Fibula 5

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newsletter 2/2010 (5) ISSN 1899-640X

The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow


and Polish science resources 2008-2011


Editorial Board: Piotr Tylus (Chief Editor) Roman Sosnowski (Co-Editor) Reviewer: dr hab. Maria Maślanka-Soro Translation: Łukasz Kiczko Design and DTP: Marcin Klag

Printed by: Drukarnia Go! Print ISSN 1899-640X Copyright © by Interdisciplinary Research Team ”FIBULA” and Faculty of Philology, Jagiellonian University of Krakow cover: ms. gall. quart. 85 All rights reserved. No part of this journal may be reproduced in any form without prior written permission from the Publisher Faculty of Philology, Jagiellonian University of Krakow ul. Gołębia 24, 31-007 Kraków, Poland

newsletter 2/2010 (5)

ISSN 1899-640X

The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow


Contents Marzena Chrobak A journey to Easter Island according to an eighteenth-century manuscript from the Berlin Collection of the Jagiellonian Library . . . .


Krzysztof Kotuła The first French translation of Plutarch’s Apophthegmata? Ms. gall. quart. 91 from the Berlin Collection . . . . .





. 13

Dorota Pudo Two manuscripts from the collection of Auguste Danican – musings on literary reception . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Anna Rzepka Historic overseas territories of Spain in selected manuscripts from the Berlin book collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków . . . . .





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Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow . . . .





. 35

Piotr Tylus Alsatian manuscripts in the Berlin Collection of the Jagiellonian Library . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow – part 3 . . . . . . . . . 58 Index of watermarks

















. 83


Marzena Chrobak

A journey to Easter Island according to an eighteenth-century manuscript from the Berlin Collection of the Jagiellonian Library In the « Berlin collection » of the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków there is a manuscript bearing the signature Gall. Qu. 85 (which should however be Gall. Fol., because the manuscript is a folio), entitled Mémoire sur Waïhou ou l’Ile de Pâques [A diary on Waïhou, or the Easter Island]. It was created in French towards the end of the 18th century. It numbers 26 folios and two protective sheets each for the front and back. Folios 1-3, 24-26 are blank. The manuscript is in good condition discounting minor traces of humidity, a small hole in folio seven and two small holes in folio 23. The title card gives the first and last names of the author in French form: Jean Rénaud Forster. It is actually Johann Reinhold Forster. He was of German heritage, born in Tczew (Dirschau) in the year 1729. His great-grandfather had come to Royal Prussia from Scotland, probably seeking refuge from religious persecution. Over the course of three centuries, the Forster family belonged to the intellectual and political elite of the city. Johann had completed philosophical and theological studies in Halle, he was fascinated with natural sciences, and from youth he had shown linguistic skills, having quickly mastered English and French (throughout his life he had learnt a total of seventeen languages). Having completed studies he took the post of pastor in Mokry Dwór (Nassenhuben) and started a family. Curiosity of the world had pushed him into accepting an order by empress Catherine II regarding the visitation of settlements of German colonists in the areas around Saratov on the Volga river. In the year 1765 he had conducted extensive examinations there (ranging from a census to a study of customs and nature). The materials collected by him didn’t fulfil Catherine’s expectations; having received no remuneration he left for England in 1766. He taught foreign languages and natural sciences, had done numerous translations of travel literature into English, with assistance by

his eldest son, Georg, an equally capable polyglot. The publication of the work entitled Specimen historiae naturalis Volgensis had ensured him acceptance into the ranks of the Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge. In 1772 he received the post of naturalist on captain Cook’s expedition; he was allowed to take seventeen-year old Georg along1.


James Cook’s second voyage was about science and discovery. The main Marzena Chrobak A journey to Easter Island according to an eighteenth-century manuscript from the « Berlin collection » of the Jagiellonian Library

goal was the discovery of the mythical Terra Australis, the Southern Continent. The ships « Resolution » and « Adventure » sailed from Plymouth on July 13th, 1772. The route of the voyage took them via the Madeira Islands to the Cape of Good Hope and to Oceania: New Zealand - Tahiti – Tonga Islands – New Zealand – Easter Island – the Marquesas Islands – Tahiti – New Hebrides – New Caledonia – New Zealand. The « Resolution » returned to England via Cape Horn and the Atlantic, on July 30th, 1775. Despite James Cook being the first European to cross the polar circle (71o, 10’), he never reached the Southern Continent. The Antarctic was discovered only in 18202. The Mémoire sur Waïhou ou l’Ile de Pâques forms a relation from the four days the expedition spent on Easter Island in March of 1774. It contains information on the geologic, natural and ethnographic research and observations, complemented by philosophical commentary. The manuscript opens with maps drawn in black ink: a chart of the southern hemisphere glued to the cover, signed in English: A CHART OF THE SOUTHERN HEMISPHERE, according to the latest Discoveries: with the Tracks of the Resolution , Capn. Cook; and the Adventure, Capn. Furneaux; from 1772, to 1775. By GEORGE FORSTER, F.R.S, Published according to the Act of Parliament, March, 10th 1777 – 720 x 730 mm., folded in four (fol. 5); and a map of Easter Island – 310 x 235, with a signature in English (fol. 7vo). The text is illustrated by two plates with images of the locals: MAN OF EASTER ISLAND (fol. 12ro), WOMAN OF EASTER ISLAND (fol. 13vo), signed: Drawn from Nature by W. Hodges. Engravit by F. Bartolozzi [the man] / J. Caldwall [the woman]. Published Feb […] 1777 […], as well as a watercolour painting protected by carbon paper, showing four locals on the seashore at the base of three

1 J. Baradziej, „Wkład Jana Reinholda i Jerzego Forsterów w rozwój nauki światowej”, in: Szkice z dziejów Prus Królewskich XVI-XVIII wieku, J. Włodarski (ed.), Gdańsk 2008, pp. 211-221. 2 Ibidem.

stone statues, of which one statue is lying on the ground; in the background another islander is looking out to sea; two locals are seen paddling in a canoe (fol. 19). The manuscript finishes with the Table harmonique des Langues de la mer du Sud, a glossary in nine languages: French, the language of Easter Island, Tahiti and of other islands of Oceania. The author underlines the meaning of the philosophical take on the voyage report: one should write soit pour ajouter aux connaissances philosophiques, soit pour perfectionner celles qui étoient dejà acquises [be it to add new components to philosophic knowledge, be it to make perfect these we already have] (2vo). After a short presentation of the most important properties of the island (separated from the world, inhabited by a handful of people unaware of their origins, with regard to which one can only draw conclusions based on comparative linguistic research, people, who in exceedingly difficult conditions - barren soil, lack of wood, harsh climate, isolation - had created magnificent art: monumental sculptures, colossal heads carved in stone) he describes the history of the island’s discovery by Europeans, the geographic location, physio-geographical data. After the hardships of the long voyage through unfriendly waters (eternal fogs, snow, ice floe, “having sad sea birds on the raging ocean surface and lone whales surprised by the presence of the daring, venturing into these murky regions, as sole companions of the voyage” (fol. 8vo), tormented by rheumatism, scurvy, and cholera, on March 11th, 1774 they felt joy at the sound of the word “Land”, and after that - astonishment at the lack of forests, fruit, birds as mentioned by earlier explorers. He describes the first contact with the locals (a friendly greeting by about 150 people, mainly unarmed men, gifts of the earth, contempt for European trinkets), next the houses, flora, rocks, finally the inhabitants. He underlines cultural universals: covering of sexual organs stemming from the common feeling of shame; deforming the body originating from the common will to make oneself more beautiful (fol. 14ro). He compares the present state of affairs to reports of past travellers. He estimates the population to be about eight hundred to nine hundred people, including fifty women, or one in 16-17 men. He does not know the reasons for this imbalance, talking to the locals is hindered by lack of knowledge of the language (fol. 19ro); seeing traces of agriculture all over the island, whereas now they only clear a part of the land, he concludes that the population used to be larger. Dying out of

the women is attributed to a natural catastrophe, not wars; he calls on the examples of earthquakes in the Galapagos and Peru. He finishes the report with remarks on art, including comparing the colossal heads to monumental Egyptian statues, and with a praise of the German nation and Frederick II of Prussia, father of peoples and arts, the philosopher-king.


The text under the title given in the manuscript (Mémoire sur Waïhou ou Marzena Chrobak A journey to Easter Island according to an eighteenth-century manuscript from the « Berlin collection » of the Jagiellonian Library

l’Ile de Pâques) is not found in biographical listings of Forster’s work. Maybe this is a text unknown to scholars. It is mysterious in many respects. For whom was the text created? For what purpose? Why in French? Both Forsters, the father and the son, kept voyage diaries. The British Admiralty had forbidden Johann to publish his diary; Georg had published his under the title A voyage round the World in HMS „Resolution” commanded by Captain Cook, during the years 1772-1775, Londyn 1777 (Polish edition: Jerzy Forster, Podróż naokoło świata, Libron, Kraków 2007). Published one and a half months before captain Cook’s memoir, Georg’s report had enjoyed quite a success. He quotes his father’s diary when describing Easter Island (chapter VIII). Two years later Johann publishes Observations Made During A Voyage Round the World on Physical Geography, Natural History, and Ethic Philosophy, Londyn 1778 (translated into French by Jean-Claude Pingeron)3. The “Resolution” journal of J.R. Forster was published only in 1982 [?]. However, the Mémoire sur Waïhou ou l’Ile de Pâques is not a fragment of any of the works listed above. The structure of the text (introduction, main body, conclusion) suggests anyway that it was conceived as a complete whole. It was created either in England, which may be inferred about on the basis of the paper from English paper mills (watermarks: the coat of arms of England, the mark and name of the papermaker John Taylor), or in Halle (Prussia), where Johann Forster had settled in 1780. The terminus post quem is the year 1777, because this date is found in signatures of the chart and plates. Perhaps the manuscript was created in the year when he moved to Prussia, or a short time afterwards. It is unknown whether it was written in French, or translated into the language by Forster himself or by someone else. The first hypothesis may be spoken for by lack of data on the translator’s name, a certain similarity of

3 Cf. the catalogue of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France.

the handwriting to that of Forster, the note Présent de l’auteur and notes in German: Im Atlas zu Cook et Voyage towards to fouth. pok. London 1777 IV Vol. 1 p. 287 befindet sich eine Abbildung des Monuments, hier besitzt C. Bibliothek die werthvolle Originalzeichnung; Die Notiz, die Forster im Jahre 1780 [...] Königs Friedrich II nach Koelln [?] annahm, ist für die Zeit der Abfestung [?] dieser Denkschrift [?](3 vo). Forster’s knowledge of French is confirmed by the fact that he translated from that language into German documents of the voyage of La Pérouse to the southern seas.4 Why would Forster, however, write in French, and for whom might have this text been foreseen? The contents and presence of charts and plates suggest an earnest recipient of scientific interests, perhaps an institutional one; the elegance of the edition (leather binding framed by embossed gold floral motifs, endpaper marbling, gold-plated edges) and the attachment of an original aquarelle - a noble and earnest recipient. The anthropological treatise ends with ponderings about the art of Easter Island in a comparative view, and the final sentences include commendation of the king Frederick II of Prussia, the philosopher-king, a patron of arts and benefactor of his people. The manuscript could have been meant for him, for the Berlin Academy or another German scientific society. Johann Forster was due gratitude to the circle of Frederick II, because it was thanks to the financial help of Prussian freemasons that he was bailed from an English prison, where he was held for debts, and thanks to the intercession of Karl von Zedlitz, the minister of education and culture, he received the post of professor at the university in Halle. The use of a language other than his native tongue by a polyglot could arise from the fact that he felt more a scientist than a Prussian, a member of the international society of the enlightened, for whom French was a common language. It is unknown, to which recipient the note présent de l’auteur may refer. The further journey of the manuscript is easier to trace. The entry in the accession register of the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin allows us to infer that the manuscript had found its way there on April 30th, 1850, through a donation 4 Cf. J. R. Forster, C. L. Sprengel, La Perouse’ns Entdeckungsreise in den Jahren 1758, 1786, 1787 und 1788. Herausgegeben von M.C.A. Milet-Mureau. Aus dem Französischen übers. und mit Anmerkungen begleitet von J.R. Forster und C.S. Sprengel. In Magazin von merkwürdingen euen Reisebeschreibungen, Berlin, 1799-1800, vol. 16, p. 201.

by S. V. Klaatsch. It is known how it found its way to Krak贸w. On murky winter afternoons at the Vistula, the chart of the southern hemisphere flatters as it unfolds, and the inhabitants of the islands look upon us from the plates, wearing fancy hats protecting them from the scorching sun.


