Global Perspectives: Cultural Translations by Isabella Coraça

glo bal

CULTURAL TRANSLATIONS

perspectives

Fashion History and Theory

2020

CONTENT 2 .................................................... Manifesto 4 ............................................................. Film 6 ........................................................... Visits 8 .......... The role of dress in the relationship between colonial France and Senegal 14 ................. Hasidic Jewish Wedding Dress 20 ......................... Collecting Yezidi Threads 26 .......................... Challenging the Western representation of the Middle East 33 ................................... Acknowledgements

Fashion has entered a sphere of questioning from multiple angles with conversations surrounding the impact of globalisation, colonialism and nationalism. Second-year Fashion History and Theory have produced a zine that aims to understand and attend to cultural differences within fashion and to encourage mindfulness of future cultural interactions. This zine is comprised of intensively conducted research which offers a wide perspective on non-western, tribal, regional and religious communities. Art institutions overlook these groups and anything that falls outside of the white Western fashion canon; Global Perspectives works to challenge and highlight these biases. The research ensures that the history of fashion and the theoretical study of the subject is significant and must be continued until it is commonplace amongst 2

all creative subjects within Central Saint Martins and art institutions as a whole. An extensive lecture series initiated the project. These covered a vast range of topics from the significance of the keffiyeh amongst Palestinian communities, to the history of worldwide textile trade. Following the lectures, the students were divided into groups of three, each group was then able to select a subject area in which they would carry out their research. As well as this, the groups were free to choose how they researched. One group, for example, performed a number of interviews by phone and video call with members of the Yezidi diaspora, whilst another executed extensive visual analysis of the television series Unorthodox (2020). We ended our research projects by presenting what we had discovered to the

MANIFESTO course, including members of the first year. The findings and presentations were peer-assessed, this was felt to be an important feature in the egalitarian and inclusive nature of the module, giving everyone a space to express their feelings and opinions. We would like to emphasise the nuanced and complicated nature of discussions surrounding cultural interactions, appropriation and referencing. As cultural theorist Susan Kaiser stesses, these conversations ‘require careful and critical unpacking’. However, some believe the term ‘appropriation’ to be part of the problem itself, such as Minh-Ha T. Pham (2017), who has argued that it only serves to reproduce the inequality it seeks to oppose.

to dress history as a result of Global Perspectives. Therefore, we have decided to produce an alternative phrase that can be employed in these discussions, “cultural translation’’. We define cultural translation in this context as incorporating elements of dress that relate to one’s life or culture. In addition, this phrase, in our context, has the potential to connote both positivity and negativity and therefore seeks to encourage fundamentally balanced discussions surrounding cultural referencing, avoiding the often linear, morally judgemental, and scandal-based arguments that have come before.

It is important to us, both the students and tutors, to promote our alternative approach 3

CULTURAL TRANSLATION

A film by Luca Buddenhagen, narrated by Trigo Buddenhagen

DUBOIS House of Illustration First presented at the 1900 Exposition Universelle, William Edward Burghardt Du Bois’ disruptive data visualisation charts confront(ed) the hegemonic domination of the white norm and the ‘(white) point in space from which we tend to identify difference’ (Carby, 1992, cited in Dyer, 1997, p. 3). The infographics are a lens to the effects and after-effects of the separation of blackness by means of exploitation and forced migrations that, in turn, formed a ‘double consciousness’ through which the separated learnt to understand themselves and manoeuvre among institutional racism.

‘And herein lies the tragedy of the age: not that men are poor,—all men know something of poverty; not that men are wicked,—who is good? not that men are ignorant,—what is Truth? Nay, but that men know so little of men.’ Du Bois, W. E. B. 6

The exhibited theoretic empathy can be employed to substantiate discussions around the dress: investigating fashion simultaneously with such sociopolitical data as documented by Du Bois, can reveal motives both for distinguishing oneself from whiteness and for ‘passing’ by incorporating the norm’s styles. Society’s, as well as individual experiences, are woven into dress that makes it an experimental data visualisation in its own right—potent to disprove myths perceived as histories.

MULTAKA PROJECT The Pitt Rivers Museum ‘Multaka’ means ‘meeting point’ in Arabic. The Multaka Project revolved around a collection of objects that were observed and analysed through a multi-lens, -layer, and -vocal approach. The initiative gave space to personal stories from people with a variety of backgrounds, shedding new light onto the existing collection by paying attention to information that is valued in lived experiences. By rethinking a museum object’s identity through contemporary transcultural memories and experiences, Pitt Rivers demonstrated how a long-established institution could become a meeting point for cultures and histories.

This subjective approach had an extraordinary ability to explore new connections within global dress while also giving the garments newfound power and emotional weight. In addition, the intercultural interpretation was also bodied by the personalised captions in different languages, reflecting all the voices represented. The museum completely set aside its authority in order to connect all the cultures, experiences, and interests: the links between individual narratives revealed the common threads we all share.

