Geneva Faulkner Whitman College Thesis 2011

believe that parks today are still more accessible for White and upper-class residents.

While the focus of this thesis is on the social capital gained from the use of public parks as well as the potential of parks to provide respite and reconnection with nature in urban settings, it is impossible to apply an environmental privilege framework to issues of access, race, and income without discussing human health. While personal agency has some role in leading a healthy lifestyle, structural forces beyond individual control—hazardous chemicals, street networks that impede access to green spaces, etc.—can greatly affect health (Brulle and Pellow 2006; Bedimo-Rung et al. 2005).

Other studies show a strong link between physical and social health (Kuo et al. 1998; Kuo 2000; Frank and Engelke 2001; Giles-Corti and Donovan 2002; Panza and Cipriano 2004; Bedimo-Rung et al. 2005; Maller et al. 2005; Bedimo-Rung et al. 2006). Neighborhood cohesion is a crucial part of social well-being. Kuo et al. (1998) make connections between the presence of parks (and green spaces in general) and the social strength of communities. Specifically, they found that the amount of time spent in common spaces with neighbors significantly increases in the presence of trees and grass. Likewise, they make connections between exposure to nature and sound mental health. Those who maintain their mental health are more likely to exhibit high levels of social interaction (Kuo et al. 1998; Bedimo-Rung et al. 2005). Thus, green spaces can have several positive effects: they not only lead to respite from mental stress, but can significantly encourage social interaction in these areas. Thus, green spaces can strengthen neighborhood social ties by allowing residents to spend more time with their neighbors. As green spaces have the potential to attract the use of groups that otherwise may be less likely to spend time outside, residents’ knowledge of both the physical spaces in their neighborhoods and their neighborhoods increase, thus adding to these groups’ social capital (Kuo et al. 1998; BedimoRung et al. 2005).

Park use depends greatly on the distance of residences from parks. About 80 percent of park users come from a radius of three blocks (Bedimo-Rung 2005:165). Likewise, studies have shown that physical activity decreases with increased distance from parks (Babey et al. 2008; Boone-Heinonen et al. 2010). Babey et al. (2008) and Boone-Heinonen (2010) both focus on adolescent park use in neighborhoods adjacent to parks, finding that distance is a determinant of park use and physical activity. Easy access to safe parks is positively associated with increased physical activity and use of such parks in urban areas, and adolescents who lived in unsafe areas, in apartment buildings, and lower-income families are less likely to be active on a regular basis (Babey et al. 2008).

Many factors influence park use. Personal desire to visit parks, street connectivity, ease of access, and transportation systems are some of the determinants of park use in cities. Several studies have shown decreased park access for low-income and minority city residents (BedimoRung 2005; Byrne and Wolch 2009) while others do not find statistically significant correlations between low-income and minority distance to parks (Cutts et al. 2009; Maroko et al. 2009).

Byrne and Wolch’s previous research suggests that African-Americans and Latinos have a significantly more difficult time accessing parks in Los Angeles’ low-income neighborhoods than do Whites (2009). This difficulty is due to the fact that the areas surrounding parks consist of predominantly White neighborhoods, which act as a social barrier. While many of the factors contributing to park inaccessibility are systemic social deterrents—meaning there aren’t official policies excluding racial minorities or low-income groups—these deterrents, such as parks being surrounded by predominantly White neighborhoods, can have an adverse effect on the 6