Krzysztof Kotuła

The first French translation of Plutarch’s Apophthegmata? Ms. gall. quart. 91 from the Berlin Collection Among the manuscripts from the „Berlin collection” kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków may be found one uncharacteristically interesting 16th-century item bearing the signature Gall. Quart. 91. In the Lemm catalogue it is described as „Ex Plutarchi apophtegmatibus, quæ in usum frequentionem incidunt, selecta, eo ordine digesta, ut literam latinam gallica proxime sequatur interpretatio”1. This sentence is in actuality only a faithful transcript of the inscription in the cartouche in fol. 2ro of the manuscript. It allows one, however, to get an initial glimpse of the contents of the manuscript: that it supposedly contains the Latin and French versions of selected Apophthegmata of Plutarch. This text surely deserves a few words of comment, both for reasons of its importance as well as the disputes around the issue of its authorship. The Apophthegmata is nothing else but a collection of sayings and proverbs ascribed to military commanders and statesmen of the antiquity, the study of which serves to build one’s morality. The Apophthegmata are a part of the Moralia, an eclectic collection of essays and written-down speeches of famous people. Since the edition by Henri Estienne (1572) the Moralia are traditionally divided into 14 books and 78 parts. The Apophthegmata are in this collection parts 15 (Sayings of Kings and Commanders, Βασιλέων αποφθέγματα και στρατηγών, Regum et imperatorem apophthegmata), 16 (Sayings of the Spartans, Άποφθέγματα Λακωνικά, Apophthegmata Laconica) and 18 (Sayings of the Spartan Women, Λακαινών αποφθέγματα, Lacaenarum apophthegmata) of the third book. Regarding the first of the above named texts – Sayings of Kings and Commanders – (it is at the same time the text, the Latin and French version of which

1 Siegfried Lemm, Mitteilungen aus der Königlichen Bibliothek, Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1918. p. 19.

is included in Ms. Gall. Quart. 91), contemporary scholars are not in agreement as to the issue of its authorship. In antiquity it was commonly regarded as a work by Plutarch; many also state that exactly this text is hidden under item numbers 108 or 125 of the so-called Catalogue of Lamprias, a directory of works by Plutarch drawn up by his son. Because the author’s name is not found in the


majority of the manuscripts, and the entirety may at first glance seem to be a


simple compilation not worthy of the philosopher of Cheronea, together with the birth of modern criticism in the 16th century some humanists had begun to regard this text as apocryphal2. Discussions in this regard are actually ongoing until the present, with proponents of the thesis about the non-authenticity of the work, like Volkmann, Nachstädt or Ziegler set against the defenders of its originality, like Sass or Fuhrmann. Whatever the origin of the Sayings of Kings and Commanders, it is doubtless that this document is something more than just a simple collection of anecdotes. It is a testament to the long road covered by the antique thought since the times of Pericles and Thucidydes: from discussions on whether in politics words and reflection do not harm one’s actions, from thoughts on the role of fate, which blights the most accurate of human estimates, to the paradox statement that the true measure of a politician’s value are his words rather than his actions, because we actually hold no power over the latter. This is not only a fundamental change in the perception of the world and politics, a deeply understandable change at that, because also the scope of freedom of actions of an individual in the Athenian democracy differed greatly from the reality of the Roman empire, where the subject was under the rule of a monarch close to gods; the change applies also to the roles of the historian and of history. Plutarch’s work, serving to show to statesmen the rules of actions of individuals and societies, had enjoyed much attention also in the centuries to come, to which a testament is, among others, Ms. Gall. Quart. 91. In which period of time, and by whose wish, was the Latin-French version of the Sayings of Kings and Commanders created? An answer to this question may be found in the dedication in fol. 2vo in the next cartouche: GEnerosissimo Ludovico Aurelio Longe[m]uille[m] Duci Inclitissimo Gulielmus

2 First of whom was Wilhelm Xylander (1532-1576), who had recorded his doubts in his Adnotationes.

Iodocus .S. The beneficiary of the work was thus Louis d’Orléans, the duke of Longueville. Only two dukes of Longueville had borne this name: Louis Ier († 1516) and Louis II († 1536). The latter is suggested by the fact that in this same folio, under the dedication, one finds the date 12, cal’, Aug, Par, ex Lexo, gym, 1528 (August 21st, 1528). But the colour of the ink here is brighter than on the remainder of the page, which may suggest that the date was added at a later point in time. This might also be hinted at by the fact that elsewhere in the manuscript one finds dedications to other members of the family, of which some had died before 1528. And so, in folio 46vo one finds a verse dedicated AD Reuerindissimum dominum Ioannem Aurelium, Tolosanorum archiepiscopum (referring to Jean d’Orléans de Longueville, † 1533), in folio 47vo another, dedicated AD generosissimum comitem fra[n]ciscu[m] Aurelium (François d’Orléans, count of Dunois and Longueville, † 1491, or his son † 1512) and AD nobilissimos duos fr[atr]es ducem et comite[m] Lo[n]geuille[n]ses Ludouicu[m] et Fra[n]ciscu[m] Aurelios (Louis d’Orléans and François II d’Orléans, † 1512)3. Thus, there exist two possibilities: either the manuscript was created before 1528, and the date was added later, or Ms. Gall. Quart. 91 is a transcript of the copy given to Louis Ier. An analysis of the writing seems to point to the third decade of the 16th century, which would support the second theory4. However, the quality of execution of the manuscript makes one wonder - it is of distinguishing thoroughness. The book, having dimensions of 220 x 159 mm, counts 50 parchment sheets. The text, in a single column, was written in late Hybrida Formata with marked influences of Humanistic Script. The ruling was executed in red ink. The manuscript presents the text in an elegant and clear way: every fragment, or in other words saying, is presented first in Latin, and then in French. The individual parts of the text are separated from each other by a blank line. Orientation within the work is also facilitated by the fact that the Latin fragments begin with blue champ initials filled with golden lines, and the French fragments use red instead of blue. The manuscript also features two floriate initials (fols. 2vo i 3ro). Each portion of the text 3 All biographical information quoted after Biographie universelle ancienne et moderne…, t. 25, p. 81 sqq. 4 The most similar sample of writing was found by me in the Catalogue des Manuscrits Datés, vol. 1, p. 349 and pl. CLIX – manuscript dated for the years 1523-1524.

ends with elegant line-fillers in the form of bi-colour mouldings. All of this, including the accentuated cartouches containing the name of the beneficiary brings forth the notion that it was this copy which was meant for the duke of Longueville after all. As for the author of the manuscript, efforts to identify him have been fruit-


less up to now. He introduces himself only in the beginning of the manuscript


as Gulielmus Iodocus (fol. 2vo), and reminds the reader of himself in the formulation closing the text - IODOCUS FACIEBAT (fol. 48vo). Assuming that this is a Frenchman, he could have borne the name Guillaume Josse, however nobody of that name is found in publicly available sources under either the French or the Latin name. It is quite possible, however, that he was the first who had translated – even if in portions – the Apophthegmata into French. Indeed, sources agree that in the third decade of the 16th century (if one would believe the date from fol. 2vo) there were no French translations of this work5. So, even if this is not a translation from the original – which at that time was not uncommon – then in any case the text contained in Ms. Gall. Quart. 91 certainly deserves the researchers’ attention. All that remains is the issue of the Latin version of the Sayings, which was not authored by Gulielmus Iodocus, but was created earlier. Despite the fact that the latter provides no source from which they had taken their text, I had managed to discern that its author is one Raffaele Regio (~1440-1520), a Venetian humanist who gained fame by showing that the Rhetorica ad C. Herennium is not a work by Cicero, we well as through his editions of Quintillian and Ovid. His translation of the Sayings was done in 1507, as proven by his letter of dedication included in the subsequent editions of the Regum et imperatorem apophthegmata, signed „III. Calendas Septembres, M. D. VII.”6. One needs to note, however, that Gulielmus Iodocus had not limited himself to copying the Latin text word for word, but he had also introduced extensive cuts, only choosing the fragments he had deemed interesting. This is well visible even in the beginning, where only two fragments have remained 5 cf. Auguste de Blignières, Essai sur Amyot et les traducteurs français au XVIe siècle, Durand, 1851, p. 162 sqq. 6 Here I made use of the Lyon collected edition of Plutarch’s Moralia from 1549 (Plutarchi chæronei philosophi, historici que clarissimi opuscula moralia). The text of the Apophthegmata begins on page 268.

from the letter of dedication to the emperor Traian. From the first of these, being at the same time the opening sentence of the text, the reference to Traian, which wouldn’t be understandable when devoid of proper context, was removed. Whereas in the edition the sentence is as follows: „Artaxerses persarum rex, maxime Imperator Traiane Caesar, non minus Regium et humanum existimans, dicebat esse parua libenter prompteque; accipere, quam magna tribuere”, manuscript Gall. Quart. 91 shows signs of slight alterations (fol. 3ro): „Artaxerses persarum rex, non minus Regium et humanum dicebat esse parua libenter prompteque accipere quam magna tribuere”. This fragment was translated into French in the following manner: „Artaxerxe Roy de Perse disoit n’estre point moins Royal et humain, de voluntiers prendre petites choses, que de donner grandes”. Following this one, a large portion of the letter had been omitted, in which the author asks the Emperor to accept the humble gift which is his work, as well as notes the intentions which had driven him when he had composed it (beginning with the words „quam sibi in uia obequitanti pauper quidam” until „mentem perspicuem exhibent contemplandam”), moving on to immediately quote the next saying (fol. 3ro): „Syramnes Persa quibusdam admirantibus quod sapientibus ipsius verbis facta non responderent verborum (inquit) ipse quidem sum dominus factorum autem simul cum rege fortuna”. This sentence reflects word for word the following edition: „Syramnes Persa quibusdam admirantibus, quod sapientibus ipsius uerbis facta non responderent: Verborum, inquit, ipse quidem sum dominus, factorum autem simul cum rege fortuna”. The French version as proposed by Gulielmus Iodocus takes the following form: „Comme aulcuns fussent esmerveillez que les faictz de syramne perse ne ressembloient point à ses prudentes et saiges parolles, Il dist : je suys maistre de mes parolles, je dis ce que je veulx mais fortune gouverne mes faictz et operations et empesche que je ne face comme je parle”. The remainder of the introduction, in which the author describes how his work differs from the undertakings of his predecessors, was likewise omitted. The situation is similar in the following portion of the text: selected were only those fragments of the original which for one reason or the other were deemed noteworthy by the author. As for the French translation, it is rather mechanic and a far cry from the lightness and precision characterising the translation of Jacques Amyot from 1572. This does not change the fact, how-

ever, that Ms. Gall. Quart. 91 is surely quite an interesting manuscript for every philologist dealing with sixteenth century translations of authors from the antiquity, and the text itself deserves a meticulous analysis. Finally, a few words on the history of the manuscript, a large portion of which remains hidden. If one would assume that it was indeed the family of


Longueville who were the first owners of the codex, then we sadly know nei-


ther how long Ms. Gall. Quart. 91 had remained in their possession, nor when it changed masters. This stems primarily from the fact that the binding was replaced in the 19th century, and has no traces of the journey of the manuscript through the ages. Currently it is a simple half binding, the boards of which are covered in simple marbled paper, and the flyleaves and pastedowns are made of paper. Some information about the provenance of the manuscript could be gathered thanks to the acquisition number on the initial pastedown: (3853.). Following this indication, we were able to identify the person our manuscript was acquired from by the Königliche Bibliothek of Berlin: a German bookseller Isaac St. Goar, keeping a boutique at 5 Junghoffstrasse in Frankfurt, and the date of the acquisition: 1st July 1853. The remaining markings appearing on the final pastedown: 24844, FBJL (?) and the number 2959, remain undeciphered. So, as we see, Ms. Gall. Quart. 91 still has some surprises left and is one of the many interesting manuscripts of the ‘Berlin collection’ kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków.

Dorota Pudo

Two manuscripts from the collection of Auguste Danican – musings on literary reception Habent sua fata libelli. Terentianus Maurus In the ‘Berlin’ collection there are numerous manuscripts containing assemblies of different texts - poems, fragments or quotes. Some of these are, for example, manuscript Gall. Fol. 151 (Recueil de Literature, de Philosophie et d’Histoire - “A literary, philosophic and historical collection”), Gall. Oct. 20 (Recueil de poesies diverses - “A collection of diverse poetry”) or Gall. Oct. 43 (a collection of French songs from the 18th century and before). Of course, not all of them collect texts of the same type - in certain cases the rule for gathering different documents into one assembly is unequivocal, whereas other manuscripts contain texts so different from one another that it is hard to determine why they were collected. It is also noteworthy that not all of them are equally interesting to the scholar, or that they should be subject to equal scientific analyses: for instance, the manuscript Gall. Fol. 151 is a transcript of an earlier edition, and as such is not a very interesting subject of philological studies, and its textological value is low. In this article I would like to take a closer look at two of such collections of texts, namely the manuscripts Gall. Fol. 201 and 202, which I deem to be interesting mainly from the point of view of studies of literary reception. They exhibit certain common properties: the format, the paper, the binding, the origins, the previous owner. They can be dated to a period before the year 1794, based on the watermark of John Taylor, who was active in London up to this particular year1;

1 See W. A. Churchill, Watermarks in Paper in Holland, England, France, etc., in the XVII and XVIII Centuries and their Interconnection, Amsterdam, M. Hertz-Berger, 1935, p. 53.

the date, 1794, visible on fol. 25ro of manuscript Gall. Fol. 202 is also its terminus post quem (the date for the other one may be somewhat earlier). Both were probably created in Great Britain: the paper and watermark seem to be proof enough of this. The binding of both manuscripts is the original, genuine. The front and back covers are made of brown parchment bearing numerous signs of use, such


as chafing, holes and stains. Both have the same accession number: 11.197 (inDorota Pudo Two manuscripts from the collection of Auguste Danican – musings on literary reception

cluded on fol. 1ro in manuscript Gall. Fol. 201 and on 3ro in Gall. Fol. 202), which means that they made their way to the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin at the same time: according to this number, this is probably the beginning of the 1880s. One cannot be certain, however, how they had arrived there, or where they were kept before they reached the Königliche Bibliothek; both have a note about the terms of their sale: Sold by Wm Jackson. Stationer & Bookseller, No 198, Oxford Street, Corner of Orchard Street. Despite so many similarities there are still certain differences between the two manuscripts. They were not created by the same person, although a fragment of the final piece of text of the Gall. Fol. 202 could have been written by the same hand that created Gall. Fol. 201. The latter contains 55 folios written entirely by one person, whereas manuscript Gall. Fol. 202 is the work of two different copyists: the first one: fols. 3ro-34vo, the second: 35ro-36ro. The contents of both manuscripts are entirely different from one another. The first one is a collection of classic quotes in Latin. Most of them are short and taken from the most notable Roman authors. The quotes are assigned to specific works thanks to notes on the margins, which give the abbreviation of the author’s name and title of the work. We thus find out that folios 2ro10ro contain quotes from Virgil, folios 11vo-19ro - from Horace, folios 20ro-53ro - from Ovid, and that folio 55ro contains an excerpt from a work by Tibullus. The contents of manuscript Gall. Fol. 202 are much less homogenous and not so well organised. In the beginning we find a collection of quotes (fols. 3ro-13ro). These come from diverse sources: some are taken, as in the case of the previous manuscript, from classic Latin authors (i. e. Ovid or Cicero), but others - the majority - stem from French literature (Montesquieu, Pascal, Voltaire), there is even a fragment in English (from J. Addison – fol. 11ro). In contrast to manuscript Gall. Fol. 201, the notes on the margins do not allow the determination of sources for the quotes; the quotes themselves are not sorted by language, author or source either: Latin quotes are intermixed with French ones without