Signare and servant from Saint Louis in full dress, c.1848-9

THE ROLE OF DRESS IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COLONIAL FRANCE AND SENEGAL Colonial rule was often enforced, resisted and existed through dress during Senegal’s time as a French colony. When the colonial effort was at its peak, so too was the emphasis placed on dress, with Western Capitalist countries using the ideas of Social Darwninism attempting to justify racism and colonialism, applying this to clothing. When the colonizers visited, they would wear full European attire to convey ‘moral superiority’. France had a desire to ‘civilize’ the colonial subject, assuming their colonies aspired to a European ideal. However, despite attempts to enforce European dress, Senegal wasn’t simply a ‘passive recipient of a dominating culture, but the active hub hybridizing the cultures that have fought to possess it’ (1997: 97), subsequently creating its own narratives. During the latter half of the 19th century, French colonial powers attempted to impose European clothing. This enforced ‘Westernisation’ is an example of colonial mimicry as described by critical theorist Homi Bhabha as “the desire for a reformed, recognisable other, as a subject of a difference that is almost

the same, but not quite.” (1984: 206) This was specifically for the educated ‘to mark their separation as an assimilated elite’ (2009: 123) with it only permitted to those who had been “civilized”, this will be evident in three case studies. Further, a type of cultural trauma is created which supports his theory of the colonial hybrid, a mixing of the West and East (everything falling outside of Europe and North America.) This is the sign of the “productivity of colonial power, with its shifting forces and fixities.” (1994: 112) To explore these ideas, the uniform of the ‘Tirailleurs Sénégalais’ can be analysed. These were colonial subjects forming a significant part of the infantry regiment serving the French Army from 1857 through to dispansion in 1964. Initially, recruitment was heavily dependent on those existing under the economic system of the transatlantic slave trade, however, up to twenty-five per cent of recruits were voluntary. It is important to note that they did so under the impression progression through the French army ranks would be possible, potentially allowing for greater rights. How9

Two Tirailleurs with their wives and children, 1912

ever, with the events of 1944’s Thiaroye massacre, it becomes clear this was not the case. The mutiny that led to the massacre was in direct opposition to poor conditions and unequal pensions. The uniform alluded to the concept of hybridity, with the presence of European and Senegalese styles: from the European-style double-breasted military jackets with a scarlet sash coupled with unstructured cotton drill trousers; and the ‘Barda Sénégalais’ used to carry other garments and a machete knife. Comparisons were made with the highly ornate mainland French military uniforms, resulting in the Tirailleurs infantilisation. The idea of the riflemen as tamed barefoot 10

savages or childlike figures following orders perhaps became present in an attempt to quell French colonial anxieties, the proliferation of derogatory caricatures supports this. However, some did “bring considerable creativity and aesthetic flair to their self-presentation.” (2006: 67) with a military commander commenting on how often the riflemen were prone to customising their uniforms. The most recognizable aspect of their attire was the red fez or chéchia. Initially a symbol of resistance to French colonial presence in Morocco, it saw itself adopted by the French military to again, create a “reformed, recognisable other.” (1984: 126) Rather than a symbol of resistance, it became associated with French colonial pow-

er, stripping it of its former links to the Ottoman Empire. The idea of the Tirailleur as an extension of colonial rule was felt by those who were not recruited. With veterans often stating the negative responses at their perceived willingness to ‘cooperate with the colonial nation-state’, some stating they were used to uphold its powers. Effectively, an easily enforced hierarchy was created between those who had and had not served, with many wearing their uniform off duty, and during periods of relative stability. This divided and worked overtime to weaken the opportunity for collective resistance. Further, the Marxist concept of False consciousness could be applied with the recruit’s uniform, and perceived chances at a form of social mobility ultimately being meaningless. Hybridity in an attempt to exert agency and status was not new, the signare women of the 18th and 19th century can be viewed in a similar fashion. A number of French colonial men had children with Senegalese women. Signares were a specific example of these who came to accumulate considerable economic and cultural influence, this in part being a reflection of colourism. These women could be identified by their clothing; having ac-

cess to European trade goods and incorporating this into their dress, for example wearing fabrics from Europe in a conical head wrap of a Senegalese style. They also adopted aspects of European dress, for example in this image (see left) from C1848/9 elements of late 1840s French fashion were adopted by the signares. For example: bell shaped sleeves set below the natural shoulder line, high rounded necklines and voluminous skirts all featured prominently alongside hairstyles looped around the ears. When looking at illustrations from the period, Signares were often depicted alongside either slaves or servants, who were identified as wearing garments that made no reference to French dress, in contrast they were frequently depicted wearing much less clothing, with no headwear and bare-feet. Despite the colonizers view that this was not fitting with their own moral superiority, they wanted to preserve what they viewed as a ‘primitive appearance’ in order to justify their enslavement. After the 1848 decree which ended slavery across French colonies it became increasingly common to see subtle hints to the newly freed ‘servants’ status. Examples like defiant poses or eyes gazing back at the viewer were amongst the signifiers of this slight 11

