held a poster with a 3-D paper representation of the Giza Pyramids, which he proudly waved above his head as he paraded in front of his father on the front lawn. For a moment Alekos’ brown eyes had darkened, and he’d leaned back in the wheelchair, away from his son’s embrace. “No,” he retorted, and his sinewy arms propelled him back into the house. Eddie trailed after him and closed the front door. “One day you will go see your uncles, aunts, and cousins in Greece. You will go fish with your grandfather in a Cretan lagoon, and your grandmother will make your tongue water with her impossibly fine baklava. Now put away that poster and let’s order some pizza for dinner.” 159


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Eddie shook his head, hearing through the open door the familiar scrape of his father’s old wheelchair against the uneven tiles of the kitchen floor. Not much had changed in ten years, and he knew no more about his mother than he had back then, didn’t even know if he had any living relatives back in Egypt. He looked back down at the postcard in his hand, his other hand still hovering against the leather-bound covers on the bookshelf. He had found this postcard as he sorted through his father’s bookshelves, his eyes scanning the titles for Sohphocles’ Three Tragedies. The postcard slipped from Eddie’s fingers and fluttered to the floor. He stooped to pick it up, and was drawn into his reverie once again. Giza. The unknown city, the one his father never talked about, just like he never talked about Eddie’s mother. He’d never even mentioned her name, and such pain flitted across his eyes that his son had never dared to probe. It was as if by mentioning neither region nor woman, Alekos could obliterate them forever from map and memory. And he almost had—almost, because he had underestimated academia. His son would first learn about Ancient Egypt in third grade, play Mark Anthony in his high school play, Cleopatra, date a foreign exchange student from Alexandria during college, and had finally decide to double-major in Philosophy and Anthropology in Boston University. Giza. Eddie was going there one day. He had been saving money for the past four years, and each summer he’d planned the trip. Something had always postponed the inevitable, more often than not his father’s ailing health. But not this summer, he decided. This summer he would go. Giza. *** And so he falls, jumping off my shoulder into the inky pool of night. Blue eyes wide open, the glaze of death soon to replace the 160


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glaze of grief. An Oedipus reincarnated, neither the first nor the last of his kind. Somehow, irrevocably, inexplicably tied to me; perhaps my punishment from the gods for meddling with humanity in the first place. Since first confronted with the riddle of life, since the first man, this has always been a potential end. They think they know, they search for more, and then they fall. They fall from grace. They fall from glory. And they fall off of me, the Sphinx of Giza. There’s nothing left but to watch them fall.

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Ashley Scurto

Clink and chunk- a square and heavy machine. Yellowed Ivory, dun with finger prints, its boxy body mottled shyly. A fluorescent hyphenOrange spots break the inky tone behind his eyelids. Bloodshot eyes open and strain watching inner quarters play their roles, exchanging worn, black, oily handshakes.

The air quiets and settles, leaving a warm paper scentpaper slicing a thin red tear in skin, and he sucks his thumb, like watching a mechanic swab and stare. The dirty white walls loomAs the sun rises outside, full and loud as a baby rattle.

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