discernible rule or reason. Their lengths also vary greatly, from short sentences to quotes stretching over half a page. Beginning from folio 13vo, however, the manuscript ceases to be a simple collection of quotes: from here on in it contains longer fragments (sometimes even several pages in length), introduced each time by a note on the contents; sometimes these are scant details as to the source or author. Here are some of these fragments: Notes sur le massacre de la Saint Bartelemi („Notes on the St. Bartholomew’s Day massacre” – fol. 13vo) ; Origine des droits du Peuple („On the origin of rights of the people” – fol. 15ro) ; Finances (fol. 16vo); Procedure faite contre Jean Chastel Escholier… („The process against Jean Chastel Escholier” – fol. 20ro) ; De la Demonomanie des sorciers („On the demonomania of sorcerers” – fol. 21ro). What follows is a short collection of quotes on the war fleet (fol. 23ro-24ro), after which further longer fragments are present: Colonies dans les Indes Orientales et occidentales. événemens („Colonies in the East and West Indies. Events” – fol. 26ro) ; Anecdotes. Faits, Evenemens, etc. etc. („Anecdotes. Facts. Events, etc. – fol. 28ro) ; Notes sur le changement d’opinions en France („Notes on the changing opinions in France” – fol. 30ro) ; Anecdotes. Faits historiques, etc. etc. („Anecdotes. Historical facts, etc.” – fol. 30ro) ; Sur la Mort de M(onsieur) le M(arqu)is de Condorset („On the death of marquis Condorcet” – fol. 31vo) ; Privileges („Privileges” – fol. 33vo), etc. As may be inferred from this list alone, it would be exceedingly difficult to find a common denominator between these excerpts; some of them contain relations on the topic of war, but still apply to very distant times and places (the colonies in the Indies and St. Bartholomew’s Day). Others are documents of various fields (law, finance), treatises or anecdotes, not related to each other through any topic or leitmotif. What is even more stunning is the fact that no logical reasons may explain why certain specific fragments were quoted from the selected texts, and not others: the point at which the copyist (and in this case at the same time the author of the collection) chooses to end the quote is sometimes utterly incomprehensible. The most stunning example of this is the Procedure faite contre Jean Chastel Escholier… – a description which breaks off abruptly mid sentence, before it even comes to light what the entire text is about. The reader only finds out that Jean Chastel, a scholar at a Jesuit college, at the age of nineteen, had approached his highness king Henry IV (at 6 or 7 in the evening, on October 27th, 1595), and when the latter leaned to embrace the bowing nobleman… It is here that the copyist loses interest in the event,

and the reader has to search a published edition of this text2 to find out that the youth had then injured the king with a knife - most probably trying to kill him - but was stopped, tried and sentenced to torture and death. Breaking off the text where the copyist did proves the total lack of any comprehensive idea as to what this volume was to contain. It is hard to say why this fragment was


copied at all, since the author had deemed it proper not to convey any vital Dorota Pudo Two manuscripts from the collection of Auguste Danican – musings on literary reception

information contained in this text. As we can see, the general ideas behind the two volumes under comparison here are very different: only the first of these resembles what we would call today „a collection of quotes”. The second one - quite the contrary, although certain portions are constructed in the same manner (fols. 3ro-13ro), but it seems to more closely resemble a private note book, containing copies of certain texts in whole, with others recorded only fragmentarily, transcribed only up to the point of the copyist changing his mind, be it due to the change of the general concept, or perhaps because he was bored, tired or if something else had attracted his attention. In spite of this, both manuscripts share one common characteristic - it is no internal property of the books themselves, as their material properties, form or contents. Indeed, it is known for certain that for a time, in the beginning of the 19th century, both manuscripts were in the possession of one Auguste Danican, whose real name was Louis Michel Auguste Thévenet. He had left behind certain notes, signed by him personally as Aug Danican, on the front (Gall. Fol. 201) or back (Gall. Fol. 202) endpaper, and also certain notes on the margins of manuscript Gall. Fol. 201. Before I analyse the contents of these notes, I would like to take a brief look at the life and personality of the owner of these manuscripts, because he was surely a distinguishable person, and his biography is colourful and interesting.3 He was born in Paris, on March 29th, 1764. During

2 Procédure faicte contre Jean Châtel pour le parricide par lui attenté sur la personne du roy Henri IV et arrests donnez contre le parricide et contre les Jésuites. Paris, Jamet Mettayer, 1595. 3 Certain details as to his life may be found in his works themselves (at least up to a certain period), because he was also a writer, a diarist: cf. Les brigands Demasqués, ou Mémoire pour servir à l’Histoire du temps présent, London, Deboffe, Debrett, Dulau, Boosey, 1796, or Le fléau des tyrans et des septembriseurs, ou réflexions sur la révolution française, presented by Miss Th. Wilbour at the New York Public Library, 22. 12. 1911.

the French Revolution he had joined the French National Guard, quickly reaching the rank of general (in September of 1793). Upon his resignation in 1795, he had, at the National Convention, accused the generals of the Republic, by whose side he had fought against the revolt in the Vendée, of all the atrocities committed by them. A short time afterwards he had changed fronts for the last time and became a leader of the royalists during their uprising of October 5th, 1795. After their demise, sentenced in absentia to death, he fled to Germany, but did not want to end his public activities: he had become a covert agent of German princes. Having returned to Paris in secret he miraculously fled from the republican police during the coup d’etat of September 4th, 1797. He hid in Switzerland, where he continued his political activities; around 1800, having been appointed field marshal in name of the king, he finally chose England as his place of refuge.4 During the Bourbon Restoration he returned to France, but - disillusioned by the ingratitude of the government, which even refused to acknowledge his rank of general - he returned to England, and then to Holstein in Germany, where he finally died on December 17th, 1848 at the age of 84. He must have bought the two manuscripts discussed here during his stay in England in the beginning of the 19th century: on the inside front cover of Gall. Fol. 201 one finds recorded by him the date Mars 28. 1814; in turn, on fol. 1ro there is the date fevrier 24. 1817. The back cover of manuscript Gall. Fol. 202 in turn bears the recorded dates le 4 mai Gxxx 1812, 16 weeks _ Aug 23 1813, 16 weeks December 1st 1813. Now I would like to take a closer look at the nature of the notes left by the owner in his books. They can be divided into two groups: some of them contain transcripts of other texts, whereas the remainder (a minority) are personal musings by Danican on his own life. The only notes which would to any extent be related to the contents of the books are the notes found in manuscript Gall. Fol. 201 (fol. 2ro and 3ro-6ro). Their contents may be assumed to be a sort of amendment to the contents of the collection: these are further Latin quotes; however, their tone is quite different from the quotes in the collection, which

4 But he must have also been residing there earlier, perhaps for a shorter period of time, because he signs a rhymed pamphlet against the leaders of the revolution as follows: A Londres, le 20 Mai 1796 (« London, May 20th 1795 », Les brigands Demasqués, ed. cit., unnumbered page).

were taken from classic authors.5 What Danican records in the volume is, as he says himself: Emblemata amatoria or Cupid’s adress to the Ladies in four languages, by Philip Ayres Esq. 1714 Printed and Sold by W. Likely at the Horse guard (f. 3ro). This book (Emblemata Amatoria, Emblems of Love, Embleme d’Amore, Emblemes d’Amour), written by Philip Ayres in the second half of the 17th century, is a


collection of plates with images, each one accompanied by a set of four short Dorota Pudo Two manuscripts from the collection of Auguste Danican – musings on literary reception

poems, each in a different language (these are in every case as follows: Latin, English, Italian and French). Danican copies only a small part of these poems, not adhering precisely to the order in which they appear in the original, and obviously preferring the Latin versions, which take up the most space in his copies, and one quarter of Ayres’ work (in spite of this, Danican sometimes also includes the Italian or French versions). The quotes are precise and correct, in which light they seem to be quoted directly from the source rather than from memory, especially since Danican gives the exact edition of the book he might have used. And yet we find one fragment (fol. 4ro), which he does not manage to quote in entirety, with the first half of one of the verses replaced by dots. It is hard to find a reason for this state of affairs other than forgetfulness: the missing passage hurts the meaning of the text (so this is rather not purposeful), and the copyist having tired or bored is quite improbable, since Danican was not forced to copy anything, he was doing it at his leisure, and could have easily dispensed of it all, if it were tiresome or boring to him. Whatever the explanation, it is unknown why he decided to copy this book specifically (unless he was simply fond of it), why he chose specifically these excerpts, and above all, why did he copy them in precisely this manuscript, even more so because they have little in common with the classic quotes contained in it. Another fragment, most probably copied, because it does not pertain directly to the life of Danican, is a part of a diary of sorts, in English, copied on the inside back cover of manuscript Gall. Fol. 202. It is made up of just ten lines and is taken out of context, therefore hard to interpret or identify. It opens with a precise definition of the date („January 31st” – exact date, but the year is missing), and closes with a name – Corvcier or Cornier. The excerpt is related

5 This applies to notes by Danican on fols. 3ro-6ro. In turn, on fol. 2ro, he writes (or transcribes) on the margin fragments of some texts in Italian and Latin, without any order or data allowing their identification.

to some war, but it does not say which war it applies to. It contains a vague allusion to the former wars of la Vendee, and this hint may possibly be the explanation as to why Danican had taken an interest in this fragment: he had taken part in the quelling of the uprising in Vendée, despite having later left the revolution accusing it of atrocities. Finally, the inside front cover and folio 1ro of manuscript Gall. Fol. 201 contains still different notes, not including any quotes, written down by Danican himself, and concerning his private life. The first one was drawn up on March 28th, 1814. Danican notes a general reflection on his life, beginning with the words: Aujourd’hui 28 Mars, j’ai 50 ans („Today, on March 28th, I am 50”). Further on he states that the first 25 years of his life were as joyous as possible, but at the same time complains that the last 25 he was but un martyr perpetuel („a constant martyr”). He considers himself to be „one of the people especially strongly touched by the horrors and paradoxes of revolution”, and regrets having received only „defamation from both sides” for his „special devotion in service to the saddest of causes” (which is understandable to some extent considering he switched sides in the middle of the war). Finally he expresses sincere sympathy to those who, like himself, „have strong and earnest convictions, because they will meet in their path only vile and shallow comedians.” This note portrays Danican as an unhappy, embittered man, much more pessimistic than in his earlier works, where he was in truth disillusioned - especially by the revolution - but he wrote despite this with zest and energy.6 In the second note the reader finds Danican three years later, on February 24th, 1817. The contents are even more pessimistic, and as the motto Danican had selected an excerpt from the Gospel of Matthew, 26, 38: Tristis est amina mea usque ad Mortem. We find out here that he is in prison, for „vouching for a dishonest man named Augot d’Arsonval”, where he is reached by a terrible message: his five-year-old son had died that morning in the arms of his mother. Danican expresses grief, regrets not having been able to kiss his son for the last time, lists his personal traits, also giving precise dates and places of his birth and death, and finally making a „very sincere promise to devote a moment every day to bless and celebrate the memory of this innocent person,

6 Works quoted in footnote 3.

out of gratitude for the sheer pleasure brought by his too short an existence” to him. Afterwards Danican affixes his signature, but he also includes a post scriptum: „If there would be something to soothe my pain, it is the thought that my poor son had avoided the pits and fears which tormented his miserable father for the last 28 years.” Bitter consolation of an unhappy man...


Having analysed all the texts recorded or transcribed by Auguste Danican in Dorota Pudo Two manuscripts from the collection of Auguste Danican – musings on literary reception

the folios of his two collections of quotes I would like to summarise, by stating a few questions as to what these manuscripts had meant for him. Did he treat them the same way he did printed books, or were they worth more, or less, to him? Would he have also „supplemented” a printed quote collection with his own selection? Did he enjoy the contents of these manuscripts - and if so, then is this the reason why he had one on his person at his London prison in 1817? Why did this man, who had previously published a handful of books, need to record a short personal musing on the cover of a book he owned - did writing bring him relief, did he want to share his feelings with someone, or maybe he was looking to publish another book? Whatever the answer to these questions, Danican’s notes seem to be interesting for two reasons. First of all, as a valuable source of biographical information, and second, as a sign of certain intimacy between the bound manuscript and its owner, who, even in the 19th century, could have been not only the reader, but may have also co-created it.

Anna Rzepka

Historic overseas territories of Spain in selected manuscripts from the Berlin book collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków One of the topic groups which may be distinguished within the set of Iberian manuscripts from the ‘Berlin’ collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków is related to historic Spanish overseas territories, both in South America as well as in the Pacific Ocean. Manuscripts forming the mentioned group are scattered across several volumes, constituting in certain instances independent entries in the catalogue (i. e. mss. Hisp. Qu. 50, Hisp. Oct. 1, Hisp. Fol. 21), or volumes which are „miscelánea de manuscritos” in character (i. e. mss. Hisp. Fol. 5at, Hisp. Fol. 7e, Hisp. Qu. 2i). Considered against the entirety of the set of Iberian manuscripts, the manuscripts dealing with the mentioned subject matter are quite varied in character, and accordingly, in the richness of their contents and the issues discussed in them. For example, we will find in the collection letters (transcripts as well as originals), like for instance in ms. Hisp. Fol. 21, bearing the general title Información de Vicente Saraiva a Guillermo Rawson sobre Gran Chaco. The volume begins with a letter (fols. 1ro-10vo) dated: Corrientes, Marzo 6 de 1865, addressed to one doctor Guillermo Golesbery Rawson (1812-1890), an influential politician, minister, and known Argentine physician. In its text we find information, hints and opinions dealing with the topic of facilitating communication in the area of Gran Chaco (in the section between provinces Corrientes and Salta), thanks to the planning of a road and the establishment of garrisons. This volume also covers an extract from a diary/journey report (fols. 11ro-16ro) entitled Esplanación del diario de viaje de D. Felipe Saraiva, desde la Colonia “Rivadavia” (Provincia de Salta), hasta Corrientes, segun los datos obtenidos del Cacique Naponarí y comitiva, por el Dr D. Vicente Saraiva. A different geographical region and different issues are the topic of the manuscript marked with signature Hisp. Qu. 76: Memoria sobre la Junta de Aranceles en las Islas Filipinas, presentada al Vice-presidente de la misma – a report for the head of the taxation office, drawn up by an anonymous official of the Junta

de Aranceles, i. e. the customs office in Manila in the Philippine Islands. The contents of the manuscript refer to statistical data regarding trade (import and export) conducted in the Philippines in the years 1831-1875. Three annexes in the form of tables with numerical data are attached to the report. For this short listing it would be hard to remain silent over the manuscript


marked Hisp. Qu. 60, entitled Vocabulario de lengua guaraní compuesto por el P.