shift in power dynamics. However, this should not be oversimplified as the ‘servants’ continued to be treated unequally. Lastly, the robe bloc will be considered; a hybrid between the grand boubou which had previously been associated with the gender status of a Muslim man, a drop-waist camisole and an Africanized version of Christian Dior’s New Look, another example of hybridity. The title was named after The African Bloc, dedicated to freeing French West Africa from colonial rule led by Lamine Guèye who also fought to give Senegalese women the same rights to vote as those in France. When they gained suffrage in 1944, it was often worn in reference to this victory, accentuating their new political role and consciousness; and proclaiming equality with French women living in the colony. Many linked the argument whether women should be able to vote to whether they were ‘Evolue’, a French label for the colonists who had become ‘evolved’ or rather Europeanised. The concept of double consciousness can be applied here; first coined by Du Bois, and then extended beyond the American context, it refers to the internal conflict experienced by subordinated or colonized groups in an oppressive 12

society. The concept of ‘two-ness’ is discussed, with Gilroy using these ideas to discuss the ‘internal reconcile’ between being black and being aligned with European culture. Further, this can be analyzed through the lens of triple consciousness as they additionally viewed themselves through the lens of the patriarchy. On the one hand, these examples demonstrate the internalization of Western colonial ideology, with the colonists ‘dismissing their own culture as backward’. (2019: 27) Franz Fanon’s concept of the colonial mentality being applicable, with people viewing their own traditional cultures and identity through the lens of colonial prejudice. This explains why those at the top of social hierarchies within Senegal wore European dress. However, despite it being clear that much of the European influenced dress was associated with harmful imperialist ideology around ‘civilising’ French colonies, it is important to recognize the level of agency Senegalese people have had in using dress to form their own narrative. By Matthew Simon, Jazmine Horsfall and Run Zhang

Glossary Tirailleurs: The name given to the infantry regiment serving the French Military from 1857 through to 1967. Composed primarily of subjects from various French colonies, a large portion of the regiment recruits were from Senegal. Hybridity: Refers to the mixing of indigenous cultures with that of a colonising power usually applied in postcolonial critique or theory. Mimicry: Sees colonial subjects imitating or adopting the culture of their coloniser. Social Darwinism: Concepts of natural selection and ‘survival of the fittest’ applied to sociology and politics; used to justify imperialism, racism, eugenics and social inequality. Cultural assimilation: The process in which a minority group or culture comes to resemble a dominant group or assume the values, behaviours, and beliefs of another group. Evolue: French label for the colonists who had become ‘evolved’ or rather Europeanised, for example if they spoke French, held white collar jobs, lived in urban areas, were educated etc. Double consciousness: Coined by W.E.B Du Bois, the internal conflict experienced by subordinated or colonized groups in an oppressive society. Grand boubou: A long, loose fitting garment worn in Africa, particularly West Africa, mainly worn by men. Chechia: French word for fez, a short, cylindrical felt headdress hat, usually red, and sometimes with a tassel attached to the top.

Selected bibliography Bhabha, H. (1984) Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse. [online] October, 28, p.125. Available at: https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/english/currentstudents/undergraduate/ modules/fulllist/special/crimefiction/homi_bhabha_-_of_mimicry_and_man.pdf [Accessed 2 June 2020]. Bhabha, H. (1994) The Location Of Culture. London: Routledge. Gaugle, E. & Titton, M. (2019) Fashion and Postcolonial Critique. Berlin: Sternberg Press. Goggin, M. & Tobin, B. (2009) Material Women, 1750-1950: Consuming Desires and Collecting Practices. London: Routledge. Hansen, K. & Madison, D. (2013) African Dress: Fashion, Agency, Performance. London: Bloomsbury. Hendrickson, H. (1998) ‘Clothing and Difference: Embodied Identities in Colonial and Post-Colonial Africa’. Journal of Social History, 32 (1), pp. 214-216. Mann, G. (2006) Native Sons: West African Veterans and France in the Twentieth Century. Durham: Duke University Press. Rabine, L. (1997) ‘Dressing Up in Dakar’. In: L’Esprit Créateur, 37 (1), pp. 84-107. Rovine, V. (2009) ‘Colonialism’s Clothing: Africa, France, and the Deployment of Fashion’. In: Design Issues, 25 (3). Durham: Duke University Press. Klein, M. (2007) ‘Tirailleurs as a Link Between France and Africa’. In: A Journal of African History, 48 (2), pp. 322-324.

Young Rabbi from N. by Isidor Kaufmann, c. 1910, Tate

HASIDIC JEWISH WEDDING DRESS Hasidism, a sub-group within ultra-Orthodox (“Haredi”) Judaism, which originated in the territory of contemporary Western Ukraine during the 18th century, nowadays is almost exclusively associated with the traditions of Eastern European Jews including various special styles of dress and the use of the Yiddish language. For Hasidic brides the requirements for wedding dress are usually fairly stringent as discretion in women’s clothing is compulsory. This means wearing dresses with long or three-quarter length sleeves, high cut necklines, for example bateau or jewel, ankle length skirts and covered backs. This guideline honours their faith, however rules regarding bridal attire can vary among synagogues within the same denomination. All Hasidic women and brides should follow tzniut which translates to “modesty” or “privacy” and describes both the character trait of modesty and discretion as well as a group of Jewish laws pertaining to conduct. This modesty-related dress customary also includes a