Anna Rzepka Historic overseas territories of Spain in selected manuscripts from the ‘Berlin’ book collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

Blas Pretovio de la Compañía de Jesús, a transcript of a work by one Padre Blas Pretovio, published in 1696. This Jesuit missionary, born on Sicily, whose real name was Pablo Restivo (1658-1740), had spent almost fifty years of his life in Paraguay, devoted to preaching the gospels to Indians and educating them, and also teaching the Guarani language to missionaries and catechists. Based on these experiences he had created a few works, including the Vocabulario mentioned above, which we can describe as a certain kind of dictionaries of Spanish and Guarani with elements of grammar.1 Within the described group of Berlin manuscripts, the manuscript denoted with the signature Hisp. Qu. 64 definitely deserves a broader presentation. In a way it is composed of three parts: a letter in French (most likely an original), and handwritten copies of two Spanish reports of travels from the Age of Exploration and overseas expansion of Spain. Manuscript a (fols. 6ro-22vo), bearing the extensive title Relaçion del camino e viaje que Diego Rodrigues hizo desde la ciudad del Cuzco a la tierra de guerra de Mango Ynga que esta en los Andes alçado contra al servicio de Su Mag.d, y de las cosas que con el trató por modo y manera de paz, y tambien para que recebiese la dotrina evangelica de Nuestro Senor JesuXpo, que es la relaçion siguiente, forms a transcript of the report from a journey by a Spanish emissary, one Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa, to the Inca ruler Titu Cusi Yupanqui, which had taken place in 1565.2 Similarly, manuscript b (fols. 24ro-33ro), is a copy of a report from a journey undertaken in search of New Guinea, on which in

1 Cf. Natalia Czopek, “The Guarani language in the Manuscripts of the Berlin collection of the Jagiellonian Library”, in Fibula 1/2008 (1), pp. 25-29. 2 Details on the person and deeds of Titu Cusi Yupanqui (with numerous references to the document „Relación del camino y viaje ...”) are described by Liliana Regalado de Hurtado: El inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui y su tiempo, Biblioteca “Lo que debo saber”, vol. VIII, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Fondo Editorial, 1997. Apart from this it is advisable to become acquainted with the study by Edmundo Guillén Guillén: „Titu Cusi Yupanqui y su tiempo. El estado imperial y su trágico final en 1572”, in Revista de Historia y Cultura, Lima, 1981, nos. 13-14, pp. 1-46.

the year 1548 Álvaro de Mendaña (approx. 1541-1595), one of the outstanding Spanish sailors exploring the southern Pacific, had set out. The title of manuscript b is: Relacion breve de lo sucedido, en el vieje, que hizo Alvaro de Mendaña, en le demanda de la nueva Guinea, la qual estava descubierta por Inigo Ortiz de Retes, que fue con Villalobos, de la tierra de la Nueva España en el año de 1548. Both copies have been made directly from originals kept at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in Paris3, about which we find out from the mentioned letter opening the volume. The sender is Eugène Vincent Stanislas Jacquet (1811-1838),4 a prematurely deceased Belgian specialist of the Orient of unparalleled linguistic skills, highly valued by Wilhelm and Alexander von Humboldt, with whom he, among other things, conducted exchange of thoughts and ideas on issues of science, especially linguistics, via correspondence. From the contents of the letter, addressed to Alexander von Humboldt and dated December 12th, 1833 (Paris), we infer that Jacquet had become interested in the manuscripts in the collection of the Paris library considering them to had not been hitherto published. The transcripts of both manuscripts had probably been created at a time around the date of writing of the letter by Jacquet, they were supplemented with notes and glosses of the copyist, and with comments in French on the originals kept at the National Library in Paris. Apart from this, on fol. 22vo of manuscript a, Jacquet had included a facsimile of the signature of the author of the original. In this volume we also find two notes in German, signed E. Buschmann and Humboldt, respectively. The first of these contains a concise description of the contents of the volume, prepared by Karl Eduard Buschmann (1805-1880), a linguist who had worked with Wilhelm and Alexander von Humboldt, also employed at the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin. Dated Berlin, March 31st, 1868, this note was probably made at the time the volume was already in possession of the library of Berlin (?). The volume found its way to this institution according to the will of Alexander von Humboldt, and this is confirmed by the con3 Both handwritten originals, of which transcriptions were done by Jacquet, are currently found in the collection of the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, and their current signature is: Paris, BnF, esp. 325 (anc. Saint-Germain 1588). 4 The person and scientific work of E. V. S. Jacquet is broadly described by Félix Neve: Mémoire sur la vie d’Eugène Jacquet, de Bruxelles, et sur ses travaux relatifs à l’histoire et aux langues de l’Orient; suivi de quelques fragments, Académie Royale de Belgique. Mémoires couronnés et mémoires des savants étrangers, tome XXVII, 1856.

tents of the second note, made by the hand of the donor himself, which reads: „[...] after my death donate to the Königliche Bibliothek [zu Berlin].” (Alexander von Humboldt had died in 1859). The historical and textological research conducted with relation to the volume denoted Hisp. Qu. 64, which were conducted to date, had allowed the gath-


ering of several vital details, in particular on the edition of manuscript a prepared

Anna Rzepka Historic overseas territories of Spain in selected manuscripts from the ‘Berlin’ book collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

by Richard Pietschmann, a German specialist of the Orient, egyptologist and librarian, among others holding a managerial post at the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin in 1902, and beginning in 1903 also at the Library of the University of Göttingen. The German-language edition of the text mentioned above comes from 19105 and, as we can read in the Journal de la Société des Américanistes6: Lonsqu’en 1565, I’Inca Titu Cusi projetait d’attaquer les Espagnols installés au Pérou, Diégo Rodriguez Figueroa entreprit un voyage pour négocier avec lui. La Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris possède le manuscrit de ce voyage: c’est là qu’Eugène Jacquet, en 1833, le copia; il remit cette copie à Alexandre de Humboldt. Aujourd’hui M. Pietschmann en reprend la publication qu’il accompagne de détails historiques et d’une bibliographie de l’auteur espagnol. Another source confirming that Pietschamnn’s edition was based on the manuscript from the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin is a study entitled „The war of Quito”7: The manuscript of the Report of Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa on his mission to Titu Cusi Yupanqui Inca, came into the possession of Eugene Jacquet, a French orientalist, who gave it to Alexander von Humboldt, in 1833. Humboldt left it to the Royal Library at Berlin. The text was published by Dr Pietschmann of Gottingen in 1910. 5 Bericht des Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa uber seine Verhandlungen mit dem Inka Titu Cusi Yupanqui in den Anden von Villcapampa, mitgeteilt von Richard Pietschmann, extr. de: „Nachrichten der K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen Philologischhistorische klasse”, 1910. 6 Année 1910, volume 7, numéro 7, p. 307. 7 Pedro de Cieza de León, Clements Robert Markham, University of California, 1913, pp. 168-169.

Data from the English-language study, however, does not seem to be completely precise, because it suggests that Jacquet had in his possession the Spanish-language original of the report, and not its transcript. However, it is Jacquet himself who mentions having copied the original from the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris himself, in the above-mentioned letter to Humboldt. On the other hand, this quote confirms that the manuscript created by Jacquet had in the end arrived at the Library of Berlin as a gift from Alexander von Humboldt. Regarding the document describing the journey of Álvaro de Mendaña, it seems that it had caused interest especially in the period between the second half of the 19th century to the beginnings of the 20th century. This is hinted at by its editions in Spanish, English and French which were prepared in this period.8 Further research work on the Berlin manuscript may perhaps serve to complete the data on it. The manuscript bearing the signature Hisp. Oct. 1., entitled Ojeada sobre la historia de la literatura hispano-americana, is quite different in its nature. It is a list, in the form of an overview or handbook, of the most important information concerning the history of Latin American literature. The study was prepared, as suggested by details included in the manuscript, by Juan María Gutiérrez (1809-1878), an Argentine politician, poet, „critic, anthology author, journalist, historian, booklover and publisher.”9 The suggested au-

8 Cesáreo Fernández Duro, „Relación breve de lo sucedido en el viaje que hizo Álvaro Mendaña en la demanda de la Nueva Guinea”, in Revista General de Marina, vol. XXXVII (s/f ) and/or Boletín de la Real Sociedad Geográfica, núm. 37 (s/f ); „A brief account of what occurred upon the voyage of Alvaro de Mendaña in quest of New Guinea which had already been discovered by Inigo Otriz de Retes, who sailed with Villalobos from the land of New Spain in the year 1541”, in The discovery of the Solomon Islands by Alvaro de Mendaña in 1568 translated from original Spanish manuscripts. Edited, with Introduction and notes by Lord Amherst of Huckney, and Basil Thomson, vol. II, London: Printed for the Hakluyt Society, MDCCCCI; Voyageurs anciens et modernes, ou Choix des relations de voyages les plus intéressantes et les plus instructives depuis le cinquième siècle avant Jésus-Christ jusqu’au dix-neuvième siècle, avec biographies, notes et indications iconographiques, par M. Édouard Charton... [avec la collaboration de Ferdinand Denis], Paris, Bureaux du «Magasin pittoresque», 1863. 9 Cf. Emilio Carilla, „Juan María Gutiérrez y »El Matadero«”, in Thesaurus, tomo XLVIII, núm 1. (1993), p. 32. Another broad study on J. M. Gutiérrez is: Bárbara Rodríguez Martín: Juan María Gutiérrez y su contribución periodística (1833-1852) a la critica cultural hispanoamericana, Tesis doctoral, Humanidades y ciencias

thorship was assumed basing on the Spanish-language dedication included on protective sheet IIIvo: Recuerdo de amistad, dedicado al Sñr: von Gülich, Encargado de Negocios de S.M. el Rey de Prusia por Don Juan Maria Gutierrez, Ministro de Rela-


ciones Esteriores de la Confederación Argentina Parana 1856.

Anna Rzepka Historic overseas territories of Spain in selected manuscripts from the ‘Berlin’ book collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

On the other hand, concerning the person, to which the manuscript was dedicated, research conducted to date points to Friedrich Hermann Herbert von Gülich (1820-1903), a Prussian diplomat who in the years 1857-1868 was in active diplomatic service in the countries of South America (as the Prussian general consul in Montevideo), and who had retired in the year 1881. In case of the Berlin manuscript, what we are dealing with here is probably the original, which is confirmed by the words of Gülich included in the German-language note (fol. IIIvo), dated in Montevideo in March of 1866: My dear friend, the Argentine writer and poet J. M. Gutierrez had sent me in the year 1856 this hitherto unpublished manuscript, for printing. I couldn’t preserve it better than by asking for [...] at the Royal Library of Berlin. I note also that I had sent a transcript of this manuscript to Ebert’s periodical Romanische und Englische Literatur (Romance and English Literature). Basing on the contents of the above listed notes one may infer about the fate of the manuscript as follows: - regarding the authorship as well as the date and location of its creation – it was created by J. M. Gutiérrez in Argentina, Parana / Buenos Aires (the paper bears an impressed mark with the inscription: Libreria Inglesa Buenos Aires), in/ before the year 1856; Gutiérrez had transferred a handwritten version of the text for publication via a befriended German diplomat; - regarding the further fate/journey („migration”) of the manuscript – Gülich had sent its copy to the German periodical edited by Adolf Ebert and Ferdinand Wolf: Jahrbuch Für Romanische Und Englische Literatur, whereas the original was probably donated to the Königliche Bibliothek in Berlin (?), which seems to be be hinted at by the annotation of the diplomat as quoted above, which is only

sociales/3, Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad de La Laguna, curso 2005/06 (

partially legible in this spot. The text of the Ojeada sobre la historia de la literatura hispano-americana was published translated into German in the mentioned literary magazine, where it was entitled Beiträge zur Geschichte der spanisch-amerikanischen Literatur, in an issue from 1859.10 Regarding the original, up to now no bibliographic data regarding its publication could be found. As already noted, the Berlin collection does not miss manuscripts thematically referring to the Philippine Archipelago, i. e. the large volume signed Hisp. Qu. 75, bearing the general title Memorias y descripciones de la Islas Filipinas. It covers handwritten materials (14 quires, a to o), in which the informative and descriptive information is supplemented by plates as well as seven maps. Historical research had allowed the determination that it is most probably a part of materials that were prepared by Spanish forestry engineers (Ingenieros de Montes), operating in the Philippines since the year 1863. As we find out from the article by Maria Bañas Llanos and Ignacio PérezSoba Díez del Corral,11 in the year 1866 the Inspector General of Forests of the Philippines (Inspección General de Montes de Filipinas) had begun operating, and in 1878, within this institution, a Committee on Flora and Forestry statistics in the Philippines (Comisión de la Flora y Estadística Forestal de Filipinas) was established. One of the tasks of this unit was the creation of a map of the forest areas of the archipelago (Mapa forestal del archipiélago), which was to be the task of one Anacario Camacho, among others. The mentioned historical facts are worth comparing against the data found on the pages of the volume Hisp. Qu. 75. And so, descriptions and reports from Spanish properties in the Philippines had been drawn up by officials operating in the field for the superior in Manila, as hinted at by entries found in several manuscripts, among others, in manuscript a: S[eñ]or Inspector G[ene]ral de Montes (Manila) (fol. Iro). The decisive majority of the documents (and the maps) is signed by name and dated, and considering the codicological indications one can assume that these are autographs created in the Philippines in the period 1874-1879. Manuscripts c, d and e contain the name of the already mentioned Anacario Camacho, whereas 10 Juan María Gutiérrez, „Beiträge zur Geschichte der spanisch-amerikanischen Literatur“, in Jahrbuch Für Romanische und Englische Literatur, III, 1859, pp. 177-195. 11 María Belén Bañas Llanos, Ignacio Pérez-Soba Díez del Corral, “«Un sueño roto..». La brillante labor de los Ingenieros de Montes españoles en Filipinas (18551898)”, in Revista Española del Pacífico, Madrid, 8 (9), 1998, pp. 261-292.

manuscripts a, b, f and g are accompanied by maps (seven in total) of the islands of Luzón, Mindoro, Romblón and Tablas, drawn up on loose sheets. The contents of the above mentioned article of Spanish researchers underlines the achievements of the engineers in the art of cartography12, noting that the maps they had created had not been found to date. This intriguing fact sug-


gests that, in case of perfectly preserved maps characterised by their details

Anna Rzepka Historic overseas territories of Spain in selected manuscripts from the ‘Berlin’ book collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

and precision in execution stemming from the volume Hisp. Qu. 75, we may be dealing with an original (unique perhaps?) and valuable example of Spanish cartographic documentation from the 19th century, related to the overseas properties. Equally high should be evaluated the documentary value of the descriptive materials prepared by the engineers, which are impressive in their comprehensiveness, precision and broad spectrum of issues covered: from the geographical, natural, historical and economical to the ethnographic or linguistic. At present research work is continuing on the entirety of this volume, and the results will be published in a separate, more complete study. The Berlin manuscripts referring by their subject matter to historical overseas territories of Spain, taken as a whole, are distinguished by the enormous richness of the topics covered, and are at the same time characterised by their high documentary and informative value. They undoubtedly form a source which may yet provide data supplementing previously undertaken research works, or become an inspiration to for further exploration for specialists of many branches.

12 The general map, i. e. Mapa forestal general de Filipinas, was exhibited during the Exposición General de las Islas Filipinas, which had taken place in Madrid in 1887, and during the Exposición Universal de Barcelona two years later, where the map was awarded the bronze medal. Apart from this, the engineers had drawn up, among others, maps of the islands of Luzón, Negros, Mindoro, Sainar, Leite and Mindanao, sent in the year 1891 to the Ministerio de Ultramar. Cf. M. B. Bañas Llanos, I. Pérez-Soba Díez del Corral, “«Un sueño roto..». La brillante labor de los Ingenieros de Montes ...”, art. cit, pp. 261-292. On the work of the Spanish forestry engineers in the Philippines writes also Javier María García López, „Forestales españoles en Ultramar. La labor de los Ingenieros de Montes en las Islas Filipinas (1863-1898)”, in Agricultura y sociedad, no 78 (Enero-Marzo, 1996), pp. 237-270, and “Los inicios del naturalismo forestal en las Islas Filipinas (1863-1898)”, in Montes, no 44, 1996, pp. 9-14.

Roman Sosnowski

Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow Under the call number ital. qu. 52 in the part of the Berlin collection now kept in the Jagiellonian Library in KrakĂłw, there is a new witness to the Italian volgarizzamento of Thesaurus pauperum.

1. Manuscript description Paper, The ms. of the small-medium format (140x200mm) is not well preserved; visible are signs of frequent use, i. e. various notes by readers, tears and rips (eg. f. 20). In the bottom part of the pages there are signs of contact with water. In numerous places ink has faded, probably also due to earlier contact with water, making it slightly harder to decipher the text. There are corrections introduced at a later date to certain portions of the text, at places where it was particularly difficult to read. Gatherings: 1 III6 + 3 V36 + 1 (V-1)45 + 4 IV77. Reinforcing strip in the first gathering. Pagination with Arabic numerals in ink, beginning on the second gathering, foliation below, in Arabic numerals; both pagination and foliation are not originals. Quire signatures in black ink, no signature in first gathering. Ruling done with plummet, barely visible. The text is written in one column and is 85mm wide and 140mm high. 23-26 lines. The text is written by one hand in typical northern Italy Littera textualis. Rubrics are probably made by the copyist himself. No initials were created, guide letters are visible. The manuscript is therefore not completed. Page missing between pages 44 and 45. No flyleaves. Watermark to ‘mountains’ found in the repertory of Briquet under no. 11.755, dates for the year 1484. In folios 1vo and 2vo additional prescriptions were included not a lot later. 1v : A guarir li pori ch(e) nase ale p(er)sone | ouero altre machie ch(e) uengono o

ale p(er)sone.... 2vo: (...) pettorale larga..., poniżej A dolgia de fiancho rem(e)dio optimo et p(rouato)... and also below sotto ancora A dolgia de spienza rem(e)dio p(er)fectissimo... Folio 5vo contains the drawing of a face (later and imprecise). Folio 5ro marks the end of the contents list; folio 6vo bears a coat of arms, added later: area


divided into five fields, the fifth one, the lowermost one, remains empty, four

Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow

opposing fields, lions rampants (field 1 and 4), wavy lines (fields 2 and 3). The manuscript contains numerous maniculae (hands) added by a reader, which serves as proof of intensive use. Similarly, the corrections to less visible fragments done later serve to prove that the manuscript had indeed been used. The newest history of the manuscript may be inferred from the stamps of the Königliche Bibliothek: 3ro, 77vo and the label of the Königliche Bibliothek with signature: Ms. ital. Quart. 52. The binding is composed of wooden boards, half covered with brown leather (halfbinding), in bad condition. It has an incomplete metal clasp, two bosses in the lower part, the remains of a metal bar to hold the leather in the lower part of the wooden binding (3,5 cm) and a trace of the bar on the whole binding. The leather part is blind-tooled with simple decorations. The inside cover bears the inscription: acc. 1891: 36 and, in the lower part label from the antiquarian bookstore Olschki (at that time in Venice). Also on a inside cover, written in pencil: 77 gnz. Bll. Considering the waternarks (date by Briquet for the year 1484) and the type and character of the handwriting, the manuscript was created towards the end of the 15th century, so is almost contemporary to the print, which was published for the first time in Florence in 1492, and since then - five times more until the year 1543.1 The place of origin of the manuscript is most probably the region of Veneto, despite the fact that, at least at first glance, linguistically speaking we are dealing here with a Tuscan text. However, diverse components point to influences from the Veneto region,2

1 S. Rapisarda, “I volgarizzamenti italiani del Thesaurus pauperum”, in A. Englebert, M. Pierrard, L. Rosier, D. van Raedmonck (ed.), Actes de XXIIe Congrès International de Linguistique et de Philologie Romanes (Bruxelles, 23-29 juillet 1998), Tübingen 2000, pp. 109-110. 2 simplification of geminations in quele, tute, neta etc., the presence of the word cossa, sonorised forms appellado, brusado, figado, or in turn onzi, zoe,

which remains in line with the location of the watermark suggesting that a basically Tuscan text was transcribed in Veneto with the inclusion of elements of the language of the copyist. In folios 3ro-70vo one can find the volgarizzamento Thesaurus Pauperum. In folio 3ro was included later the title tesoro delli poueri Composto per papa | giovannidi di (sic!) spagna. In folios 3ro to 5ro may be found a list of chapters of the work. >Qui de sotto sono denotati e seriti tuti li capituli | con el suo numero p(er) trouar ziaschun capit(ol)o de questo lib.(r)o | co(n) le mat(er)ie le q(ua)le se (con)tien i(n) queli . et primo.< Folios 5vo to 6vo contain the already mentioned drawing of the face and the coat of arms. In turn, with folio 7ro begins the main text of the work, ending on folio 70vo. Folio 7ro includes first the Prologue beginning with the words: [A]l nome de la sancta trinitade | la qual creo ogni cossa . (e) la qual | ha donato ognuno dela sua pro|pria uirtu. E dala quale tuta | la sapientia e data ali saui. And folio 8r contains the beginning of the first chapter: >Cap(itol)o. jo. deli remedij (con)tra lo cader deli capilli.< [S]e li capelli cadeno dela testa tu dei fare le i(n)fra|scripte medicine. La p(ri)ma e questa. A note on the side included later: cioe alopicia. The text ends on folio 70vo with the words: Anchora se dice che la (con)solida menore trida intra | due pietre p(er) diuino miraculo cura e rende sanita | a quella p(er)sona che ha quel i(n)firmita. Also in folio 70vo may be found the signature, completing the work, which includes the title and the author: >Qui finisse lo libro el qual fi chiamato. the|sauro deli poueri co(m)posto copilato (sic!) efacto per | lo papa zouane la cui natiuita fu de spagna. | lanima del quale uiua e regna co(n) lo nostro si|nore. M(esser) Jesu Xo (Cristo) i(n) s(e)c(u)la s(e)c(u)lo(rum) Amen< Beside the volgarizzamento of Thesaurus pauperi, the manuscript contains, in folios 70vo-75ro diverse medical prescriptions in Latin: >Emplastru(m) seu cerotu(m) exp(er)tu(m) et p(ro)batissimu(m) ad | (h)epatos . et si q(ui)s e(ss) et a(n)no(rum). 40. (et) pass(us) fu(er)it p(er) a(n)no(s) 30.< Recipe picis naualis . colofonie . cere rubee. | et albe ... (71ro) >Electuariu(m) q(uo) uti debeat vna q(uin) coçere where voiced palato-alveolar affricate or voiceless palato-alveolar affricate are written with z or ç; finally, future tense forms like zouara, sudara. There are, however, contradictory forms, so-called Tuscan-Florentine forms; with a double consonant (quelle), with a florentine -er from the -ar (ritornera), forms with anaphonesis ungi, congiunge, lingua etc.

q(ue) die< | R(ecipe) picis naualis . colofonie . cere ... (71vo) >Remedio (con)tra la reuma freda< | Recipe vna sechia emeza de vino vermeglio... (72ro) >Ad sol(uti) one(m) ue(n)t(ri)s ellectuariu(m) optimv(m).< | R(ecipe) diairis diafiniconis...>Ad pellendu(m) ma|culas (et) signa ueriola(rum) d(e) facie (et) u(bi)(cum)q(ue) fuerint.< | R(ecipe) pulcelletaru(m)...>Contra vermes.< | R(ecipe) olei abscinthij . olei


rute... >Ad quartanam.< | R(ecipe) gera pini b(e)n gumosi... (72vo) >Ad stoma-

Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow

chum< | Recepta p(er) co(n)zare lo stomacho... >Pill(ul)e (con)tra uentositate(m)< | R(ecipe) pill(ul)a(rum) aurea(rum)... >Recepta (con)tra cancru(m) h(ab)ita (et) co(m)posita p(er) specta|bile(m) et egregiu(m) doctore(m) medici(n)e (quon)da(m) magistru(m) | Joh(an)e(m) de uachis ciue(m) brixie . et expertu(m) ciroicum.< Medecina bona et exp(er)ta (con)tra cancru(m)... (73ro) >Emplastru(m) ad tumore(m) seu i(n)flatione(m) u(ir)ge...< R(ecipe) folio(rum) malua(rum)... >Coleriu(m) seu aqua exp(er)ta...< Recipe thuris tucie... (73vo) >Hoc mo(do) op(ort)et hec aq(ua) uti i(n)fra.< | Op(ort)et hec aq(u)a hoc mo(do)... >Ad lu(m)bricos expellendos. et e(st) recepta habita a | mag(ist)ro baptista de cerete...< R(ecipe) reubarbari p(ar) te(m) una(m)... (74ro) >Ad emoroydas q(ue) ueniu(n)t ad exitu(m) ani.< | R(ecipe) ÓĄ /oncia/ 1 de dialtea... >Ad scabie(m) et | tigna(m). (et) ad faciendu(m) pulcra(m) pellem capitis.< | R(ecipe) largati pulcri... (74vo) >Contra v(er)mes.< | R(ecipe) zenouina... >Ad glandulas seu scrofulas.< | Recipe cepas lilioru(m)... >Ad idem.< | R(ecipe) virdiraminis... >Ad idem.< | R(ecipe) erba(m) bissara(m)... (75ro) >Ad febrem...< R(ecipe) pinguedine(m) tassi...

2. Version of the volgarizzamento Rapisarda3 had distinguished, basing on the prologues and random comparisons of selected excerpts, seven different volgarizzamenti. The text found in manuscript ital. qu. 52 is a still different, hitherto unknown volgarizzamento, as could be inferred from a comparison of the prologue with prologues to other volgarizzamenti quoted by Rapisarda. For the purpose of a clear presentation of the independence of our translation from others, here is the text of the prologue to our volgarizzamento beside the Latin text as determined by Rocha Pereira4:

3 S. Rapisarda, “I volgarizzamenti italiani del Thesaurus pauperum...�, op. cit., p. 111-115. 4 M.H. Rocha Pereira, Obras medicas de Pedro Hispano, Coimbra 1973.

Latin critical edition (Rocha Pereira)

ital. qu. 525

In nomine sancte et indiuidue Trini-

[A]l nome de la sancta trinitade la

tatis, que omnia creauit, que singula

qual creo ogni cossa e la qual ha do-

dotauit uirtutibus propriis, a qua omnis

nato ognuno dela sua propria uirtu.

sapientia data est sapientibus et scien-

E dala quale tuta la sapientia e data

tia scientibus, opus supra uires aggre-

ali saui. E le uirtu da possa uien date

dior, de ipsius adiutorio confidens, qui

aquelli che le sano adoperare.

per nos operatur omnia opera nostra,

Et perho io confidandome in lo aux-

sicut per instrumentum. Quod opus

ilio de quella sancta trinitade uoglio fare

uolo Thesaurum Pauperum nominari,

questa opera la qual uoglio sia chiamata

illi hoc opus assignans, qui Pater Pau-

ouero nominata thesauro di poueri. In lo

perum nominatur. In quo, si attente

qual se tu attentamenta legerai, troverai

legatur, omnium fere infirmitatum fac-

legiere e efficace medicine quasi de tute

iles et efficaces iuenientur medicine, si

infirmitade. Prima lo medico hauendo in

medicus illum cooperatorem habuerit,

se bona fede in dio lo qual ha creato le

qui creauit de terra Medicinam.

medicine de la terra.