sheitel which is a wig or half wig worn by Hasidic brides in order to conform with the requirement of Jewish law to cover their hair. Traditional sheitels are secured by elastic caps and are often designed with heavy bangs to obscure the hairline of the bride. Many Jewish brides don’t get their own wedding gowns, and receive a Jewish free loan called gemach, which is an abbreviation of gemilut chasadim which translates to “acts of kindness”. It subscribes to both the positive Torah commandment of lending money, and the Torah prohibition against charging interest on a loan to a fellow Jew. The gemach is a unique way in which the Hasidic community lightens the burdens of wedding expenditures on families with many children. During the ceremony both husband and wife sign the ketubah, which is a symbolic Jewish marriage contract that outlines the groom’s responsibilities to his bride. During the signing the groom approaches the bride for the bedeken or veiling. He looks at her and then veils her face. This signifies that his love 15

Vogue Paris, 1993, photo by Ellen Von Unwerth (L). Jean Paul Gaultier Fall 1993 RTW (R).

for her is for her inner beauty and also that the two are distinct individuals even after marriage. The black caftan (bekishe) worn by the groom is usually woven from satin, silk, or polyester, and known for its characteristic sheen. It is often worn together with black sash or gartel that protects the purity of the mind from lower bodily carnality and pollution. Hasidic men button their coats opposite to the secular world – right over the left. Hasidim associate the “good inclination” (Yetser ha-Tov), or moral 16

consciousness, with the right side, and the evil impulse (Yetser ha-Ra), or sinfulness, with the left. In this way of dressing, men’s coats represent the dominance of goodness over sin and immorality. Likewise, long caftans symbolize the moral containment of passion and sexuality. In the Hasidic worldview, black clothing represents a commitment to holiness and modesty and symbolizes the mystical goal of renouncing the self in order to unite with the divine. Black also stresses

conformity and collectivism rather than individualism. The colour, too, signifies a state of mourning for the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple and the ensuing experience of spiritual exile. The regal-looking headgear worn by men is known as shtreimel. Fur hats are mentioned nowhere in the Bible, Talmud, or classic codes of Jewish law. So how did the shtreimel become mandatory for most Hasidim? In the 18th century in what was the Russian Empire the shtreimel was established as a status symbol as such became rabbinic garb. It appeared in rabbinic portraits and later in photographs. What really transformed the shtreimel into signifier of Hasidic identity may have been the 19th-century clothing decrees imposed by Tsar Nicholas I as part of broader social engineering initiatives. His attempts to “reform” his Jewish subjects included the demand that they choose between two styles of dress: German (including a short jacket) and Russian (a long jacket and a fur hat). The decrees sparked fierce debate among the Jews because normally law forbade them to don gentile clothing.

Traditional Jews generally chose the Russian option, distancing themselves sartorially from secular, modern European modes of dress. After Nicholas’ death in 1855 Jews who wished to isolate themselves from their non-Jewish surroundings stuck with the Russian garb, which by then was dying out in Eastern Europe. So it was that the “Russian” fur hat and long coat became Jewish clothing, worn by the arch-traditionalists to differentiate themselves from everyone else. The Jean Paul Gaultier AW 1993 collection portrays female models walking down a menorah lined runway in long black layers, large round hats, and Payot curls hanging down the sides of their heads. The collection was named Chic Rabbi and Gaultier clarified that he found his inspiration on a trip to New York where he saw a group of Rabbi’s leaving a local library. He described how he instantly became inspired by their way of dress and was compelled to create a collection that brought such traditional clothing into the fashionable world. Although the collection was highly praised by some in the industry, many from the Hasidic community found great offence in the fact that female models were showcasing traditionally men’s clothing. Whether Gaultier was trying to make a fem17

Unorthodox (2020), Netflix

inist statement with this collection is up for debate, however a saviour complex has been embodied non the less. According to Susan B. Kaiser claims that cultural appropriation involves taking elements from another culture, often without giving credit to that culture, or worse still, at the expense of that culture. The Hasidic community are incredibly private and not only is the commodification of an aspect of their culture unnecessary and invasive, the choice to then question and undermine their gender values 18

is greatly offensive. Although the term cultural considered or even identified at the time of the show, the definition would certainly fit the characteristics of such actions. By Tanwen Cray, MÄ rina Hanberga, and Cora Muir-Joahill

Glossary Bedeken: “Veiling”. The groom veils his brides face to signify his love for her is for her inner beauty. Bekishe: a long black coat worn by Hasidic Jews. It is generally worn on special occasions such as Jewish holidays, weddings or on Shabbos. Gartel: a belt used by Jewish males, predominantly (but not exclusively) Hasidim, during prayer. Gemach: “acts of kindness””. It subscribes to both the positive Torah commandment of lending money and the Torah prohibition against charging interest on a loan to a fellow Jew. Hasidism: sometimes spelled Chassidism, and also known as Hasidic Judaism, is a Jewish religious group. Ketuba: Symbolic Jewish marriage contract that outlines the groom’s responsibility to his bride. Rabbi: a spiritual leader or religious teacher in Judaism. Shtreimel: a fur hat worn by many married Haredi Jewish men, on Shabbat and Jewish holidays, and other festive occasions. Talmud: the central text of Rabbinic Judaism and the primary source of Jewish religious law and Jewish theology. Tzniut: “modesty” “privacy” describes both the character trait of modesty and discretion.