Ortor autem et consulo lectorem,

E perho io conforto e conseglio colui

ne ea forsan que sibi incognita legerit

che legera questo libro chel non de-

contempnat, neque prius corporibus

spresij quelle cosse le qual ello uegendo

medendis applicet, quam consider-

forse non intendera. E non dia prima la

auerit infirmitatis speciem et naturam

medicina a li corpi che ello considera la

patientis; et studeat diligenter scire

qualita e la complexione di corpi zioe la

naturas rerum et complexiones et

infirmita e la natura delo infermo. E de-

substantiam et, quantum poterit, uir-

bia studiare diligentemente de saper le

tutem [occultam] singularum rerum;

nature e le proprieta de le cosse, le com-

aliter enim cecus medicus cecum

plexione e la substantia e quanta uertu

infirmum in mortis foueam precipi-

occulta puo hauer zaschuna cossa. Al-

taret; et ne datorem scientie, Deum,

tramente lo medico si como orbo e cie-

5 In the codicological description (manuscript description), the transcript was as true as possible. In the further portion, for the purpose of improvement of the understandability of the text, the transcription is slightly different: popular abbreviations were expanded without specially marking them, the usage of capital and small letters was unified, basic punctuation was introduced. In all instances the writing of the ‘u’ and ‘v’ in the form used by the copyist was preserved.


scientia impugnet, caueat diligenter

cho occiderane le persone. Et açio che la

et fideliter, ne seductus pretio aut

scientia [7vo] non combata contra dio lo

amore fatuo alicui reuelet medica-

qual da la scientia, lo medico e ciaschuna

men aliquod, per quod aut mors aut

persona si die guardare diligentemente

aborsus prouocetur aut impregnatio

e fedelmente che l non se lassa inganare


che per dinari o per niuno matto amore

Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow

ello manifesti ha comouer menstrui ne rimouer la grauedanza. Dicta autem physicorum, quorum

E comprendasi e in tal modo lo dicto

in hoc opere materia tota est ita ac-

de phylosophi deli quali e tuta la mate-

cipiat ac si originalia uideret. Fideliter

ria in questopera cussi originalmente

enim congregans in omnibus que in-

o uisibilmente come quelli auesseno

ueniri a me potuerunt, in libris antiq-

veduti. E perho fidelmente sumendo

uorum physicorum et magistrorum

de tutti li libri deli antiqui e moderni

et modernorum experimentatorum,

doctori et philosophi e magistri experi-

uias eorum diligenter inuestigans,

mentati in le soe schure et innumera-

cum sumptibus et labore non modi-

bile scripture diligentemente inuestig-

co, perscrutatus sum. [Vel sua uerba

ando zio ch io posso trouare in quelle

uel sensum sub aliis uerbis faciliori-

con grande spesa e faticha ho scripto

bus intelligentie doctorum hic posui,

in questo libro la substantia de quelle

ita ut si presentes haberes libros non

scripture cum altre parole che in quelle

aliud ibi quam hic est positum inu-

se contiene intanto che risguardando


questo libro con quelli e una medesma cossa in substantia.

Igitur Ihesu Christi summi medici

Adoncha per la gratia de misser iesu

gratia, qui sanat prout uult omnes

christo summo medico el qual sana tute

infirmitates nostras, quia ipse est

le cosse nostre infirmitade secondo che l

caput fidelium, ab infirmitatibus capi-

uole. Perche ello e capo de tuti li fideli. Nui

tis incipiamus, descendendo usÄ…ue

comenzaremo a le infirmitade de la testa

ad pedes, et primo de infirmitatibus

descendendo infino a le infirmitade deli

capillorum, qui aliquando auferuntur,

piedi. E primamente diremo dela infirmi-

aliquando corroduntur, aliquando in

tade deli capelli dela testa li quali alcuna

colore alternantur.

uolta cadeno et alcuna uolta se resegano e alcuna uolta se mutano di colore.

and the final fragment of chapter 20 (f. 31ro), corresponding to the final part of chapter 10 (Thesaurus Pauperum, X, 9-11) in the Latin edition of Rocha Pereira: 9. Item ad rugas tollendas de fa-

Item remedij a tor via le piage

cie et omnem egritudinem expel-

dela fazia overo ruge parlando se-

lendam, radicem cucumeris agrestis

cundo la letera.

siccam tere et cribella et misce cum

Anchora se tu voi far andar uia le

aqua et laua faciem et cum alia aqua

piage e le ruge de la facia e la gotta

frigida iterum laua et hoc fas per

rosacea pista sotilmente la radice deli

tres dies et habebit mirum effectum.

cucumeri secci e mescola quella con

Idem, ibidem.

aqua freda. Poi te laua con questa la facia persin a tre di e uederai marauglioso effecto.

10. Item ut totam faciem facias

Anchora a fare tuta la facia biancha

candidam de sanguine tauri faciem

e neta, tolli lo sangue del torro e ongi

linias; maculas tollit et limpidam fa-

tuta la facia e torai uia tute le ruge et

ciem reddit. Idem, ibidem.

hauerai tuta la facia bella.

11. Item fimus columbinus in ac-

Anchora la feza de li columbi trita

eto tritus et appositus omnem macu-

e mesa in aceto fa andar uia ogni

lam faciei delet. Experimentator.

machia dela facia ala persona.

The comparison of the prologue of ital. qu. 52 with documents quoted by Rapisarda6 allows the determination that certain distant similarities exist with the volgarizzamento, which Rapisarda had named subarchetipo δ (delta), however the text of the prologue in manuscript ital. qu. 52 leaves no doubt that we are dealing here with an independent volgarizzamento, wholly different from the others. Testimony to this is the choice of words, and the syntax used by the translator. In order to avoid quoting the entirety of Rapisarda's conclusions as to the shape of the prologue in each version, I will only provide the beginning of the first sentence and selected key words and sentences which decidedly point to independence of ital. qu. 52 from other versions. 6 S. Rapisarda, “I volgarizzamenti italiani del Thesaurus pauperum...â€?, op. cit., pp. 111-115.

The beginnings of the prologues to each version have the following forms: subarchetype γ: In nome della Santa Trinitade, cioè del Padre et del Figlio et dello Spirito Santo, amen, la quale creò tucte le cose le quali sono veraci et a chiascuna di queste cose daeve sua propria virtude... subarchetype δ: Al nome de la sancta et una Trinità, la quale creò tucte le cose


e doctòlle de le sue virtudi...

Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow

subarchetype κ: <A>l nome della sancta et diuina Trinitade, che tucte le cose creò le quali yddio non lascia perire, il quale ad ciaschuna donò alle virtudi proprie... subarchetype η: In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis la quale creò onni cosa et ciascheduna per la sua propria virtù... subarchetype ι: Al nome de la sancta et individua trinitade la qual à creade tute le cosse et à dotado zascuna cossa de propria vertude... subarchetype θ: In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis, la quale creò tutte le cose et ciascuna cosa dotò di proprie virtude ... subarchetype, in which the text is ascribed to Arnaldo of Villanova: no prologue ital. qu. 52: [A]l nome de la sancta trinitade la qual creo ogni cossa e la qual ha donato ognuno dela sua propria uirtu... Thus, whereas the volgarizzamenti listed by Rapisarda have: arò componere, isforçomi di fare, assalisco l’opera, dimando l’aiutorio di Dio in questa opera, io comenzo una opera, opera comincio, the manuscript ital. qu. 52 has: uoglio fare questa opera. Again in ital. qu. 52 we find: perho, which in other versions is expressed using ma or adunque (in the Latin version by autem), and we find: Altramente lo medico si como orbo e ciecho occiderane le persone, expressed in other versions as: Altramente lo cieco medico meterebe lo ‘nfermo soto in della fossa della morte; el cieco medico conduciarebbe lo ‘nfermo ne la fossa de la morte; altrimenti il ciecho medico si cadrebbe insieme collo ‘nfermo nella fossa della morte; altramente il zieco medego strasinnerane coluj lo infermo a la fossa de la morte; altrimenti il cieco medico caderebbe con l’infermo in fossa della morte. Beside the prologue, obviously important for the determination of the version of the work, the collatio as coordinated against the Latin text (in the edition of Rocha Pereira) may come into use for the evaluation (short version) of similarities and differences between each version as well as their mutual dependency. Here is such a collatio for manuscript ital. qu. 52:


De litargia



De frenesi



De dolore capitis


1 2 3

7 8

9 VII.

De epilentia


11 12 13 VIII.

De dolore oculorum

14 15

Title in the volgarizzamento7

Chapter number in manuscript ital. qu. 52

Latin title

Chapter number in the Latin edition III.

Prologus De casu capillorum Contra ortum capillorum De pustulis capitis

I. II.

Prologo deli remedij contra lo cader deli capilli deli remedij che li capilli non renascano doue sono trati deli remedij contra le roture e uoladege e altre infirmita del capo le quale sin chiamate pustule deli remedij contra la infirmita che chiamada lytargia. Contra dormientes deli remedij ala infirmita chiamada frenesia et a far dormir lo infermo deli remedij a tore via lo dolore dela testa deli remedij dela reuma del capo che vien per fredura e contra ogni dolor deli rimedij contra la infirmita del capo che si appellata uertigine secondo la lettera deli remedij contra le vigilie overo migranea deli remedij contra la infirmitatde che si appellata dali medici epilensia et in vulgar fantesie overo mal caduco deli remedij contra lo spasmo deli remedij contra la infirmita appellata mania deli remedij contra la infirmita che si appellata scothomia deli remedij contra lo dolor deli ochij deli remedij contra li remedi la infirmata deli oghij sanguineti

7 titles of chapters in Latin come stem titles of chapters in the text and not in the contents list (there are certain differences between these).

16 17



De infirmitatibus aurium


Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow



De gutta rosacea



De dolore dentium et gingiuarum De fluxu sanguinis narium




23 XIII. De paralisi lingue


XIV. De squinantia



De egritudinibus pectoris



De sincopi et inanitione De nausea et singultu



De lesione pulmonis

27 28 29


deli remedij a deschazare uia la caligine e la oschurita deli ochij deli remedij de vna altra infirmita ungule cioe vngete le quale nasceno in li canton deli ochij deli remedij contra la infirmita dele orechie secondo che se contiene in questo capitulo deli remedij a trare fuora de lorechia cosse che intrasse in quelle o fusse messa per alcuno modo deli remedij contra la gotta rosacea la qual nasce per la mazor parte in la fazia dele persone deli remedij contra lo dolore deli denti e de le zenziue deli remedij contra le fendidure overo scissure che nasce e viene si li labri dela bocha deli remedij contra lo sangue che uscisse fora dele nare del naso deli remedij contra le infirmitade che occorreno ale persone che subito perdeno el parlare. Et aduene per fredo. La qual li medici appella (sic!) parlesia lingue e letargo deli remedij a confortar la vuula [ugola!] over lunella e le golte e contra la infirmita che nasce in quelle deli remedij a curar la infirmita del pecto e la stretura de quello deli remedij di purgare lo pecto deli remedij contra la infirmita la qual si dicta sincopi deli remedij contra la infirmita la qual si appellata dali doctori de medecina nausea e singolto cioe eructuation uomito sospiri e dolor de stomacho deli remedij contra la infirmita del polmon danado e contra ogni lesion e malitia de quello


De pleuresi



Ad laxandum uentrem XXI. De turnio fluxu uentris XXII. De colica et iliaca passione XXIII. De tenasmone


XXIV. De uermibus et lumbricis XXV. De emorroidibus



De exitu ani



De opilatione epatis



De ydropisi


33 34 35


41 42




De opilatione splenis De icteritia


De opilatione lapidis uesice et renum De stranguria




deli remedij contra la infirmita ala qual si dicta pleuresi deli remedij a largar lo uentre deli remedij a stringere lo fluxo del uentre deli remedij contra lo dolore deli fianchi e de le rene e deli galoni deli remedij contra la infirmita dicta thenasmone la quale e inflatione del culo deli remedij contra la infirmita deli fauoni e deli vermi deli remedij a sanar le emoroyde e lo fluxo del sangue de quale e lo rezimento de quelle deli remedij contra la infirmita del premito cioe de insir fuora il budello deli remedij contra del lieue e del figato deli remedij contra la idropisia [beginning of chapter in Italian version belongs to the preceding in the Latin version] deli remedij contra la splena [continuation of previous chapter] deli remedij contra lo dolore dela infirmita del pendulo de le circonstantie deli remedij contra la opilatione dela splene de li remedij contra lo mal dela icteritia e deturpatione de codega la qual se intende vulgarmente parlando de quele persone che sono zale per la fazia et e sozo colore deli remedij contra lo male dela pietra e opilatione dele rene deli remedij contra la infirmita che si appellada stranguria la qual imbriga e non lassa orinare ala persona


XXXIII. De pruritu uirge


XXXIV. De fluxu urine



Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow

[De inflatione testium] XXXVI. [De passione uirge] XXXVII. Ad coitum excitandum

49 50

XXXVIII. De suffocatione libidinis



De duritia et apostemate matricis De prouocatione menstruorum



De nimio fluxu menstruorum



De mamillarum infirmitatibus De suffocatione matricis De impedimento conceptus Vt mulier concipiat





56 57 58

deli remedij contra dela uirga e deli parechi cioe testiculi e de ogni inflatione plage e rasadure deli remedij contra lo fluxo de lorina et a restringe quella a chi non la po tenere NO EQUIVALENT NO EQUIVALENT deli remedij contra lo diffeto de non potere iacere con femine deli remedij contra li demonij e li maleficij e ribalderio che fosseno facte in alcuno locho ad alcuna persona deli remedij contra la suffocatione de quelo sozo mal desiderio cioe a remouere le persone dal tropo luxuriare deli remedij a tor via la duritia e la pustema dela matrice deli remedij e dele cosse che prouocano lo menstruo a facerlo uenire fuora cioe lo fluxo del sangue menstruale el qual procede dala matrice ale done ogni mese deli remedij a restrengere lo grande fluxo del sangue del menstruo de le done deli remedij contra la enflatione dele mamille deli remedij contra la suffocatione de la matrice dela femina deli remedij a contrariare e a ueder che alcuna femina non se ingraueda deli remedij ala dona che non puo retenere ne portar fioli perfin al compimento del parto e che non puo retener lo humor overo spermo che procede da lomo a far che la diuenti utile e non se disperde et a far ingrauedar


Contra difficilem partum



De dolore post partum De gutta arthetica et podagra




62 XLIX.

De crepatura



De antrace


deli remedij a far che la dona parturisca lezermente e con poco dolore deli remedij contra lo dolore che viene driedo al parto deli remedij contra la infirmita dela gota artheticha e podagre e simile infirmitade deli remedij e medicine contra lo carbonculo e bastardo deli remedij contra la crepatura li creuadi e chilosi deli remedij contra li carboni periculosi li quali nascono ale persone ad vciderli e guarirli

In case of our manuscript, as we are dealing here with a faithful translation from Latin, one could venture a try at determining the place of its Latin original in tradition, following the suggestions of Rocha Pereira. And so, in the prologue we won’t find any rare interpolation which in Latin would begin with the words „Ligaturas autem...”, but we find in turn an interpolation which involves the introduction of „occulta” to describe the „virtus” (our witness has „uertu occulta”). As for the contents, Rocha Pereira reconstructs the initial structure of the work8 which ends with the chapter De gutta arthetica et podagra, however this structure had not survived in any edition. The following two chapters (XLIX - De crepatura and L - De anthrace) would be later additions, present in the majority of the manuscripts. Our codex also includes these chapters (as chapters 63 and 64), so they would also have to had been present in the Latin original. Many Latin manuscripts (and pursuant thereto, the various Italian volgarizzamenti9) contain amendments following the treatise proper. These are: Tractatus de febribus (5 chapters) and a variety of diverse prescriptions. Ital. qu. 52 does not contain these additions, and so the Latin original did not have them. Another component of the contents allowing the distinguishing of the

8 M.H. Rocha Pereira, Obras medicas..., op. cit., p. 53. 9 as is the case of ital. fol. 158 containing also De febribus and other additional prescriptions.

manuscripts may probably be the presence or absence of two short chapters, entitled de inflatione testium and de passione uirge, which, according to Rocha Pereira, are later additions, because some of the best Latin codices omit them, and in certain ones they are found after de antrace and, according to the author of the Latin edition, are placed incorrectly considering the rules of


distribution of the prescriptions by the author10. The codex ital. qu. 52 does not

Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow

include the mentioned de inflatione testium and de passione uirge following, in this case, the best Latin manuscripts.

3. Volgarizzamento of Thesaurus Pauperum and the Proposta of Vincenzo Monti Research on the presence of mediaeval medical treatises in lexicography is a separate subject, which we are not at liberty to expand upon here. Nonetheless, because our witness may contribute to finding a solution to the issue, even if a lexicographical one, but one closely tied to the philological aspect of the translation of the Thesaurus, as stated by Monti in his Proposta, I will briefly present the entire case here. First of all, I hope that a more thorough analysis of the version supplied by our witness will enable finally proving that Monti is right. In the printed text of the translation of the Thesaurus pauperum, towards the end of chapter V (I quote the 1500 edition) one finds the text: Sperimento provato incenso sterco di colombo farina di grano anna distempera con albume d’uovo e poni in sula doglia e se la doglia è in sula fronte metti sopra il cipresso e sanerà. From the context one may infer that cipresso means here occipizio, nuca, the (back of the) neck. The editors of the Vocabolario della Crusca (third edition) basing on this particular fragment (and another similar one: La deretána medicina è lo cauterio nel cipresso11) of the Thesaurus had included the meaning ‘neck’ to the entry for cipresso. Vincenzo Monti protested strongly against this decision12: 10 M.H. Rocha Pereira, Obras medicas..., op. cit., p. 53. 11 in the Latin version: Item ultimum remedium est cauterium in occipitio. Thesaurus Pauperum, VI, 3; M.H. Rocha Pereira, Obras medicas..., op. cit., p. 97. 12 V. Monti, Proposta di alcune correzioni ed aggiunte al Vocabolario della Crusca, Milano 1817, vol. 1 , p. 144 (citato secondo l’edizione del 1828).

CIPRESSO. § II. Per la parte posteriore del capo. Lat. Occipitium. Tes. Pov. P. S. Se la doglia è in sulla fronte, metti sopra il cipresso, e sanerà. Osservazione — Il Tesoro de’ Poveri facto per maestro Spano è il bel libro in cui l’Accademico compilatore del proposto articolo ha trovato (se la lezione è sincera) Cipresso per Nuca. E sai che è questo libro? Una stoltissima e schifosissima fabbricazione di medicamenti, nei quali è raro che non entri l’ urina e lo sterco d’ogni genere d’animali, fino i menstrui delle donne da inghiottirsi dai poveri infermi come giulebbi. E dall’officina di un siffatto Esculapio si prende Cipresso per Nuca? (...) Si mostri al sole, e si dica in che modo il cipresso sia diventato la parte posteriore del capo; o con esempio d’altro scrittore più classico di maestro Spano si consolidi questa stravagantissima significazione; e allora diremo Credo : ma se nel cipresso ci rimarrà un calcolino di giudizio, ci guarderemo dal farne uso. (...) Intanto si osservi che nell’addotto esempio il senso voluto dalla Crusca è oscurissimo; e pare anzi che a guarire del dolore del capo prescrivasi di mettere sulla fronte ramoscelli o foglie di cipresso: Se la doglia è in sulla fronte, metti sopra il cipresso, e sanerà. E se questo non è il vero senso, ov’ è in quelle parola la cosa che s’ ha da mettere in sulla fronte? Monti finds no substantiation for giving the meaning of cipresso as ‘neck’ and contests the determinations of the editors of Crusca pointint to the fact that in order to consider as real a meaning so strange and diverging from the standard one would have to find a confirmation in a different source, and not rely exclusively on the Thesaurus. To solve this puzzle, he makes the supposition that the cypress (cipresso) could have been a medicinal substance. The cipresso from the Italian translation of the Thesaurus corresponds to the Latin occipitium, so it is not a medicine, as suggested by Monti in the second part of his observation. The Latin text in the Thesarus is as follows: si est in fronte, pone in occipitio, et in converso (Thesaurus pauperum, VI, 48)13. Nonetheless, despite the fact that Monti errs in the second part, his critique is sound and actually draws attention to the issue emerging in the dictionary. The error of the edi-

13 M.H. Rocha Pereira, Obras medicas..., op. cit., p. 103.

tors of the Vocabolario della Crusca consisted of acceptance as true of an unchecked lesson, probably arisen in effect of an erroneous reading of the Latin text by the translator (volgarizzatore) (the forms cupresso and occipitio, despite not being similar in notation at first glance, come to show many commonalities upon closer analysis, commonalities which could have been erroneously


interpreted by a less experienced copyist) and the inclusion of this form as

Roman Sosnowski Volgarizzamento of the Thesaurus pauperum in the codex Ital. qu. 52 of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, now kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow

an entry in the dictionary without an additional check. The additional check could for instance have covered the comparison of the print with other Italian versions (e. g. handwritten ones) of the Thesaurus. Such a comparison, i. e. with codex ital. qu. 52, unequivocally denies the correctness of the version with cipresso: se lo dolore sera in lo fronte, meti la medicina da la parte di drieto e similmente ali altri lochi (c. 17v). In a different codex from the Berlin collection (ital. fol. 158) containing the translation of the Thesaurus pauperum there is also no mention of cypress. One has to agree here that the text changes the meaning thoroughly, because the fact is stressed that the mixture should be applied precisely to the sore place (forehead) and not as it says in the Latin text (in occipitio) on the opposite side, the back of the neck: R[ecipe] del incenso e del stercho del colombo e dela farina del formento tanto del uno quanto del altro e tempera queste con chiara d ovo e metelo sulo cavo la che sia el dolor Additionally a note on the healing properties of chicken egg yolk emerges, which is missing from the other quoted versions of the Thesaurus: Ancora lo rosso del ovo meio e la fior dela camomela. Summarising, two different translations of the Thesaurus pauperum give no reasons to justify the word cipresso as the ‘nuca’ (neck), which Crusca records beginning with the third edition of the dictionary.

4. Conclusion The potential meaning of the volgarizzamento included in qu. 52 is not material to the edition of the Italian version of the Thesaurus. We have here a late manuscript from the end of the 15th century, additionally it is a separate version, at least for the time being having no other witnesses. What’s interesting,

however, is that it reflects the state of evolution of the text of the Thesaurus at quite an early stage (shorter version). Because the translator didn’t leave any traces of his presence, one cannot determine whether this is a merit of another, earlier tradition in the area of volgare or the Latin original. Nonetheless, even this short analysis of the codex ital. qu. 52 had allowed, in my opinion, to sketch the character forming the base for comparisons with other codices of the Italian edition of the Thesaurus. Additionally, the manuscript ital. qu. 52 contributes to the final clarification of the doubts raised by Vincenzo Monti proving fully that he is right and generally hinting at the philological quality of the sources used for the Vocabolario della Crusca.

Piotr Tylus


Alsatian manuscripts in the Berlin Collection of the Jagiellonian Library The collection of about 250 manuscripts created in French, belonging to the ‘Berlin’ collection currently kept at the Jagiellonian Library, includes a relatively small group of manuscripts of Alsatian origin, focusing on the history of Alsace. The most interesting items, which are the topic of this article, bear the following signatures: gall. fol. 187, 192-194, 200, quart. 97-99, 116, oct. 24, 100. Interesting is the fact, who and why had taken an interest in the history of Alsace at the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin: all these manuscripts had found their way to the Berlin library around the same time. Most of them share a common history. These are manuscripts bearing the signatures: gall. fol. 192-194, gall. quart. 97-99, 102, and gall. oct. 100, meaning over half of these manuscripts comes from the same source. Each of them bears a label (58 x 53 mm) with a note of origin (containing the emblem of kings of Prussia), with the following inscription: BIBLIOTHECA REGIA BEROLINENSIS. / DONO / WILHELMI / REGIS AUGUSTISSIMI / D. XVIII. IUN. A. MDCCCLXVII. / EX BIBLIOTHECA ALSATICA / D. GERARDI / COLUMBARIENSIS. This entire small connection had thus been property of one Alsatian book lover: Charles Gérard (de Colmar), following that - it was in the hands of the Prussian king Wilhelm I, who on June 18th, 1867, donates it to the Königliche Bibliothek zu Berlin. Almost every one of these has accession numbers to the Königliche Bibliothek, referring to their Alsatian owner, Charles Gérard: Gér. 317 (gall. fol. 192), Gér. 2185 (gall. fol. 193), Gér. 113 (gall. quart. 97), Gér. 214 (gall. quart. 98), Gér. 510 (gall. quart. 99), and Gér. 1232 (gall. oct. 100). Who was this Alsatian book lover? Charles-Alexandre-Claude Gérard was born in Longwy (Moselle), on January 24th, 1814, and had died in Nancy, on August 24th, 1877. He was not Alsatian by birth - but by heart. His family had settled in Colmar when little Charles was just two years of age. He was not

destined to die in his beloved country: after the annexation of Alsace he had settled in Nancy, in the year 1872. He was one of the most valued attorneys in Colmar, a politician and a literary man, and being devoted to Alsace, he mainly collected evidence about its past.1 The quoted Sitzmann dictionary characterises him thus: « Les rares loisirs que lui laissait le Palais, il les consacrait à des travaux d’histoire et d’archéologie. Esprit éminemment curieux, c’était avec un véritable bonheur que, remontant la série des siècles, il alla étudier chez elles, dans leur vie privée et auprès du foyer domestique, nos antiques populations d’Alsace. Fouillant et scrutant tous les coins et les recoins de ce passé lointain, à la lumière d’une érudition solide et sagace, il ne revenait jamais de ses laborieuses expéditions historiques et archéologiques que chargé de nombreux matériaux, riche butin arraché à l’obscurité et à la poussière des vieilles bibliothèques. »; « [Il] continua à amasser des documents sur l’histoire de sa chère Alsace, sur ses artistes, la faune de ses montagnes. »2 This is an excellent clarification of the presence in his library of the manuscripts forming the topic of this article. His library was purchased by the city of Mulhouse, most probably after his passing. However, how does one explain the presence of the manuscripts described here in the collection of the Prussian king already during the life of Gérard? Could an error in the date have found its way into the above cited note of origin? When were these manuscripts created, what is their history, and which texts provide insight as to the interests of Charles Gérard? The manuscript bearing the signature gall. fol. 192 was created in the period between August 8th, 1788, and the summoning of the States-General in 1789. The binding is not contemporary to the manuscript, it was created in the collection of Charles Gérard. It is probably an original, containing a text on issues of politics and legislation of Alsace, and on its history: Memoire instructif pour le retablissement des anciens Etats de la Province d’Alsace suspendus depuis 1683. The manuscript with the signature gall. fol. 193 bears two distinct codicological parts. The first part contains the Articles tirés des status de Colmar, traduits et an1 Cf. Edouard Sitzmann, Dictionnaire de biographie des hommes célèbres de l’Alsace, tome I, Editions du Palais Royal, Paris 1973 [réimpression], pp. 584585; see also Dictionnaire critique des historiens de l’art actifs en France de la Révolution à la Première Guerre Mondiale, INHA, 2009. 2 E. Sitzmann, Dictionnaire de biographie des hommes célèbres …, op.cit., p. 584.