Selected bibliography Arthur, L. (2020) Religion and Dress. [online] Lovetoknow.com. Available at: <https://fashion-history.lovetoknow.com/fashion-history-eras/religion-dress> [Accessed 24 May 2020]. Cooper, L. (2020) Shtreimel Variations: The History of a Hat. [online] segulamag.com. Available at: <https://segulamag.com/en/articles/shtreimel-variations-history-hat/> [Accessed 1 June 2020]. What To Expect At A Chassidic Wedding (2020) [online] Chabad.org. Available at: <https://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/3017151/jewish/What-to-Expect-at-aChassidic-Wedding.htm> [Accessed 1 June 2020]. A Glimpse Inside The Hidden World Of Hasidic Women (2020). [online] nytimes.com Available at: <https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/19/nyregion/a-glimpse-inside-the-hiddenworld-of-hasidic-women.html> [Accessed 24 May 2020]. Routtenberg, L. & Seldin, R. (1968) The Jewish Wedding Book. New York: Schocken Books. Silverman, E. (2013) A Cultural History of Jewish Dress. London: Bloomsbury Academic. pp.112-130. Slapak, O. & Juhasz, E. (2020) Jewish Dress. [online] Lovetoknow.com. Available at: <https://fashion-history.lovetoknow.com/clothing-around-world/jewish-dress> [Accessed 23 May 2020].

Anneke van Dijck-Borghouts via Yezidi Photo Archive

COLLECTING YEZIDI THREADS Collecting Yezidi Threads is a research project that focuses on the fashion of the Yezidi community and explores the memories and significance fashion and dress hold for its members. More than producing an encyclopedic overview of Yezidi fashion, this research aims to collect a variety of perspectives, interviews, and materials and gain understanding of the standing of Yezidi fashion in an interconnected world. The project also aims to investigate the impact of various cultures on Yezidi fashion and vice versa, and to understand the extent to which Yezidi ethnoreligious dress is worn today. Given the ongoing persecution of Yezidi people, we feel passionately that an effort to celebrate and preserve Yezidi dress has never been more important. Yezidis are one of the oldest ethnoreligious communities: their members are united both by a shared ethnicity as well as a religious background. Existing as a minority within Islamic regions, Yezidism is an ancient monotheistic religion which has been passed down through oral traditions (van Zoonen, D. & Wirya, K., 2017). The

Yezidi people are indigenous to the region now known as Northern Iraq, Syria and Turkey. However, their community has been a victim of many violent attacks and genocides which have led to the establishment of Yezidi communities in the West that can be characterisable as ‘diasporic’ (van Zoonen, D. & Wirya, K., 2017; Ackerman, 2004, p. 162). In turn, the Yezidi identity markers have shifted within the diaspora and created a hybrid in the context of other culturally complex societies. In ethnographic descriptions of ‘folk dress’, clothing and bodily adornments are described as universal for the entire group. However, as noted by Linda Welters, it varies often dramatically from one region to another (2007). For example, factors such as the geography and climate of the region make Yezidi dress become ‘a fusion of influences coming from Ottoman Turkish, Iranian, Near Eastern, and tribal Arab dress traditions’ (Al-Khamis & Hami, 2010, p. 262). Consequently, there is no ‘fixed’ Yezidi fashion: each community has nuanced and sometimes overt differences in their 21

‘Woman in Traditional Yezidi Dress’ by Halla

‘Yezidi Old Man’, by Aydin

sartorial expressions. In the regions around Mount Shingal Yezidi men traditionally wore the geem – a tall dark conical felt hat surrounded by a black or red turban-something not found in other Yezidi communities (Al-Khamis & Hami, 2010, p. 266). On the other hand, some garments, such as the cloak-like khirqe, can be universal symbols of Yezidi faith: theological expression has been an important element in Yezidi history and society which has strongly relied on fashion’s ability to communicate meanings without words (Spät, 2011).

due to it being the sacred colour of Melek Taus-the Peacock Angel who is the central figure in Yezidism (Al-Khamis & Hami, 2010). In 1872, Yezidis demanded exemption from the Ottoman military because uniform in accordance with this belief was not provided (Spät, 2020). However, with the increasing Western influences on Yezidi fashion, the colour blue has started to be incorporated again, most significantly with the adoption of jeans (Aydin, 2020). In the 1970s, it was noted that the West was having a ‘far-reaching effect on both their traditional lifestyle and their dress codes’: something which was in line with other rural communities in Northern Iraq after the rise of the Ba’ath

Colour is of vital importance within Yezidi dress. Most notably, blue was completely forbidden to be worn 22

regime in the 1950s (Al-Khamis & Hami, 2010, p. 268). However, Khoudoyan argues that there have been more than just Western influences on commonly referred to as Yezidi ‘traditional dress’; this was mostly because they wanted to be as ‘invisible’ as possible to avoid possible attacks from their Muslim neighbours (2020). From the interviews conducted, it became evident that Yezidi ethnoreligious dress was subject to intercultural exchange and dependent on an interplay of different cultures including their specific fashions. Furthermore, it shows that Yezidi fashion was far from static even before much of the community adopted what Eicher calls ‘world fashion’ (Eicher, 1995). It is clear, as in many non-Western dress cultures, that there has been a dramatic shift towards more Western styles adopted by the Yezidis as a result of globalisation, persecution, and the subsequent increase in the population living as part of the diaspora. This is not an organic process, but the result of many Yezidi people being forced to hide their identity through dress due to the constant threat of persecution. However, as noted by both the founder of Yezidi Photo Archive Rojda S. and academic Eszter Spät,

after the 2014 genocide on Yezidis in the region, there has been an uptake in the ‘traditional’ fashions of Yezidi people, especially amongst the younger population, who are seeking to celebrate and preserve their identity through the wearing of Yezidi dress in the face of a severe existential threat. Rojda explains: The celebration of the traditional costume expresses that we still exist, that the Yezidi culture could not be destroyed. Existential threats such as the ongoing genocide of the Yezidis make it all the more important to celebrate and preserve our culture. (Rojda, 2020) For focused essays on Yezidi fashion and interviews with Yezidi people, visit: cyt.cargo.site By Marleen Adama, Raban Renatus, and Toby Ramskill

Anneke van Dijck-Borghouts via Yezidi Photo Archive

Glossary Gerîvan: a round neckline that Yezidi garments must have, setting it apart from the slit front styles worn by Muslims. It is also dubbed ‘sacred shirt’ because it needs to be made by another Yezidi with whom an alliance is made. Khirqe: the black shirt worn by religious men together with a turban. Both garments are dyed black with a substance from a sacred tree. Rasta: a white shirt for prayer with a gerîvan. Ethno-religious group: formed ‘when self-awareness (identity) ... is primarily based on a non-proselyte religion [that is] practiced exclusively by ... [a] closed community’ (Arakelova, 2010, p. 3). Tradition: is ‘the transmission of customs or beliefs from generation to generation, or the fact of being passed on in this way’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). The term has been applied to various contexts within multiple disciplines, implying its polyvalent meaning. Anthropologist Pascal Boyer highlights that tradition’s theoretical function ‘is to describe the general processes whereby the salient aspects of certain phenomena of social interaction are repeated or reiterated’ (1990, p. 3). Another aspect of tradition is that in most cases the actual origin of a specific custom remains impenetrable. However, an explanation is often demanded and can therefore become either fictional or ‘invented’ (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 2003). This highly complex ideological hue is the reason why we are not linking the notion of ‘tradition’ to dress, and rather using the terms ‘ethnic’ or ‘ethnoreligious’ when referring to dress that has historic or cultural significance for a certain community or group, or other similar context. World fashion: dress that has been globally adopted (such as jeans and T-shirts). This term implies that fashion’s circulation is decentralised whilst also being a more inclusive alternative to ‘Western fashion’ worn in non-Western regions (Eicher, 1995).

Selected bibliography Ackerman, A. (2004) ‘A Double Minority: Notes on the Emerging Yezidi Diaspora’. In: Alfonso, C., Kokot, W. & Tölölyan, K. (eds.) Diaspora, Identity and Religion: New Directions in Theory and Research. London: Routledge, pp. 156-169. Arakelova, V. (2010) ‘Ethno-Religious Communities: To the Problem of Identity Markers’. In: Iran & the Caucasus, 14(1), pp. 1-17. Al-Khamis, U. & Hami, S. L. (2010) ‘Iraqi Dress’. In: Vogelsang-Eastwood, G. (ed.) Berg Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion: Central and Southwest Asia. Oxford: Berg, pp. 262274. Eicher, J. (1995) Dress and Ethnicity: Change Across Space and Time. Oxford: Berg. Spät, E. (2011) ‘The Song of the Commoner: The Gnostic Call in Yezidi Oral Tradition’. In: Berg, J. A., Kotzé, A., Nicklas, T. & Scopello, M. (eds.) ‘In Search of Truth’: Augustine, Manichaeism and Other Gnosticism. Leiden: Brill, pp. 663-683. van Zoonen, D. & Wirya, K. (2017) ‘Yazidism and Its Community in Iraq’. In: van Zoonen, D. & Wirya, K., The Yazidis: Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict. Erbil: Middle East Research Institute, pp. 7-12.

Qasimi, F/W 2017, look 5

CHALLENGING THE WESTERN REPRESENTATION OF MIDDLE EASTERN CULTURE There are many different definitions of cultural appropriation, as well as various approaches to the discussion. Jennifer Ayres views cultural appropriation as ‘an umbrella term that encapsulates different degrees of borrowing, ranging from inspiration to theft, thus highlighting the contradictory nature of a term like ‘borrowing’, when ‘returning’ or ‘giving back’ is never intended’. Whereas Minh-Ha Pham rebukes the term all together, choosing to use the phrase ‘racial plagiarism’ instead, arguing that the cultural appropriation argument is laden with moral judgement and driven by scandal, and often reproduces the inequality it seeks to oppose. Pham defines ‘Racial Plagiarism’ as the act of seizing authorial identity, control and capital. Susan Kaiser draws on both of these arguments to emphasise the complexity of this discussion and how various definitions are necessary to such a nuanced area that concerns so many identities, perspectives and economies. (2017, p.145) She states ‘appropriation is a complex political and ethical discussion with many nuances and layers that require careful and critical unpacking’ (ibid).