notés par M.r Chauffour l’ainé, avocat, ancien syndic du Magistrat (fols. 1ro-41vo). The author was probably the attorney Jean-Baptiste-Antoine Chauffour, alias l’Aîné, who lived in the years 1765-1834.3 This is probably the original manuscript, created by the author himself, towards the end of the 18th or already in the 19th century. The second codicological part contains the Copie d’une


lettre écrite par M. Duplessis de la Davière à M. Bruges, avocat au conseil souverain Piotr Tylus Alsatian manuscripts in the ‘Berlin’ collection of the Jagiellonian Library

d’Alsace (fol. 42ro), the original of which was created in Paris on April 17th, 1738, and the Copie de la réponse de M. Bruges (fols. 42vo-47ro), the original of which was created on April 26th, 1738.4 Jean-François Bruges (1697-1766) was wellknown figure in Colmar.5 The transcript was created based on a copy given to a person bearing the name De Corberon.6 Both copies were created in the 18th century, and together with the first codicological part discussed here, were bound already in the collection of Charles Gérard. The manuscript gall. fol. 194 contains the Mémoire contenant les raisons du magistrat catholique de la ville de Colmar contre la prétention des luthériens de la mesme ville (fols. 3ro-36ro), in which may be found transcripts of fragments of various documents (fols. 21vo36ro), of diverse origins, created based on originals, serving to substantiate arguments contained in the main text.7 The manuscript was created in Colmar, 3 Cf. « Notice biographique sur M. Chauffour » par M., in Album alsacien, I, Strasbourg 1838, pp. 90-92. 4 This same letter is also stored in manuscript numbered 1186 at the Bibliothèque nationale et universitaire de Strasbourg (anc. Alsacien 526) – cf. K. A. Barack, Katalog der Kaiserlichen Universitäts und Landesbibliothek in Strassburg, Elsass-Lothringische Handschriften und Handzeichnungen, Strasburg 1895, p. 114. 5 Sitzmann’s dictionary has this to say about him: « jurisconculte, originaire de la Lorraine, fut le premier avocat de retenue, appelé à la délicate mission d’aider et de soulager le syndic du Conseil souverain à Colmar dans ses travaux et de revoir la rédaction des mémoires et des remontrances … » (Dictionnaire de biographie des hommes célèbres …, op.cit., tome I, p. 243). 6 See information in fol. 47ro-vo: Monsieur Bruges ayant communiqué cette reponse à M. de Corberon p. président, il la lui renvoya avec le billet dont la teneur suit : J’ai lu avec plaisir Monsieur, cette reponse dont je voudrais bien être l’auteur ; ne me refusez pas la satisfaction de la joindre à mon paquet, et de l’adresser à M. de la Davière, indépendamment de celle que vous pourrez m’envoyer cachetée sur l’affaire de Heiss et que je ferai passer par la même voie. 7 This same text is currently kept in manuscript 100b at the Bibliothèque de la ville de Strasbourg, from the 18th century (cf. Rodolphe Reuss, « Catalogue des manuscrits alsatiques de la ville de Strasbourg », in Revue d’Alsace, nouvelle série, tome 11e, tome XLVIIIe de la collection, Neuilly-sur-Seine – Belfort 1897, pp. 5-31; here pp. 14-15).

in the year 1840: cf. Colmar le 17. Décembre 1840 (fol. 2ro). Its first owner was Charles Gérard, in whose collection the manuscript had received the present binding, in the beginning of the second half of the 19th century, before the year 1867. The manuscript gall. quart. 97 contains the Mémoire sur l’Alsace en l’année 1697, a text also found in manuscript gall. fol. 200 in the ‘Berlin’ collection, the authorship of which is ascribed to one Jacques-François de La Grange (16431710), an civil servant in Alsace in the years 1673-1698.8 Ch. Pfister however disagrees with this authorship, and considers the document anonymous. The text can also be found in other manuscripts.9 The manuscript is a copy created in the second half of the 18th century. The present binding is probably the second binding of the manuscript, created in the collection of Charles Gérard. The manuscript gall. quart. 98 contains the Abrégé de l’histoire d’Alsace. The author of this document, probably a cleric, and certainly a catholic, had written this story down for the benefit of children and/or youths, and its form serves to substantiate this. The text had not been published. It was created after the year 1759, and the copy, one very meticulous - already in the 18th century. Similarly to the original document, the transcript was done for the benefit of a young man: interesting in this respect are indiscriminate drawings in pencil, as if of a bored child playing. The present binding is most certainly a second one for the manuscript, created in the collection of Charles Gérard. The manuscript gall. quart. 99 forms a copy of two documents: L’expédition de Strasbourg en septembre 1681 (fols. 2ro-57ro); and the Affaire des six chevaux de carosse livrés au duc de Lorraine et enlevés par les français (fols. 59ro-61ro) – a text added as a supplement on the empty pages, its subject unrelated to the previous one, the main text, however also dealing with the history of Alsace. The copyist’s colophon (fol. 1ro) contains details both related to the particular copy based on which the manuscript was created, as well as the specific timeframe when it was done (specific days and hours of work of the copyist): Extrait d’un Volume MSS. écriture du tems, intitulé Registre de l’Expédition de Strasbourg au mois de septembre 1681. in f.o n.o 663. au Dép. de la Guerre le 9 août 1851. parti le 21 pour les 8 [...]. Revenu le 11 8bre. 8 Cf. Jean Benoist d’Anthenay, Le premier adminsitrateur de l’Alsace française, Jacques de La Grange, intendant d’Alsace de 1673 à 1698, Strasbourg-Paris, 1930. 9 Beside the already mentioned gall. fol. 200, also i. e. in ms. 1750 at the Institut de France, ms. 1008 at the Bibliothèque nationale et universitaire de Strasbourg, ms. Paris, BnF fr. 8151, ms. 256 of la Société d’Archéologie Lorraine.

Terminé la Copie le 18bre. deux jours par Semaine : mercredi et samedi - de 11 h.s à 3 h. The manuscript, similarly to the binding, was done for Charles Gérard.10 The manuscript gall. oct. 100 is a copy executed in the year 1857, by the daughter of Charles Gérard, whose name was Flora, specifics on which may be found in the notice done by Charles Gérard: Copie faite par ma fille Flora, en 1857, sur un mss.


que m’a communiqué l’abbé Zimberlin, curé d’Orschwihr11 (fol. IIvo). The manuPiotr Tylus Alsatian manuscripts in the ‘Berlin’ collection of the Jagiellonian Library

script contains transcripts of diverse miscellaneous documents: legal acts, letters, etc., relating to issues of religion in Alsace during the French Revolution. The binding is original and was executed for Charles Gérard. The remaining four manuscripts of the group described here do not contain clear data that could be used to link them to the collection of Charles Gérard. The manuscript gall. fol. 187 is most definitely an autograph created before the summoning of the States-General ahead of the French Revolution (cf. date included by the writing hand Vendredi 27. Mars 1789, on fol. 1ro), and contains the Instructions d’un député d’Alsace. The manuscript gall. fol. 200 contains copies of diverse documents on the history of Alsace: Mémoire sur l’Alsace en l’année 169712 (4ro-203vo), Traité d’alliance du Roy Louis Quatorze avec les cantons suisses, de l’année 1663 (205ro-218vo), Lettres patentes de M.r le Prince Bivckenfeldt13 (220ro-223ro), Mémoire concernant les limites de la Basse Alsace14 (224ro-229vo), Etat des présidiaux, bailliages et autres jurisdictions au Conseil Souverain d’Alsace (230ro-236ro), Lettres patentes de M.r l’Evêque de Strasbourg15 (237ro-242vo),

10 This manuscript was not done by Charles Gérard, contrary to what is believed by Siegfried Lemm: Mitteilungen aus der Königlichen Bibliothek, herausgegeben von der Generalverwaltung, IV : Kurzes Verzeichnis der romanischen Handschriften, p. 20. See manuscript gall. quart. 102, done by Charles Gérard, also kept in the ‘Berlin’ collection at the Jagiellonian Library (it is studied by another member of the Fibula research group and is not the subject of this article); as well as the note by Charles Gérard in manuscript gall. oct. 100 (fol. IIvo). 11 This is most probably Antoine-Georges Zimberlin, a known scholar and collector of manuscripts on Alsace, a librarian at the Grand Séminaire de Strasbourg, provost in Orschwihr in the years 1847-1860. 12 Document also found in the manuscript gall. quart. 97 (cf. supra). 13 A copy of a document issued by Louis XIV, on March 21st, 1712. 14 The same text is kept in manuscript 257 of the la Société d’Archéologie Lorraine (cf. « Catalogue des manuscrits de la Société d’Archéologie Lorraine », dressé par J. Favier, in Mémoires de la Société d’Archéologie Lorraine et du Musée Historique Lorrain, Nancy 1887, p. 73). 15 Reference to cardinal Guillaume-Egon de Furstenberg (cf. fol. 237vo), bishop of Strasbourg in 1682-1704.

Lettres patentes de M.r le Comte de Hanau-Lichtenberg16 (243ro-246ro), Serment de Joseph de Pons17 (247ro-248vo). This copy was executed probably towards the end of the 18th century. The manuscript gall. quart. 116 contains copies of twenty-two documents related to the history of Alsace, and deserves due to its diversity a separate article. It was created in the 17th century, the binding itself some time later, in the year 1703 or not much later after that date. The manuscript gall. oct. 24 contains a document entitled L’histoire et recueil de la triumphante et glorieuse victoire obtenue contre les seduyctz et abusez lutheriens mescreans du pays d’Aulsays et autres, par tres hault et tres puissant prince et seigneur Anthoine, par la grace de Dieu duc de Calabre, de Lorraine et de Bar, etc., en deffendant la foy catholique, nostre Mere l’Eglise, et vraye noblesse, à l’utilité et prouffit de la chose publicque, authored by Nicolas Volcyr de Sérouville, born around the year 1480, secretary and historian to duke Antoine.18 This is a chronicle of the intervention of duke Antoine against the « Restauds » of Alsace, which was published in print in Paris in the year 1526.19 The manuscript is a late copy of precisely this edition of 1526, done in the 19th century, possibly by Charles Gérard, bearing the fact that the writing itself is very similar to that of manuscript gall. quart. 102, and so, the story of this manuscript would be shared with the other manuscripts described above. The collection of manuscripts dealing with Alsatian topics in the ‘Berlin’ collection in Kraków forms a separate group containing important documents, of value to historians dealing with distant history of Alsace rather than to philologists, especially since also unpublished documents are found here.

16 Copy of a document issued by Louis XIV in the year 1707, for Jean René III (Johann Reinhard III), count of Hanau-Lichtenberg in the years 1685-1736 (the county of Hanau-Lichtenberg belonged to Alsace). 17 A copy of a pledge by Joseph de Pons i de Guimera, baron de Montclar (1625-1690). 18 On the author cf. Auguste Digot, « Notice biographique et littéraire sur Nicolas Volcyr, historiographe et secrétaire du duc Antoine », in Mémoires de la Société des Sciences, Lettres et Arts de Nancy, 1848, pp. 80-163 ; and P. Marot, « Notes sur Nicolas Volcyr de Serrouville, historiographie du duc de Lorraine Antoine », in Revue historique de la Lorraine, tome 2, 1931, pp. 5-13. 19 Reprinted under an altered title: Relation de la Guerre des Restauds par Nicolas Volcyr, in Recueil de documents sur l’histoire de Lorraine, vol. 2, Nancy 1856. On the chronicle cf. e. g. Pierre Demarolle, « Autour de la Guerre des Paysans (1525) : matière et registres de l’épopée chez Nicolas Volcyr », in Nouvelle Revue du Seizième Siècle, 15/1, 1997, pp.41-53.


Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow – Part 3 Watermarks that we reproduce on the following pages come from Ro-mancelanguage manuscripts from the Berlin collection presently held at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow. This collection is not an archive. The cases in which we can precisely determine the date and the place of a manuscript’s execution, thus also about the paper on which the manuscript is made, are not numerous. Among the oldest paper manuscripts, there are a dozen or so in which the watermarks are identical to the reproductions available in the Briquet and Piccard repertories. We were also able to find some of the later watermarks in other repertories (Nostitz Papers, Churchill, Austro-Hungarian Watermarks, Heawood). We do not reproduce here those watermarks that already have been identified and dated in other collections. The references will be listed in the final version of the particular manuscript descriptions on which we are currently working. As we lack comparative tools, especially when it corners to the papers dated after the 16th century, we decided to progressively publish in Fibula examples of Italian, Spanish and French watermarks that we were able to date. If the collection were an archive, it would make it possible to prepare a precious repertory of papers. However, the watermarks we dated are not numerous, although we believe that they may be helpful in work with other manuscripts. The collection still is being studied and many of the reproduced watermarks are only a sample of the watermarks from the Berlin collection. In the third issue of our newsletter, we published some examples from the French manuscripts, next (Fibula 4) we moved to the Italian ones. In the present issue, we focus on the Spanish manuscripts. The reproductions will be listed according to their catalogue number.To make searching easier, an index of motifs appearing in the watermarks will be provided, with references to the relevant catalogue numbers.

WATERMARKS Call number Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 4 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 14

Year 1759-1763 1772 1816-1823 1801-1829

Place Madrid Madrid Madrid Spain


Hisp. Fol. 2, 1759-1763, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 2, 1759-1763, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 2, 1759-1763, Madrid


Hisp. Fol. 2, 1759-1763, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 2, 1759-1763, Madrid


Hisp. Fol. 2, 1759-1763, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 2, 1759-1763, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 4, 1772, Madrid


Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid


Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid


Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid


Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid

Hisp. Fol. 10, 1816-1823, Madrid


Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain


Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain


Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain


Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain


Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain


Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain


Hisp. Fol. 14, 1801-1829, Spain

INDEX OF WATERMARKS A9♥SAPATER AF ANTON FERRER CAHILADES (?) Anchor BAS Bishop Britannia CANIMIN (?) Y COMPA CAPELLADES Coat of arms Cock CP Cross Cross of Salem Crown with heart Crown with horn Crown with star Dresden FCO HAS HC1 1829 Horse Horse Horseman IP♥RV L♥D LA OURADE (?) LC Lily Lions with coat of arms Maltese cross NMDO Y CA 1 QUARTINO R LARDEL FIN PEIICOED (?) 1742 ROMANI SR Star Sun TOABAC Two circles V PENA VER VHLAREUENGO (?) VICO (?) VIÑALS

Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 10, Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 10, Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 4 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 4 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 14 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 10 Hisp. Fol. 2 Hisp. Fol. 14


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