Our analysis of the brand Qasimi will highlight that terms (such as cultural appropriation and racial plagiarism) used to express cultural exchange in dress are limiting in a globalised world where balances of power and culture are incredibly nuanced. In June 2019 Vetements’ release a semi-replica of a t-shirt with the words “Don’t shoot” printed across it as a part of their 2020 Spring-Summer collection. The shirt is a direct reference to an image of a European journalist who was photographed in Beirut during the 1982 Israeli invasion. This created a stir as Vetements is a Swiss-based brand by a Georgian designer. Many critics agreed that designers have the right to be interested in Arabic history and that it is important to bring attention to world issues, but that it was disrespectful to take the design idea from a smaller less-known designer. In 2017 Khalid Al-Qasimi, released a version of the t-shirt as a part of his collection, it was important to him that he used the brand to express his views on politics and how the Middle East is perceived in the 27

West. Al-Qasimi responded: “I understand what they are doing. It’s about consumerism. But it’s a complete F-U to the region ... I used that print to highlight the plight of something going on in the Middle East. For Vetements to use it in such a flippant and provocative manner; I don’t think they realise what these words mean to us Arabs.” Unlike Vetements and Demna Gvasalia Khalid Al-Qasimi has ties to both Islam and Lebanon. As the son of the Ruler of the Emirate of Sharjah, he has used his unique power and status to share his heritage by adapting his designs to western fashion. Al-Qasimi launched his brand in 2015 after graduating from Central Saint Martins. Dress in the UAE has stood as a symbol of socioeconomic status for centuries and continues to play a role in contemporary society. Whilst there are some cross-cultural and cross-ethnic similarities to world dress, it must be said that certain elements of arab-islamic clothing, both through their symbolic and functional design, create a very unique sensibility. With religion playing a key part in the types of dress worn in the UAE, it is important to point out that dress is also distinguishable by gender, transcending age, social status, and kinship status. Gender-specif28

ic dress is characterised by several variables although both sexes cover the majority of their bodies from head to toe, with many women also covering their faces.The symbolism in UAE dress typically reflects a core code of privacy, functions to communicate status, and identity, signalling the aforementioned gender boundaries. Al-Qasimi based his brand on four pillars: architecture, colour, military and messaging. The Qasimi Instagram features images of Brutalist architecture by Russell Diplock and Walter Netsch. The brand also cites post-modernist designs by Frank Ghery and iconic Iraqi-British architect Zaha Hadid. The curves of the contemporary buildings are reminiscent of the flow of the loose traditional garments of Arab dress. In an interview with Vogue Man Arabia Al-Qasimi cited Leighton House in London which was designed in 1864 by architect George Aitchison which has an Arab hall complete with a golden dome and Islamic tiles sourced from the Middle East. As well as the home of the neoclassical architect Sir John Sloane which the sarcophagus of the Egyptian Pharaoh Seti the 1st rest. Like the Moorish structures, Qasimi frequently uses printed Arabic messages on his clothes throughout his collec-

tions. The SS20 collection featured quotes written in Arabic by Najib George Awad, a Syrian Theologian and poet. Qasimi wanted his models to appear as warriors, fighting for the political meanings behind his work. Qasimi discussed in 2016; the effect of the Gulf War on Western notions of the Middle East and that to a Western person, traditional Middle Eastern dress could be very threatening whereas Western military garments have a similar effect on Middle Eastern communities. Therefore, he wanted to pacify military clothing, here, for example, he has used a lustrous and sinuous textile, creating a softer silhouette and fluid sense of movement. This pacified Western uniform is then combined with an interpretation of the Tarboosh, an item of Emirati men’s dress that is worn around the neck and dipped in incense and scented oils. The first Gulf War marked the advent of live news coverage on the front line. CNN broadcasted live footage of the bombings on the first nights of the conflict, which were presented in almost a video game style, one journalist even compared the first broadcast to the 4th of July fireworks display. The first attack was aired during prime

time in the states and attracted the largest viewing ratings to date. These images and broadcasts undoubtedly had a lasting impact on the Western representation of the middle east, with associations of violence and destruction. As Phillip Taylor writes; ‘The middle east had replaced the soviet union as the west’s boogeyman.’ There was a definitive othering of the middle east during the media coverage of the Gulf War, and a significant vilification of the civilian populations, despite the coalition agreements with the western powers. Of course, there were also effects on Middle Eastern notions of western culture, and as Qasimi noted, the aggressive connotations of Western military uniform in particular. In addition to pacifying Western military clothing through a reimagining of the silhouette and textiles, Qasimi also referenced iconic Western pacifist protests, such as John Lennon and Yoko Ono’s ‘BedIn’ protest of 1969, which he referenced for his Autumn-Winter 2017 collection. As previously mentioned, debates concerning appropriation are layered and nuanced. (Kaiser 2017:145). Qasimi often mentioned how he was inspired by the Muslim community in Britain, in areas such as 29

Whitechapel and Bethnal Green, particularly young Muslim men and their combining of Western sportswear and Muslim dress. (2016 Vogue Arabia Man) As is often discussed in relation to appropriation accusations, the notion of profit is important. Qasimi profited from the creations that were inspired by this particular group of Muslims, whilst they gained no capital. In addition, it must not be forgotten that Khalid Qasimi was the son of a sheikh, meaning that he had very different life experience to that of the Muslim Community of Tower Hamlets. Furthermore, in a 2019 interview, Qasimi stated that he would love to see his clothes on anyone, this could be seen as quite an overt statement of his privilege, because his clothes are only available to a select group due to their cost, in particular they are not available to many members of the groups he referenced. However, if one is to observe Qasimi’s relationship to the British Muslim Community through the lens of benefit, an alternative term, the result is more positive. It could be argued that Qasimi is celebrating the dress of this particular community in a way that the fashion industry, menswear in particular, has not done previously and that the community is benefiting from the positive awareness of their culture. 30

Qasimi is an interesting example of layered cultural influences, from 1960s pacisit protests to Iraqi-British architecture. As we have observed discussions of cultural appropriation, taking, borrowing, stealing or plagiarism are highly nuanced and complex. One could argue that whilst Qasimi is promoting Islamic and Arabic dress and the breaking down of negative Western representation of the middle-east, the brand is only able to do so by the extraordinary privilege of the brand’s creative directors. Therefore we would like to employ an alternative phrase, ‘cultural translation’, thus fundamentally encouraging balanced discussions surrounding cultural referencing, political messaging and the question of benefit and profit. By Zanny Evelegh, Anna Lauder and Luca Buddenhagen

Glossary Abayah: a modesty garment that covers the body on all sides reaching down to the ankles, it is worn by some Emiratis over the head. Agal: a black cord that wraps around the head, securing a ghutra. Farrouka: A rectangular cloth attached to the inside of the front of the kandura with buttons. Gahfiyya: A crocheted skullcap worn under the ghutra. Ghutra: a cloth headdress. Kandura or Thobe: a long-sleeved, ankle length garment. It resembles a loose-fitting robe-like shirt. Tarboosh: a tab like accessory worn around the neck with tassels attached to the bottom, which historically were dipped in incense and scented oils.

Selected bibliography Allan, S. (2010) News Culture: Issues in Cultural and Media Studies. Berkshire: Open University Press . Ayres, J. (2017) ‘Inspiration or prototype? Appropriation and exploitation in the fashion industry’. In: Fashion, Style & Popular Culture, 4 (2), pp. 151- 165. Glasse, C. (2001) The New Encyclopedia of Islam. Altamira Press, p.179-180. HYPEBEAST (2020) Qasimi’s New SS20 Collection Is For The Optimistic Urban Nomad. [online]. Kaiser, S. and Green, D. (2017) Fashion and Appropriation. In: Fashion, Style & Popular Culture, 4 (2). Lehnert, G. & Mentges, G. (2013) Fusion Fashion: Culture Beyond Orientalism and Occidentalism. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Lewis, R. (2015) Muslim Fashion. Durham and London: Duke University Press. The Muslim Council of Britain (2015) MCB Census Report. Nick, (2015) ‘Khalid Al Qasimi in Blending Politics and Culture in Fashion and Design’. In: Vogue Arabia Man, July 27. Pham, M. T. (2017) ‘Racial Plagiarism and Fashion’ In: QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking, 4 (3), pp. 67-80. Said, E. (2003[1978]) Orientalism. London: Penguin. Siddique, H. (2019) ‘Minority Ethnic Britons face ‘Shocking’ Job Discrimination’. In: The Guardian, January 17. Tarlo, E. (2010) Visibly Muslim: Fashion, Politics, Faith. Oxford: Berg. Taylor, P.M. (2003) Munitions of the Mind: A History of Propaganda. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Victoria & Albert Museum (2020) Calligraphy In Islamic Art. [online]. Vogelsang-Eastwood, G. (ed.) (2010) Encyclopedia of World Dress and Fashion: Central and Southwest Asia. London: Bloomsbury

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Fashion History & Theory Year Two would like to give thanks to: Cally Blackman our course leader for her guidance, knowledge, and encouraging us to explore beyond Western dress. Our lecturers: Isabella Coraça, Serkan Delice, and Lucy Panesar for sharing their research and expertise on theories spanning from colonialism to cultural appropriation. The Pitt Rivers Museum Multaka team: Nicola Bird, Thandi Wilson, and Niran Altahhan for the insightful tour of their exhibition “Connecting Threads’. Steven Hill and Matthew Edwards from Digital Media, for providing us with their technical advice on working with Adobe Creative Cloud. The UAL Teaching and Learning Exchange for funding.

Central Saint Martins Fashion History & Theory Year 2